GRA`M AT'ICAL STCHE AND'A A Y E TE XT. B3y ROBER-T-H. LOWI Urn Tsr,OF CALIF1iA PUDLICATIONS IN' AIIc N'Au ACA19OLO1iY AND ETHNOLOGY UNIVERSItY. OF -CALZFORNIA PRIFSS 'B1RKEtEY AN LOS ANGEZ THE CROW LANGUAGE GRAMMATICAL SKETCH AND ANALYZED TEXT' BY ROBERT H. LOWIE UNIVER3ITY OF CAIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY EDIrORS: A. L. KROEBER, R. H. Lowm, R. L. OLSON, T. D. MCCOWN Volume 39, No. 1, pp. 1-142 Transmitted January 26, 1939 Issued January 2, 1942 Price, $1.50 UNIVERSITY OF CALiFomu PRESS BERKELEY, CALIORNIA CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESs LONDON, ENGLAND PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERIOA PREFACE IN THE SUMMER of 1931 a grant from the Committee on Native Languages of the American Council of Learned Societies enabled me to resume field work on the Crow Reservation in southeastern Montana, with emphasis on the language. As a result, a fair amount of textual material was obtained, including some prayers, a long historical tradition, several trickster tales, a version of the Creation story, and a full variant of "Old Woman's Grandchild," the most popular Crow hero tale. I have published the prayers in text,* and four of the tales in English, utilizing the tradition for ethnographic purposes.t The text of "Old Woman's Grandchild" being now ready for publicationt with grammat- ical notes, it seems best to defer more adequate grammatical treatment, and to prefix a preliminary sketch. The data presented naturally supersede those accompanying a very brief text communicated some years ago.? For illumina- tion of grammatical points I have drawn freely upon the texts I recorded on other field trips, undertaken under the auspices of the American Museum of Natural History, in 1907 and 1910-1916. Unfortunately, Zellig Harris' and C. F. Voegelin's edition of "Hidatsa Texts, with Grammatical Notes and Phonograph Transcriptions"| was issued too late for me to make use of it. R.H.L. * R. H. Lowie, Crow Prayers, AA 35:433-442, 1933. t Idem, The Crow Indians (New York, 1935), 119-171, passim. t Most of the typing done in the preparation of this paper was by Work Projects Administration employees to whom I here express my thanks. i R. H. Lowie, A Crow iPext, with Grammatical Notes, UC-PAAE 29:155-175, 1930. a Indiana Historical Society, Prehistory Research Series, Vol. I, No. 6 (Indianapolis, 1939). [ iii ] CONTENTS INTRODUCTION SYNTAX SECTION 1. Types of simple sentence. 2-12. Position of words 2. Subject, predicate, and object . 3. Indirect object 4. "Genitive". 5. Postpositions 6. Adverbial modifiers 7. Adjectives 8. Various nominal and pronominal relations 9. Verbal juxtaposition. i. Participles ii. Auxiliaries . iii. The verb bi'a, to want. iv. Miscellaneous . 10. Demonstrative of identity 11. Suus-eius distinction. 12. Plurality 13-18. Complex sentences 13. Subject and object clauses 14. Relative clauses 15. Temporal subordination . 16. Conditional sentences 17. Final and causal expressions 18. Various connectives MORPHOLOGY 19-24. Processes 19. Juxtaposition 20. Composition 21. Reduplication. 22. "Infixation" 23. Prefixes. i. Possession. 24. Suffixes i. Noun classifiers ii. Aspectual . iii. Modal suffixes and particles iv. Verbalizing v. Vocative, emphatic, diminutive vi. Plural. 25-29. Verbs 25. Independent pronouns 26. Participles . 27. Future conjugation 28. Aorist-present. i. Regular prefixless stems ii. Causative forms. iii. Initial vocalic stems iv. Instrumental prefixes v. Irregular verbs 29. Pronominal subject and object . TEXT AND TRANSLATION K'a'ricba-pi'tuac (Old Woman's Grandchild). ANALYZED TExT. BIBIAOGRAPHicAL ABBREVIATIONS USED . . . . . PAGE 5 6 7 7 8 8 9 9 9 9 .~~~~~~~11 .~~~~~~~12 .~~~~~~~13 .~~~~~~~13 .~~~~~~~13 .~~~~~~~14 .~~~~~~~15 .~~~~~~~15 .~~~~~~~15 .~~~~~~~17 .~~~~~~~17 .~~~~~~~17 .~~~~~~~17 .~~~~~~~17 .~~~~~~~18 .~~~~~~~18 .~~~~~~~21 .~~~~~~23 .~~~~~~23 .~~~~~~25 .~~~~~~27 .~~~~~~29 .~~~~~~30 .~~~~~~30 .~~~~~~~31 .~~~~~~~31 .~~~~~~32 .~~~~~~33 .~~~~~~34 .~~~~~~34 .~~~~~~34 .~~~~~~35 .~~~~~~35 .~~~~~~36 .~~~~~~37 .~~~~~~38 .~~~~~~38 .~~~~~~63 .~~~~~~~141 [ v] THE CROW IANGUAGE: GRAMMATICAL SKETCH AND ANALYZED TEXT BY ROBERT H. LOWIE INTRODUCTION CROW AND HIDATSA constitute a distinct branch of the Siouan stock, and Crow is the more remote from proto-Siouan. Both differ from Dakota in substitut- ing initial d for tc and y, as well as ts for Dakota s, and both lack vocalic nasali- zation.' Since my experience with Hidatsa has been slight and Matthews's grammar is inadequate, I can point out only a few noteworthy differences and similarities. Crow substitutes ts for initial Hidatsa k and at least sometimes k' for terminal Hidatsa ts; Hidatsa lacks the characteristic palatalized Crow stop written ky (actually intermediate between ky and ty); Crow often substitutes 8 for Hidatsa t. Grammatically, the two languages share a conjugation of the future by suffixed pronouns instead of expressing that tense by an invariable particle (e.g., Dakota kte); and Crow does not regularly denote possession by the subject through a verbal prefix. The following lexical comparisons illustrate some of the foregoing state- ments: Dakota Hidatsa Crow English ti ati ace' tent, lodge ite i'te ?V8(e) face pte bite' bice' buffalo to tohi cu'9 blue tcaje dazi da-s name tceji dezi de'ace tongue t'a te sa, ce dead ya da da, de to go yuta duti du'ci eat yuza dutsi du'tsi seize ha8ka hatski ha'tsgye long k'i tei tsi- to carry on the back xpa'ya xapi xapi' to lie down ape'tu bape ba'pe' day zi t8i(ri) ci 're yellow cupe cipe ci 'pe bowels Though Crow is lexically remote from Dakota, Teton texts reveal a number of interesting resemblances of detail, both linguistically and stylistically. Thus, though the usual Dakota word for "very" is lila, there is an occasional substi- tution of it'a'pi (lit., they are dead by it),2 which corresponds exactly to ice', 1 Washington Matthews, Ethnography and Philology of the Hidatsa Indians (Washing- ton, 1877), pp. 75-80, 84. 2 Ella Deloria, Dakota Texts, AES-P 14:265, 1932. [1] University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. the usual Crow word for "very." More striking is the constant use in both languages of the diminutive nominal suffix (Dakota -la, Crow -kata) as a verbal suffix to suggest the speaker's sympathy with the subject.3 Again, dis- approval of a person present is generally expressed by substituting the third for the second person in an ironic query.4 The symbols here used to render Crow generally bear the significance at- tached to them in my previous text in this series. Greek iota is added for the open sound (b,'a [stone]; but bi-'a [woman]). Parasitic vowels are common and are indicated by superposition. As in Dakota, final a and e interchange for reasons only partly phonetic. Thus, he-ky (he says) becomes hak' to indicate a sequel completing the predi- cation. Vocative forms tend to terminate in a; for example, bi-'ikya (my elder brother). In the expression ihe'm hu"'ge (send another one [imper.]), the e of ihe'm (another) was said to signify that no particular substitute was meant, otherwise the form would have been iha'm. Finally, a verbal form used adjec- tivally (sometimes translatable by an English relative clause) substitutes e for terminal a. Corresponding changes may apply to other vowels, such as e and i. i'gye' xatsi 'se, fixed star (xatsi 'sa, not to move). bice' waru 'cise, not eaten by buffalo (waruw'cisa, not to eat something). el ky ara'ke, that one whom you see (ara'ka, you see). ak'-tsi'-a 'kin e-di'tsic, Struck-one-riding-a-light-roan (a"'kinaik', he rode). is9i'ptsiwaxpa '-kure'-dits'c, Struck-carrying-his-holy-pipe (kura 'k', he holds). aktire'c, those who were alive (iri', to be alive). aci 'oce, Sore-lip clan (bi aci-'ociky, I am a Sore-lip). In general, e and i, e and a, and o and u are closely related. Certain vocalic changes are clearly phonetic. The suffixed article -c tends to change a final a or i to an e sound; whereas a -c becomes s before a and before the plural suffix -u. Palatalization is consistent only with preceding e and i vowels, and follows c or ts. i'tse c, it was good. i'tsiky, it is good. ce-ky, he is dead. su-kt, they are dead. ba'ciky, I am dead. it'baci'sak', I am not yet dead. basew'wi, I might die. sak' ba 'tsiky, dead it lay. he-ky, he says. hu k', they say. be-c, so I said. bak', I said. micgye', dog. ha'tsgye, long. Though the combination tsu is admissible (tsu-'sa, one-half; tsu'9, one of a pair), the juxtaposition of ts with the plural suffix u precipitates a change to either t (t') or k'. du'tsiky, he seizes. du'tu k', they seize. bari-'atsiky, I thought. bari-'atuk', we thought. battse-'ky, I caused. batku'kt, we caused. 8 Ibid., 15, 149, 151, 200, 202, 222, 260. 4Ibid., 24, 187. 2 Lowie: The Crow Language The rule for the occasional change of x to k (as in the following) examples has not yet been determined. ba-ictci-'re-xa-'ri'9-c, Old-white-man. kea-'ri-c, the old woman. keawi-'ky, xawi-'ky, bad. Initial m and n are so weakly nasalized that they are constantly heard as b and d. In intervocalic position m (b) becomes w; n (d), r, an untrilled sound produced by incomplete closure in pronouncing a d. a'm-bici, is there earth? (awe', earth). itsi-'n-disu'a, horse dance (it.si're, horse). The last two examples in the foregoing illustrate contraction, an outstanding characteristic of Crow. Generally, composition involves elision of the terminal vowel of the first word with consequent assimilation of the terminal consonant to the initial consonant of the following word or suffix; w becomes m, r changes to n, ts to t'. Of course, not all consonants admit of assimilation. Owing to the initial phonetic weakness of many stems, they are thus completely obscured or even eliminated. a 're, arm. ba-'ru, bead. bare', wood. ba'n-dactsiky, she is doing beadwork. k'o-wi'ak, he finished. ba'ciky, I died. ba-'c-ddkt, when I die. iv're, blood. iri', is he alive? ba'-rn-biky, I shall live. am-ba'-m-bi-re-t9-kt, it is impossible for me to live. a'n-dutu'a, arm-seizing. ba-'m-bice, beaded. ba'm-bice, wooded. ba 'm-bactsiky, I am beading. kto-'mbak', I finished. k'o-'mnak', you finished. ba-'c-bi-ma-tsiky, I shall die. ceI'-rakt a'xp9kesa, if he dies, with him die. ir'm-batse, blood man. i''n-duxtsaxq'k', (with) his blood ex- hausted. ba-ri'ky, I live. ban-na"k', if I live. The stem ri (iri'), to live, thus sometimes completely disappears, being rep- resented only by -n-, assimilated from the original r to the following future suffix. Less radical are the elisions of unaccented vowels. pi-'cen, behind her. bire', fire. ak'-bare-acu-'pckyo, those who cut (pa'ckyo) people's heads. pa-'tsire-ky, he pushes. da'-pcen, behind you. bira-'-kce, match (-kice, imitation). ba-ptsi're-ky, I push. sapi '-cpite, black cloth (cipi'te,black). 3 4 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. In composition a final vowel before initial ts and some other stops of the following word or particle takes on a perceptible aspiration. he, to say. he"tseruk', he says, it is said. Even an accented final vowel readily fuses with an accented initial vowel of the following word. ace 'ren, among the camps (ace', camp; he'ren, among.) SYNTAX ?1. TYPES OF SIMPLE SENTENCE PREDICATIONS of fact almost invariably end in k' (ky), the oral stop, omitted in declarations of possibilities, optative statements, interrogations, and com- mands. Queries may be indicated by such particles as -he or -dake; commands, by the suffixes -kawe, -wa, and (in the plural) -ra. Lacking techniques for expressing indirect discourse, Crow quotes verbatim, adding forms of heky (he says) or hiri'atsiky (he thinks). Statements not guaranteed by the narrator end with the quotative particle tseruk' (-tseruct), probably derived from a usitative verbal form. xawi-'ky he"tseruk', it is bad, he said (qt.) (xawi ', bad; he-, to say).5 da'"karaxta-ri, you might forget it. i'tta daka"kuri, may you live without worry. co'c dare-', where are you going? (de-, to go). bats-a'xpa-xpa--ra, lie together! (bats-, reciprocal; a'xpa, with, companion; xapi', to lie). ktan-di'ta-wisa"'-ra ba"'-rakt, now your eyes open ye, when I say. k'tar-awac-da*', now go away. ba'xu-kawe, ask him! xatsi"'-sa, move not. ??2-12. POSITION OF WORDS ?2. Subject, Predicate, and Object The object, nominal or pronominal, precedes the verb in declarative and im- perative sentences. The pronominal third person object or subject is not ex- pressed except by independent emphatic forms and in the future (? 27). ihe'm hu"tka, give her another (imper.). icbi'tsia ru'ctak', he took out his knife. apa 'riqc nu'tdk', she took the porcupine. bice'rWk', nap-'iVt8eruk', they killed a buffalo (qt.). micgye' awa'kak', I saw a dog. bi i'kyakt, he looked at me. bi i'kya, look at me (imper.). di'wap-'e-'wima-tsiky, I'll kill you. bare' watseci'um, they have distressed us. bi-ara'kam, you see me. apsa"'ruke kura"`tserukt, they chased the Crow (qt.). isa 'cpu 'ce ktarakuru"`tserukt, now they chased the Cheyenne (qt.). The subject of an intransitive verb precedes the predicate. There is no copula; oral stops verbalize the adjective attribute. bi- watseckya-'t-k, I am miserable. biky mi ri'tdsi'tsi-m, I, I am your scout. i't'a bare' ce-'r9k', almost we died. isa tpe' it'bu-'retk', his moccasin is soleless. 6 Hereafter the quotative will be indicated by "qt." or omitted in translation. [5] University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. The subject of a transitive verb normally precedes the object, which pre- cedes the predicate. isa-"kawuate pu-'xke du'ttdak, Old-Man-Coyote took the dust. i'gxuxkaka-'tec ba-ice'c ata-ri"tserukI, the little fox stole the basket (qt.). hin-e' ictawa'ttec itsu-'kaxparitsi'c tsiri'd ice"tseruk', this One-eye feared Strikes- accompanied-by-his-younger-brother very much (qt.). With pronominal subject and object the second person object precedes the first person subject except in the combination bara'; and the first person object precedes the second person subject. di-wa-tsiwe-'wiky, I shall tell you. mi-ra-tsi'we-ky, you have told me. bara'-k'-biky, I'll give you. In queries without noun subject, the interrogative pronoun or adverb pre- cedes the verb; when the interrogative is used adjectivally, it follows its noun (last example). co 'c dare-, whither are you going? co 'Ot' ba-'wu, how shall we act? sa 'p diara, what are you doing? col'o na-'katka-tsim, where have you been keeping yourself? saw'p i-rici', why is he dancing? co'ke k"o tsi'mbice, which one of them is married? sa 'pam i cera', why do you say that? bare' co-'ke kyo- re 'ri, which stick will you have? The noun subject of an interrogative sentence precedes the interrogative pronoun or adverb, hence also the verb. hire'n birdxba-'ke sa-p du-'su, what do these people eat? ?3. Indirect Object The indirect pronominal object (ethical dative), expressed by ku (for him, her) and its combinations, follows the predicate. iru'pxe aru-'ute co-'pka-te di'1-ku1-tseruke, his father made four arrows for him (qt.) (di'd, he makes). ktandi'awa-ku, already I have made it for her. di'a-ku--o-k', he made arrows for him (-o, pl. affix). basa-' di'a waku', my arrows make for me (imper.). bi- i'kya waku', me look out for me. bare' i'kya-wari-kyu-i', he will look out for us. (Note palatalization of k after i and 3 p. fut. ending i suffixed to whole complex.) di- i'kya-ra-ku--o-ma-tsiky, they will look out for you (raku, for you; o, 3 p. fut. pI.). iru'k am-a xu'9k-ku -o-c, the meat which had been hidden on their behalf. na,'ktbatsec biri'c-kyu-ttserukt, her son (dative) she cooked for him (qt.). kara-'xtasa waka-'ra, for my sake do not forget her (-ra, pl. imper.; waka- by vocalic harmonization (?) of waku). ba-wara'x baraku'k', I sing for you (I sing I-for-you). 6 Lowie: The Crow Language When the indirect object (ethical dative) is a noun, it follows the direct object and precedes the verb, which, however, is followed by the appropriate pronominal form-the only formal expression of the idea. wice' ari'tsikya-ce du'a o--ku', bring the best buffalo for your wife (du'a, your wife; o-, bring). Compare: xaxu'aka-'sa dut'tk' o -waku', every one of them take and bring for me. With the verb k'u (to give) there is no formal expression of the indirect Eng- lish object, and its relative order varies. ciwe'c hawa'tddk' i-'kye ictawa't'e k'u-"tseruk1, one piece of the fat to his brother, One-eye, he gave (qt.) (i-'kye, elder brother; ciwe'c, the fat). itsuke'c kut hawa'tdok' k'uwtseruk', to his younger brother also one piece he gave (qt.). i'piaka-t i-'pdgk' k'u*"ttsruk' itsu-ke'c, a magpie tail he gave (qt.) to his younger brother. In the last sentence the irregular postposition of the indirect object is prob- ably due to the alternative of three nouns in juxtaposition without any formal indication of syntactic relationship. The indirect object of the verbs "to say," "to speak" may be expressed by the enclitic -c (-s), which, in one of its meanings, has directional force. di"gyen di-s bari-'wiky, you, in turn, to you I shall speak. bareiri'd ari'tsikyate kIo- watce'-c ci'ara, the best words to one another speak! ?4. "Genitive" For expression of the genitive idea, whether or not actual possession is involved, the possessor is put before the object possessed, which may or may not have a possessive prefix. isa'kce icu.'ce xi'ce c, the young man's knee was swollen. isa*'kcem isa 'cgye xapi-'"k, a young man's horse was lost. isa-'kce da ',ae awatsi'd-a 'rec, the young man's name was Badger-arm. dira-'ace i 'se diru'tsiri, you might touch your brother-in-law's face. bi-'d e-'nde ak'di'd, doctor of women in confinement (aktdi'g, doctor). hinre' i-hure' dapu'cec, the swelling of his leg. ?5. Postpositions Prepositional ideas of locative and comitative nature are virtually all expressed postpositionally. isik'ptcupe tcu-c i'kya-k, he looked through his pipestem. di-s bu-'ok', we come to you. aci'-c i'kya, look toward the camp. ace' utpa'tsisa, above (upstream from) the camp. 7 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. aci'm biri'a-n, at the door of a lodge. tse'te he'ren, among wolves. bare're, through the woods (bare', woods; he-'ren, among). ace, 'reta, through the camp (ace', camp; he 'ren; -ta). acba-ihe' k'u-c basu-'k, toward the enemy they ran (k'u, demon.). aku'aka-tec a'xpdk', with her sister-in-law.6 di- awa'xpak', I with you. bare' pi 'ce ri'g, go behind us. da'pcen, behind you. baco-'tsen, in front of me (ico 'tsen, in front of him) ict-a 'ken, over her eyes. its-a'ken, on his foot. a 'ce akttsik'sa, on the far side of the river. a 'ce do.'ose, on this side of the river. ba-n na 'cgye, on the edge of the woods. ac da-'sgye, on the edge of the camp. bira' ra-ske-n, on the edge of the fire. bahe' awu',, inside a spring. ul '-wu, inside the mouth. bim-bu'9-n, inside the water (bire', water; awu'g, -n). a 'p baxse, under their necks. ac baku'te, near the camp. i '-t'a, across his mouth. bita 'raciq an' tsien, behind a screen. ?6. Adverbial Modifiers Adverbial modifiers, whether phrases or single words, generally precede the verb modified. The words for "very" and "extremely," ice' and batsa-'tsk', de- rived from a verb and a verbalized adjective, respectively, follow their adjec- tive. hine' wa pe' i'tsikya ta di- a k' hawac bawasa-'wiawqk', this day safely with you I wish to run around. ba-m a-'kem ba-'wiky, something on top I'll put. ma,'cdakt k"o 'mba wiky, when I die I'll stop. aw-awu'ta wa-k'o-re'c, beings in the ground (awe', ground; wa k1o re'c, those who are extant). aria'kto- bo-'rgk', when I come from the rear (bo-, I come). tse-'tic k'uc bari-'mbiky, toward the Wolf Mountains I'll walk. ahu'm matsa-'tsk', extremely many. ?7. Adjectives Adjectives and nuimerals follow nouns. aru 'ute co pka 'te di'gkuttseruk', he made four arrows for him (qt.). micgye' wara '6xe, crazy dog. 6 a'xpak' is really a noun verbalized by the oral stop -k', i.e., her sister-in-law was her companion. 8 Lowie: The Crow Language ?8. Various Nominal and Pronominal Relations Lacking cases, Crow must often rely on position and the context to show the precise relation of two or more nouns. The instrument of an action is expressed by the instrumental prefix i'-. icu 'ce aru 'utga ce i--o'xaxuk', his knee was pierced by an arrow (his knee an arrow by it they pierced it). co,re-'ritdakt matsu'ara u isa'kcim atparu ci'c hu-m uw'a ba-'tsu-c hu-m a re"'ky, some time at a very big wife abduction he abducted the wife, named Cherry, of the one named Eats-ears. (Sometime, wife abduction huge, Eats-ears named, his wife Cherry named, he [the hero] abducted.) api'"pdk' u-'9c k'u `tseruk', having sliced it, he gave it to his wife. (There is no way of formally distinguishing him rather than his wife as the giver.) ackya-'mnec k'aratsi' itsi'rirdk' baxe'm-e a'tsipe'gk, the Piegan clan again packed their horses with goods. buru'xe u 'ce k'us k'ar-i'dxpi`tsEruk', his rump was stuck to the ice. (buru'xe, ice; u 'ce, his rump.) u 'cec buru'xe ara-k4us-ktari'9xpec, where the rump was stuck to the ice. hin-e' watse'c hin-e' wire'c du-'ra k'use-'ky, this man this fire his back he turned to it. ?9. Verbal Juxtaposition i. Participles.-Most verbs have a participial as well as a simple predicative form. The former is derived by a change of the terminal stem vowel or the addition of a. In the large class of -i verbs the vocalic change induces a change of the preceding consonant. The participial form frequently but not always terminates in -k', possibly to denote temporal subordination. The participial form is not pluralized. k'o- ham du't'gk' k'u, (of) that some take and give him (simple imper., du'tta). du-'sak' isi'tsettserukt, he ate and liked it (qt.) (du'ciky, he ate). " " ha*kt na-'u'tseruk'," " said they and went off (qt.) (he'ky, he said; hu k', they said). karak' dio"'tserukl, they fled and arrived (qt.) (karu 'k', they fled). asa-'r9k' da-'utseruk' having gone out, they left (qt.) (asa 'riky, he goes out). anna '"ko daxtg'k' k`an-na 'u'tseruk, their saddles having tied, they left (daxtu-'k', they tied; daxtsi'ky, he tied). ii. Auxiliaries.-Idiom often requires the use of some auxiliary after the main verb, which usually assumes its participial form. This usage is of course a special case of verbal juxtaposition. These auxiliaries basically denote exist- ence, state of rest, continuation of a state or action, and can be employed independently. The most common are: da*ku', a'ku', da'tsi (participial form da-'tgk'), ka.'u (pl.), itu',9. Independent use: k'o"'t da tsiky, thus it remained. xi'esa ra tsiky, it is always distinct. 9 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. k'arak'o'n datsi"-tseruk', there he remained (qt.). k'aratsiwaki'sa datsi'-we, don't pray any more! (Do not pray, remain!) iru'a ra'wokt, he stood up. baru'g wa'rawiky, I stood up suddenly. iru'ok da-tsi"-tseruk', she remained standing (qt.). kto-n natko-'i c'aka-cittseruk', there she stayed very long (qt.). di- awa'xpdk' ba-ka"kuwiky, with you I'll live. i't'a wakaw'uc,well we were faring. Auxiliaries: pa 'xa ratku, continue pouring (pa 'xa, to pour). hawac dac'watakt datku"tserukl, he continued to go around aimlessly (qt.). hawac da-'wakt a"''kuttseruk', they continued going around. iskyo 'cit du-'skisak' a"ku'-tserukt, strawberries eating for the fun of it they continued (qt.). sa 'pem xawi 'ky ha"'ratsi, why "It is bad" does he continue saying? tsi-'rapur9kt isa"'puorgkI awa'tdk' ka-'u-rakt, seven bulls sitting down were. e'kyo-n bi- o-'sgk' ba-'ritism, these my teeth being sore I exist (i.e., these teeth of mine are sore). hine' waka-'tec ci'dkt iru '-ka citseruk', this child said it most persistently (qt.) (ka-ce, superl.; ciak, part. of cs ). daJ*'pxk' iru"tseruk%, he continued biting (qt.). hirakte' nare' diru'-ka-c-dak', now if you keep on going steadily (-ka-c, superl.). dapt'i'a ratku"t, kml (them) continually! wasa ' ra'ku'-'tseruk', he ran continually (qt.). isi'gxcec du-'sk't da'ku`-tseruk', his pemmican he was eating continually (qt.). daro-'sa di'rua da-'ritgk', you not coming you standing you remaining (i.e., you do not come, but remain standing). tsirekapa' ra'tku'-rak', while she was gathering them. ba-'ikye dapV'i'a natku'kt, anything it always kills. hawac basa'kT datku'-i-ma-tsiky, around running he will be. sa 'pem hire-'r am'natakt daka-' u, why here you sitting do you remain? awa'xpgkt ba-watsi'd ba'katkuk', I in their company I fighting I continued (re- peatedly fought). bari-' waka-'uk', we continued talking. a-'ken iru'g ka-'u-'tseruk', above him they were standing (qt.). awate 'ritsim ce'ra ' raka"'uc, when he was far away, you kept saying thus. di- awa'ka wa-'ritbiky, seeing you I shall keep on. hine' watse' ba-risa-'t ba 'ritsi -c, this man I hating have been. sa, 'pa i -ri 'wa diru-'-ka-ce, for what reason are you most persistently crying? batsu-'ke dap't-e'm i--wi'wak' baru-'-ka-ciky, my younger brother has been killed, therefore I cry most persistently. i-'tsirit'tk' iru'ottseruk', they kept on striking their lips (qt.).7 7 Here the auxiliary might be conceived as independent, i.e., they were standing strik- ing their lips, but the relative position of the two verbs favors my interpretation. 10 Lowie: The Crow Language iii. The verb bi' , to want, wish.-This verb, formally treated as a causative, follows the equivalent of the English infinitive object, which agrees with it in pronominal form. awa'ka wi'dwak' , I want to see it (I see I want). bac bi'awakt, I want to die (I die I want). di- awa'xpa wi'awakt, I want to marry you. k'o- ri watsiwe ' wiawak', that I want to tell you. iv. Miscellaneous.-Two verb stems are sometimes joined, one expressing the purpose of the other activity. ba-ru-'c tsi'n-na.uk', they went to look for food (tsi 're, to look for; na.'uk', they went). batse'c be-'wuk, let us go hunting. ba-a-'c-de'ttseruk', he went hunting (qt.) (ba a-'ci; de-). ?10. Demonstrative of Identity The independent demonstrative k'o-, with its variants, has syntactic uses. (a) It identifies the subject, for example, the subject of a quoted speech, and throws into relief either the subject or object word or clause. isa-"kawugte kyo-'-rak', Old Man Coyote it was he (rd, to be). hin-e' ax'ace kyo-'rak', it was this Sun (that spoke). birdxba-'ke k'o- rusu.`tseruk', it was human beings that they ate (qt.). datsi're kto- ktarandi'a tsi 'rim, he is trying to harm your husband. bice-'rgk' itsi-'rikya-cerakt u-'uxarakt kto wu 'cict, buffalo, elk, and deer, those I am in the habit of eating. batsara'xpakisdk' du-'r,k' k'o- i'tsi.ima-tsiky, if marrying each other you did, that would be well. (b) It links the subject with the predicative attribute by definite identifica- tion. baki- " bara'cte k'o'm, my sweetheart is the one I love. ikya-'nde-rdk' hin-e' ispe 'ritsis ba-wa-ia'k'o- i-'rapa 't9c kto"tseruk, when he looked at him, this Raven-face's childhood comrade it was (qt.). da-s-hawa'ttec kto- ra'risa-tsiky, Honest was the one you hated. disak'itsi-'rakine k'arahire'n ambarasa-'ce k'arakto-'uk', your horsemen are these whom I have named (kto'u, p 1. of kto). (c) The deficiency of a comparative form for adjectives is supplied by put- ting the demonstrative k'o- before or after the adjective. At times it expresses the superlative. i-'huri tsu'a axu'a k1'o i'&'-tseruct, his one leg, his body was smaller than it (qt.). ktarire'n actatsi-'o, ba-u-'wo-c he-'re k"arira'pe kto'Wtserukt, among all these people's kill the fat one was this (i.e., this was the fattest kill). co "ten bire' awa-'ptsirok' k'o- i-'tsi, where shall I build a fire so that it will be best? (i'tsi, good). 11 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. The idea can, however, be expressed also by merely stressing the person or object to whom superiority is ascribed. bi- wi batsa'tsiky, I am more powerful (I, I am powerful). (d) Correlatively duplicated, k'o- is used in two clauses to identify the nature of two actions. ara-kto- tse'c kto- tse-'ky, as he had done before, so he did now. ?11. "Suus-Eius" Distinction This distinction is not obligatory; Crow texts teem with sentences such as the following, in none of which does the verbal form reflect the owner's identity. isi 'ipuxe xatsi'dk', he shook his rattle. isbi'tsia ru'cttk', he took out his knife. ise' ru'tsiky, he took his arrows. dara-'ke da-'raxta, do you not know your child? It is not clear what determines the use of the prefix tsi to identify the subject as the owner. The prefix is related to the independent reflex ittsi and undergoes similar phonetic changes, a subsequent u vowel effecting vocalic harmony. Compare ak'-i'ku-ruxi-'pi-se-c (those who could not move themselves) and itts a 'peta ku-ruxe'mbit-tserukt (himself at the neck he broke off [qt.]). ise'c co 'pat tsi-wara 'tse-c, the four arrows of his which he had marked (wara 'tse, to mark). die tsi-rita"'ra, your lips strike (pl.) your own! (Cf. bira'xe dita-'ra, strike the drum!) bap ba'-tsi-raxu'sake, I smashed my nose. (Cf. ape' baxu'sake, I smashed his nose.) apu'rak't tsi-raxu'sakt, they smashed their noses. e ru 'ra'tt k'o-'ratt k'urusatk' a"k'u"'o-k', their dung instead, that instead, their own eating they shall live (they shall instead eat their own dung). The following form apparently fuses the reduplicated prefix with the stem: itse' kak-u'ak', he stepped on his own foot. Compare itse' u'ak't, he stepped on his (another man's) foot. ?12. Plurality Pluralization by the suffix -u (-o) has syntactic functions. Otherwise unpluralized nouns, with oral stop added, may thereby be trans- formed into a complete predication. Thus, hupe' (moccasins) pluralized into hupu'k't means "they are moccasins." Pluralization of a noun with possessive prefix preferentially indicates plu- rality of the possessor rather than of the thing possessed.Thus, ba-'re (my arms) becomes ba-'rua (our arms). If the speaker refers to only one of his arms, he may add tsu'a (one of a pair) to the unpluralized form. bacbatse-'tua, our chief (not formally distinguishable from "our chiefs"). usu a, their son-in-law (uce', his son-in-law). ikyu'a, their elder brother (ikye'). 12 Lowie: The Crow Language da-'kbatse-o-c, their son. datsi'ra.u, your (pl.) husband. icbiri'o, their door. icbirice'oc, their corpse. Pluralization of a verb commonly pluralizes the pronominal object rather than the subject. datsi'ra.u die ira.'uk', your (pl.) husband is calling you (pl.). di'axaxu'a di- wu-'cbo'ma-tsiky, all of you I am going to eat you (sing. form, wuw'cbima-tsiky). Often it is not the verb stem itself that takes -u, but one of its suffixes, for example, negative -sa or -net. bi"suk', we do not reach (bi-'u, we arrive; sa, not). di-'suttseruk', they did not reach, it is said. kta 'su-ttseruk', they did not laugh (qt.). k`a-'-sa-ta-ru'-'tseruk', they truly did not laugh (qt.) (-ta-re, truly). bi we-'suk', as for me, I do not own them. ha'm-netu, are there none? (ham, some). In the first two forms, the very irregularity of the verb reveals the process; it is not that the singular forms (ba [I reach], hi [he reaches]) are combined with the plural negative affix, but simply that the plural particle is dropped from the verb to appear in the negative particle. Pluralization of the verb in the third person regularly expresses a passive sense. mi- ru'ttu-k', I am being seized. hawa'tte awu 'isa c hu "'tseruk', one was called Awu 'isa c. ??13-18. COMPLEX SENTENCES ?13. Subject and Object Clauses A subject or object clause may be marked off by the oral comma, -m; but some- times the idea is not formally expressed. o -m i'tsiky, it is well that she brought him (o-, to bring). ictawa't'ec u'akaric'te k'o-'i-m i'riatsisattseruk', that it might be One-eye's sister-in-law he did not think (qt.). batsa'xpu-m i'tsiky, it is well for them to be married to each other. ktarace' i'tsiky, it is well that he is dead now. ?14. Relative Clauses Relative clauses are most commonly expressed by -c, the definite article, in conjunction with, or without, an agentive prefix or an equivalent. hire'n basa.'-upi`-kyu9-c, these who were first offered smoke (basa', first; upi', to smoke; kyua, caus.). bas-ak`-apupe'-c-de-c, my (people) who went to the Nez Perc6 (ak', agent.; first -c, direct.). 13 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ak'-i--araxtsi'-wice-c, the one who by means of it had honors. hin'e' batse' aktitsi-'rakinec, this man who rode horseback. hin'e'ici'ac isa'c-de`tse-c, this hair which he caused to fall toward his face. hire-'r apsa-'ruke aktire'c, these Crow who were alive. disaktitsi-'rakine ktarahir'en am-barasa-'ce k'arakeo.'uk', your riders are these whom I have named (barasa-'ciky, I have named). hin'e' wa-m-ditsira't'-de-re-c, this one who acted like something dangerous. apsa'ruke batseckya-'te ar-axpi-kya-'te-c, miserable Crow, those of you who are still left. ak'-bats-i'kya-bia-kice, those who wanted to see one another. hin-e' watse'c hira'k' bire-'re-c, this man who had just entered (bire-'ri, to enter). akt-baku'ta-di'-wici-t ira-k', if there are any who come by, she calls them (lit., those who past come to be extant usually she calls). ?15. Temporal Subordination One of the commonest ways of expressing temporal subordination is by suffix- ing to the verb dak', which also has other functions (see ?24). araktara-' tsi nne-'-rokt , when he looked for a place of refuge. acba-' ihe' ba-'-r9k`, when I meet an enemy. ktan-diri'tcia-kac-dookt, when you smell the worst. ba-m iru-'-ka-se-'-r9k', when he exerted himself about something. u 'tt-dakt pu-'xkec pa-'xak', when it was dry, he poured out the dirt. Sometimes temporal subordination is expressed by -m, the oral comma (?24, iii). da-'rici-m ba-risu-'k co 'ot bi-'rukt, when you danced, did we dance? a'pa-r-i'tsi-m bo-k, when the evening is pleasant, I come. Sometimes -m, the "oral comma," suggests a causal nexus, sometimes merely continuation with a coordinate statement. diky xawi '-m di 'axuakt da-'ritdiky, you are bad, so hiding yourself you shall remain (keep in hiding). bara-'ke dap-'i'u-m bi"tsem me'retekt, my child has been killed and I am helpless. Very often a participial form preceding another verb expresses a difference of time. bice'tts i 'wickya-tec du'tt'k' its arata 'we tse"ttseruk', having taken this hairy little worm, he made the web of the feet (qt.). u 'we du'tt'ok ixi'ata i-ri'<serukt, having taken red paint, he painted a line on his forehead (qt.). kto-'tba-wiky ha-kt ktanda-'hi'tseruk, I'll do thus, said he, and went forth- with (qt.). The definite article may express past time; often the demonstrative hin-e' (this) ushers in the phrase. hin-e' ici'c-de-c hin-e' ktarice'-ua-c hine' isba-'coc du-'ciltseruk', in this climbing of his, when he had quite reached the top he laid down his wing. hine' wasmin'natse de-'wa'tse-c, when I threw my shield. hin-e' ktaru'oc, when they fled. 14 Lowie: The Crow Language Sometimes no suffix marks temporal subordination, but the verb lacks the oral stop and in causatives may change final a of the pronoun to e (cf. Intro- duction). hin-e' ktambo-' wi'a we, when I wanted to come on this trip. Causative relationship is probably oftenest expressed by prefixing instru- mental i- to the verb denoting the effect, the cause having already been predicated. ce-wi'ak i -kyo 'tse ky, he wished to die, that is why he acted thus. bi- watseckya-'tom i--kyo-'tak', I am poor, that is why it is thus. i-wasbatse'tsiwisak', thence we shall have chiefs. An alternative is to suffix -dacen to the cause. tsi 'tsgyec ktandici'sattseruk' du-'pi-o-racen, the prairie dogs no longer danced (qt.), because they had been scolded. maxpa '-racen i'kyuctsittseruk', because she was supernatural she got out (qt.). ktu-ra'cen duci"tseruk', because he gave it her, she ate it (qt.). Priority is expressed by negativing the advent of a stated period; often by further prefixing the word it', yet. ba-'re hi-sa ce-'ema-tsiky, before winter he shall die (hi-'sa, has not arrived). it'-ba-'rumatse-sa'u, before the distribution (not yet had there been a distribu- tion). it'-a'xace-asi '-sa (also a'xace it'-asi '-sa), before the sun appeared. ?16. Conditional Sentences The protasis takes indefinite -ddk' (see ?24); the apodosis is usually put into the future (?27). di'arasa--rok' i'gk' bata'xpua ba'kurute-'wiky, if you refuse, I'll take back those claws of mine. ba-ha'mbic-dak' i'tsi.ima-tsiky, if there were some, it would be well. ?17. Final and Causal Expressions These are expressed by i--, the instrumental prefix. i 'we i--a.'ptsi-retdk', from crying he has lost his voice (lit., he cried, thereby his voice is nonexistent). co 'ot' ba-'rgk' i--wawatse'cba-wikyahe', how can I act so that I shall distress him, perchance? co 'ot' ba-'rok' i-kyo'ra'sa-i, what shall I do to get rid of him (lit., so that he will not be here)? i co pe'c ape' i--hira'mneta`tseruk', on the fourth (night) he was cold so that he could not sleep. ?18. Various Connectives Nouns are coupled by the suffix -rok', homonymous with the indefinite article. With co6rdinated ideas, there is polysyndeton. bak'o-'tsi'te awa'xe awe-'-rok', eternal are the heavens and the earth. naxpitse-'-rok bapu'xtd-rdk' tse't-dak' bice'-rok' biro'pd-rok', bears, otters, wolves, buffalo, and beavers. 15 16 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. The common disjunctives are -ta, -t, -ra', -rata, k'ot'a'. k'uk' e-'wa'tsikya%'cisa-'t isba-'re axpi'rupaxpiky co 'otak', I don't know that exactly, but he was about 18 years old. aru 'ut ahu"-ta bo-'wiky, though arrows are many, I'll come. diwatsiwa'um k'o-t'a' dia'ruk', I told you, nevertheless you did it. di'ara-ra"ta, even if you do it. di-'awasa-sa'-ta ba-ra-', I do not refuse, but I'll go and ... k'o-ta'-'ta, even if it is so. batse'tsisa-'ta, though not a chief. bi- a rara 'u-ra' ba'cbima tsiky, even if you took me along, I'd die. Various expressions usher in new sentences. Among these de-'ra seems to be a simple connective; a-"kua (commonly repeated) indicates the passage of time, meaning literally "they were living," that is, on and on. '"hether ... or" is expressed by -x (u), sometimes followed by some correla- tive expression. di- watse'-x coa'ot', whether you are a man or what (i.e., not). MORPHOLOGY ??19-24. PROCESSES JUXTAPOSITION, composition, apparent infixation, and reduplication occur. ?19. Juxtaposition Verbal juxtaposition has already been illustrated from its syntactic aspect (?9). Further examples follow: ha'kse ba-risa"'tak' ba'ri"'ky, at last I got angry (part.) and shot at him. a'ttaka'ta awa"'tk' bi' wa"'tsiky, sitting near by, he mocked me. xaxu'aka'sa du't'ak' o' waku', having taken every one of them, bring them for me (imper.). da-k' i'kyakawe', go (part.) and look (imper.). hu'dk bi'tsiwa', come and tell me. datsi're sa"'pem xawi"'ky ha"'ratsi ba'xukawe', ask your husband why he is for- ever saying, "It is bad" (ha', part. of he, to speak; ratsi= datsi', aux. of con- tinued state). bara-'k' bap-ti'ambiky, I'll go (part.) and kill him. tsi"'k o"tseruk', she packed it (part.) and brought it. i'kyak ka.'u'tseruk', they remained (aux.) looking. k'ta" watsi' tseruk', she sat laughing (kta', to laugh). iha'wgk' datsi"t tseruk', she lay sleeping (qt.). ?20. Composition Nouns are commonly compounded, the first word often dropping a final vowel, with assimilation of its terminal consonant. Sometimes no phonetic change is required. Nouns and adjectives are compounded, with or without contraction. Terminal vowels of the first word often change into vocalic cognates. itsi"'ndisu'a, horse dance (itsi"'re, horse). a'ndutu'a, seizure of arms (a"'re, arm). itsi'nda'ke, colt (da'ke, offspring). bikya.'utpe', oats (bikya', grass; utpe', end, tip). biritsgye', pond, lake (bire', water; ha'tsgye, long). batde'dxe, glass (bate', dish; de'dxe, transparent). tara"'cire, butter (tare', fat; ci"'re, yellow). xa'xicpitem, a striped black horse (xa'xi, striped; cipi'te, black). awu" sac, Big-inside (awu'g, inside; isa"', big). baro'wape, box (bare', wood; o"'wape, square). i'dxtsuwate, bridle (i'dxtse, rope, sash; u"'wate, iron). batcu'-asa"te, fork (awl-forking). bira'kci-re'dxe, lamp (bira"', fire; bira'kce, match; de'dxe, pale, transparent). kuku'mbire, watermelon (kuku'we, squash; bire', water). ?21. Reduplication Reduplication is clearly developed. It expresses plurality, repeated action, and cognate ideas. buru'xec dakto'k'o"'pi'tseruk', he punctured the ice again and again (qt.). [17 ] University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. kto,n xe'xaxi'akt a"ku'tseruk, there they remained dangling (xe'xi, to hang). batcici'ky, I break. isa'-ice awu 'c du'xaxak', his quiver inside he put his hand. hawa'ttattatsi du'tt'ak' axe'xe.et'9k', one by one he took them and slashed them. i 'g du 'tsi 'tsittseruk', her hair he pulled out (du-'tsi, to seize). arapapa'ce, bullet. papa'sa tse, roundish. daksakci', to plug (the mouth). i'dxcec pa'ceceta-k', the pemmican she broke into pieces. i'9xase c napa'paxiv'tseruk', he chopped up the snake. daxci-'axci-sak, he broke up (wood). dace ce 'takt, he broke up (flint). ci-'ciahe, different ones. xawuxa'wuahe-ttak, crunching. api"piky, he sliced. ace'tsi'vk', a white lodge. ace' tsitsi'dk', several white lodges. i 'se a'xaxak', his face he rubbed. pa-'pack', he stirred it. ?22. "Infixation" Apparent infixation is usually to be accounted for as a combination of stems or by the use of a prefix with the verb stem. de-'wa'tse-ky, I send (from de-, to go, and reg. verb tse-, to cause). awo'k, I bring back (bo-k', I come). The residual instances not definitively resolved into known constituents thus probably have a parallel history. icbi-'ky, I drink (2 p., icdi 'ky; 3 p., ici-'ky). el'wattse-ky, I know (2 p., e'rattse'ky; 3 p., e "tse ky).8 ?23. Prefixes a--. This verbal prefix expresses accompaniment. a,-ra,'uk', they kidnapped her (with her they went). a--bire-'rak', with her he entered. basbirdxba-'ke i'tse awi 'rupe a--waw'wi, may I safely reach the next year with my kin (ba-'wi, I shall reach). a-k-. Possibly related to a- prefix; seems to have the same meaning. hin-e icta'xia ak'-awas-ba-'mbok', with this gun we shall go about. ak'-. Agentive, with or without amplification. Possessives may be prefixed to the agentive. ak'-ba-kure-', hunter. ak'-itsi 're-c-de, those who went for horses. ak'-bare-ra-'c, one who pities us. akt-pi-'ce-re-wic-d9kt, all those who might follow her (pi ce, behind; wic, to be extant; re, to go). 8 This can plausibly be derived from e- (to have) and tse- (to cause). 18 Lowie: The Crow Language akl-pi-'ci-n-ditse', the one who struck next. ak'-tsi-ce-'re-re te, those who never signaled a killing of their own (followers). ak'-ba-rap'i'a-datko, those who were wont to kill somebody. ak'-bara'x-itsikya ce, those who sang superlatively well. ak'-du'xi-gyutsgye, raid captains (those who planned raids). akt-baku'ta-di"'-wici-t' ira-'k, if there are any who pass her, she calls them (lit., the one who-past her-reach-to be extant-regularly). ara- (ar-, am-, an-). (1) This expresses the place, time, or manner of an action. In a proper name, for example, an-dici-co-'pe-c, of unknown origin, alternative interpretations are given by informants: either "Where-he-dances- is-four" (four dance grounds) or "How-he-dances-is-four" (four ways of danc- ing). am-ma xape', my bed (where I lie).' ara-ktore'c, where he was. an-disu'a, dance ground. huts-ara-hi-'-sa-m, where the winds do not reach (hutse', wind). biritse' ara-satsikya 'ce, where the willows are thickest. ara-tsiwaka-'u, church (where they pray). am-mara-pa'ckyuo, Billings, Montana (where-wood-is-cut, i.e., sawmill lo- cality). ap an-de'dxe-c, when the leaves are yellow. a'p ar-asi'd, when the leaves appear. ba-ka-'t am-ma-hiri'-su--k, children's ways of doing (these are) not (hiri', to do; su, pl. of negative sa). (2) A specialized use correlatively with the absolute negative -det expresses inability or impossibility. an-di'o-n-neta-kt, they could not do it (di'o, they do). ar-iru-'-ret-k', they were helpless. ar-i'kyucdu'-rsti'-tserukt, they were unable to come out (qt.). an-daro-'ri-re-td-kt, you will be unable to come. am-ba'mbi-reto-kt, I shall not be able to live. (3) This prefix serves as a counterpart of ak'-, mainly with verbalized adjec- tives, neuter and passive verbs, that is, to denote the object of a transitive verb. ar-i'tse, good ones (often meaning "the best"). di'sk'o-tsi'o an-nac'risa'tse, your enemy, the one you hate (most). hup-ar-awa'xio-t, the moccasins which had been thrown away. bi-'akaricte ara-tsi'n-det-ka'te-c, young unmarried women (whose husbands are not extant). ar-iru'a-re-te, those which were not colored (iru'a, color). ba--. This prefix denotes the indefinite subject of an intransitive, or object of a transitive verb. It may be combined merely with suffixes meaningless by them- 9 Note the terminal vowel change; the simple predication would be ma'rxapi. 19 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. selves, for example, ba--ka-'te (child [some diminutive]), ba--re-'t-k' (no [some- thing not at all]). ba--ise'-c, the older one. ba--ri'u--t, whenever anything is done. ba--(a)ra'ka-wiars-c, what you wanted to see (something you see you want the). ba-ira'pem, something fat. ba--ra"kure, what you hold. Sometimes the prefix suggests a temporal meaning, which, however, can be conceived as an extension of the more usual sense. ba--ammi-wirdxba-'kl klo.,10 ever since I have been a person. ba--wa--i'q-k1o- ir'apa tac, a childhood friend (i's, small). ba--hu'ri kyo- ce-co', they must be dead since yesterday. bare'-. Related to ba-- in meaning. akt-bare-acuw'-p(a)ckyo, Dakota Indians (those who persons' heads cut off). bara-k'a-'-ritsi-ky, something laughable. i-'-ware-acu'-kura'xtse, comb (means of scratching one's head). bat'-, bats-. Reciprocal. bat'-du'tua, wrestling (seizing each other). bats-a'xpu-kt, they got married (a'xpe, companion). bats-u'-ara-'u, mutual wife-abduction. bats-a'xpiruw-c karakto-wi-'u'tseruk', their mutual gambling they now stopped. i-. Indicates action not due to outsider; perhaps related to i, third person. irutta-'hiky, it broke. hinre wiV'9c acu 'a i'ritde'tserukt, it (a stone) struck the woman's head (qt.) (dit, ditsi', to strike). i--. (1) This verbal prefix expresses instrumentality; also that what precedes accounts for the following action. It may be understood with the entire predi- cation following and thus be separated from the verb by an object. i -wa -ritu'a, hammer (means of striking something). i -wa wara 'tua, pencil (means of marking something). i '-wice, price (means of owning). bira 'xatse i-o 'sak', the live coals he picked up with it. basa-'c i wawara 't bi'awak', my robe I want to paint with it. i--wa-'kuc-da, airplane (means of going upward). i'-kyo-'t-buk', for that reason thus we did. i-awu'c-idka-'t-di'awa-wi'awa-kisu--k', by means of it we want to make a small sweat-lodge (awu'c, sweat-lodge). biriltse'c kura'.oc i--ace'-ritu'q`-tseruk', with the willows they were holding they struck the tent (qt.) (obj. between prefix and verb). 10 Note the use of the demonstrative of identity in this and the two following examples. 20 Lowie: The Crow Language (2) This prefix also transforms a cardinal into an ordinal nuimeral. i--cope'-c, the fourth. i--axpi'rawi-3-k', they made it the 13th (axpi'rawi, 13). ktam- (ktan-, kiara-). This puzzling prefix appears in two contradictory senses, suggesting phonetic convergence. (1) It expresses completed past time; correlatively with the negative, it expresses the idea of "no longer." k'am-ma-'re sa 'we, how many years ago? k'an-mi-ratsi'we-ky, already you have told me. k'ara-ce-'ky, he is dead. bi-'aka-tka-t k'am-bi-'akaricte-rdk', the little girl had grown to be a young woman. hire'rec k'ara-k1o-re'-sa-k', it had been here, it was no longer here. ktam-busu-'-k', we have eaten. k'ar-am-ba-'-se-rete, there is no place where I have not yet been. (2) It also expresses an inceptive or even future idea. ktam-bakara-'-wo-k', now let us run! hine' bi'awakce ktam-macki'ci-wi-ky, this summer I shall die. i. Possession.-Possession may be understood in the third person with cer- tain stems, but it is usually expressed by means of possessive prefixes related to the independent pronouns. The distinction of alienable from inalienable possession exists, but is not consistently maintained. Commonly, alienable possession is denoted by the possessive prefixes bas-, dis-, is-; otherwise the independent personal pro- nouns bi- and di- are prefixed, often with loss of their vowel. Thus, bi i 're means "the blood of my body, " whereas basi-'re, though perhaps not positively incorrect in this sense, is preferably reserved for "an animal's blood owned by me." Initial i- may often be construed as the third person pronoun, but cannot always be readily dissociated from the nominal stem. Pluralization of a possessive form preferably pluralizes the owner; pluraliza- tion of both owner and object owned is formally impossible (?8). At least for some nouns the first person plural possessive can be expressed by the indepen- dent pronoun bare' (?25), followed by the singular form of the noun; for example, bare' tsiwu'se (our brains). bare' asu'a (our home) is only an apparent exception (?24, vi). A fair number of nouns do not prefix the third person possessive form. u'a means wife or his wife; a-'re, arm or his arm; da-s, heart or his heart. A few nouns do not take any possessive prefixes. Notable among these are itsi 're (horse), micgye' (dog), a cognate form of the latter stem being substi- tuted for possessive use: isa 'cgye (his horse), isa-'cgyeka-'ce (his dog), basa 'cgye (my horse), and so on. Vocative forms of relationship terms sometimes lack the possessive prefix; for example, axe' (father), i'gya' (mother). Contrast: masa'ka-'are (grand- mother), bi-'ikya (elder brother). 21 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. With both inalienable and alienable possessives the second person tends to throw the accent toward the beginning of the word, a feature paralleled in the conjugation of some verbs (?28). The tendency to distinguish alienable from inalienable possession is greatly obscured. On the one hand, words like ikyu'pe (hat) take merely the b- and d- prefixes for the first and second persons; on the other hand, a term for father's sister appears as basba xi's, di'sba xis, isba'xi'9. This is not due to differentia- tion between paternal and maternal kin, for we find bi-ru'pxe, di-'rupxe, iru'pxe for father (m. sp.); basbapi'te, di'sbapite, isba-pi'te for any kind of grandchild, also for a woman's brother's child. Nor can the line of cleavage be drawn between blood and affinal relatives, since we have bu'a, du'a, u'a (wife); buce', du'ce, uce' (tabooed in-law). Inalienable possession is more consistently expressed with parts of the body, but several patterns must be recognized: (a) There are vowel stems simply prefixing b- and d-; when the absolute form of the word begins with i, this can sometimes be interpreted as the third person possessive. bicte', di'cte, icte', eye. bi-'s, di-'s, i ,q mouth. bixi'd, di'xis, ixi's, forehead. bi-s, di-s, i.s, face. bigxpi'se, di'axpise, idxpi'se, nasal mucus. bici's, dici's, ici's, hair. bitsu'pe, di'tsu-pe, itsu 'pe, shinbone. bl's, d&'d, &'g, teeth. ba'pe', da"pe, a pe', ear bape', da'pe, ape', nose. ba-'pe, da-'pe, a 'pe, throat. be-'re, de-'re, e 're, belly. bu-'ce, du"'ce, u 'ce, anus, rump. bu 'wud, du 'wua, u 'wug, inside of the mouth Similarly: a '4tse (nipple), a-'re (arm), a 'cgye (testes), a-'xuxke (kidneys), apt'e' (liver), apa'se (upper part of body, trunk), a cu's (head), a 'ptse (voice), i 'cpud (stomach), i'sxe (paunch), ico 'xe (pancreas), axu'a (body), araxe' (hip). Relationship terms of the same category are: akse' (parent), aku'pe (sibling), u's (wife), uce' (tabooed in-law), iru'pxe (his father), i-'kye (his elder brother). (b) Witial i stems which prefix b- and d- but change i to a in the first person., batse', di'tse, itse', foot. bactse', di'ctse, ictse', hand. bat'bu '3, di't'bus, it'bu 'g, sole. bare', di're, ire', penis. Similarly: icu'g (back of neck), ira'cpe (shoulder), iritse' (thigh), icu 'ce (knee), icbase' (thumb)," ira'ce (biceps), icbaxe' (elbow), ici'se (buttocks). 1U This is perhaps analyzable into base' (first) and the third person alienable pronoun, in which case the word would not, of course, belong in this category. 22 Lowie: The Crow Language Relationship terms of the same category: itsu-'ke (his younger brother), isa ka'te (elder sister), ira 'ace (his brother-in-law). The word for sacred possession, medicine, approximates this pattern: baxpa''rio, di'axpa-ria, idxpa 'rid. (c) Consonant stems which prefix bi- and di-, remaining without prefix for the third person. bi-pi'axi-te, di-pi'axite, pi'axi te, spleen. bici-'pe, dici-'pe, ci 'pe, intestines. bi tsiwu'se, di"'tsiwuse, tsiwu'se, brains. Similarly: kuru-'kure' (vertebra) (with palatalization of initial k in 1 and 2 p.), daxpe' (skin). (d) Consonant stems which prefix ba- and da-. barase', dara'se, da-'se, heart. bare-'ece, dare- '6ce, de 'ece, tongue. baru-'re, daru"'re, du're, back. bara'tte, dara't'e, da-'t'e, calf. Similarly: du"'repe (jaw), du-'use (rib), da"'xe (lung), has dira-'xo (your lungs) (ba-ra-'xo or bi-ra'xo in the 1 p., bi'ra"'xo being more popular). Relationship terms of pattern (d) are: da.k' (child), tsire' (husband). ?24. Suffixes Primarily syntactic suffixes and enclitics have already been considered (?? 13-18). i. Noun classifiers.-The four common classifiers, -c, -ddkt, -m, -t', are not easily defined; all of them also occur with verbal stems. The definite article -c is clearly antithetic to -dakt: when a flat stone is men- tioned the first time in a myth, it is called b(-xa-p-d9k'; thereafter it is b&'d xa 'pa-c. (the flat stone). These examples show that the article may be suffixed to an adjectival modifier. Though likewise indefinite, -m seems to be less distinctly so than -rdk'. Neither refers to animate rather than inanimate objects or vice versa, but -m often appears with the object of a transitive verb. -t' may denote the members of a category collectively and certainly does so with respect to numerals, but no single explanation holds for all cases, so that convergence again seems plausible. -c. This definite article appears with most personal names and some vocative forms. Suffixed to a verb it usually denotes past time. Often it binds together a number of elements, potentially two or more independent words, into the equivalent of a relative clause (cf. ?14). icu-'-kawi '-c, His-songs-are-bad. xara '-tse-c, He-makes-rain. ira'cp-asi '-c, Bare-shoulder. 23 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. bare-a 'tsc-r ec, Jumps-over-people. tsiv'rup-tsi'd-c, Gray-bull. ciwe'-c, Fat (personified and addressed in prayer). bas-ba--watsecgya-'te-c, my distressed ones. bi'watsa-'tsiky bari'atse-c, I am powerful, I thought. dare'-c k'o- a"pe, on the evening on which you left (you left the same evening). ak'-dap'e--c, the killer. biritse'-c kura.'o-c, the willows which they were holding. -rdkt. This indefinite article, not necessarily singular in meaning, also serves as a means of temporal and conditional subordination (?16), an expression of indefiniteness generally, and hence of certain shades of futurity. ban-dd'kt, a tree (bare', tree). ac-d'k, a tipi (ace', tipi). itsi-'ri-rdk' aru'ara, bring ye horses! apa-'ri-rak', it was a porcupine. a'"pa i'tsi-rdk', it was a pleasant evening. ba-'-rdk', if I arrive. ba-'n-ddkt, if I live (bari-'ky, I live). tsira-'kci-rdk', tomorrow. da 'suo co 'ru-rakt k'uc da-'kara, wherever your homes may be, thither go ye back! birdxba-'kte du'tsisu-'-r9k' bari'at'ik, the people would not take them, I thought. -m. Less indefinite than -dakt, this suffix seems to be less definite than -c. Both appear with the same nouns, for example, ace' (tent), batse' (man). The frequent but far from obligatory use of -m with the object of a transitive verb has been noted. As a verbal suffix it often figures as an oral comma. Compare also ?15. itsi 're-m be-' wiawak', I want to own a horse. ickyo-'cite isa '-m awo-'rapiky, I have found a big strawberry. ba-'pi-m bi 'uk', we reach a day. ba-ra"'wid-m hira-k'e' dia'wawiciky, three things now I feel like doing. ba-u-'watcindaka'te-m bap i'ehiky, I have just killed a meadowlark. hiravk'e' isa 'kce k'o-cdaka 'te-m de'wa'tse wiawak, now several (k'o'cdaka 'te) young men I want to send. awace ' wi 'akaricte-m k'o- awa'xpawiky, I'll marry a Hidatsa girl. ba-'xuabisu-m awa'kak', I saw creatures. hin-e' awuci'-m awa'ke-c, this cave which I saw. itsi 'ri-m baku'k', I gave him a horse. bu'a co 'pe-m bara'k'buoma-tsiky, we'll give you four songs. bi'akaricte co-'pe-m nu't'ak', he took four young women. -t', -t(e). This seems to be a collective indicator of a class as such; with numerals it indicates the total number of a class, where -dgk' would denote the 24 Lowie: The Crow Language indicated as part of a larger nuimber, for example, if there were more than four cardinal directions altogether. There may be a connection with usitative -t (p. 27). hutse'c arahu'ac di- co-'pa9-t', cardinal directions, you four. uac sa"pua-t', his seven wives. biraxba-'kte isa '-te, old people! 11. Aspectual.-With verbs, the suffix -a-tsi, -(h)a-t denotes absence of a defi- nite goal and also has distributive force. With nouns, adjectives, and numerals its meaning is approximative ("about," "-ish"). hawac da-'w-at-ak', he was roaming about. hawac i'kya-ha.tbak', he was looking around here and there. ba-ru-'c tsi-'r-at-ak', he was looking for food. u'a-ha-t-akt, he climbed about (on different trees). kta'-satp-at'-akt, they (severally) laughed aloud. biri'p-a-'takt ba-ru-'s-a-tak', they bathed and ate. ba-'re co 'p-atsi, about four winters. co 'p-a-tsem, about four. papa's-a tse, roundish (papa'ci, round). sat-a 'tsi-ky, it is thickish (satse', thick). us-a 't-ua-c, their temporary cave (us-u'a-c, their cave). muru'x-a tse, ice cream (muru'xe, ice). -de-. This suffix serves as an inceptive, expresses transitional or quick action or condition, but seems to have additional uses. bara'x-de--ky, he began to sing. bire'n-de'-tseruk't, he entered quickly, it is said (bire.'ri'-tseruk', he entered). a'xa ce asa '-n-nak, at the very moment of sunrise (possible derivation: asa 'ri, to come out; de-; nak', when). -ditsi, -dit. Very common suffix, often with moderative meaning, but not always clearly definable. wasa' mi rap 'e-'-ritsi-ky ha-'ka wap 'e '-ritsi-ky, at first you hurt me, in the end I was the one to hurt (dap-'e-', to kill). maraxte '-ritsi-m, I did not quite understand (mara 'xta, I do not know). i'kya-ritsi't-tseruk', he examined it (i'kya, to look). ba-wara'pxe-ritV-bo-m, we shall bite somebody once in a while. ba-wuseM'-rit-bi-ky, I'll take a snack (ba-wu-'cbiky, I'll eat). bi'tsise'-rit'-bo-k, we shall take a little rest (bittsici'ky, I rested). i'axua-rit-ak't, he concealed it, figuratively (i'axua, to hide). ilsipu'a-rit8i-en, he jumped for a while. am-ma--rute'-rit-de-t-dak', there was nobody he could appeal to (dut', to seize). isi 'ipuxec xatsi.'9-rit-k`, he shook his rattle again and again. -hak', -hake. Meaning cannot be generalized; sometimes repetitiveness and 25 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. quickness of action is indicated; the -k' may, of course, be merely the predica- tive stop. packya-'-hak', he cut off. hi' a-hakt, he got there. dacgyapa'-hak', he hit it several times. ihure'c dit'a-'-hak', he hit his leg repeatedly. dumbukaaw'-hak', she quickly took it to her bosom. ktan-na-'-hak', he started. -hi (-he). Inceptive; momentaneous. ikya'-hel-tseruk', he caught sight of it. akina-'-het-tserukt, he mounted it (horse). mara'xe kto-wa-'-hi-ak', as soon as his song was finished. it'a'-hu'-tseruk', they woke up (qt.). ktan-da'-hi-ky, he went forthwith. di'9-hu-'-tseruk`, they arrived. sa,'-hi'-tseruk', he fainted, died. kto.-ce-ra'-hi, that which you have just said. -i, -e (pl. -iru). Usitative; often correlatively in main clause with a -t form in the subordinate clause (cf. p. 27). haw-o-'tsia-t dici-wi-'o-t o-'tsiac dicik'-iru-k', some night when they would wish to dance, that night they would dance. itV-dic-iru'-sua, before they would dance. (Cf. p. 28.) ktam-mara'xu-t bikyuku-'-iru-k', whenever they began to sing, we would listen. ktoV'm-net-i'iruk%, they would never stop. k'uc basa'-iru-ac, they are wont to run toward them. ba-m ira.'ut' du'-iru-k', the things that are talked about usually come. ba-rici'-i-ky, I used to dance. dac'rici'-i--ky, you used to dance. datsi're ba-'tsik hu.t' co-ottda-e, when your husband comes with a pack, how do you act? ace'c icgyewu'sawa-'iky, I customarily take it inside the tipi. baawa'ke-t buci-'iky, whatever I see, I regularly eat. -hirakl. Uncertain meaning. Sometimes suggests the obviousness of the predication. sa 'pam mari't da-'tse atka 'cdak bi-'ru ttatsi-hirakt, why do you boil a great deal, seeing that we are alone? ktan-nu-'ptaxi-sa-hirakt, it could not spread any more. xaxu'aka'sa du'ttakt o-; i-sa-p-de--wia-ra-m ahu'-hirakt, bring me every one of them; what are you going to use them for, seeing there are so many? -kice, -kis, -kce. With verbs this suffix suggests sportive rather than serious intentions, but this interpretation is only partly borne out. With nouns it ex- presses imitation, variation from the norm, or sportive use. hawac-da-'wat-kisu'-rak', they were strolling about for their pleasure. ba--wu-'c-kici-wo--k, we'll feast (bu-'cbo k', we'll eat). 26 Lowie: The Crow Language ba-i'tsi-kici-m de-ky, you have something interesting, valuable, amusing (i'tsi, good). isa"'-kce, young man (isa ', big, old). bira-'-kce, match (bire', fire). icte-ki'ce, spectacles (icte', eyes). bara-kic'e, tally stick (bare', wood, stick). -t', -t. This suffix is usitative. a'xace ku's hit', at noon (whenever the sun has reached the middle). bawakure'-t-k', I regularly hunt. o 'pi'kyu-t, whenever they would offer smoke. bice' uw'wo--t' du-'use o.xe'm-iru1-tserukt, when they shot buffalo, their ribs would break (qt.). k'arahu-'-t' ictse'c xape '-t' dut'tak', when he came and dropped his pack, she took it. ba 'wara'tse a-ware-'-t-qk', I am a letter carrier. -tseruk', -tseruct. Quotative particles; I am unable to determine any differ- ence in meaning between them. Formally, they suggest the usitative plural (p. 26) of some verb (say, "they are wont to say"), but the stem, tse, means "to make" rather than "to say." awa'tddk' datsi"-tserukt, he was sitting, it is said. -tsi. Again, back. It is not certain that this is a suffix, for the same phonetic element appears for "again" independently and with prefixed ktara-. We find such expressions as tsi racipi'ky (again he passed by him), and in tsici-'ky (he turned back) tsi might even be taken for a prefix. However, the following give some warrant for inclusion in this place: awu'-tsi-s-e'-tseruk', he put it back again (qt.). (Cf. awu'settseruk, he put it in.) awu'-tsi-sa-bak', I put them back in. iii. Modal suffixes and particles.-The suffix, -mawtsi, expresses positiveness, sometimes obligation or necessity; commonly with future forms. di- watse'c-det-itLmatsi-ky, you shall not be poor. di '9xpacdi-ma 'tsi-ky, you shall have your fill. bire 'ri.i-martsi-ky, he will come in. xaxu'a di'arari.i-maw'tsi-ky, you shall do everything. k'ar-awate' de '-ma tsi-ky, it must have gone far. -n. A kind of negative, usually or always in interrogative form, sometimes translatable by "hardly," "hardly possible" (conceivable), sometimes indi- rectly suggesting that something ought not to be. bi"tsi co 't' baka-'tba-wo--n, what is it possible for us poor wretches to do for ourselves? ac-bi 'o-wici-n, we should not get to the camp (camp-we reach-to be extant- inconceivable, i.e., it is inconceivable that we should under like conditions be in camp). 27 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. wapa'kuse i'akVot k'ocdi-'-n, future days like this will hardly be few. bacta'xia i'tse-c hira' we'-wici-n-dk', my gun was fine now I'll never own it any more. -ba, -bo. This reminds the hearer of something evident or already known to him. ma-isa'kupe' ba'ihi'rituc-bg, tricky people are good actors, you know. -wa. Imperative particle. ru'ta-wa, take. -kawe. Imperative particle. hu'-kawe, come. -ra. Plural imperative particle, with or without preceding -wa. na 'wa-ra, go! (p1.). -det(a). Absolute negative. icta'-reta, blind (icte', eyes). awak'-det-k', I have never seen him. ihe' ba-ee'-reta`-tseruk', others were not killed (qt.). iri'-reta'-tseruk', he was silent (iri', to speak). isa pa'-reta, without moccasins. tse'tbaru-'cic isak'ik'y-deta'-tseruk', Eats-like-a-wolf had no supporters (ak'i'kye, spectator). -sa, -s (pl. su). Negative, less absolute than -de-t; can be doubled. It forms fixed derivatives (see below, dig'sa, a'xpasa). In ironic queries it suggests what is proper conduct. ceI 'wa wi'awa-sa-k', I do not want to cause his death. di'awa-sa-sa'-ta, I am not refusing, but ... (dia', to do; did'sa, to refuse). it'de--su-a, before their departure (it', yet; de-, to go). it'baci'-sa-k', I am not yet dead. ua 'c a'xpa-sa-k', he divorced his wife (a'xpa, to marry). i"tsi-s, without him (i"tsi, himself). hawata'n di-we-sa, you ought to be wailing somewhere (lit., somewhere you are not wailing?). -xu, -x. Dubitative in special sense of "whether ... or." ce'-xu hirg'wi-xu sapdoke', whether she is dead or is sleeping, which perchance? diha'wi-x sa 'pa, are you sleeping, or what? de-'ritse-xu hamna'tse-xu co-'t'da-rdk', whether you want to own them or to give some away, do as you please. it'birdxba-'ka-xu co 'ot'a, is he still living or how is it? it' daxo 'awisa' tsa-x co 'otatsi, have you still a body or how is it? -he. Interrogative enclitic. di c bace-'wi-he, shall I paint your face? 28 Lowie: The Crow Language -dak', -dake. Interrogative particle (cf. ?24, i). sa-'pt-dake hine', what, perchance, is this? -k', -ky. Predicative particle, hence oral stop, and adjective verbalizer; also with most participial forms. ham di-wap'ti'qm.bo--k, we shall kill some of you. (Cf. ham diwapti'dmbo-, we might kill some of you.) isa-"kawuate kyo-'ra-kt, it was Old Man Coyote (kyo-ra', to be there). micge-ci 're kto'n du'tsi-ky baria'tu--kl, Yellow-dog took it, we think. (Cf. biraxba-kddk', kto-n dutsiky diri'atu, do you think some person took it?) xawi-'-ky, he is bad. -m. Oral comma rather than full stop (cf. ?15). tsira 'kce ba-pari'nete-m, tomorrow being Sunday, . -wi, -wikyarama. Emphatic. i'tsi-wiky, it is truly fine. -co-. Inferential. ba--hu'ri-kyo--co, it must be something from yesterday (hu-'ri, yesterday; kyo-, demon.). di- watsa 'ts-co- ba ri'arakt, you must be powerful to do this. -da'tse. This seems to imply future probability; it is commonly preceded by -c. i'tsi-i-c-da-'tsi-ky, it will be well, I think. (Also translated: it looks as if it were going to be good.) an-de'-c-da-tse, where he was likely to go. ar-aci-'-c-da-tse, where it (the sun) would appear. iv. Verbalizing.-For -kt (-ky) and -m, see p. 29. -bici, -bice (bic). This denotes either ownership or a state of being extant. a'm-bici-ky, there was land. ha'm-bici, is there any? ak'-itsi-'m-bice, those who had horses. du'a-wici, are you married? (du'a, your wife.) tsi'm-bici-ky, she is married. (tsire', husband.) iru'pxe is-baxe'mbi-wici'-tseruk', his father owned goods (his father his goods were extant, it is said). ak'-pi 'ce-re-wic-dk't, all who follow her (lit., if there be those who go behind her). -t, -te. Expresses resemblance to preceding noun. micgy-ihe-'-ta-k', he looks like another dog. di- a para-'axe-ta-kt, you are like a ghost. kto'te-'-ta-k', it was like that (k'o-'tqkt, it was thus). 29 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. -ka, -gya, -kya. Causative suffix, probably related to regular verb tse (pl. ku), with which it can be combined. di ttacduo cipi'tse'-gya -ra, have your shirts blackened. awa'tsi'-gya-k', he makes them sit. bi ce "-gya, cause me to die. tsu 'se ci-'ri'-gya-k", half he made yellow. isba-'xec de"-gya-k', he threw his hoop (de'"tse-ky also used). hu"-tse'-gya, have it sent. (Note caus. vb. plus caus. suff.) hin'e' itsu-ke'c ictse 'tec tsi"`-gya-k', he made his younger brother pack his scout emblem. v. Vocative, emphatic, diminutive.-The suffix -ce is vocative, not obligatory. bi-'akaricte-ce, young woman. -n. Vocative plural, but not obligatory. bi-'aka-te--n k'ambok', girls, I have come. birqxba-'ke--n do-'sxa'ra, people, come nearer. -ta-re. Probably basically nominal, but often found with verbs; denotes genuineness, emphasis. bice '-ta re, real buffalo (i.e., not cattle). dici'sa-tare, by no means dance! k'o-'t'-ba-sa-ta-'m-biky, thus I verily shall not do. -ka-ce, ka-s. Superlative suffix, hence commonly with adjectives, but also with nouns in the same sense as -ta-re, and with verbs for emphasis. bi"'tpe masa,'-ka-ce, the very first snowfall. a'-ka-'c-i, (they) will be most abundant (ahu', many; -i, fut. 3 p.). bice' ari'tsi-kya-ce, the buffalo that are the best. ktarasa.p-ka.'s-u-rk't, when they sang the best. -ka'ta. Diminutive; used also to express affection; often attenuated to a general adjectival ending; with numerals often expressing the idea "only. . With verbs it denotes sympathy with the subject. bi-'a-ka-te, a girl (bi 'a, woman). cikya '-ka te, a little boy. batse-'-kya-te, dear man. nu,'p-ka-te, only two. cipi't-ka te, black. cu'd-ka-te, blue. keambiriwaxpu'a-ka.t-dok', when the sun had just gone down. hire 'r ace'c ari-'c-kya-t-u-c, these poor people who had been hungry. vi. Plural.-When expressed, plurality is denoted by reduplication or by the suffix -u, -us, -o. This suffix may appear with adjectives, diminutive or negative particles, and so on, as well as with nouns and verbs. For the imperative plural, -ra is added to the stem. The phonetic principles followed are not wholly clear. Some words substitute the suffix for the final vowel, others add it. Certain stems ending in e' prefer -o, 30 Lowie: The Crow Language which always seems to follow a terminal u; a terminal e or i is changed to a- before the plural suffix. Note the difference between duci', dusu' (he eats, they eat) and duci ', dusa-'u (he lays down, they lay down). -ua forms a gerund equivalent, but also a new noun with modified meaning. The most common method is illustrated by sa 'xi (does he snore?), sa 'xu (do they snore?). Similarly: o 'ri (wait), o 'rapi (find), du-'pi (smell), iha'wi (sleep), ira'pi (to be fat). The following list illustrates the above-mentioned variants: SINGULAR PLURAL bice-'re, buffalo chip. bice-'ru bice, buffalo. bice'o bi-'9, woman. bi 'u bt'd, stone. bt'o batse', man. batse'o sape', who. sape'o el, he owns. a 'u ce-ky, he is dead. su-k' heky, he says. hu-k' tsire', husband. tsira 'u bire', fire. bira 'u (coals) t8iriv', he fears. tsira 'u tsiwaki-', he prays. tsiwaka-'u xawi ', bad. xawa 'u bakara 'wiky, I'll run. bakara-'wuk1 isa 'te, big. isa 'tu u's, wife. u.'o bo k', I came. bu'o-k' cu'akt, he spits. cu"'ok' ikyuctsi'ky, he got out. ikyuctu'k' du'tsiky, he takes. du'ttu k' iaxpa'ciky, he is sated. iaxpa'suik' dici', to dance. disu'd (dancing) ace', tipi. asu'9 (home) ??25-29. VERBS ?25. Independent Pronouns The independent pronouns are: bi-, I; di-, you; bare', we; bi-'ru, we (emphatic, in contrast to others). The third person is not usually expressed, but is some- times rendered by i- (e.g., i- +t a'tskya-t, he alone [cf. also its use in the future, ?27]) and seems related to i- (p. 20). The third person object is inferred from the context; an indefinite object or possessor is rendered by ba--, bare'-. The independent pronouns serve as subjects of neuter verbs, including verb- alized adjectives, and as objects of transitive verbs. With bare' as subject the verb is not pluralized, with the other pronouns it may be. bi. tana.'k', I shiver. ana,'kt, he shivers. di tana'.ukt, you shiver. di- tana-'kt, thou shiverest. bare' tana-'kt, we shiver. tana-'uk', they shiver. 31 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. bi- wici'ky, I was born. bare' wici'ky di- wici'ky, thou wast born. di- wisu-'k' bici'ky, he was born. bisu/'ke bita-'xia-re, cast him aside (bita-'xia, to cast away; -re, imper. pl.). han-du-c-battse'-wi-ky, I'll make them eat some (han, some; du-c, to eat; ba'tse-', I cause; wi, 1 p. fut.). ma,-a,sa*'tdkt, he was hunting (ma--, indef. obj.). ak'-bare-acu'-pckyo-, those who cut off persons' heads (acu ', head). The reflexive pronouns are bi"tsi, di"'tsi, i"'tsi. bi'ttsi wa-wara-'tsiky, I painted myself. Some verb stems seem to have fused with the reflexives so as not to be con- jugated independently. bittsipu'ak', I jump (di"tsipu,9kl, i"tsipu*k', bi"'tsipu-'o-k'). ?26. Participles Most verbs appear in two forms, the absolute predicative and the participial form. The participial (cf. ?15) takes the same pronouns as the absolute predica- tive, but is never pluralized. It usually, but not always, ends in the -k' sound that serves as oral stop; I am unable to determine the meaning of its omission. With some verbs the same form does service for both the absolute and the participial. The absolute is transformed into the participial form according to several distinct principles, depending upon the phonetic character of the stem. Stems ending in tsi change this into tV(); other terminal i stems substitute a (a), a preceding c becoming s; monosyllabic stems in i and o, however, add a; a ter- minal e- turns into a-, with a preceding ts again changed to t'. Of these, the transformation of bisyllabic and polysyllabic -i stems seems most regular. ci-'tsiky, he throws. ci'ttdkt du'tsiky, he seizes. du'tt'k' o 'ritsiky, he envies. o.rit',k' hiri'atsiky, he thinks thus. hiri'at'tk' bu-'ciky, I eat. bu-'s9kt paci'ky, he falls. pasa'k' itse-'ky, he wakes up. itla.'k' tsiwe-'ky, he tells. tsiwa-'k' ce-ky, he died. sakt he-ky, he said. haIk' de-ky, he went. dak' hi-ky, he met. hi'dk' tsi-ky, he carried. tsi-'9k' o k', he brought. ol'ak' dap'te'ky, he kills. dap-'i'dk' 32 Lowie: The Crow Language The use of the participle has already been illustrated (?15), but further samples may be helpful. du 'sak isi'tse tseruk' , having eaten, he was pleased, it is said. ha k' na'u tseruk'," ", they said and went. ktara-'kI di'ottseruk', fleeing, they got there. asac'rdk' da'utseruk, going out, they went off (asa-'riky, he goes out; asa-'ruk', they go out). anna"'tko daxt'&'k' ktanna-'uttseruk', having tied their saddles, they went (daxtsi'ky, daxttu-k he ties, they tie). a,'ken iru': ka-'uttserukt, above him standing they were. iru'akt datsi"ttserukt, standing he remained. hin-e' watse' ba-risa"'t' ba-'ritsic, this man hating I have been. batse-'rdk' e-'ndqk' natsi`tseruk', a man easing himself he was. i--wi-'wak' baru"'ka-ciky, for that reason I, crying, I continue superlatively. di'rua da-'ritak', standing you remain. di' awa'ka wa-'rit'-biky, you I shall keep on seeing (I see-I remain-I shall). batsi-'kisgk' a,'akut-tsErukt, dart throwing they were, it is said. du-'skk' na'ku"tseruk', eating he was. ?27. Future Conjugation Apart from the prefixing of the independent pronouns to the aorist-present of neuter verbs (?25), conjugation may be considered under two minor heads: the future conjugation of all verbs, and the aorist-present of active verbs. In the future, both neuter and active verbs suffix -bi, -di, -i (or -e) for the three persons, respectively, pluralization being achieved by the usual suffix -u (-o). The singular endings thus coincide with the independent personal pro- nouns, a feature shared with Hidatsa. In the first person plural, a supplementary form appears, bi 'ru. Sometimes it suggests an exclusive, sometimes it seems to convey the idea of first person subject with second person object. iha-'-i-ma-tsiky, it will be different. ba-'c-bi-ky, I shall die. i 'se diru'tsi-ri, thou mightest touch his face (diru'tsi, you touch). k'o-'t-ba--wi-ky, thus I'll do. kto-'t-da--ri-ky, thou mayst do so. be-'-wo-k%, let us go. bare '-wi-ky, I'll go. ba--wu-'c-bo--k, let us eat something. co' ot'-ba-wu, what shall we do? bire' awa-'ptsi-wu-kt, a fire let us build. batsi-'m-bi-ky, I'll look for it (batsi-'ri, I look for). batsiwe'-sa-wi-ky, I'll not tell. ace' a-wi-'-sa-wu-k, the tipi we'll not take it to. mi- ru 'pi--e, she will scold me. di- ra'cde--i-ma-tsiky, he'll pity you. 33 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. karatsi' di'a-wa-wo--k', let us do it again. ham bi-'-wo--ma-tsiky, some we'll meet. o 'tsia-nak k'an-de'-o-mawtsiky, when it is dark, then they shall go. con di'a-ra-bia-ru, when will you (2) do it? ha-'kse e-'rattse-ro,-ma-tsiky, finally you (pl.) will know. di'a-wa-wi-ru-k', we'll do it. di a-we-'-wi-ru-k`, we'll take you. diawa--warakt-bi-ru-k, we'll make it for you (warak' = I for you). ba-m di' wa wa'xu-wi ru-kt, something I'll ask you (2). ?28. Aorist-Present Causative verbs suffix the pronoun particles, all other verbs prefix them. Verbs may be considered under the heads of: regular prefixless stems with initial consonant; causative forms; initial vocalic stems; verbs with instrumental pre- fixes; and irregular verbs. i. Regular prefixless stems.-Such stems beginning with a consonant prefix ba (ba-) and da (da-) for the first and second person, respectively. In the second person the accent is usually thrown forward. The complete paradigm is given for the first example only. ba'-k`a'-k', I laugh. ba'-k'u-'-k%, we laugh. da"-ka--k', thou laughest. da`-k'u--k', you laugh. k'a.-k%, he laughs. k'u -k', they laugh. ba--pa-'-k', I shout. ba'-pa-'-u-k', we shout. Essentially similar are: tsiri ' (to fear; pl., tsira 'u), bara'xi (to sing), sa 'xi (to snore), xaru'ci (to run; pl., xaru'su) , basa' (to run; pl., basu-'), cu'9 (to spit; pl., cu'o), di'ri (to walk; pl., di-'ru), tsici ' (to turn back; pl., tsisa 'u). In a variant the pronouns are the same, but the first vowel of the stem is elided or altered. pa 'tsire-, to push (1 p., baptsi're-ky; 2 p., da'ptsire-ky). pa xe-'tsi, to pierce (1 p., bapxe-'tsiky; 2 p., da'pxe-tsiky). cel, to die (1 p., ba-'ciky; 2 p., da-'ciky; 1 p. pl., ba-'su-k'). ii. Causative forms.-These suffix regular pronouns for the first and second person. For the third person they add a (a), or transform the final stem vowel to e- or i. The causative pronouns are suffixed to an adjective, a noun adjective complex, or a verb. cipi-'-wa-kt, I blacken (cipi"', black). xawi-'-ra-k%, thou hast done wrong (xawi"', bad). bare' i'tsi-ra-klc, thou treatest us well. hi'-o-k', he causes it to touch (hi, to reach, meet). ha-'w-e--ky, he destroyed it (ha-'wi-ky, it is destroyed). ha 'm-ba -k', I destroyed it. taci'-a-k', he greased it (ta'ci, to be greasy). bire-isa-'-wa-kt, I made a big fire. is-bare'-atka-s-a-k', they made his firewood most abundant. 34 Lowie: The Crow Language The apparently irregular verb kto-wi'd (to finish; keo.'wi, to be finished) is wholly regular, having regard to phonetic rules: 1 p. kto-'m-ba-k' kto'm-bu-kt 2 p. k o'm-na-k' k'o-'m-nu-k' 3 p. kto-wi'-a-k' k'o-wi'-u-k' iii. Initial vocalic stems.-Many of these prefix the usual pronouns, but in- verted and with intervocalic consonant forms, that is, aw-, ar-. 1. awo'riky, I wait. awo,'ruk' 2. aro-'riky aro,'rukt 3. o 'riky o-'ruk' Similarly: o "ttsipi (to drive), a 'xine- (to beg), u'g (to climb), i 'pi (to co- habit), o-'wig (show), a 'ptsi (build a fire), o 'rapi (find). Other verbs merge the initial vowel with that of the first and second person pronouns, only b- and d- being thus actually prefixed to the third person form. iha'wi, to sleep; biha'wiky; diha'wiky; biha'wuk'. el, to own; be-; de-; ba-'u. Similarly: e ra'xi (to urinate), o 'zpi (to shoot), ikyuku' (to hear), iaxpa'ci (to be sated), ara 'xta (not to know), itseA' (to wake up; bit'u k', 1 p. pl.), i 'we- (to cry), axi' (to cough). One group of verbs with initial i vowel prefixes d in the second person, but substitutes a for i in the first person. iri ', to speak; bari-'ky; di'riky; bara-'uk'. in', to live; bari'ky; di'riky; baru-'k'. Sometimes the second person also substitutes a. ijc ice-'ky, his face he paints; bi c ba-ce-'ky (pl., basu8'kt); di c da-ce-ky. iv. Instrumental prefixes.- (a) du-, with the hand. This forms a large class of verbs, prefixing bu- and di- for the first and second persons. du'tsi, to take; burutsi'ky; diru'tsiky; buruttu-'k'. Similarly: dutka'pi (to scratch), duckya'pi (to press), duta'tt (to wring), duxa'xi (to insert one's hand), duxtsi' (to stuff), duci'ci (to break), duci ' (to lay, put down), dutsi're- (to touch). (b) ara-, with the foot. These verbs substitute ba-- and da*- for the prefix. arape-', to kick; ba.pe-'ky; da-'pe-ky; 1 p. pl., bapi'uk'. Similarly: araxa'xi (to insert one's foot),12 aratci' (to slip), aractsapi' (to step). 12 Cf. duxa'xi, above under (a). 35 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. (c) da*, with the mouth. This class conforms to the conjugation of regular prefixless verbs (?28, i). dac'tsi, to seize with the teeth; bara-'tsiky; dara-'tsiky. Similarly: daxu'tsi (to suck in), da'pxi (to bite). (d) da, with violent action (?). These verbs substitute ba- for first person, and lengthen the vowel for the second person, throwing the accent forward. dap-'e-', to kill; ba-pt'e-'ky; da-'p-"e-ky; bacp.'i.'uk'. Similarly: dasa'tsi (to split), daxtsi' (to tie), daka-'ci (to drive into the ground), dattsitsi' (to smash), dak'bire-' (to knock down). v. Irregular verbs.-Many common verbs are partly or wholly irregular, usually as the result of contractions. SINGULAR 1. ba kt,'3 I arrive, meet. 2. dara k' 3. hi-ky 1. bo kt,'4 I come. 2. daro 'k' 3. huk' 1. bare-'ky, I go. 2. dare 'ky 3. de-ky 1. bak', I say. 2. dak' 3. he-ky 1. ce-'wak', thus I say. 2. ce-'rakt 3. ci'ak' 1. a'm^atsiky,15 I sit. 2. a'mnatsiky 3. awa 'tsiky 1. bu-'ciky, I eat. 2. diru'ciky 3. duw'ciky 1. bari-'atsiky, I tbink thus. 2. diri 'atsiky 3. hiri-'atsiky 18 Similarly: awa-'k', a-rara-'k', a-i-'ky; a'wi-'uk', wa-k' etc.). Note contraction in 3 p. sing. 14 iimilarly: a-wo-'k' (I bring), a-raro-'k', o-k'; a-u contraction in 3 p. sing. 16 Probably compounded of ba-'tsi (to lie at rest) an PLURAL bi 'uk' dari-'uk' di-'ukt bu"'o-kt daru-'o-k' du-'o-k' ba-'uk' dara 'uk' da 'uk' buk' duk' hu.k' ce-wuk' ce 'ruk' ci'uk' a'm-atu'k' a'mnatu'k' awa.'tu.k' bu-su-'k' diru'su k' duw'su-k' bari-'atu-k' diri-'aru-k' hiri-'atu-k't a-rari-'uk', a-ri-'uk', I bring (a- + (uM'o k', a'raru1'o k', a,ru'oIk'. Note Id awe' (ground). 36 Lowie: The Crow Language 37 ?29. Prono'minal Subject and Object There are some irregularities, such as mak'u'k' (he gives me; never bi k'uk'); but generally the pronouns are simply combined, the second person object preceding first person subject and the first person object preceding the subject. di- wap'te 'wimatsiky, I shall kill you. ktan mi rat9i'weky, already you have told me. bi ri-'kyuku, do you hear me? bare' di'kyuku, do you hear us? bare' are 'wi'ak', he will take us away. TEXT K 'A*'RICBA*PI'TUaC 1. base ' awace' apsa 'ruk'e bare' hawa't'kat k'o, wiraxba 'k' hawa'tka t'. 2. a'xace kyo-'rak'. 3. a'xpe sape'orok' mara-'xdak' a'xpawisutseruk'. 4. di-'a ba-wi'itsikya-te miraxbat'k' sa 'pu diri'atsi? 5. co-'rat' hawat"dakt? 6. a-ra awace' ba-wi-'itsikya-te k'o bari'atsiky. 7. hira-'k'e' bu'awicbiky ba'ri'atsiky. 8. bu'awic bi'awak' i ri-wawa'- xuk'. 9. k"o-'t'dak' awace' wi-'akari'ctem k'o- awa'xpawi-ky. 10. he"'rok' sape-'rak'e' ba'wi 'ak'usiri' i'tsikya-te? 11. apa-'rirok' ara wiikya' k'amba-wa-ri'a wa-i'tsikya-ce k'o-k'. 12. barewi-'ak'usiri'a bi ri'skawa-cda-rak' ba-it'a'k'a ba'tse-'wiky. 13. k'ahe' k'o-'t'dak' k'andare-'riky. 14. k'o-'t'ba-wiky ha-k' k'anda 'hi'tseruk'. 15. hire'n awace'c isbatse-'tuwicdak' na-'k'e bi-'akari'ctarok'. 16. hin-e' watse 'tsec isbiP'awicdak'. 17. hin-e' ra-'k'ecdak' isbi-'acdak' batsi'kya-xa tu'tseruk'. 18. na-m ba awi'ace wo k' hire'te' a-re 'ky bare' he'res bak' ara 'tsiam k'o k'o n ba-awi acewo.kt. 19. k'anna 'uttseruct. 20. mare' raxo,'tak' pe 'rits ismannmo'k xu'arak' ara 'tsia k'o- ma i'osu"'tseruk'. 21. ba-i'acekis'ak' ba-k'o-'t' ka 'u'tseruk'. 22. co-'ka hu'annak' apa '- ri-rok' hinie' bare xu'ac k'ora"tseruk'. 23. hi-'ra i'kya e'ky apa'riky. 24. xatsi 'sa burutsi'wiky. 25. hin-e' watse'tse ra-'k'bi-ac k"o-n ce"tseruk' bare-'c u'ok' de"tseruk'. 26. apa 'riac hin-e' wi 'akari'ctec k'arahi't' baxa-"n do'ku"tseruk'. 27.k'oVta' k'arapi-'ce da-' wi'tseruk'. 28. hin'e' isba'xi'ac k"o'rok' ara hi-'ra k'arawate' dare'm batsa 'tsk'. 29. k'aratsisa' hu' xatsi"'sa. 30. bare"t'tkk k'amburutsi ' * * * wiky. 31. hin-e' wi-'akari'cte isba'xi'a k'o-'rok' a'xpec i'kyare'rok' k*araxi'xi'aka'ta'tseruk' ha 'kse k'ari'kyasa- 'tseruk'. 32. k'arak'o-'n a'x ace k'o'n dut'a'k' a re"tseruk'. 33. k'arahu 'rerok' acdo'k' tsi.i'aka-t' hawa't'ka-t' k'o ra"tseruk'. 34. hire' ri'ak' hu-'ra hi"tseruk'. 35. awe 'ren iru'ahittseruk'. 36. iegyawu'an hu"m-a xur'utse. 37. bire"'ri'tseruk'. 38. k'a 'ri'tseruk'. 39. hine' aegyewu"'roc ba-k'o-'n da-'t'ok' biri'wa'bise'ky a'xacec k'u "tseruk'. 40. hiri'ky co 'c daro-'? 41. ha't' dak' ba-ko'n baka.'um dire'n bare' ara'xpa wi'arak' diruI'- ka-cim k'ambu-'oct di awa'xpa wi'awak'. 42. biraxba-'k'e k"o rusu"tseruk'. hin'e' k'a-'rec baritsi-'t"ak' hin'e' wi"lakari'ctec k'u "'tseruk'. 43. bare't'k' biky hiri'ate buci sak'. 44. hin e' a'xacec kyo'rak': ha k'oI't'- dak' sa"'p' diru'ci? 45. bice'rok' itsi'rikya-cirak' u-'uxarok k'o' wuw'cict. 46. ka'rec k'o'rak': di'a iro 'oce na- wice' ari'tsikya-ce du'a o- k'u' a'raro-'rok' andu'cbi.a duci"'i. 47. bice 'rak' o "tseruk' axu'a k'o t"a'. 48. a "ka'tak' ba'pe' co 'rat' ictu'keck'araha 'wim k'aratsi' u'xarak' bice-'rak' hawo 'i'tseruk'. 49. ba-k'o"n da'ka-'tak'. 50. a'su'ac k'ara- kara 'xtatsi'tseruk'. 51. datsi.'en e-'risaltseruk'. 52. da'ka'tak' da-'k'bici'tseruk'. 53. cikya 'ka'tseruk'. 54. a '^'kak' a.'a'kok' de"'ra k 'amma isa"tseruk'. 55. hine' a'xacec k'o 'rok' na-'kec icta'xia di'a'tseruk'. 56. ise' ku' di'a'tseruk'. 57. daka-'karok' ma 'pit' ma'a'sa"'tak'. 58. naka-'ka-tarak' ma-isacpi'tka-tarok' ba-i'ky dap'e'riky. hin'e' a'xacec kyo 'rok'. 59. iro 'oce daka'ka'te xaxu'a da' riraota ma. u-'wutci re k'uk' di 'sa k'u t'a'tskya'te he"tseruk'. 60. hira' wi 'ace. 61. a'xacec k'o-'rok'. ihi'ce ap'i'se bice"'re du"'xapisa he"tseruk'. 62. hin'e' cikya-'kec ma-a-sa"tak'. 63. da'ko-'ta daka"'karak ba-m di- wi'et k'ari'- tsikya-cet ba.u-'wutci.'re i-re'n hin-e raka-'kec duce 'ra'hak naka-'kec dara"'wi'tse- tseruk'. 64. hin-e' wa.u 'wutci 'rec k'u'k'an k'o ta-'k' iru.'uka.ci'tseruk'. 65. natsi'en k'arak'o-tse"tseruk hin-e wa. u"'wutci 'rec. a'bara-'xe'te ba'wiru'pxe bare-' di"'tsisam hem ba-ri-'sum. 66. iru 'ka'cdak'. 67. a'bara-' axe te ba-p i'ambiky. 68. ise' ru't'ak' [ 38 ] TRANSLATION OLD WOMAN'S GRANDCHILD 1. The first Hidatsa Crow we were one the same people one. 2. The Sun it was. 3. His com- panions who they were I do not know, there were companions, it is said. 4. "Come, some good-looking women people which do you think? 5. Which [tribe] if one of them?" 6. "Why, the Hidatsa have good-looking women they are the ones, I think." 7. "Now I'll marry, I think. 8. I want to have a wife, that's why I you ask. 9. If it is so, a Hidatsa young woman that I shall marry. 10. Then who, I wonder, [is a] suitor16 effective?" 11. A porcupine [spoke]: "Why, my elder brother, my gift of speech is the best [gift I have] that it is. 12. [For] courtship if you hire me quickly [without trouble] I'll do it." 13. "Well then, all right, now you shall go." 14. "That will I," he said, and forthwith he went. 15. These Hidatsa had a chief, his child was a young woman. 16. This chief had a sister. 17.This his child and his sister were about the same age. 18. "Let us go, let us do quillwork; here it is hot, trees among we having gone, shade there then we'll do quillwork." 19. They went. 20. The wood they entered a [species of] willow a tree,'7 Was leaning over, [in the] shade there they did quillwork. 21. They were passing the time embroidering, undisturbed they stayed. 22. Where he came from the porcupine this tree leaning there he was. 23. "Comrade, look, that porcupine. 24. Keep still, I'll catch it." 25. This chief's daughter she was the one who said it. The tree she climbed. 26. The porcupine [obj.] this young woman whenever she got to, he kept on going higher. 27. Nevertheless behind she proceeded. 28. This paternal aunt of hers it was [who spoke]: "Why, comrade, already far you have gone exceedingly. 29. Turn back, come, stop." 30. "No, I'll catch it." 31. This young woman her paternal aunt it was, her comrade when she looked at she was dim [irrecognizable]; at last she did not see her. 32. Then the Sun her took and carried her off. 33. When she was coming a tipi a white one one there it was. 34. There she went, she came she got there. 35. Outdoors she stood still. 36. "Inside come here, daughter." 37. She came in. 38. It was an old woman. 39. This one inside at ease was staying, the sun was not yet down, the Sun came back. 40. "Here you are! Wherefore have you come?" 41. "Why peacefully we were staying, you us [me] you marry you wanted you were bent on it, now I [we] have come, you I marry I want. " 42. People [obj.] that they ate. This old woman was boiling [meat], [to] this young wo- man she gave. 43. "No, I this sort I do not eat." 44. This Sun it was. "Well, if so, what do you eat?" 45. "Buffalo and elk and deer-those I have been eating." 46. The old woman it was: "Do it, son, go; buffalo the best ones your wife fetch for her. When you bring it what she wants to eat, she may eat it." 47. A buffalo he brought, the body whole. 48.They lived on [time passed], day some their meat was gone, again deer and buffalo he used to bring some. 49. Comfortably18 they lived on. 50. Her home she forgot. 51. After a time she was preg- nant. 52. She continued, she gave birth. 53. It was a boy. 54. They lived on, they lived on. Then now he had grown older. 55. This Sun it was, [for] his son a bow he made. 56. Arrows also he made. 57. Birds in the daytime some he hunted. "Little birds little rabbits any you may kill." 58. This Sun it was he. 59. "Son, birds all though you shot at, meadowlarks those do not shoot at-them alone," he said. 60. "Say! Woman!" 61. The Sun it was, "Red turnips do not dig up; buffalo chips do not turn over," he said. 62. This boy was hunting. 63. Now and then birds some when he was about to shoot at when it was just right, a meadowlark himself this bird would intermittently shield, the bird he caused to fly, it is said. 64. This meadowlark again and again he did the same thing, he persisted. 65. After a while he did the same thing this meadowlark. "Ghostlike one, what my father me [us] to shoot forbade," he said, "we do not shoot at."19 66. He per- sisted. 67. "Ghostlike one I'll kill." 68. His arrows he took. 69. Sitting down when he 16 Literally, says something to women. 17 Literally, raven-tree. 18 The word seems to designate lack of change in their condition. 19 I am inclined to interpret hem in another sense and to make the sentence read: He (the Ghostlike one) is what my father forbade me to shoot at, so I am not shooting at him. To compare a person with a ghost is a favorite form of vituperation. [ 39 ] University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. dat a'k'. 69. awa't'dak da-'t de rok' de"gyak'. 70. hin'e' wa.u 'wutci 'rec awaxa ' hi'tseruk'. 71. du"'reta i'a o-'xexawak' de"tse'tseruk'. 72. wa.u 'wutci' cerec dara-'wak' de"tseruk'. 73. de-'ra a"taka-ta awake"ts?ruk'. 74. ba'k'o'n hawas ba'wok' i'wa'mbi'- aritskisu'ac. 75. co 'o k'ahu-'rok'? bare' ictitse'ce'ky anna-"ko' co-'okarok' i asuw'wiciky. ku'ka' ra'kuwi'asa? ku'ka' ra'k'u'sa he"tseruk'. hin-o' wa.u'wutci rac k'o-n. 76. hin-e' cikya 'kec iru'rit dak' he'an da-'se kyawi''tseruk'. 77. iP'we'tseruk'. 78. k'u" 'tseruk'. 79. ba-ace'c k`o-wi'ok' ace' hi"ts#ruk'. 80. isa'ke'c k`o-'rok': hiri'ky sa 'pem di-'we? 81. bi iru'pxe ma'u"'watci 're di"'sa bi he-c hawa'tem daka"'ke bariwi' awa-t' hire'n duce-ra'ra'kuk'. 82. ha-'kse ba risa 'tak' bari-'ky. 83. da'ra-'wok' de 'ra a'"taka-ta awa,'tak' bi- wa 'tsiky. 84. sak'e'? isa'ke'ck'o n. 85. ba'hire'ta' iwa mbi'aritskis k'. 86. co'ka hu-'rak? i' andaku' coka"'rok' i' a su"'wicim ku'ka' wa-i'ky di'ok' da'ku'sa? he"tseruk'. 87. sa 'pom hire te' k'o mare' wiroxba 'k' bari'atu'ac bare' wiroxba'k' iha' bare' asu 'a co"'rom iPee'? 88. hinre' wi 'ac iriP'sa'tseruk'. 89. ara' bi witsiwa'wa i'gya' di wasa'kaka-'t ba-'ic. 90. hinde' wi"'ac iriP'sa datsi"tseruk'. 91. a'ra iro"'oce k'o-'t'dak'. 92. bare' biraxba-'k' iha'k'. 93. hin'e' wi"'ac k'orok'. hiro"'cekya-ten i'riatsiltseruk' bi' ba-wice'c bice-'re du'xapisa bi he'ct sa-'piima'tsiky i'riatsi tseruk'. 94. ho'we bi' buruxa'pbiky sa p dak' e "wa'tse'wiky. 95. na-'wikyawe hawas ba-'mbo-k'. 96. na'k'batsec k'o- ku'k'a'k'. 97. e ha-k' na"'u'tseruk'. 98. hawac da'watak' bice-'ndak' tsitsi'xka-t di 'u'tseruk'. 99. hin-e' wi 'ac du 'xapi'tseruk'. 100. du'xapde-rok' xupa"k' datsi"tseruk'. 101. a su 'ac i-i-i-'rokon ace-' iaxa'xkak' datsi"tseruk' hiri'atak'. 102. i'kyak'. 103. de-'se ak'ba'kure' batsa"'tsi tseruk'. 104. ace"'rec ak'tsise"'kya-te ak'batsi"'kice i"'hawactsi wak'a'rak'. 105. hiri'tsi'sa ak'bu"ptsiritse i"'hawac dacgyo'k' da'ku"tseruk'. 106. hin'e' wi 'ac i'kyak' na"'se xawi"tseruk'. iro 'oce hu"'kawe na'm e"ky awu"'c i'kya'kawe. 107. hine' cikya"'kec na"'mna awu"'c i'kye*tseruk'. 108. bare' asu'a e-"kyo'k' ara'ka. 109. e he"tse- ruk' hin e' cikya"'kec a wa'kak'. 110. di'rupxisa"kawicim it'k'o'rok'. 111. disa"kam- bici'm it'k'o' rok' di'i'kyarak'. 112. disba 'xaxua it'kto'ru'k'. 113. di'adi"rupxe kyu-'rok' ba'm diri't di-'cc di'k'us ba'pc6 'wattse 'rak' ci'a. 114. e sa'p' ce 'wa'wi. 115. bice'm a'cu 'ci'sem axe' dapTi'ak' axu'a co"tten ambatsuo'awicgya'te xaxu'ata' ria du't;ak' ot'. 116. da'rok' xaxu'a o"'rok' iPwa-'kawo'k' he"tseruk'. e k'o't'ba-wiky he"tseruct. 117. hin'e' wi 'ac da"karaxta'ri iro 'oce cewi'aka ci. 118. ba'tsitse' wattse wima"'tsiky ba 'kara*'xtasawima*'tsiky. 119. de'ra o-'tsiarok' hin'e' iru'pxec ka'rak'u"`tseruk'. 120. hin'e' wi 'ac k'o 'rok' na 'k'batsec i'kya'k' i'kyawi'atseruk'. 121. ktara"'xta'tseruk'. 122. hin'e cikya'kec ikyawi'a ra'ku"tseruk'. 123. i'gya' sa-'pam bi ara'k k'awi'ara ra'ka'ko? 124. du-'tsi- tsire'tseruk'. 125. da"'k'batsec cikya"'kec ha he"tseruk'. 126. tsitse"tse'tseruk'. 127. axe' tsira"'k'cirok' batse-' ra re-'rok a cu ci'sem dap'i'ok' axu'a ambatsu'awiegya"te xaxu'aka 'sa du'ttak' o' waku'. 128. isa'p'de'wi'aram? ahu'hirak'. 129. i'wasa"' waxda'k' bacta'xia.ak' di'awak'. 130. batsu'a ihe' iri"'awat hawa-'k' a"'cuci'se batsu'a tsitsu'tum i'kyo-'t'bak'. 131. hin-e' watse'c e k'o-'t'ba-wiky. 132. hin'e tsira"'k'cec k'anne"tseruk'. 133. hin-e' watse'c o'tsiorak' a"'cuci'sec ham nap'i'ok' ba'tsu'a xaxu'aka"'sa o""tseruk'. 134. hin'e' watse'c tsira"'k'ce k'o-t'a' hawacde"tseruk'. 135. i'gya' hire'm batsu'ac k'araxaxu'a a'ruo'k' co.'ot'da.rak'. 136. e i'tsiky. 137. batsu'ac k'ura'k' hi'n'e wio'ac asa-'ri'tseruk'. 138. hire' ri'ok'. 139. awa'koxe'rak' hi"'k'. 140. di-la hin'e' matsu'a a'pu'ok' batsi'i"tsipdok' xaxu'ata"'ria di-a. 141. e biha-'- 40 Lowie: The Crow Language [bird] was, he [boy] let fly. 70. This meadowlark dodged. 71. Along the back the feathers he ruffled he shot [the arrows]. 72. The meadowlark flying went away. 73. Then near by he sat down. 74. "Undisturbed we flying around we were playing. 75. Where does he come from? Us he is bothering. His residence wherever it be, he has a home. Over there he will not stay? over there he does not stay?"20 said he, this meadowlark it was. 76. This boy was standing, a thought came to him, his heart was bad [sad]. 77. He cried. 78. He returned. 79. His hunting he stopped, the lodge he reached. 80. His mother it was: "Here you! Why are you crying?" 81. "My father, 'Meadowlark don't shoot at' me told; one [subj.] the birds [obj.] I wanted to shoot at these was regularly shielding. 82. At last I got angry at it and I shot at it. 83. It flew away and near by it sat and me mocked." 84. "What did it say?" his mother it was [who asked]. 85. "Around here I was playing. 86. Whence does he come? He his residence wherever it be, he has a home, there what he wants21 he does does he not stay?22 he said. 87. Why here that kind of people we thought, we people stranger are?, our home where is it that he said that '23 88. This woman was silent. 89. "Why, me do tell me, mother, you as my dear mother I have held."24 90. This woman silent remained. 91. "Well, my son, it is so. 92. We are people alien." 93. This woman it was: "That must be why, I believe," she thought, "me some- thing he said to: 'Buffalo chips don't peel off,' me he said to; there must be some reason," she thought. 94. "Well now,25 I'll peel it, whatever it is I'll know. 95. Go ahead, around let us go." 96. Her son that to him she said. 97. "Yes," he said, and they went. 98. They walked around, a buffalo chip circular they reached. 99. This woman peeled it off. 100. When she had peeled it, a hole was there. 101. Her home was yonder, the tents white dots were, she thought. 102. She saw them. 103. Away from it hunters were many. 104. Among the tipis a little beyond the hoop players around together came and crossed one another. 105. This side the ball strikers were moving to and fro continually. 106. This woman saw it. Her heart was sad. "Son, come here, go, there inside look!" 107. This boy went inside he looked. 108. "Our home is there, do you see it?" 109. "Yes," said this boy, "I see it." 110. "Your grandfather is still there. 111. You have a grandmother she is still there, you if they see. 112. All your kin are there still. 113. Do it, your father when he comes back some- thing when you say he does it, you to him I'll make say something, say it." 114. "Yes, what shall I say?" 115." 'A buffalo albino [?], father kill the body wherever there are sinews all of them take and bring.' 116. If you say that and all if he brings, thereby we'll go home," she said. "Yes, I'll do it," he said. 117. This woman: "You might forget it, son, be sure to say it." 118. "I'll remember it, I'll not forget it." 119. Then that night this his father came back. 120. This woman it was her son looked at, she frowned at him. 121. He had forgotten. 122. This boy [obj.] she kept frowning at. 123. "Mother, why me you frown at you continue?" 124. She nudged him. 125. Her son the boy, "Ah!" he said. 126. He recalled. 127. "Father, tomorrow hunting when you go, an albino kill and the body wherever there are sinews every one of them take and bring for me." 128. "What are you going to use them for? There are [so] many." 129. "Thereby my arrows I'll fasten26 and my bowstring I'll make. 130. Sinews other [kinds] which I use wear out, albino [?] sinews are tough, that's why I do it." 131. This man: "Yes, I'll do it." 132. This morning he went. 133. This man at night an albino [?] some killed, sinews all he brought. 134. This man in the morning right away went around. 135. "Mother, these sinews now all are brought; do as you wish." 136. "Yes it is well." 137. The sinews she carried, this woman went out. 138. There she went. 139. It was a spider she reached. 140. "Do it these sinews twine splice them, all of them truly, do it." 141. 20 I.e., there he ought to stay. 21 Literally, he sees. 22 I.e., why does he not stay there, where he can do what he wants? 23 The construction here is not wholly clear, but the sense is: we thought we were people at home here; are we strangers? And where is our home that he was able to say what he did? 24 A favorite form of pleading, here equivalent to "Mother of mine." 25 Literally, give me room. 26 I.e., tie the feathers and points. 41 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. nde-wima-'tsiky. 142. ci'ahikya-ta du'ara. 143. de-'ra k'araci'ahikyat'dak k'anduw'o'- tseruk'. 144. ar'a co 'ota tsi bari'arec? 145. k'ambiha-'riky hinde-'ky. 146. du'tsi'tseruk'. 147. du"'ra ace' ri 'o'teeruk'. 148. isbatsi'pe du'ttok'. mawa'p i we-wo-k'. 149. asa ' rak da u'tseruk'. 150. hire' ri'ak'. 151. hin e' wice 're andu'xapu'ac hi"tseruk'. 152. kaka ru'toak' bita 'xio'tseruk'. 153. di'a hu' iro 'oce di'sbiraxba-k' ara'ka wi 'arec ktambe'- wo-k'. 154. isbatsi-pec du'tak' hine wice're andu'xapec bita.'xia&tseruke. 155. anno'pe'c isbatsi'pec a.'aku'tsi'c du 'uci'tseruk'. 156. hin-e' watsu 'ac asa'ke' u'pa'kusa'ke hin-e batsi'pec k o iraxtsi"tseruk'. 157. na-'kec tsi'ak' hine' an o 'pec k'o m bire 'ri 'tseruk'. 158. hin-e' watsu'ac du-'uxasak'. 159. ktarakeo.'n na.'u'tseruke. 160. aho-'ka-ta na'u- 'tseruk'. 161. k'anna-'rari'o k'anna-'rari-u'. 162. awe' di-'su'tseruk'. 163. k'on xe'xaxiak' a "ku'tseruk'. 164. ara sa-'pdak"iro-'oce awe' wi 'suk'? 165. a-'ra i 'saraxe' ba-tsu'a o 'Osam i kyo'ttok'. i awe' wi'su kto k'. 166. de-'ra hine' a'xacec k'wr're-rak' bu'arok' na-'karok' k'o ra'suttseruk'. 167. a'ra buoarak' bara.'karok' co 'c da.urak'e? i-riat'sk'. 168. he-'rok' a-'ra ba-m di'asa wa'tse c di-'oma'tsiky i-kyo-tk'. 169. ba-tsitsi-'mbiky. 170. hu-'re-rak' anna'.uc ho 'pak' datsi'- 'tseruk'. 171. i-i-'rok'am-u'an xe'axaxi 'ak' a 'ku'tseruk'. 172. a'ra i'a' k'o-tse'wiorok' bi 'tsiwa'k' de-'wiorok' i'tsiwak' de'waltse-wima-'tsiky. 173. xawi-'owiky he-'ritakt da 'se xawi"tseruk'. 174. bc'rak' papa'cirgk' nu'tak'. 175. bi-'ace e 'ky batsu'aka te a 'tsi- wak' da- i-i-i-'rok' amur're hi'ak'. 176. baka-'te k'uk' bare-'t'k' bt'a acu 'o k'o- k'o i'rit'dak' dap'i'a ha-k'. 177. e k'o-'t'ba-wiky. 178. hin-e' wt'ac du't'ak' de"tse'tseruk'. 179. k'ara hire' ri'ok'. 180. na 'mDa hin-e' wi-ac acu 'a i'rit'de'tseruk'. 181. i-'kyec hin-e' watsu'aka tec iruxe'mbak'. 182. klar awe ' i'ritsiltseruk'. 183. k'o,n cikya 'kec hawacda '- watak' isalke'c k'o- da'ku"tseruk'. 184. ma-'asa-'t'ak' k'u t' na o 'tsiat' k'us xapi'- tseruk'. 185. k'a-'ndok' a'su'wisWk' ictatci'a ahu"tseruk'. 186. tsira-'kcit' hinre' kya-'rec ictatci'a hu hi-'re't' isxo 'xacec du-'kakat' ammatsu"ke-tse xaxe'mbak ka.'iru'tseruk'. 187. iskuku'we hi'ret' pu"tak' ka.'iru'tseruk'. 188. hupu"ba-k'. 189. hin-e k'a-'rec k'o ' rok': sa p'dake hin-e'? k'o t'a' ba-'axuawic sa 'p'dak' ak'bihi 're'ta-rec hin-e' sa-'p'dak' bi hi-'ky. 190. ho-'we e-'wa'tse-wiky. itce-'i'kyare-'rok' i'at'ka ta'tseruk'. 191. hin,e' ba-ka'tak' i'riatsi'tseruk'. 192. ho-'wekyawe bi-'aka-taxua cikya 'ka t'dak'? 193. bara'xia aru.'ute diaok'. 194. hin-e' aratci 'ac k'o-n du 'ci'tseruk'. 195. bu-'ptsirak' di-'ak' i-wu 'ptsiritse k'o-n nu 'ci'tseruk'. 196. da 'k'ultseruk'. 197. hin-e' k'a-'rec cik- ya-'ka-t'dok' aru-'uterak' mara'xiarok' du'tsi.ima-'tsiky. 198. bi-'aka-t'dak' hin-e' bu-'ptse-rok' i-wu'ptsiritu'arok' du'tsi.ima-'tsiky. 199. hin-e' kya-'rec o-'tsioc xapi'- 'tseruk'. 200. tsira-'k'cec i-watsi'sak' hu'a hi"tseruk'. 201. ictatci'a k'use' na 'mna hi"ts?ruk'. 202. he're-rok' hin-e' bu-'ptsec u-'wu ice'a hiri'tseruk'. 203. aru 'utec bara'- xidc k'o ra'suw'tseruk'. 204. a-'ra cikya"'kak'. 205. sa"'pa k'o- hu-'re-rok'e'? 206. xatsi 'sa hu-'re-rak' burutsi'wiky. 207. he'rok' aratci'a he-'rin iaxu'a'tseruk'. 208. hin'e' cikya-'- kec k'o- ru'tsiwi'ok'. 209. o"'ri'tseruk' ictatci'o he-'rin. 210. de-'ra k'arahu"'tseruk'. 211. cikya-'kec hu-'ra daxo-'t'de-rok' iru'ok'. 212. hin-e' kya-'rec: ara hiri'ky iro-'ckya-te cos'k'araro-'? ha't'ok' hire'n baka"kat'ak'. 213. da-'sua co-? 214. ba-su-'re-t'k'. 215. k'o-'t'dak' bi' bi- t'a'tskya-t' di.awa'xpak' baka"kuwiky. 216. e k'o-'t'bawiky. 217. iro 'oce kuku'we u 'sa du-'uxe xawi-'sa xo-'xacirok' amma'wuce' k'o-k'. 218. k'a'ric k'ar a'xpok' da'ku"tseruk'. 219. de-'ra o 'tsiac he-'rerak' hin-e' cikya-'kec k o- ra'sa- 'tseruk'. 220. co-'nde hin-e cikya-'kec? i'riatsi'tseruk'. 221. tsitsi"'ri'tseruk'. 222. hu-'re- rok' isatkec' k'uc xa'pda't' datsi"tseruk'. 223. iro 'oce di xapi'wak'. 224. ma warisa '- hiky. 225. disa"ke k'arapu'ak' xawi'ky. 226. k'arahi-'sa k'arace-'ky xawi-'ky. 227. 42 Lowie: The Crow Language "Yes, I'll be through quickly. 142. After a little while come ye!" 143. Then after a little while they came. 144. "Well, how is it you work?" 145. "Already I am done, here it is." 146. She took it. 147. They came, the tipi they got to; her root digger she took. 148. "Something we'll dig up." 149. They went out, they went. 150. There they went. 151. This buffalo chip where she had peeled she got to. 152. Again she took it, she removed it. 153. "Do it, come, son, your people whom you wished to see let us go [there]." 154. Her digger27 this chip which she had peeled off she removed. 155. The hole her digger spanning it she replaced. 156. This sinew the point the upper end this digger there she tied it.28 157. Her son she carried on her back, this hole there she went in. 158. These sinews she held on to. 159. Then they went. 160. Slowly they went. 161. They went on and on. 162. The earth they did not reach. 163. There hanging they were. 164. "Well, why, son, the earth do we not reach?" 165. "Why, on the side of [buffalo] face sinews he did not bring, that is why, for that reason the earth we reach not that is it." 166. Then this Sun, when he came back, his wife and child were gone. 167. "Why, my wife and my child, where have they gone, I wonder?" he thought. 168. Then: "Why, what I forbade them they must have done, that is why. 169. I'll look for them." 170. When he came where they had gone a hole was there. 171. Yonder far down they were dangling. 172. "Why, if that is what they wished to do, me having told if they wanted to go, I'd have done it well I'd have let them go. 173. They have done it wrong," he thought, he was sad.29 174. A stone globular he took. 175. "Rock, that sinew [obj.] following go, there below get to. 176. The child that not, the woman's head that strike against and kill her," he said. 177. "Yes, I'll do it." 178. This stone he took and made it go. 179. There it went. 180. It proceeded, this woman's head it struck. 181. Her support [obj.] this sinew [apposition] [the impact] broke it. 182. The ground she struck. 183. There the boy roamed around, his mother there he continued [going around]. 184. He went hunting, whenever he returned when night would come toward [her] he lay. 185. There was an old woman, she had a home, her garden was extensive. 186. In the morning this old woman her garden when she came and got to, her corn was opened [pulled off], on the ground it scattered lay. 187. Her squashes when she got to punctured they lay. 188. There were holes. 189. This old woman it was: "What, I wonder, is this? All the time creatures whatever none ever got to me truly, this what is it that me has got to? 190. Now then I'll find out." The tracks when she looked at them were small. 191. "This [is] a child," she thought. 192. "Well, now, a girl whether or a boy?" 193. A bow arrows she made. 194. This garden there she put them. 195. A ball she made; a shinny stick there she put. 196. They were there. 197. This old woman: "If it's a boy, the arrows and bow he will take. 198. If it is a girl, this ball and shinny stick she will take." 199. This old woman this night lay down. 200. The next day she was anxious; she came and arrived. 201. Her garden toward she proceeded, she reached it. 202. When she looked this way, this ball was shot all over. 203. The arrows the bow were not there. 204."Why, it's a boy! 205. Whence does he come from, I wonder? 206. Keep still, when he comes I'll catch him." 207. Then the garden in she hid. 208. This boy him she wanted to catch. 209. She waited her garden in it. 210. Then he came. 211. The boy came; when he had come in he stood. 212. This old woman: "Well, you there! little son, whence came you?" "Why here I stay." 213. "Your home where is it?" 214. "I have no home." 215. "All right, I I am alone, I with you I'll live." 216. "Yes, I'll do it." 217. "Grandson,30 the squashes do not shoot, [plants] do not tear apart, the corn my food is this." 218. The old woman with her he lived. 219. Then this night when she looked here this boy was gone. 220. "Where did he go this boy?" she thought. 221. She looked for him. 222. When she came his mother toward lying he was. 223. "Grand- son, you I lost. 224. I was worried. 225. Your mother is rotted, it is bad. 226. Do not 27 This word should probably be omitted; it seems to me a mere ejaculation, anticipat- ing the following sentence. 28 I.e., she tied the sinew to the end of the digger. 29 So translated, but more likely "angry" in the context. 30 The Crow use the same term in address for son and grandson; the hero's name and his mode of addressing her indicates that the old woman is conceived as his adoptive grand- mother. 43 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. sal'pam? 228. o'tsiarak' bare.asu 'a k'o- k'o-n daxa'pdok' i'tsi.ima-'tsiky. 229. o'tsiorak' k'arawacde-'sa bare' asu'a k'o k'o,n xapi'. 230. e, k'o,'t'ba-wiky. 231. mara xte 'ritsim ikyo-'t'k'. 232. k'o-n da ka 'te'tseruk. 233. hawacda-'wat'k'. ba-asa-'t'ok'. 234. isxo 'xace a*na'k. at"o'k'. 235. iro 'oce bil kyo-ra'sarak' xo 'xace diru'c biara 'rak' hi'cikya-te ara'xuasa ihe' hi'cikya'ta'se kto- biri'sak' k'o- ru 'uce. 236. de"'ra he-'rit'de-rak' isa 'ka '^rec k'o ra'sa'tseruk'. 237. hiro-'oc masa'ka.'ra ba'pce"'c sa"'pdak' ice 're rok'? 238. ho-we' di'awak' sa-p'dak' e'waetse.wiky. 239. de"'ra aratci'a hi'ak'. 240. xo"'xace hi'cikyatec k'o' ru't''ak' o"'tseruk'. 241. o 'ra biri'- ci'tseruk'. 242. k'aro"cdak' sa"'wak' sasa'pa'k' du.'ira"'wiVtseruk'. 243. hin'e' arasa 'wec ba xi 'rultseruk'. 244. na'ra'wak' k'o't'a' e 'tci ra.'uWtseruk'. 245. mara 'p an'o"pe ko'-n asa"'rak' biri'arak' k*o'r asa"'rnk' e"'tci karu "tseruk'. 246. e' ba'i'tsikisu'k'. 247. xo 'xace kurut'o'k' iha"'te du"'uci'tseruk*. 248. asa"'rak' bara'pe tsitsi'pi tseruk'. 249. biri'a ku' tsici"tseruk'. 250. hiri'at'bak' arasa"ndet'bak'. 251. wasa&ka'are k'o-ri'ac ba'i'- tsikicikya'su'm. 252. biri'a' tsisa'k' k'araxaxu'a tsitsi'pak' xo"'xace du't'ok' kanara'- xua tseruk'. 253. de"'ra sa"'wak' sasaxpa'k'. 254. k'o't'a' naka'kec aegyewu'a ko'ta' dit'u'a isaxpo'k' iha'wac tsiwaka'rak'. 255. ise' ru't'ok' hire'm maxin'rec iha"'ta dap"i'- a'kuk' hawe"'ta'ri'tseruk'. 256. bici'axpaka-te du't ak' hire'm maxi"'rec i'wat k'uc da'xta ra'kak'ha'tsgyeka'ce 'tsruk'. ma'kuk'on 'i"kyo tsi'tseruk'. 257.de 'ra isa'ka.'are k'u "tseruk'. 258. masa'ka're' sa"'pe xo"'xace hi'cikya'te biri'cisande'c? 259. k'o'ri'ac ba'i'tsikicikya'tu bi ri'ara'tsisak'. 260. e, co.'ot'at'? 261. bi'mbacbim sa"'wak' arasa 'we xaxu'a baxi"'rikya'tum xaxu'a wap" e'ky. 262. diru'cdak' bari'at'ak'. 263. e'kya' i'tsikyl 264. hu'ra hi're'rak' wa"'ku k'o'n i'kyotsi'tsaruk. 265. e"kyuk'. 266. a, i'tsiky. 267. ho"'we ba-ra" ambe'wicbiky. 268. a re" ra. 269. da hawac da"tramara"'k'e wara'xka'tem k'o'tAk'. 270. k'annu'sak' k'u"'ok'. 271. hu'ra. iro"'ce e''k baxi"'rec bactatu'a ak'i'ase k'o.ok'. 272. k'arak'o-tse'sa inruw'pe. 273. e mara"xtam i'kyo-'tak'. 274. k'o"t' ba'sa- wima'tsiky. 275. na'tsi'an co"'ratsit' o"'ce ri'ak' a'ka'sak'. 276. bita"'rici'a asa'ka'tse"'n hin'e' o"'ce ri"'ac mita"'ricia asa'ke' ari'tsi.en de"tse'tseruk'. 277. da' co"'ratsit' hin'e o 'ce bita"raci'a ari'tsia de"kyu.oc bare'waxse'c kurutsi'ret' hin'e kya'rec ba'ha'mneta-ri awu'reta'ri'tseruk'. 278. de"'ra co-re"'rit'ak' isa'ka"'re k'ora'sa'tseruk' co"'c de'rit'de"- rak'. 279. he"'rok' hin'e' wasaka"'re i'ok'o'n e' kuruci'ky. 280. ha'mneta' na'kuk' sa 'p dak'? 281. ho"'wekyawe awa'kawiky. 282. ba'pu'xtatsgyerok' ha'nde'rok' hin'e' bita"'raciec ari'tsiataltseruk'. 283. aci"'ruceta a'i'mbiri tseruk'. 284. ikya'nde'rok' kari"tsia i' ictawu'ata datsu'suata'tseruk'. 285. a' hin'e' aWpara.'&xe.te basa'ka'are e"kuruci"'t' ak'apa"' rak'u"'rec k'o-k'. 286. ise' ru'tok' u'a ice'hirok' dap'i'ahi'tseruk'. 287. de"Ira isa'ka'rec k'arak'u "tseruk'. masa'ka'are he"tseruk' e- ra"kuruci't' aka- pa 'ra'k'u"'rac ba'p"i'ehiky. 288. e'kya'wa'. co'? 289. hin'e"ky hu i'kye. 290. na 'mna i'kya'tsaruk'. 291. e' wakuruci't' apa"'ralk'u"'rec na"'p"'em i'tsiky. 292. ho'm a'wara"' awa'xiwa'wiky. 293. du't'ok' ira'cb atsipa"hak'-du"xaru'ak' are'ra bire' k'o- a'i'wi'ok' dactat'do'k'. 294. na' k'anna'. 295. k'o'ri'ac hin'e' kya'rec hin'e' wapu'xtatsgyec tsira' k'o"wisak'. 296. isba'pi'tec dap'i'ehi'tseruk'. 297. isa'ka'are tsire'c hin'e wapu'xtatsgyec kyo'rak': ka"'rice bara'k'di'ara.i.ec hira'k' baha'm nara"k'. 298. bi watsa"tsiky bari'atsac di'sba'pi'te birap"e"ky andi'mbia tsi"'ri. 299. hin-e kyan'rec k'o i'werak 44 Lowie: The Crow Language go to her she is dead, it is bad. 227. What for? 228. At night our home that there if you sleep, it will be well. 229. Tonight around do not go, our home that there lie down." 230. "Yes, that will I. 231. I did not quite know [understand], that is why." 232. There he stayed around. 233. Around he roamed. He hunted. 234. Her corn was plenty. 235. "Grandson, I when away, corn if you want to eat, the red do not boil, the rest red not that cook that eat." 236. Then when he looked around his grandmother was not there. 237. "Let me think, my grandmother what she said why did she say it? 238. Well, now, I doing it whatever it is I'll find out." 239. Then the garden he reached. 240. Corn red that he took and brought. 241. He brought and cooked it over the coals. 242. When it cooked it popped, it crackled [the kernels] were jumping. 243. This when it popped [turned into] blackbirds. 244. They flew off at the same time scattering they scattered. 245. At the smoke hole there they went out, also at the door there they went out separating they escaped. 246. "Well, they are funny." 247. The corn he took back, in another place he laid it down. 248. He went out, the flaps he shut. 249. The door also he shut. 250. "Thus I'll do, I'll make it impossible for them to get out. 251. My grandmother, I discovered some extremely funny things." 252. The door he shut, now all [openings] he had closed, the corn he took he cooked it. 253. Then it popped it cracked. 254. All over, the birds inside all over gave their bird calls, they were noisy about in confusion criss-cross they flew. 255. His arrows he took, these blackbirds different ones he killed one after the other, he destroyed them all truly. 256. Cords he took these blackbirds against one another he kept tying, it was [a] very long [string]; up above he hung them. 257. Then his grandmother came back. 258. "Grand- mother, why corn red do not roast! did you say? 259. I found out something pleasurable you forbade me to do." 260. "Yes, how is it?" 261. "When I roasted them they popped, what popped all around turned into blackbirds, all I killed. 262. You'll eat them, I thought." 263. "Well, I declare! It is well." 264. She came and got there; up above he had hung them. 265. "There they are." 266. "Yes, it is well. 267. Now then I'll go I'll tend to it." 268. She carried it. 269. "Go, go ye around; my child is ignorant, that is it." 270. She put them down and came back. 271. She came. "Grandson, those blackbirds my garden guardians are they. 272. Don't do it a second time." 273. "Yes, I did not know that's why. 274. That I'll not do [again]." 275. Time passed. Once food she prepared, a great deal she made. 276. The draft screen about then end of it this food she had cooked the screen's end behind she threw. 277. Occa- sionally this cooked food which she threw behind the screen the plate when she took back this old woman there was nothing inside was nothing. 278. Then some time his grand- mother was not there, wherever she went to. 279. Then "This my grandmother over there food she puts away. 280. Always there is none [comes back]. Why? 281. Well now, I'll see." 282. A dragon3l when he looked that way [gesture] this screen behind it was. 283. The edge of the tipi it went clear around. 284. When he looked at him, lightning [?] through his eyes was like the crack of a whip. 285. "Here this ghostlike one [is the one who] my grandmother food whenever she stores the constant devourer of it is he." 286. His arrows he took, he shot several times he killed him forthwith. 287. Then his grandmother came back. "My grandmother," he said, "the food you used to store its devourer I have killed." 288. "Well, I declare! Where?" 289. "Here, come and see." 290. She went and saw it. 291. "[That] the food I have been storing its devourer you killed is good.82 292. Move away, with it I'll go and I'll throw it away." 293. She took it, her shoulders she put it over, she dragged it, she took it, the water that with it she wanted to reach. It was heavy. 294. "Go, now go!" 295. Now it turned out this old woman this dragon as her husband that she had. 296. Her grandson had killed him. 297. This grandmother's husband this dragon it was he: "Old woman, you have often done various things, [but] now some one you have met. 33298. 'I am powerful,' I thought, [but] your grandson me killed. Your safety seek [imper.]!" 299. This 31 Literally, long otter. 32 It is a good thing you have killed the one who regularly devoured the food I was wont to store. "8You have met your master. 45 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. datsi"tsvruk'. 300. k u 're'tseruk'. 301. hin-e k a 'rec: hiro-'oc hin-e' cikya-'ke co 'ot' ba-'rok' ikyo-ra'sa.i? i'riatsi'tseruk". 302. da ka't'de'tseruk . 303. ho-'wekawe' co-'otba-'rak' i-ce-'kyahe'? 304. iro 'oce di wara-'xka-tac iPi-i-'rakan ba-p xawi-'ky k'o 'ract. 305. dara-'ri hiP'sat'a-ri. 306. sa-'pa? a 'ra ba'wiky. 307. i'i-i-'rok ba'ndaxka'pe citse' he'ra ka're k'o'n ba-m k o-'rak'. 308. sa 'pa masa 'ka 're? 309. naxpitse' he"tseruk'. 310. ak i'wicit ap'a-'hiky ditsira-'tsim matsa"'tsk'. 311. ? ditsira-'tsibisa'wiky . . . . . 312. ho-'wekyawe. 313. basa'ka-'are macv 'rsc ba-ra' ba'ki'ciwiky. 314. a-'ra i'i-i-'rak' citskya-'te k o-n i'oxasa m klo-'rgk'. 315. ku' ditsira-'tsk'. 316. k u'te' biroxba 'ket di 'ut a'pariarak sa 'he ky. ha'tsgye matsa 'tsk . 317. ho 'wekyawe, ba-ra' baki'ciwiky ha-k' k'ande 're'tseruk'. 318. na 'mna hin-e i'axasec hi"tseruk". 319. hin-e' i'oxasec dace'"tseruk . 320. a-a' e'ky i'tsikya-tem sa'pam bi'arok e'? 321. xatsi 'sa ra 'tsi he"tseruk'. 322. nap i'ehi'tseruk'. 323. ho-'wekyawe i-'rak' naxpitse' hu'act bara*' k'u"kan baki'ciwiky. 324. hire' ri'ak' k'arahu'"tseruk'. 325. hu 'rahi' tseruk'. 326. naxpitse'rak he-'rape ha'tsgyeka-'cdak'. 327. k'us tace"tseruk'. 328. hu"tseruk'. 329. a'e ky i'tsikya-tem co s u'ak' i-hu'rok'e'e 330. a'pe' ha'k'usi'ok' k o-n iru'ok' datsi"tseruk'. 331. hu-'kawe. 332. hu"tserukX. 333. hu'ra hi"tseruk' hin-e raxpitse'c. 334. hu' ha-k' a'xpak' de"'tseruk . 335. hinve i'9xasec hi"tseruk'. 336. du'ttak a-'pasi'ak' a 'kine'tseru'k'. 337. hine i'Txasec isa cgyi'axtsiP'ak' hin-e' naxpitse'c a 'kina'kt. 338. hire' ri';ak ace' k'usu"tseruk'. 339. masa ka-'are ha-'rawak'. 340. hin-e isaka-' rec k usu'- 'tseruk'. 341. hin-e' isa'ka'rec asa 'ritserukX. 342. i'kya'tseruk'. 343. masa 'ka-'re hinde' wa.wi'tsikya-cim a wo 'm wara'k'uk . 344. ba-ra'p-i rare t' dic'tsiwisak' ha'wan dari-'- rak daro"'ec hira-'k' inve a-'kinak' bara'p-irak' tsi-'ra'ga-k' hira-'k' k'uk' ak i'tsideri- ma-tsiky k andisa-'cgyebici'm. 345. e i'tsiwi'kyarama. 346. iro.'oce hu'wa hawat'a'm buruci 'wiky. 347. baxt a'k' hin-e i'oxase c a-'piaxtsi gyak` hin-e raxpitse'c a re"tseruk' daka-'ak'. 348. da-'ra di'mbiarel 349. bawatsa-'tska-'cim bare-'hiky. 350. he 'rak'hire'n k'ara 'k' da.'utseruk'. 351. cikya-'kec hawacda-'watak . 352. k'a''rec: hin-e' cikya-'kec co.'ot'barakt i k ora'sa i kyahe? 353. k'an ne 'se k on datsi"tseruk'. 354. daci'gya ra 'tsi tseruk'. 355. ara iro 'ocgya ta ba-m di hi-'sa wa'k'u-'t ba-n di-watsiwa.'uwiciky k'o- rara ' wiara-'iky. 356. hira-'k' ba-n ditsira-tskya-'cim e-"kyurak'. 357. hira"kt hi-'sa. 358. sa 'pa masa ka-'are? 359 ii-it'rok' buru'aka're ba-"pe biaxse-'n awe' tsua'ka-tem k"o'n ari'ande bara'p xuam xa 'wikya-cim ari'ande bi'axse-ta de-ky. 360. ak"o nde 'wiciky hin-e' ware 'c xapo'k' i"tsitak' dapi-'ahiky. 361. hira-k' hi-'sa. 362. ba ce re'c ba-'sak' hel'tseruk'. 363. e biratsi'we i'tsiky. 364. a'ra hawacda-'watak' ba-as-a'tdak' da'ku'- "tseruk'. 365. hiro-'ce-kya-'tem masa"ka-re wace 'rec co-'ot dak'? 366. wara ' wara- kiciwiky. 367. k'ara hire' ri'ak' hu-'re'tseruk'. 368. sa-p bara'xa-t'dak' bara'xdawa 'tak'. 369. hu-'reky. 370. ba-pe tsuaka-t" ari'ande tsu'aka-t' iha"te ari'ande de 'tatseruk'. 371. e "kyo n wasa ka-'re wace'c. 372. a k'ara-xtata 'ndak' k arak'o sa"taka t'dak' xaru'sak' hu"tseruk'. 373. hin-e' ware'c k'arahi-'ta-rak' hi c de"tserukX. 374. k'an biaxse-'n nak' hi c de-'rak' hine' ware 'c k ande-'ky i'riat'dak' xawu'a xape"tseruk'. 375. ak'de-'cirak" bita's iPtsipu'orak'. 376. ma 'heri.a marap-e 'reta'tserukl. 377. awe 'ta ba"t'dak' it ba-'k'ucde-'sak' hine' cikya-'kec a 'tse tsipu'a de"tseruk'. 378. tsire"- 'tseruk hine' bare'c. 379. awate' ra-k' hin-e cikya-'kec. 380. tsisa-'k' k`u "tseruk". 381. hu-'ra k'arabiaxse-'n de-'ritde-'rak' k'o-m bita's iatsipu'a tscruk . 382. mahe ' ria hine mare'c xawu'a xapi"tseruk'. 383. tsisa-'hak' a-'kaxpu'ok" de"tseruk'. 384. k*o-ta' raqku"tseruk". 385. ha'k"se hine' ware-'c daxci'xsitsak' ko-m batsi"tserukt. 46 Lowie: The Crow Language old woman she crying was. 300. She returned. 301. This old woman: "I wonder this boy what can I do so he will not be here?"34 she thought. 302. She lived on.35 303. "Let me think what can I do so he'll die? 304. Grandson, you are ignorant, yonder something evil dwells. 305. You might get to it, be sure not to get to it."36 306. "What is it? [To himself:] Well I'll get there." 307."Yonder a brush patch a hill on its side there something is there." 308. "What is it, my grandmother?" 309."A bear," she said. 310. "Wherever one gets there it eats him up, it is dangerous very." 311. "Yes, dangerous it must be terribly. 312. [To himself:] Let me think. 313. My grandmother what she told I'll go I'll get to it." 314. "Well, yonder there is a little hill there a snake is there. 315. Also it is dangerous. 316. There whenever people get there it coils around them and kills them; it is long ex- tremly." 317. "Let me see, I'll go I'll go to it for fun," he said [to himself] and went off. 318. He proceeded, this snake he reached. 319. This snake was furious. 320. "[Exclamation of challenge], that pretty one, what is he going to do I wonder?" 321. Keep still and re- main, " he3' said. 322. He killed him forthwith. 323. "Let me see, that bear aforementioned I'll go that also I'll get to." 324. There he went, he came. 325. He came, he arrived. 326. The bear his waist was very long. 327. Against him he was furious. 328. He came. 329. "Ah, that that pretty one, whither is he coming, what for is he coming?" 330. His ears drooped, there standing he remained. 331. "Come here." 332. He came. 333. He came and reached him, this bear. 334. "Come," he said and with him he went. 335. This snake he got to. 336. He took it he put it round [the bear's neck], he rode him [the bear]. 337.This snake having made into a guiding rope this bear he rode. 338. There he went, the lodge he came to. 339. "Grandmother," he kept on saying. 340.This his grandmother he came to. 341 .This his grandmother came out. 342. She saw him. 343. "My grandmother, here a most pretty one I bring, I give you. 344. Whenever you would dig roots and carry a pack walking afoot you would come, this time this [beast ride], when you dig let it carry [the roots] on its back, now thus you will feel set up now that you have a horse." 345. "Yes, it is good be- yond words. 346. Grandson, give it here, somewhere I'll put it." 347. This snake she used as a rope, this bear she took with her, she led it. 348. "Go ye, look for safety! 349. Some- thing very powerful us has reached." 350. Then these ran away. 351. The boy was going around. 352. The old woman: "This boy how shall I act so he shall not be here?" 353. Out from the river there she stayed. 354. She was thinking it over. 355. "Why, my dear grandchild, something to you 'Do not go' we said, something you we told in full there you would want to go. 356. Now some things most dangerous are over there! 357. This time don't go there." 358. "What is it, my grandmother?" 359. "Yonder below a rock under it the ground is narrow there is a path cherry trees [which are] many limbed, the path under it goes. 360. Whoever goes there this tree falls it falls on top and kills him forthwith. 361. Now do not go." 362. "Yes, what you spoke of I'll not get to," he said. 363. "Yes, [that] you told me is well." 364. Well, he roamed about, he was hunting continually. 365. "Let me see, my grandmother's what she spoke of how is it? 366. I'll go for the fun of it I'll go." 367. Now there he went, he came. 368. Whatever song it was, he sang as he went along. 369. He came. 370. The rock was narrow, the road was narrow, in any other place there was no road.371."There is my grandmotherwhat she talked about." 372. He pretended not to know, then when close to it he ran and came. 373.This tree [when] came close to him fast he went. 374. Then he was under it fast when he went, this tree "He is going" thought, crashing it fell. 375. He pretended to go aside, he jumped. 376. In vain it [tree] did it, no one at all it killed. 377. On the ground it was lying; before it got up this boy over it jumped. 378. It got up, this tree. 379. Far went this boy. 380. Turning back he came back. 381. He came, under it he pretended to go then aside he jumped. 382. In vain this tree crashing fell. 383. He turned back, he stepped over it, he went. 384. The same way he con- tinued. 385. At last this tree was broken up, there it lay. 386. It did not get up. 387. He 34 I.e., to get rid of him. 3 I.e., after a while. 36 I.e., in your ignorance you might go there, be sure not to do so. 37 The boy. 47 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 386. k'aratsire'sa'tseruk'. 387. k'arak'u'rect. 388. hu'ra isa'ka-'arec hi're'tseruk'. 389. masa'ka-'are wace 'rec i'tsiciky. 390. k'u-'awe i-ce-'wak. 391. e co-'ot'da? 392. hin-e wara,'kec mace-wu'ac k'arahi' tsise 'ky. 393. k'o hi-'sa ba-'iru'ac. 394. k'oware'c ak'- biaxse'ndecci'wewim. 395. k'o-m bita's bi'tsipu'awim xawu'a xapi'ky. 396. a 'tse bi'tsipula bare-'ky. 397. k'aratsi' baltsisa 'k'. 398. andi'awec k'ot'bak'. 399. xawu'a xa'pde-m k'aratsi' a 'tse wi'tsipu'a mare-'k'. 400. k'o't'ba waka"kuwim ha-'k'se hine ware 'c daxci'xsisa-k' ba-'tsiky. 401. k'aratsire'sak'. 402. ktar hine' bu'o k'o-k'. 403. iro 'oce hin-e kya-'rec kyo-'rak'. k'o-t'ba-m di wa tsiwa'ut" k'o- rara-'hi-c. 404. e-'ky hin-e hiri'se kto-n hiri'c araka-rok' ba-"pem batce'ctse'm k'o,n na.'ut' xaku'pak' k`o-'rok'. 405. biroxba-'ket' hine xaku'pec a 'tse tsipu'a bi 'ut' hine xaku'pec du'pte xa,'hiky awu'a k'o- re-ruk' awate' matsa"'tsk' k'ar ariri'kyucduw're-t'k'. 406. hi 'sa hira-'k'. 407. e t'ak'ditsira"'tsiwiky ma-'sabi"'ma 'tsiky. 408. k'ara ise' ru'ttok'. 409. k'arahawacda'watak' de"tseruct. 410. a-'ra K'a-'ricba-pi'tu disa'"ka-re ba-pee 'rec awa'kakiciwo-k'. 411. k'ara hire' ri'ak'. 412. k'us hu're 'tseruk' hinve' xaku'pec. 413. hine' ba"pe batse'cdec hire' ri'ok' tsitsi'ra k' huw're.'tseruk'. 414. e "kuok' disa"ka re ba-ce 'c e'"kyo-k'. 415. xaku'pec k'arahi"tseruk'. 416. hiri'a akara x'tata ndak hin-e xaku'pec k'arahi'ahakha-k'. 417. ak'a 'tse.iltsipu'@c ci're-rok' du 'ptaxi'tseruk'. 418. it' bita'se i'tsipu"tseruk'. 419. k'ambatce'c de-'rerok' ak'axpu'ade'tseruk'. 420. k'ara- wate-ra-'hictadaka-'tak' tsisa' hu"tseruk'. 421. hin-e' xaku'pec k'us hu"tseruk'. 422. na 'mna hi'ok' ak'de'se 're-rok' du-'pta xa 'hi'tseruk' xaku'pec. 423. it'bita's iltsipu'- 'tseruk'. 424. de 'ra k'ambatce'c hu 're'tseruk'. 425. k'ambatsi 'rek' a'kaxpu'ade"'tseruk'. 426. dacipa'k' de"tseruk'. 427. k'aratsi' hinie andi'ac k'otse"tseruk'. 428. k'u' k'arak' o-t'a-'k' iru""tseruk'. 429. he 'rak' batse'c de're-t' as'tse i'tsipu'ak'. 430. k'u'karak'- o-ta-'ra'ku ha 'k'se k'araha-'wi'tseruk'. 431. k'annur'ptaidsaltseruk'. 432. k'ara 'tse i'tsipu'arit' de-ky k'annur'ptaxisahi'rok'. 433. k'am ma-k'o 'n na tsi"tseruk'. 434. k'arak'u"'re'tseruk'. 435. isa'ka'rec kyo-rok' asa'rk i'kyare'tseruk' hin-e' kya 'rec. 436. na 'mna isa'ka-'re hi"tseruk'. 437. basa'ka 're ba pcere'c ba-'wiwim k'u 'okacba t'. 438. ak'a 'tsedese 'wewim du'ptaxa-"dak' bita's bi tsipu'am de-'ra k'ambatce'c de-'rem a 'tse biltsipu'ok' bare 'ky. 439. ko -'t'bak' baru.'ukiciwim. 440. ha 'k'se ku' iltsiriP'- ndetak' k'araha-'wiky. 441. k'amba-' k'o-n da 'tsiky. 442. e kya'wa! ditsira 'tsec dara'k'. 443. K'a-'ricba-pi'tuac k'o 'rok': k'araha'mnet'k'. 444. hira-'k'e' hawacda-' watdak' da'ku"tseruk'. 445. isa'ka 'rec k'o-'rak' a'ra iro 'oce ba di watsiwa 'k' hi 'sa ba-'wit' k'o rara' bi'ara.iky. 446. hira-'k'e' e-"kyon ba p'xawa.'um k'o-ru-'k'. 447. hira'k' hi 'sata 'ri. 448. sa 'pa masa'ka 'are? 449. i{i i 'rokan aci'm hawatka'te ko'rok hi 'sa. 450. K'a-'ricba-pi-tua ise' ru't'ak' hawacda-'wat'ok' da 'ku"tseruk'. 451. a'ra K'a-'ricba-pi'tu disa"ka re wa ce'c sa,'pdok' awa'kakciwo k' ha-k' k'arahu 're'tseruk'. 452. hin-e' ace' hawa'tka'tec k'ari'kyaltseruk'. 453. disa"ka-re ba-ce'c e "kyo k'. 454. hire' ri'ok' k'us hu"tseruk'. 455. hu'ra awe 'ren iru'ahi'tseruk'. 456. K'a-'ricba pi'tu bare' hi-'sac bare' hi-ky. 457. hu' bire'ri. e 458. bt xa-pdak' dut'e"tseruk'. 459. u.'uce bL'a xa-pec i'satse'tseruk'. 460. bare' ha'tskite ara.'aco.ta a cgyewu'a a-i'mbiri'tseruk' hire'm mare'c. 461. da-m aco 'ria bire'm. 462. da-'mna awa 'tsi'tseruk'. 463. k'ar i'oxasec hawa'tdak' awe' awua k'o- ra-k'. 464. awu'ate awe' u 'ce i'kyuxaka-te k'arak'o-' u 'ce awua' k'o- rewi'ok'. 465. hinie' ba-"pem u 'ce i'satsec i'exi rit'a-'k' k'ara 'k'de- 'tseruk'. 466. k'are"tseruk'. hin-e K'a-'ricba-pituac kuckyo-' k'a-'ritata natsi"tse- 'tseruk'. 467. da ihe-'t' awe' awua' k'o- ra*'k' da- u 'ce bire'mbiaru-t' hin-e' ma "pe iVoxi ri'tsedu'tseruk'. 468. k'ara-'k' de"'ru'tseruk'. 469. di'a el'ky K'a-'ricba'pitua bare' hi-'sac bare wire-'ri'kiciky ba-wiri'sku'aha-ra ba-ruwsa-'hi. 470. pi'axitdak' biri's ku.o '- tseruk'. 471. k'arak'urutVa'k'. 472. hiri'kyusa'kec hire' i'exasec: hu-'ekyawe batsira'ci't awaka-'mbiky. 473. du't'ak' da'cgyapaha 'tsi'tseruk'. 474. i'a awu'an cikya'hi'tse'tseruk' hin-e' ba-wiri'suoc. 475. ha! k'ari'tsima-k'. 476. hin-e' i'oxasec k'o- tse'tseruk'. 477. 48 Lowie: The Crow Language went back. 388. He came his grandmother he got to. 389. "My grandmother, what you spoke of is interesting. 390. I fooled it, greatly I did." 391. "Yes, how did you act?" [To herself]: 392. "This child of mine what we spoke of reached, it seems. 393. That do not reach we would say." 394. "That tree to go under I pretended to want. 395. Then aside when I jumped, crashing it fell. 396. Over it I jumping I went. 397. Again I turned back. 398. What I had done that I did [again]. 399. Crashing when it fell, again over it I jumping I went. 400. Thus I did I kept on, at last this tree broken up lay. 401. Now no longer it got up. 402. Now here we have come, that it is." 403. "Grandson," this old woman it was [who spoke], "it is so what you we are wont to tell you there you regularly go. 404. There this way, then this way [pointing] a rock to- gether comes there [people] when they go a hollow is there. 405. People this hollow over it to jump whenever they wish, this hollow apart spreads, they regularly fall in, deep it is exceedingly, then they are unable to get out. 406. Do not get to it this time!" 407. "Yes, verily, it must be terribly dangerous, I shall not get to it." 408. Then his arrows he took. 409. He went around he went. 410. "Well, Old Woman's Grandchild,'8 your grandmother what she spoke of we'll see for the fun of it." 411. Then there he went. 412. To it he came, this hollow. 413. [To] this rock that together went there he went, he looked for it he came. 414. "There your grandmother's what she said it is there." 415. The hollow he reached. 416. [?] he pretended not to know, this hollow he came up to. 417. A jumper across he simu- lated it spread apart. 418. Still aside he jumped. 419. Now together when it came he stepped over it. 420. Then when he had gone some distance turning back he came. 421. This hollow to he came. 422. He proceeded, he got there, one who wanted to go he simulated, apart it spread, the hollow. 423. Again aside he jumped. 424. Then together it came. 425. When it came together he stepped over it. 426. Passing it he went. 427. Again this which he had done the same he did. 428. That the same he did he repeated it. 429. Then together when- ever it went, over it he jumped. 430. Thus he kept on the same way, at length it was de- stroyed. 431. No longer it spread apart. 432. Over it he jumped, it could not spread any more. 433. Then unchanged it remained. 434. He came back. 435. His grandmother it was, she came out and saw him this old woman. 436. He proceeded his grandmother he reached. 437. "My grandmother, what you spoke of when I reached it, I fooled it thoroughly. 438. To go over it I pretended, when it spread aside I jumped, then together when it came over it I jumping went. 439. Thus I did I repeated it. 440. At length it was helpless, it was de- stroyed. 441. Unmoving it lay." 442. "Well, well! A dangerous one you met." 443. Old Woman's Grandson it was: "It is gone now." 444. Now he roamed about he continued. 445. His grandmother it was: "Well, grandson, what I tell you, don't go when I say there you go you wish regularly. 446. Now over there some bad ones are there. 447. This time do not go there, truly." 448. "What, grandmother?" 449. "Over there a tent one is there, don't get to it." 450. Old Woman's Grandson his arrows he took, he roamed he continued. 451. "Well, Old Woman's Grandson, your grandmother's talk whatever it be we shall see," he said and came. 452. This tent one he saw. 453. "Your grandmother what she talked of are there." 454. There he went, to it he came. 455. He came, outside he stood. 456. "Old Woman's Grandson, the one who did not come to us has got. 457. Come, enter." "Yes."458. A stone flat he picked up. 459. His anus the stone flat he closed with. 460. Poles long on the floor inside went clear around these poles. 461. "Go ahead, in the rear go in [?]." 462. He proceeded he sat down. 463. Then, snakes one the earth inside went. 464. Through the earth anus opposite then the anus inside he wanted to go. 465. This rock which closed the anus [with] his forehead he struck and fled. 466. About it knew this Old Woman's Grand- son from before, smiling he was. 467. Then another the earth entering then his anus would want to enter, this rock with their forehead would strike. 468. They would flee. 469. "Well, now, that Old Woman's Grandson who us did not get to us he has come in to, prepare ye food on the fire for him [so] he may eat." 470. Spleen cooked they for him. 471. They took it out. 472. The farthest on this side this snake [said]: "Give it here, I'll try it [for him] right away." 473. Taking it he bit it several times [?]. 474. His teeth inside he threw this meat. 475. "Ha! Now I've made it good." 476. This snake that said. 477. This one next to 38 The hero is soliloquizing here. 49 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. hi'ritsisare'c; hu'ekyawe bi' ba'tsiraci"ts awaka-'mbiky. 478. ara xawi 'm duci 'i. 479. ha-'k'se i'axaxu'a di'u'tseruk'. 480. hire' ri'atseruk'. 481. xaxu'a tsiraci"daku'o- 'tseruk'. 482. k'o,ri'ac hinre' daegyapa-hu-'ac hire' i'oxasec hine' wa wiri'suac pi'axi'tec da'cgyapak' i 'u awu'atse du-'sa.u'tseruk'. 483. K'a'ricba-pi'tua ice'o wi.'uk' i kyo t'- u."tseruk'. 484. hin'e pi'axi"'tec k'arak'u'o-tseruk'. 485. ktahe' k'amba-ru-cki'ce hin-e pi'axiPtec. 486. K'a-'ricba-pi'tua du'tsi'tseruk'. 487. ha-k' ikya-'hatsi'an. 488. hire-'ruk' ak'ba wiri'cicsu 'wiky o 'cet co 'rak'? 489. hin'e pi'axiPtec bire' awu'a ci.'tsi'tseruk'. 490. o-'cbak' bu-'cbiky. 491. hin-e pi'axi'tec bire' awu'a hawas klurusa 'hi*tseruk'. 492. hin-e' i 'o k'o-ri'uc ara'xa.u'tseruk'. 493. i'axasec ba-watsa-'t' di'o&tseruk'. 494. i 'u kuruckya'pbahak' i'uc ara'xuk' k'araha 'wi'tseruk'. 495. du'taok' du 'ci'tseruk' apa'hi'tserukt. 496. hin-e' i'oxasec k'o-rok' hawat'dok'; Ka"'ricba'pi'tua bare' hi 'sa.ec bare' hi-ky awa'xpak' ba-'etsi batsiwe-'kciwo-k'. 497. i'axasec i-wak'o-t ce"tseruk'. 498. hin e' hu'ac i 'ctsirok' hi'rok'. di'cte baku'we. 499. du't ak' k'o i'cte iri'a tseruk'. 500. ise' co-'pka-ce hawa't'dak' hi'ciak' hawa'tdak' cipi'tak' hawa'tak' ci-'ri'gyak' hawa'tak' u'ke iri'a&tseruk'. 501. ise 'c co-'pa pa't'ak'. 502. bi i'asia. 503. ikye'! hu-'rak'. 504. aru 'ute du-'ciky ? ha-'ta"'re. 505. hin-e' i'axasec di'a ba.e-'tsi ba tsiwe 'wiky. ham bi'awakusa t' bara'pu- apa-'re isa ' wuru'a k'o- bikye' cu'aka-tet' a'xa c tawe'cta- ka-tet' k o-m maxapa 'ut" bare-' hira'mbe-ruc he'! he"tseruct. 506. K'a'ricba-pi'tuac klar hira'wictseruct. 507. he-t' i'kyaro'rok' i'ctse icte'c ba-'k'o-n dasara'sak' natsi'- 'tseruk' icte'. 508. hira'wisak' i'riatu'tseruk'. 509. i'kye'! hu't' hiwe' ise'c ? ha"ratsi'- 'tseruk'. 510. are-Ira ise 'c hawa't'dakk xapo'k' i"'se' iritsi"tseruk'. 511. it'a'hi'tseruk'. 512. k'amba.e"'tsitsiwa.uc k'o wi.'ut'. 513. bi"gyem ba:e'tsi watsiwewi ky. 514. ? na 'wi i'tsirak'. 515. disa"ka're bawa'kase n di a'xpak' ba.e-'tsi tsiwa' da'ku.'ima-tsiky. 516. i'tsikya,cem k'o- tsiwe-'kici bikyuku'wo k'. 517. k'o-'t'ba-wiky. 518. hin-e ware' ara 'co ico 'tse ta du-'sa.uc a-i'mbirec acu"'o xaxu'a altsipe-ok' is aracu'sa'k'. 519. ikye' he"tseruk'. 520. basa-t' hut'bici"taka-'tat' ari"tsiratsi'a k'o- maxape 'rit'- bo't' pu 'pua batsa"tsixaxo t' bikyu'ku.'ot' bare' hira'wise'ruc he-'? 521. tsu"'sec k'ar ? hesu "tserukl. 522. k'arahira'mma 'u'tseruk'. 523. ba"'pit' xara"'cdaka-tlat' ace' i'ritse i xawu'atat' bita's ba-'xapok' bat'bu-'o tawe-'wak' baka-'ut' bare' hiramme 'ruc he'? 524. tsu"'sec k'arahirama"'u'tseruk'. 525. o.'otsiat' baxa'p'bo-t' baratso 'ose hut'- bici'cdot' ciri 'ore 'ta bi kyuk awaka-'ritak' ko t'a' maxapu 't' ammare'hirawara-'xta bare' hirame"'ruc he'! he"tseruk'. 526. k'araxaxu'a hira'wu'tseruk'. 527. ba-'tsia sata'- tsit' ba-xaku'pa batsi-'rak' awu'an i waci"'ut' aci' hiraka"'tsiky bare' hu'tsi'ritatak' he t' mare' apa'cecdat' k ot 'a' k'ama-xapu-'t' ba"'tsiac ciri'are tat bikyukuki'sak' bi'kyukawakaritu'a a ware ' hirambe'ruc he'. 528. ikye'! he 'rit'de 'rak' k'amma.iri'- reta-'ndak' k 'araxaxuata're hira'wu'tseruk'. 529. hire' i'axasec hire-'r a'para-'axe'te. 530. ba"'pe kyo-ta' ba.i'ky di'&akura-k'. 531. isbi'tsia ru'toak' hiri'kyusakec bare' a cu'o 50 Lowie: The Crow Language him: "Give it here I, too, I am going to test it. 478. Why, it might be bad and he might eat it." 479. At last all of them did it. 480. Here he came [?]. 481. All had tested they for him. 482. As a matter of fact, these who had bitten, these snakes, these cooked meat spleen bit their teeth inside they sprinkled. 483. Old Woman's Grandchild thereby to kill they wanted, that is why they did it. 484. This spleen they gave him. 485. "Well, feast on this spleen." 486. Old Woman's Grandchild took it. 487. Then he looked here and there. 488. "These here as cooks are no good, is this cooking?" 489. This spleen fire into he threw. 490. "I, having cooked, I'll eat." 491. This spleen in the fire he turned over repeatedly. 492. These teeth they put in were burnt. 493. The snakes were having a hard time. 494. Their mouths were holding [with pain], their teeth were burnt and destroyed. 495. He took [the food] and ate it, he ate it up. 496. This snake it was one of them: "Old Woman's Grandchild, [who] us would not get to, us has got to we with you stories for pastime will tell." 497. The snake thus spoke. 498. As he [Old Woman's Grandson] was coming a jack rabbit he had met. [To him he had said]: "Your eyes give me." 499. He took them, those eyes he used. 500. His arrows four, one of them was red, one black, one painted yellow, one white clay he made. 501. His arrows four he stuck in the ground. 502. "Me look out for." 503. "Attention!" they [the snakes] said. 504. The arrows he laid down: "Yes, be sure to say."39 505. This snake: "Come, stories I'll tell: In the spring young cherry trees in their shelter40 the grass is green, the sun is a little warm, then when we lie down we feel like sleeping!" he said. 506. Old Woman's Grandchild was asleep. 507. However, when they looked the rabbit's eyes unchanged staring glassily were his eyes. 508. "He is not asleep," they thought. 509. "At- tention!" whenever they said these arrows "Yes" kept saying. 510. After a while his ar- rows one of them fell, his face it struck. 511. He woke up. 512. Now the storytelling they stopped. 513. [He said]: "I am going to tell stories."41 514. "Yes, go ahead, you are doing the right thing. 515. Your grandmother I have not seen her42 in your company stories must have been telling continually. 516. A very good one that tell for pastime, we'll listen." 517. "That will I." 518. These sticks on the floor in front of them which they put, went clear around, heads all they put on them their face toward the ara 'co they had. 519. "Attention!" he said. 520. "In the fall whenever there is a little wind some shelter there when we lie dried weeds43 when they rub against each other when we listen we generally get drowsy, is it not so?" 521. Half of them already "Yes" said not. 522. Already they were asleep. 523. "In the daytime when it drizzles, the lodge when it strikes so it rattles44 on the side we lie and our soles we warm we remain, we fall asleep, is it not so?" 524. Half already were asleep. 525. "At night when we lie down bleached wood [old trees] when there is a wind when it rattles when we are listening at the same time we lie how we sleep we do not know but we we fall asleep, is it not so?" he said. 526. Now all were asleep. 527. "Pines rather thick [among] a hollow we seek, inside we camp, the camp is newly made us the wind blows on so we are fairly tired, at the same time when we lie down the pines are rustling we listen to it we keep listening until we fall asleep." 528. "Atten- tion!" when he said they remained silent,45 all truly were asleep. 529. "These snakes these are like ghosts. 530. All day [every day ?] mischief they habitually do."46 531. His knife he 39 The fragmentary character of this paragraph is due to the narrator's at first forget- ting the incidents and only subsequently and sketchily inserting them. He at first inclined to the version according to which the boy insists on telling stories first. (Lowie, Myths and Traditions of the Crow Indians, AMNH-AP 25:72, 1918.) 40 Literally, below their mass; explained to mean: where the wind hits (?). 41 In his first approach to this incident, Yellow-brow intended to have no storytelling by the snakes, and their suggestion to tell tales was followed by the words: "Yes," Old Woman's Grandchild it was he said it, "I first I shall tell forthwith." 42 The meaning of this idiom is "surely" (i.e.: surely, even if I have never seen her, she must have told you plenty of stories). The idiom in a way reminds me of German unbe- kannterweise. 43 The species is indicated in the original but could not be identified. 44 I.e., when there is a patter of rain against the tipi. 46 The suggestion here is that he called them repeatedly. 46 Literally, what they see they always do; a frequent idiom for mischief-doing. 51 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. xaxu'a a'tsipe.ok'. 532. hiri'kyusa'kec isbi'tsia du'ctak' a 'peta dapa'xi'tseruk'. 533. ara'tskisi'ok' a 'puata dapa'paxakt o-'rawak' o 'rawak o 'ra k'arawa't'kat 'dak' axpi'- 'tse 'tseruk'. 534. k'o-r it'a 'hi tseruk'. 535. i'axasec a'para 'xe tem K'a-'ricba'pi'tuac k'am bare' ha-'we-iky hak' awe' awu'a k'o- re"tseruk'. 536. e-'kyawa! K'a-'ricba-pi'- tuac k'o tGe"tseruk'. 537. K'a"ricba-pi'tu ba-p' diha'wisa! 538. K'a-'ricba-pi'tuo klo-'rok': ba p' biha'wur9k' sa p' hiri'kyahe'? 539. sa ' hec! ha"tmbabi'awec hawa't'em iriwi 'ky. 540. k'o-n de"tseruk'. 541. k'anna-' k'uak'. 542. isa'ka-'rec hu-'ra hi"tseruk'. 543. i 'werit de 're'tseruk'. 544. hine' k'a-'rec k'o-n na'k'batsec ikya'hak'. 545. sa-'pa masa'ka"'re di'we? 546. k'andara-'k'usak' bari'atak' iwi 'wec barase' xawi 'm he'- reltseruk'. 547. bare-'te kambak'u'k'. 548. di-'we k'arak'owi'ak'. 549. iro'ockyat' ba ri 'ce wat' k'o ri'arabi'ara.iky. 550. e'"kyo n ba-xawi-'kya'cim k'o-'rak' ditsira-'- tsim matsa 'tsk'. 551. e"'ky citse' ari'tsia biritsgye'm k'oram k'o tsi 'rupe isa-'ka-ce k'o 'rok'. 552. hu'tsi 'sa na 'ut' na 'xutsiky. 553. hut'bisa'k' daka"pok' u 'wu k'o re 'ruk' apa'hiky. 554. e K'a 'ricba pi'tua k'o 'rok'. 555. t'ak' ditsira'tsiwiky. ise' ru't'ak' hawac- da-'watak' da?ku"tseruk'. 556. masa'ka 'rec wace 'rec ho 'wekyawe awa'kakciwiky. 557. k'ara hire' ri'ok'. 558. huw're'tseruk'. 559. hine wiritsgye'c i'kya'tseruk'. 560. e"kyuk' masa'ka-'are wace'c. 561. hu'tsi-'sa k'ande"tseruk'. 562. k'arak'o-'n da-'tsi- de"tseruk'. 563. k'arak'o'n hut'bisa'k' daka'pdak' k'us hu"tseruk'. 564. u 'wu k'o- re"tseruk'. 565. hinre' tsi 'rupec K'a-'ricbapi'tuac apa'hi tseruk'. 566. hu-'ra i'spua ri'@k' hawac i'kyaditde'tseruk'. 567. biroxba-'ke kucgyo' arape' hure' tso 'sa. 568. hira' ak'ce-' tsi it'awace'sakatu-'rWk' k'arak'awi 'ta-rak' ka.u'u'tseruk'. 569. hira 'rape' ari'at'detta 'ru'tseruk'. 570. K'a-'ricba-pi'tuac k'o-'rok' hawacda'wat'k'. 571. hine' tsi 'rupec i'sbuan hawacda-'wat'k' da'ku"tseruk'. 572. hinve i'sbuan miraxba"'kec hire-'ruk. 573. co 'ota tsim k'o-t'du? 574. andi'mbiaru tsi 'rarama. 575. andi'mbiararit- du'reta hiri'at' daraka.'u? 576. di watse'o co 'otat' k'o-'t'du? 577. i-'sko k'o-ru' wase'c k'aratso 'su'tseruk'. 578. do-'ctsisa ak'o-re' k'araci'a k'ara.- i'kyuruxi'pisu'tseruk'. 579. axu'o k'arasa'k' xapa'k ka.'u'tseruk'. 580. hira-' k'o-re' ari'at'de'tu-'tseruk'. 581. hire-'ruk' sa p' di'ara-ritum hire'n naka.'u? 582. a-'ra hin'e tsi 'rupe bare' apa-'him bare"tsiri-'ndetem ambi'kyucdu-'retem hire'm maka.'uct. 583. di watse'ohiruk' andi'mbiarabisa'tsisa. 584. ha't'ak' bare' i'tsiri"ndetem bi 'tsi col'ot'ba-'wu? 585. di'Wro K'a-'ricba-pi'tua k'o 'rok'. 586. acki'ci be-'kciwo-k'. 587. ba-wara'xdok' di'axaxu'a disa"'ara. 588. hire'n ak'i'kuruxiP'pisec: bi'ruk' bi"gyen bu-'retak'. 589. k'am bi'kuruxi'pisuk. 590. k'o-'t'dak' na-'cuka-te k'u t'a'tskya-te dici"gye. 591. k'ama wara'xdak' e'ky xaxu'a disu"rak' di' da-'cuka-te k'u t'a'tskya tda't dici"gye. 592. he,'rak' k'ammara'xe'tseruct. 593. hire'n ak'ari'at'detec disu "tseruct. 594. hire'n ak'i'kuraxi-'pisec acu'o k'u' t'a'tskya-t' xatsi'ak' acu-'o ku' t'a'tskyat' dici"kyu'tseruk'. 595. K'a-'ricbapi'tua k'o-'rok'. 596. k'are"`kyo t' tse-'kyata're. 597. acki'ciwuk' bikyuctsiwi'awuk' ikyo-'t'buk'. 52 Lowie: The Crow Language took out, the one farthest on this side wood the head all were hanging over. 532.The one farthest on this side his knife he took out around the neck he chopped off. 533. He went along in line around their necks he chopped, he was coming, he was coming, he came, only one he had left. 534. Then that one woke up. 535. The snake: "Ghostlike!47 Old Woman's Grandchild now us is destroying," he said, and the ground inside he went. 536. "Confound it!" Old Woman's Grandchild that said. 537. [The snake said]: "Old Woman's Grandchild, in the daytime do not sleep." 538. Old Woman's Grandchild it was: "In the daytime if I sleep, what can he do? 539. Too bad!48 I wanted to destroy them utterly, one managed to escape." 540. Then he went. 541. He went home. 542. His grandmother he came to and reached. 543. She pretended to cry. 544. This old woman, it was she, her grandson" she saw. 545. "Why, my grandmother, are you crying?" 546. "You were not coming back, I thought, that is why I cried, my heart was bad [sad]," she said. 547."No, I've returned. 548. Your crying stop." 549. "Little grandson, what I tell you about that you regularly want to do. 550. There some very evil beings are there dangerous very. 551. That hill behind it a lake is there there a bull huge dwells. 552. In the direction of the wind whoever go he sucks in. 553. If there is a wind [the people] are blown and inside his mouth these they regularly go he de- vours them." 554. "Yes," Old Woman's Grandchild it was. 555. "Why, he must be really dangerous." His arrows he took, he kept going around. 556. "My grandmother what she spoke of, well now I am going to see it." 557. Now there he went. 558. He was coming. 559. This lake he saw. 560. "Yonder is my grandmother's what she said." 561. In the direction of the wind he went. 562. Then it [bull] was sucking. 563. Then it was windy, he blew [was blown] to it he came. 564. Into his mouth there he went. 565. This bull Old Woman's Grandchild swallowed. 566. He came, the stomach he came to, around he was looking. 567. The people long ago swallowed their bones were bleached. 568. Just lately dead ones [there were also]; again [others] were not quite dead yet, they were in a bad condition. 569. They recently swallowed were truly in good condition. 570. Old Woman's Grandson it was, he strolled around [inside]. 571. This bull's in his stomach he strolled around. 572. In this stomach people were here. 573. "How is it you act thus? 574. For your safety you must look. 575. Without trying to get safety thus you have been all the time? 576. You are men, how is it you act thus?" 577. Long ago those who were there, the first, they were already bleached. 578. On this side [later] who were [come] there [but also] already a long while they no longer could wrinkle [pinch] themselves. 579. Their bodies were dead [but] they were lying [half alive]?! 580. The newcomers were in good condition. 581. "You here, what are you doing that here you stay?" 582. "Why, this bull us swallowed, we are helpless, we cannot get out, so here we have been staying." 583. "Seeing that you are men, you ought to have means of safety." 584. "Why, we are helpless, for ourselves what shall [can] we do?" 585. "Come on." Old Woman's Grandchild it was. 586. "A Sun Dance we'll have. 587. When I sing, all of you dance." 588. These who could not move: "Nous autres, we cannot do it. 589. We cannot move." 590. "If so, your little heads those alone make dance. 591. When I sing, those all when they dance, you your little heads them even though alone cause to dance." 592. Then he began to sing. 593. These in good condition danced. 594. These who could not move their heads them alone moved, their heads them alone they caused to dance. 595. Old Woman's Grandchild it was. 596. "That's the way for you to do it. 597. We are having a Sun Dance, we want to get out, that's why we do it."50 4 Said to be a cry of alarm here, not a word of vituperation. 48 Interpreted as expression of disappointment; probably related with sa- and ce, dead. 4 Literally, child-man (the usual term for "son"; nonvocative). There is a nonvoca- tive term for "grandchild," specifically bapi'te, which enters into the hero's name, but the lack of a specific vocative term presumably suggests the occasional use of the "son"2 term even in mere reference. 10 This episode was an afterthought of Yellow-brow's and I have inserted it in the place he indicated. As with other interpolations of his, the result does not make for wholly smooth reading. More particularly, there is obvious repetition of certain phrases (dealing with the several conditions of the persons swallowed). 53 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 598. a"'xuxke dasara'sak xe'xia ka 'u'tseruk'. du'ci 'tsireltseruk'. 599. hin-e K'a-'ric- ba-pi'tuac kto.n bikya' hinre' sa-'pu? hin-e tsiP'rupec klo-'rok': h...... du'ci'tsise bas- b-'ractaci. 600. da-sara'tsgye duci"tsire'tseruk'. 601. bikya' hinre' k'uk' sa 'pa? 602. ha. ... di'asa basi-'ptsupak'. 603. da-'se xe'xaxiak da'ku"ts?ruk'. 604. du'ci'tsi'tseruk'. 605. bi-kya' hin-e k'uk'sa-'pa? h.... . di'asa iwa-wi'kyutsgye k'o-k'. 606. isbi'tsia du'ctak'. 607. i'tsirace'n iwa-i'kyutsgye k o- i'kyaramak1! 608. hinie' ra 'sec pa'ckyahitseruk'. 609. a-'xuxkec ku' pa'ckyahi'tseruk'. 610. tsiP'rupec cewi'ak' ha'wac tata'hak ce"tseruk'. 611. dur's amme'oxe isbi'tsia du'ctak' asa'sa'tsi"tseruk' du-'sam mv'axe. 612. k'ahe' di 'ruak klanna 'ra! 613. ara-'rak u co-'okara kuc da-'ra. 614. k'arak'u 're'tseruk'. 615. K'a-'ricba-pi'tua k'o'rak'. 616. isa ka-'rec k'arak'u 'sak' i'tiat'ok'. 617. isi'- tsere'tseruct. 618. hlc he-'re-rak' da-'k'batsec k'araklu 'tseruct'. 619. ktara iwa-'hat'- de re'tseruk'. 620. K'a'ricba-pi'tua k o 'rak' masa'ka 're sa 'pam di-'we? k'andara '- kusak' ci-'aka-ce barasv' xawi'm i-bi-'we-ky. k'arak'o-wi'awa k'ambaklu'k'. 621. i'tsiky k arak'uka-'tsem. de-'ra hawacta-'wak daku"tseruk . 622. ma p' ira'mbi-'a'ta. 623. ba-p' diha'wisa hu'ac tsitse'gya'hak'. hira'wisa.i tseruct. 624. a-re 'ra k'arahira'wice i-karak awi-'tannak xapa'k' ise'c co-'pat" tsiwara 'tsec a 'xa pa'tsikyuk'. 625. bi i'asi'ara ba-m hu"'rgk' bixatsi'ara de-'ra k'arahira'wi'tseruk'. 626. i'axase k ara awe' awu'ata huWtseruk'. 627. ise 'c hawa't'dok' xapa'k itsu 'pe k'o r i'ritde'tseruk' it'a' hi tseruk'. 628. a. . ! co-surak'e'? 629. i'axasec k'arak'de'"tseruk'. 630. da'hirambe't' k'arahu 't' ise' xapa'k' i'rit det' it'a' da?ku'i'tseruk'. 631. are 'ra k'ar hira'wice k ari'- tsiri 'ndeta'tseruk'. 632. ise.'c xapo'k' i'rit'de,rit'de,rak' k'ammareta"tseruk'. 633. k'ar hira'we batsa 'tsi'tseruk'. 634. ise 'c hawa'tdak' hi-isa' ape' i'ritsi'tsvruk'. 635. it'a-'hi'tseruk'. 636. i'axasec kar u 'ce birende"ts?ruk'. 637. ihe-'rupe k'u'ta' duxe'- mbi'tsvruk' k'an nacipi"tsvruk'. 638. i'ts a 'peta kuruxe'mbi"tseruk'. 639. tsiwu's an-o'pe k'ambire 'ri*tsvruk'. 640. hin-e' a'xacec hin-e' da-'kec K'a-'ricba-pi'tua hawac da-'watak' het' i'kya raku"tserukl. 641. i'asv'tseruk'. 642. k'ara awe-'ta ba-tsi"tsvruk'. 643. ctl'cahe na-'- wirak'. 644. ici'se cc'a ma-'tak' hinve axu'ac ku' ct'a wa"'tak' a cu 'a kuwcc'a wa-'tak'. 645. i'kya'tseruk' hin-e a'xacec da-'kec. 646. sa-pdakv' hinxe mara-'kec? 647. ba-'p'it' hin'e ra-'kec ikya-'n da'ku"tsvruk'. 648. tsire'saltsvruk' ma-k'o-'n ba tsi"tseruk . 649. hin-e i 'axasee hin-e tsiwu'sano pec k'o-n bire-'ric a cu'a awu'a karak o'n natsi"tserukt. 650. tsiwu' sano-pec hiri'atak" ictse' kyo-n hiri'atak' o-'rak' na tsi"tseruk'. 651. i'kyuc- duare-rak' a 'peta du 'ctsit' bi'at' na tsi- tsvruk'. 652. da- hin-e' i'axasec k'ari'kyuc- tsi wi'ak' K'a-'ricba-pi'tua batsa-'tsk' ha-k' awu'a k'o'rv"tseruk'. 653. hinre iru'- pxec i'kya ra'k9k' i-'piaka-'tak' da- i-'piaka-'tece na- ii-i'rak' bara-'ke sa 'p'dak' i'kyak'. 654. arakto-t'e' sa-p' i kyo 't dak' e-"kya hu' bitsiwa'! 655. e k'o't'ba- wiky. 656. k"ande'tseruct. 657. hin-e i-'piakatec na-'mna hi"tseruct. 658. he-'ritaok he-'re-rak' a cu'o awu'an iaxasa-'rak' acu 'o awu'a re"tseruk'. 659. hin'e' i-'piaka-tec e-"'kyak k'ande"tsvruk'. 660. na 'mna hi"tseruk'. 661. a'xa ce ? co-'ota-tsi? 662. ma- rara'sa'tsia? 663. v hv"tsvruk'. 664. sa-'patsi? 665. i'axasam acu ' awu'arak'. 666. a . . . I he'ritak' daci'kya"'tsi'tsvruk . 667. a'xacec k'o n hut'bici"gyak' batsa 'tskya cv'- tsvruk'. 668. ba-k'o-'n na 'tse k'am ma 'ra hawat'a"'tdak'. 669. k'o r hin-e K'a-'ric- ba-pi'tua a cu'ac daka"pak' a"'cu"parak' pa'tatsia da'pi"tsvruk'. 670. tsiwu'sano pec ba 'k'usa tsvruk'. 671. na-tsi'en hinve a'xacec xara'"gya-k' batsa-' tskya-cv'tsvruk'. 672. hin-e awe-' kyo-ta' biro'k' hin-e a 'cu'pec bire' i'rutsitsi'tsvruk'. 673. de-'ra k'o- 54 Lowie: The Crow Language 598. The [bull's] kidneys smooth were hanging down, he touched it. 599. This Old Wo- man's Grandchild it was he [spoke]: "Elder brother, these what are?" This bull it was: "[Grunt], do not touch it my slippery stone [whetstone]." 600. The aorta he touched. 601. "Elder brother, this that what is it?" 602. "[Grunt], don't do it! It is my pipestem." 603. His heart was hanging down. 604. He touched it. 605. "Elder brother, this there what is it?" "[Grunt], don't do it! My means of planning is that." 606. His knife he took out. 607. "Because he is so good his means of planning is that, look at it!"'" 608. This heart he cut to pieces. 609. The kidneys also he cut up. 610. The bull was about to die, around he staggered and died. 611. The ribs between his knife he took out and split the ribs between. 612. "Well! Stand up and go ye now! Where you live wherever it is thither go!" 614. He came back. 615. Old Woman's Grandchild it was. 616. His grandmother: "[That] he is not returning is well," thought. 617. She was pleased. 618. However, while she was thinking, her grandson came back. 619. Then she was pretending to cry. 620. Old Woman's Grand- child it was: "My grandmother, why are you crying?" "You did not return for the longest time, I was sad, that is why I was crying." "Stop now, I have returned." 621. "It is well that the dear boy is back." Then roaming about he continued. 622. In the daytime he wanted to sleep, but. 623. "In the daytime don't sleep" the aforesaid he remembered,52 he customarilydidnotsleep.624. Timepassed;53whenhewassleepyexceedinglyhelaydown, his four arrows which he had marked around him he stuck up. 625. "Watch over me, if any- thing comes shake me" [he said]; then he slept. 626. The snake through the ground came. 627. Of the arrows one fell, his shinbone that it struck against. He woke up. 628. "Ah! What is he coming for?" 629. The snake fled. 630. As soon as he fell asleep it would come, the arrows falling would strike him he would wake up. 631. After a period of time [again] he was sleepy, he could not help himself. 632. His arrows fell and struck him, there was nothing [no response]. 633. He slept very soundly. 634. One of the arrows violently his nose struck. 635. He woke up. 636. The snake already his anus had entered. 637. At the waist there he broke himself. Already it had passed it. 638. Himself at the neck he broke off. 639. The brain cavity it had already entered. 640. This Sun [subj.] this child [obj.] Old Woman's Grandchild [apposition] when he was roaming about would see. 641. He would watch over him. 642. Now on the ground he was lying. 643. Distinct there were three parts [of him]. 644. His rump separately was lying, this his body also separately was lying; his head also separately lay. 645. He saw him this Sun [subj.] his child [obj.] 646. "What is the matter, I wonder, with this child of mine?" 647. In the daytime this child of his [obj.] he was wont-to take a look at. 648. He [the boy] did not get up, unchanged he was lying. 649. This snake that this brain cavity there had entered the head inside there stayed. 650. His brain cavity was like this [gesture], his hand that like this [gesture] he was waiting.54 651. Whenever he should get out, by the neck he wanted to seize him he was [in that frame of mind]. 652. When this snake wanted to get out, "Old Woman's Grandchild is powerful," it would say and go inside. 653. This father of his watched him from time to time. [To] a magpie [he said]: "Go, Magpie, go, yonder my child what is the matter see! 654. The truth of the matter, why he is that way find out and come tell me!" 655. "Yes, that will I." 656. He went. 657. This magpie proceeded and arrived. 658. He pondered, he scrutinized it inside the head was a snake, inside the head it had gone. 659. This magpie found it out, then went. 660. He proceeded, he arrived. 661. Sun [said]: "Yes, how is it? Have you any information [opinion]?" 663. "Yes," he said. 664. "What is it?" 665. "A snake is inside his head." 666. "Ah!" he pondered, he thought about it. 667. Sun he caused a wind, an exceedingly strong one. 668. Unaltered he had lain already one year. 669. Then this Old Woman's Grandchild's head floated, a gully rolling it en- tered. 670. The brain cavity was up. 671. Then this Sun made it rain most violently. 672. This whole country was water, this gully was filled with water. 673. Then he stopped the 51 This sentence is, of course, ironical. 62 I.e., he remembered the statement previously quoted. 63 The native equivalent is often used to suggest lapse of time. 5" As explained in the next sentence the boy was waiting, with his hand ready to seize the snake as soon as its head should emerge from the brain cavity. 55 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. wi"tseruk' xare'c. 674. natsi'en are ' kyace'tseruk'. 675. axacec awe' kyo sa"taka 'te hine' na-'k'e a cu'a bire' i'rutsikye'tseruk' hin-e bire'c buru'a'tseruk'. 676. tawe 'i hine' i'oxasec ba iri'ce'tseruk'. 677. o-'sak'. 678. a'ra hiri'ky K'a-'ricba-pi'tuac amba- watsa-'t'da&t' k*araci'aritsict kuckyo' hiri'atak'. 679. tsiwu'sano pe ictse' a'xa k'o- ri'ak' o-'rok' natsi"tseruk'. 680. ammawatsae't'dot' kucgyo' k'arace-'ct. 681. ba.iri'- cerak' i-'kyucku'a&tseruk'. 682. ikyucku'ere-rok' a 'peta du'ctsitsi'tseruk'. 683. ducku'- a&tseruk'. 684. bi'watsa-'tsk'. 685. di- di' watsa 'tsindak'. 686. di- wikya-'t' ba.ic di'wikya-'t'ba.ic he"tseruk'. 687. hin'e i'axasec a 'peta ru'ctsitak'. 688. a-k' bc tsi-'rok'. 689. na"'mna ba-"parak' xaxa-'ctarak' du't'ok'. 690. a'para 'xe'ta bi wa.iri'cera.um di warisa-'tsk'. 691. du'tak'. 692. i'oxase base' apu'a ha'tsgitu 'tseruk'. 693. a 'peta du'- ctsitak hin-e wa "pec i a'xaxe"tseruk'. 694. i'axasec: di wikya-t'ba.ic di-wikya-'t'ba.ic k'arak'o 'mba-wiky k'ambiru-'usa k'am bi'cte arara'riky. 695. a'para 'xeta ha'k' k'o-t'a' axaxi'a da'ku"tseruk'. 696. k'am ba.ui'c bi'mawisa wiky. 697. de-'ra k'o-'t'dak' k'am ba.i'ky di'asa da'ku". 698. k'ar awe' k'ambire'nda-k': a-'ra k'uk' hawa'tatsira&t' ba-warapxe-'ritbo'm bawi-'p'bicdak'. 699. e-kya'! he-'rak' k'o'ta' de"tseruk'. 700. de 'ra k'arak'iu're'tseruk' isa'ka 're k'us huw're'tseruk'. 701. isa'ka-'rec hi"'tseruk' ha "nne 'rok' da 'k'batsec karak'ur"tseruct. 702. k'ari wa 'n'e tseruk'. 703. sa 'p' diara masa'ka 'are? 704. ha't'ak' dara'k'usam i wi 'wa waka'ct'. 705. k'arak'u's ak' iri'atak' isi'tsere'tseruk'. 706. k'o.n k'u"'tseruk'. 707. k'arahawacda-'watak' da'ku"tseruk' K'a-'ricba-pi'tuac. 708. iro"'oce ba'm diwatsiwe 't' hi-'sa ma-'wiky k'o- rara'wiaraka-'ci ky. 709. e'"kyo n ba-p'k'o ru-'m xawa.'uk'. 710. hi-'sa hira-'k. 711. e sa-'pu? 712. e-'ky ari'tsi.an batse' i 'rapu'a k'o-m k'o ru 'k'. 713. xawa.'uk' hi'sa he"tseruct. 714. ? k'o-'t'ba-wiky. 715. hawacda-'watak' da'ku"'tseruk'. K'a-'ricba-pi'tua: K'a 'ricba-pi'tu disa"ka-ra ba-pce 'c bi-'Ok' co '- tu-rok' sa 'p'atu 'rak' awa'kakciwo-k' e 'wa'tse wuk'. 716. k'arahire' ri'ak'. 717. k'ara- hu''tseruct. 718. hin-e' citse'c a-'kapde rak' i-i-i'ako o'rok' ba-hawa'xak' a "ku'tseruk' i-'aoko-k'masa'ka-'re ba ce'c. 719. hire' ri'ak' t'ak'at'. iru'pka-su-'rak'. 720. hine wase'c hawa't'e bara'xactatsi'tseruk' hawa't'ec k'uk ba re tal"tseruk' biraxba-'k' itsi"tseruk'. 721. ara watse 'kya t' it'a a-'wa'ku'ac K'a-'ricba-pi'tuac k'am bare' hi-ky o-m hu k'. 722. ? hu-'rok' i'tsiwa wo k'. na 'mna k'arahi"tseruk'. 723. k'ahe' K'a-'ricba-pi'tu.a bare' hi-'sa.ioc bare' hi-ki'ciky. 724. na'w e"'kyo ri'a e-"kyo-r awa 't' ba-ru-'cki'ci mata"'ruta'ta t' e"kyok' ha-k'. 725. ico 'tse du 'usa.u'tscruk'. 726. bata"' ru-'ckici. 727. hin-e' na'k'e disa"ka-re ara-'ku sapi-'kya-tom i'tsiky du cki'ci.i. 728. k'us a ru'- o'tseruk'. 729. k'an na 'k'ec k'ari"tsibisu 'tseruk'. 730. tsi"'s u'pe k'u' k'ar i 'wici'tseruk'. 731. i'kyak' k'us o-'rak' tsiri'"tseruk'. 732. hin-e baraltsi ritsec k'o"'rk': di'asa tsiri'- ky he"tseruk'. 733. sa 'p' i tsiri 'n? 734. k'o't'a' ara'mnnak'. 735. iru'ok' k'ara"tseruk'. 736. K'a-'ricba-pi'tuac ba-ndo'k' hire'ndok' u"tseruk' u'pa's k'ara"'tseruk'. 737. hine' ware'c bare'ara-'kacu'a hawa't'dak' a'tsipe'tseruk'. 738. ba 'k'tsisa K'a-'ricba-p.i'tua k'o ra"'tseruk'. 739. bi.ikya' hin-e bita 'xio waka-'ra. 740. e kto 't'ba'wuma tsiky bu '- orak' ha-k'. 741. k'o-t'a' na.'u'tseruk'. 742. k'arak'o-n na tsi''tseruk' K'a-'ricba-pi'tua. 743. k'arahawawa'tatsi'tseruk'. 744. de'ra co-'rat'dak hire'm matse' i 'rapu'ac co-'tse-t'ba hire'n K'a-'ricba-pi'tua da 'k'am tsira-'k' bare' u'pa's k'ara 'k' awa'tsisa a'tsipe wa-wo 'm k'o n na-'t'dec. 745. ha 'k'se co-'tseri't'dak'? 746. na-'wikyawe awa'ku-rek'he! 747. k'arak'o,ri'n matsa-'t'dak' da 'tsim na-'wikyawe'wa k'uk' k'o-'tda't' awa'kawo-m. 748. hire' ri'ak du'o'tseruk'. 749. du'ra di'oruk' it' k'o ra"tseruk'. 750. hin-e ra-'k'ec k'aratso 'sa'- tseruk'. 751. araxaru 'rok' hin-e' ware'c altsipak' natsi"tseruk'. 752. di'o wikya' hin'e 56 Lowie: The Crow Language rain. 674. Then extremely hot he made it. 675. Sun close to the ground this child's head with water filled, this water boiled. 676. It was hot from this cause this snake was uncom- fortable. 677. He was burnt. 678. "Well, this Old Woman's Grandchild was powerful, nevertheless already it is a long time a long time," he thought. 679. His brain cavity his head around it there he had it, he was waiting. 680. "Even though he was powerful, for a long time he's been dead." 681. He was suffering, he came out. 682. As he came out, by the neck he seized him. 683. He pulled him out. 684. "I am powerful. 685. [Whether] you, you are powerful [we'll see]." 686. "You I have held as an elder brother, I have held you as an elder brother," he said. 687. This snake's neck he clutched. 688. With it a rock he looked for. 689. He went along, a rock jagged he took. 690. "Ghostlike one, you made me suffer, I am furious at you." 691. He took him. 692. Snakes in the beginning [had] noses [that were] long. 693. By the neck he clutched it, this rock he rubbed it against. 694. The snake: "You I have held as my elder brother, you I've held as my elder brother, I'll stop, put me down now, now my eyes you are approaching." 695. "Ghostlike one,""5 he said, and never- theless continued filing [his nose]. 696. "Henceforth any one's anus I will not enter." 697. Then [Old Woman's Grandchild]: "All right, keep out of mischief always." 698. The ground as it entered [it said]: "Well, as for that [biting] occasionally nevertheless I'll bite when I feel like it if there is a reason." 699. "Confound it!" he said. Immediately he went off. 700. Then he came back; to his grandmother he came. 701. His grandmother he reached. [?] her grandson came back. 702. She started to cry. 703. "What are you doing, my grandmother?" 704. "Why, you did not return, hence I was crying." 705. That he was not coming back she had thought and been glad. 706. Then he came back. 707. He kept roaming around, Old Woman's Grandchild. 708. "Grandson, whenever of something I've been telling you and 'Don't go!' I say, there you want to go very much.56 709. Yonder some beings live, they are bad. 710. Don't go this time." 711. "Yes, what are they?" 712. "There on the other side the Two-Men there live. 713. They are bad, don't go," she said. 714. "Yes, thus I'll do." 715. He went roaming. Old Woman's Grandchild [said], "Old Woman's Grandchild, what your grandmother speaks of thither we'll get; what they are like, what they are we will see, we will know." 716. Then he went there. 717. He came. 718. This hill when he got to the top of it over yonder they were butchering. "There are those my grandmother spoke about." 719. There he went. There were two of them. 720. These men one of them was a wild sort of fellow; the other he was not, he was a good person. 721. "Say, comrade, we are getting along well, [now] Old Woman's Grand- child has got to us, that is he over there coming."722. "Yes,when he comes we'll treat him well." He proceeded, he got to them. 723. "Well, Old Woman's Grandchild, who was wont not to come to us, has now got to us. 724. Come on, right there stay, there sit and eat; the entrails are over there," he said. 725. In front of him they laid it. 726. "The entrails eat [imper.]! 727. This calf fetus, to your grandmother take it; it is tender and good, she will eat it." 728. They brought it to him. 729. The calf was old enough to have a mustache. 730. The end of the tail also already had hair. 731. He saw it, toward him they were bring- ing it, he was afraid of it. 732. This Serious One it was [spoke]: "Don't do it, he fears it," he said. 733. "How is it possible for him to be afraid of it?" 734. Still he proceeded with it. 735. [Old Woman's Grandchild] got up and ran away. 736. Old Woman's Grandchild climbed a tree there, up to the top he ran. 737. On one limb of this tree he hung it. 738. Above it was Old Woman's Grandson. 739. "Elder brothers, remove this for me!" 740. "Yes, thus shall we do when we come [back], " he said. 741. Forthwith they went off. 742. There stayed Old Woman's Grandchild. 743. Now a year had passed. 744. Then at some time these Two-Men [were talking together]: "What did he do, do you remember [how] this Old Woman's Grandchild the embryo calf feared and fled up a tree [while] below him we hung it [and] there he stayed? 745. Finally how did he manage? 746. Come on, let us look at it. Whatl 747. He could not be there, powerful [as] he is. Let us go anyway, even at that we'll look." 748. Here they came. 749. They came, when they arrived he was still there. 750. This fetus was already bleached. 751. In a niche [of] this tree it remained hang. 6Equivalent to "wretch" more or less. 56 The meaning is clear, but not the syntax. 57 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. mita 'xia baka-'rawa he"tseruk'. 753. hine' hawa't'ec bara'xasec k'o-'rak': a'ra ba-'p- cewa 'wo k' isa'ka-'re ba k'a 'mbo k'. 754. diP'e ma'tsiky. 755. isa'ka-'re i'tsiciky xawi'ky he"tseruk'. 756. hin-e' mara'tsiritsec: ba re'tk' ba-iri'ce-ky di'e'ma-tsiky k'o 't'da"'riky. 757. k o"'tdak' . . . disa"ka-re bare'rak'dak' buruxpo'k' bita-'xiwa-wim. 758. ? he"tseruk' Kta-'ricba-pi'tua k'o-n. 759. a'ra di'esa.e disa"ka-are. 760. ba-re 't'k' di-'ema-'tsiky. 761. du't'ak* hinve ra-'k'ec bita-'xi.oltseruk'. 762. i'kyu'poak'. C ... ! he"tseruk'. 763. bapasa-'- hi he"tseruk' hira 'k'e' bare-'wiky. 764. bara-' masa'ka-'re ba-k' batsiwe'wiky. 765. tsi'pa'cirnk' du'ara! 766. klande"tseruk'. 767. K'a-'ricba-pi'tua hire'ri'ak'. 768. hu-'ra ace' hi"'tseruk'. 769. hine' it k 'u'sec k'arak u 'sam i'tsiwiky i'riatak' na tsi"tseruk'. 770. k'on k`u "tseruk'. 771. ha'nderakt da'k'batsec k'araku"tseruk'. 772. k'ari-- wa 'nne'tseruk'. 773. hu'ra hi'ok'. 774. a-'ra masa'ka-'re sa 'pa iPri-'we? 775. ha'tttk' k'andara 'k'usata rim i'wi 'wec. 776. barasa&rak' xawiP'm iwi 'wec. 777. di'a k'arak'- o 'wiawa k'ambak'u'm. 778. sa'p' dia'ra ici'a ra rak'u'sa? he"tseruk'. 779. masa'ka-'re e'ky batse' i 'rapu'ac maiur'om. 780. bo 'ra wa k'. 781. masa'ka-'re k'uw'wam hin-e awe' a"keta ma xaxu'a bawa 'tsiri'reta ri bari'atsec k o ri'ac ba'wa'tsiri'wiciky hira' e-'watse-ky. 782. sa 'pa iro-'ckya-ta? 783. k'o-ri'ac na-'k'e ba-tsiriP'wisak' hira' e 'wa'- tsiky. 784. e batse' i 'rapua'c ba-u-'o bahawa'xak' a"ku bo-'ra wa-k'. 785. e-"kyo- ri'a ba'ru'cki'ci. 786. ma-ta-'wut'attak' baku-'k'. 787. na 'k'e ru'ttak' hin-e disa"ka-re ara,'ku sapi-'kyak du 'ckici.i ha-k' i 'waxk'o ci'uk'. 788. k'o-ta' o k' bare' u'pa's bak'- ara,'k'. 789. hin-e' ra-'k'ec bare' ara-'kacu'a k'o-n a'tsipe-ok'. 790. k'arak'o 'n ba-'- ritsiky. 791. de-'ra hira-k'e' du'o-k'. 792. di'a bikya' hin'e' wita 'xia waka-'ra bak'. 793. k'o-'t'dAk disa"ka're bare' da'k'dak' bita-'xiawa'wi-'ruk' hu k'. 794. e bak'he'm bita-'xiruk'. ba ra-' sasi'a batsiwe-'wiky. tsi'pa'cikya-t'dak' k'andu'ara ba'k'. 795. bo k'. 796. hira'ke' diwa-tsiwe' k'o-k'. 797. co"'ot' da 'rak'e'? 798. di awa'tsesak' ba-'- ritsim sap iP diri'a di'awasawi-'ndak'? 799. di'awa-wima-tsiky he"tseruk'. 800. k'ar a"'katuw'tseruk'. 801. de-'ra k'aratsi'pa'ci'tseruk'. 802. hin-e' K'a-'ricba-pi'tua hua'c pi"'ckyo hire'm matse' iP'rapu'ac Isa-"kawuate co-'ka hu'rit'de"'rak' hi"tseruk'. 803. hire'm matse' i'rapu'ac: e co"'ota tsi hire-'ruk'? 804. K'a'ricba-pi'tua da"'k'am tsiri"'ky. 805. bare' a'tsipe u ba"'k'tsi-sa k'o-'rak' ari'kyu'bi'ret'k'. 806. hira k'e k'o.' k'us be-'- wiawo -k'. 807. isa'ka'ra ba-k'aru 'm birikyu wi. 'um k'o -'kus be -'wiawum. 808. e k'o-'t'ak' t'a'k'et' di- watsu-'k'ta-'rum ha't'ak' di awa'kabara'kbo-ma-tsiky. 809. k'aratsi'pa'cirak'. 810. di'a masa'ka-'re k'an di"tsikya-'ritsi. 811. k'arak'o-'wit'. 812. k'a-'rec k'o 'rok" di'a iro 'oce ba pce wa 'rak' di'orok' di'awa-wo'k'; di'asu-'rak' k'uk' ba-re 't'k'. 813. e masa'ka-'re sa 'pa? 814. k o e-"ky batse' i'rapu'ac k 'am ma a.'u u 'x acdi 'cirim k am ma a.'u k o k'. 815. da'k urak' k andi'awa wima-tsiky da'k 'usu''- rak' k'uk' bare-'t*kl. 816. de-'ra k'aratsi'pa'cirak' k'andu'o'tseruk'. 817. dira' iro 'oce amba'ri-kya-'m ba'tsec da'k'u-rak' k'andi'awak'. 818. da- tsiwa'. 819. hire' ri'ak' hu-'ra hi"tseruk'. 820. e co-'ota-tsi? hu-"tseruk' hire'n batse' i"'rapu'ac. 821. diwatsiwe-'wiky. 822. k'o e 'ky batse' u x acdi-'cirim a-'uk' da'k'urak' k'andi'awa-wiky ha-k' hiri'ace. 823. da'k'usu-rakk k'uk' bare-'t ak' hat' i-'raxk'o-ce-'ky. 824. hire'm matse' i'rapu'ac xatsisa.'u ka.'u'tseruk'. 825. a'ra bat'u 'rak' k'uk' xawi'ct. 826. da-'sua xawa-'ha-tak' ka-'u'tseruct. 827. Isa!'kawuate ko"'re rak' ara e"kyo-te bi ham be-'ky. 828. e-'ky dat'u-'ra't ham di'awa wara'k'bo-ma-tsiky. 829. diri'a ko"'t'dak ha-k' k'u'o'tseruct. 830. di'a hire'- t'k'a-'ra bara' masa'ka-'re ba-tsiwe"'wiky. 831. hu-'ra hi"tseruct. 832. isa'ka-'rec e 58 Lowie: The Crow Language ing. 752. "Come, elder brother, take this away for me," he said. 753. This one who was not wild it was: "Well, let us say something, his grandmother let us demand. 754. He will con- sent.57 755. He loves his grandmother, it is bad," he said. 756. This Serious One said: "No, he is suffering, he will consent, you may do it [safely ask him]." 757. "All right.... If you give us your grandmother, we'll take it off and remove it." 758. "Yes," he said, Old Woman's Grandchild it was. 759. "Well, [but] she may refuse, your grandmother." 760. "No, she'll consent." 761. Taking hold of it, they removed this fetus. 762. He came down. "[Expression of fatigue]!" he said. 763. "I am nearly tired out," he said; "now I'll go. 764. I'll go and I'll get to my grandmother and I'll tell her. 765. At dusk come ye!" 766. He went. 767. Old Woman's Grandchild went there. 768. He came and reached the lodge. 769. Before his return, "It is very good he is not coming back," she kept thinking. 770. Then he returned. 771. When she said it [to herself] her grandson had come back. 772. She now be- gan to cry. 773. He came and arrived. 774. "Well, gran-dmother, why are you crying?" 775. "Why, you were not coming back at all, that is why I cried. 776. My heart also is bad [sad], hence I cry." 777. "Come, stop now I've come back." 778. "What did you do to re- turn so late?" she cried. 779. "My grandmother, those Two-Men killed game. 780. I came, I got there. 781. My grandmother, to my amazement [though] I had thought that of all things on this earth I was afraid of none, I discovered there is something I am afraid, now I know." 782. "What is it, grandson?" 783. "I discovered a calf fetus is something I fear, now I know. 784. Yes the Two-Men had killed game and were butchering, I came and met them. 785. There come, eat. 786. The entrails they gave me. 787. 'The calf fetus take and this grandmother of yours take it to, it is tender, she may enjoy it,' they said, thus they spoke. 788. Forthwith he brought it, up a tree I fled. 789. This fetus on the limb of a tree they then hung. 790. There I stayed. 791. Then just now they came. 792. 'Come, elder brothers, remove this for me,' I said. 793. 'All right, if you give us your grandmother, we will remove it,' they said. 794. 'Yes,' I said, so they removed it, 'I'll go, in the meantime I'll tell her, come at dusk,' I said. 795. I came [hither]. 796. Now I have told you, this is it. 797. What will you do, I wonder?" 798. "I have loved you always, how could I refuse your request? 799. I'll do it" she said. 800. Time passed."8 801. Then it got dark. 802. After Old Woman's Grandchild's coming these Two-Men were met by Old Man Coyote coming from heaven knows where. 803. To these Two-Men [he said]: "Yes, how goes it with you here?" 804. "Old Woman's Grandchild is afraid of a calf fetus. 805. We hung it, above it was he, it was impossible for him to get down. 806. Now we are about to go to him. 807. His grand- mother we demanded, he is going to give her to us, thither we are going."' 808. "Yes, all right, you are my true younger brothers, so I'll help you with it." 809. It was dusk. 810. "Well, grandmother, now look out for yourself. 811. It is time [for their arrival]." 812. The old woman it was [who said]: "Well, grandson, if they'll do what I say, we'll consent; if they refuse, then not." 813. "Yes, grandmother, what is it?" 814. "Those Two-Men own something, a deer hide [from tipi cover] is their most valuable possession.59 815. If they give it to you, I'll consent; if they don't give it you, then [I will] not." 816. Then when it was dusk they came. 817. "You can go, grandson, if they give you what I have bidden you ask for, I consent. 818. Go, tell them." 819. Thither he went. He came and got there. 820. "Well, what news?" these Two-Men said. 821. "I'll tell you. 822. 'Those men own a deer hide; if they give it you, I'll consent,' she says, thus she speaks. 823. 'If they do not give it you, then not,' she says, that's what she said." 824. These Two- Men remained motionless. 825. "Why, if we give it away, that would be bad." 826. They were sad. 827. Old Man Coyote it was [who spoke]: "Why of those [hides] I own one. 828. Even if you give that one away, I'll make one for you." 829. "Your words are right," they said, and gave [theirs] away. 830. "Well, stay ye here, I'll go and I'll tell my grandmother." 831. He came and got to her. 832. His grandmother [said]: "Yes, what news, grandson? 67 Literally, he will do it. 58 Literally, they lived on. 69 Interesting and typical rendering of the superlative idea. Literally, a deer hide what they own that is it. 59 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. co,'ota tsi iro-'oce? marak'a-'m biaric k'o-'t'dok co.? 833. awa'kawiky a ra' iha.'i. 834. hin-e-'ky. 835. du't'ak' hine kya-'rec i'kyaditsi'tseruct. 836. ? k'o-k' ha'ttok' k'arak'o-'wict ktandi'awa-wiky. 837. di'ara' k`arahu`"k9. 838. a-ra klar i'na'wikya-suk'. 839. sape' i'ira'wi-ot'? 840. Isa"kawuate k'o k' k'o- e-'ky batse' ira'wi.a. 841. k'u bi andi-'atsi-'rat'do-t' bi ariru'reta'riky hec k'an di'awak'. 842. di.ara' k'ar hire'm bari'- t'biky. 843. hawaltata'tsikya-ta hu"ge. 844. k'u-k'u'we u'paraci 're du't'ok' k'o isa 'ra- 'tu'a ri.'ak'. 845. k ar o 'rak' na tsi "tseruk'. 846. hin e' watse' i 'rapu'ac hawa'tec ktara- hu"tserukt. 847. a'xpaxpok' k'owi';k' de"tseruk'. 848. de-'ra hin-e' hawa'tec hu"'tseruk'. 849. ku' a'xpaxpok' de"'tseruk'. 850. de-'ra Isa"kawu.'ate hu'tseruk'. 851. a'xpaxpak' de"tseruk'. 852. Isa"kawuate k'u'tseruk'. 853. batse' i 'rapu'oc hi"tseruk'. 854. ara watse-kya'tu hin-e mawa'xpaxpuac sa-'pak' diri'atu? 855. ha't'ok' bi-'am awa'xpaxpu ct. 856. mare-ta 'ri. 857. klarak'o-'mbak' ko'r e-'wa'tsiky i'a&k' bawa'xpaxpuac k'uku'we uWparaci-'re ha'tsgyatak' o "kapatsi'ru.ac ko-to'alm kto' awa'xpaxpu'k'. 858. tVakt- o.'tawiky. 859. hinwe cikya-'kec hu"'tseruk'. 860. K'a-'ricba'pi'tu.a batse' i'rapu.oc na'mda hi"tseruk'. 861. Isa-"kawuate k'ar hire' a"kusa ra k'arahawacda-'ra. 862. co 'rara'- ku"'ra ara&'ratku tsi'rara. 863. ? k'o-'t'ba-wiruk'. asu'a k'us k!u 'ttseruk'. 864. hire'n matse' i 'rapu.'ac Isa "kawuate' kto'rok' matsu-'ka'tu K'a-'ricba'pi'tua bare' du'- ci'gyatisam. 865. bi-'ra bi'ts a 'wi.'um. 866. xatsi se 'ritsisa-'ra! 867. k"ara co-'c dara.ura ktanna.'ra! 868. bi"gyen awa"'ka'kua batsi-'mbiky. 869. bi"gyen bare-'wiky. 870. e hak' k'anna.'u'tsaruk'. 871. batse' i'rapu.'ac batsa'xpok' i'ru'pta di*'rok' k'anna.'- u'tsaruk'. 872. hawa't'ec k'o"'rok' hin'e bara'tsiritsec k'o"'rok' di'ose ba'k' baru'ka'ce k"o't'a' bara'k'diarak'. 873. k'am bi'tsi wa"'a'wi"'um. 874. ba'k"o"'n i't'a a"'wa'ku.'oc k'ammare. 't'k'. 875. k'arak'o-'n co"'cda.urak' da. 'u'tseruk'. 876. Isa" 'kawuate ku' k'ande''tseruk'. 877. awe' a"'ke ma'rakawi'oc k'ara ha"'we'tseruk'. 878. K'a"'ricba'pi'tua isa'ka'rec a'xpak' da'ka"'tsi'tseruk'. 879. diri'a masa'ka're k'ara hire'n da'k'u'se. 880. k'o"'t'ok' ba"k'uk' k'om ba-"wiky ha'k' de"tseruk'. 881. hin'e cikya'kec bi' hire'kyo' baka'- 'kuwiky. 882. i i i 'watsen hiri'c da'k'. 883. i'gye' xatsi 'se ko "'tsaruk'. 884. hin'e kya'rec miri'ta'tsia k`o"`tseruk'. 885. k'arak'o-'wict. 60 Lowie: The Crow Language If what you were going to ask for is all right, where is it? 833. I'll look at it, it might be a different one [hide]." 834. "Here it is." 835. She took it, this old woman, she scrutinized it. 836. "Yes, this is it. Well, I am ready now I'll consent. 837. Go ahead, let them come. 838.Why, now there are three of them! 839. Who is the third?" 840."It is Old Man Coyote, he [is] that third man." 841. "Also they have tried to use me60 but could not do it; yet now I consent. 842. Go ahead, I'll stay here. 843. One at a time let them come." 844. A squash blossom she took and that in her genitalia she put it. 845. She was waiting. 846. Of these Two-Men one came. 847. When intercourse was over, he left. 848. Then this other one came. 849. Also he cohabited and left. 850. Then Old Man Coyote came. 851. He cohabited and left. 852. Old Man Coyote came back. 853. He met the Two-Men. 854. "Well, dear friends, this one we cohabited with, what was it, do you think?" 855. "Why, it was a woman we cohabited with." 856. "No, indeed. 857. When I got through then I found out: That we cohabited with was a squash blossom a long and grooved [hollowed] one that kind is the one we cohabited with." 858. "True enough." 859. This boy came. 860. Old Woman's Grandchild toward the Two-Men proceeded and reached them.61 861. Old Man Coyote [said]: "Now in this place do not stay, now go some- where. 862. Wherever you stay, look for a home." 863. "Yes, that we shall do." To his home he [Old Woman's Grandchild] returned. 864. [To] these Two-Men Old Man Coyote it was [who spoke]: "My younger brothers, Old Woman's Grandchild has not yet touched us. 865. We have brought ourselves to him. 866. Do not stop going! 867. Wherever you go, go on! 868. I myself shall seek a [new] habitat. 869. Myself I'll go away." 870. "Yes," they said, and went away. 871. The Two-Men together both walked away. 872. One of them it was, this Serious One it was [spoke]: "Don't I kept saying, nevertheless you would play your tricks.' 873. Now we have brought ourselves against something. 874. Peaceably and well we were living, now that is over." 875. Then wherever they went, they left. 876. Old Man Coyote also went away. 877. On the earth whatever evil being there were he [Old Woman's Grandchild] had de- stroyed. 878. Old Woman's Grandchild with his grandmother continued to live. 879. "Well now, my grandmother, now do not stay here." 880. "All right, above there I'll stay," said she and went. 881. This boy said: "As for me, I'll stay in some place there." 882. Yonder there he went. 883. The North Star6' it is he. 884. This woman the Moon it is she. 885. This is the end. 60 Presumably meaning: get the better of me. 61 The context shows that this cannot be the narrator's intention since Old Man Coyote advises the Two-Men to flee from Old Woman's Grandchild. 62 Literally, you did what you saw; a common idiomatic phrase. 63 Literally, star does not move. 61 ANALYZED TEXT (The numbering is by sentences.) 1 base-', in the beginning, first. Since adjectives follow nouns, the adverbial rendering is indicated. The word often denotes ancient times in contrast to the present. The following examples illustrate its applications: ak'-basa-'n-de, "the one who first goes" is the leader in the Tobacco dance; andu'awic base' dicba're sa 'we, when you were first married, how old were you?; bi'itpi wase', the first snowfall; basa-'ka-ce, the very earliest; ak'-da-m-base-'-c, the one who went first. awace', Hidatsa. The etymology that suggests itself is: awe', earth; ace', lodge. This, however, inverts the usual order of noun and modifier. Compare such clan names as: a'c-ira -ri 'o, Newly made lodge; ac-(c)itsi'te, Thick lodge; ac-kya-'mne, Piegan lodge. apsa-'ruk'e, Crow Indians. The tribal name does not designate the crow, but some other bird species. (See Lowie, Myths and Traditions of the Crow In- dians, AMNH-AP 25:296, 1918.) bare', independent pronoun for "we," "us." hawa't'ka-t, one. In counting, hawa't'e is used. The diminutive, here as often, is a general adjectival ending. Compare cu'aka-te, blue; hi'cikya-te, red. hawa'tte is related to haw(e), some; for example, ha'mbici, is there some?; hawa ce-'sak', some were not (yet) dead. kto-, that. Demonstrative of identity (see ?10). wirgxba-'k', person; kindred; people. basbirgxba'kte xaxu'g, all my relatives; datsi're ictawa'ttec birdxba"'ktsam, your husband One-eye is no person (in abuse); k'um bir9xba-'ktuc, they too are (but) human beings. The stem wir- seems to designate humanity. Compare birice', corpse (ce, dead); ak'biritsirape', murderer (one who kills his own). 2 a'xace (also written a'xa-ce), Sun (the greatest Crow deity). This word differs from the Hidatsa term used for both sun and moon. On the other hand, it coincides with the Crow word for "to dazzle," ict a'xa-ce (their eyes he blinds). The Hidatsa stem appears, however, in Crow in both mi'rita tsi (moon) and biriwaxpe' (sunset); for example, ktam-bi'ri-waxbi-'n-ndk', when the sun goes down. Compare under 39. kyo-'rdk'. Palatalized form of k"o-'rdk'. kto-, demonstrative; rq (=ra), to be, to be present; -k', oral stop. 3 a'xpe, his companion(s). Plurality is here indicated in the following word. a'xpe = with (in the company of), companion, company, party; to marry. a'xpaxpg = to lie with (refined term for "to cohabit"); a'xpa, with, xpg = xapi', to lie. sape'ordk', plural of sape', interrogative "who," related to sa 'pa, what; -rdkt probably indicates uncertainty (see ?24, i) here. [ 63 ] University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. mara-'xdak', I do not know; ara-'xda, he does not know, equivalent to French ignorer; mara 'x means "crazy, ignorant." a'xpawisuttseruk', he had companions. Quotative. -wisu is the plural of -wice' (see ?24, iv). 4 die's (also di'a), possibly related to di'd, to do, to make; very common initial exclamation of encouragement, perhaps best rendered as "Come now," "Well," "Listen." ba-wi-'itsikya-te, the best-looking women. The simple adjective is here used as a superlative (see ?10). ba--, nominal prefix; wi-, stem of wi '-, woman; i'tsi, good, good-looking; for -kya-te compare above, hawa't'ka'te. sa"'pu, what kind? Plural of sa 'pa. Compare sape'o, plural of sape', in 3. diri'atsi, do you think? (h)iri'atsi, (h)i'riatsi, to think; for first person, see under 6. 5 co 'rat'. My interpreter corrected the query to read: co-'rdkI hawa'ttka-td9k', where is there one? The word dictated is derived from co-, and presumably has basically a locative meaning. Temporal meanings being linked with spatial ones, we find co-'rattddk for "at some (unspecified) time." The stem appears with other suffixes; for example, I heard a Crow ask concerning two young women: co,'k"e k"o tsi'mbici, which of them is married? hawa'Vddk', one of them. -dgk as indefinite article. 6 a,ra. Also written: ara; expletive, often at the beginning of sentences, espe- cially in addressing someone. bari'atsiky, I think. For stem, see under 4. 7 hira'k'e', now. Derived from hira-', just now (immediate past), whence hira'ktoore', newcomer (k`ore', to be here). bu'awicbiky, I'll marry. bu'a, my wife; u'a, his wife. For -bic, see ?24, iv; -b, first person future. 8 bu'awic bi'awak', I want to have a wife. As explained (?9, iii), bi'a, to want, is treated as a causative verb, hence, suffixes pronouns. i-riwawa'xuk', that is why I ask you. i.-, instrumental; ri, second person pronoun object; wa'xu, to ask (a question), regular verb, taking wa- for the first person. The stem may be related to suffix -xu, -x (see ?24, iii). Apparently, wa'xu is never used with an actual query, the word for "to say" taking its place. There seems to be no word at all for "to answer." 9 k'o 'ttd9k%, if so. Another possible translation is: all right. keo-t", thus, from demonstrative kto-; da, to be. wi-'akari'ctem, young woman. bi'akate would be "girl"; na-'ktbiv, daughter, from na-'k'(e), child. 64 Lowie: The Crow Language klo. Typical use of the demonstrative after the object noun (or subject of intransitive verb). awa'xpawiky, I shall marry. For the stem a'xp(a), see under 3. Like a fair number of verbs with initial vowel, it prefixes pronouns in inverted form, that is, aw for ba (wa); ar for da. See ?28, iii. 10 he-'rak'. A common connective between sentences. sape.'rakte', who, I wonder. The bisyllabic suffix seems to be a fuller form of -rskt, -ddkt. ba-wi-'ak'usiri-', suitor. ba--, nominal prefix; wi 'a, woman; k'u (= k"o), demonstrative; -s (-c), postposition for "to," "toward"; iri ', to speak. That is, someone who speaks to women. i'tsikya-te. As in 4, the positive appears with superlative meaning. Stem i'tsi, it'-. 11 apa-'rirdkt, it was a porcupine (who spoke). Crow texts often merely imply that a character presented is to be regarded as the speaker. wiikya', my elder brother (man speaking). The nonvocative form has ter- minal e, hence his brother, iikye'. The accent of this and other kinship terms seems to vary, especially in address. k'amba-wa-ri'a, my gift of speech. The function of k'am- here is obscure (see p. 21). ba--, nominal prefix denoting indefinite object; wa-ri' = ba-ri-', I speak; -a, nominalizing suffix, forming gerund (cf. ?24, vi). wa-i'tsikya-ce, the best. The superlative is here expressed by the usual suffix (?24, v). kto-k*. Demonstrative with oral stop. For this use, compare ?10. 12 barewi 'ak'usiri'a, courting. bare- expresses an abstract meaning; final -a as inli. bi ri'skawa cda rak', if you hire me (lit., if you make me your servant). i'skawa-c, his servant; da--, second person pronoun, suffixed for causative sig- nificance. ba-itta'k"a, quickly, without trouble. it'a1kea is often used in the sense of "by the way," "for no serious purpose." Compare Teton itu (Deloria, Dakota Texts, 236, 1932). An informant once interrupted his narrative by an aside; when I prepared to take it down, he told me not to do so, saying the remark had been made "itla'kta." Another meaning is "gratis." battse-'wiky, I'll do it. tse- is a regular verb; the aspirate seems to be purely euphonic. 13 ktahe'. Exclamation. Used in formal address; for example, in prayer. ktandare-'riky, now you may go. Permissive future. For ktan-, see ?23; for conjugation of de-, ?28, v; ri, second person future. -65 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 14 k"o't'ba-wiky, thus I shall do. A common expression in daily speech. Literally, thus I cause I shall, the causative idea being expressed by pronominal post- position. Compare da- in ri'skawa-c-da-rdk', under 12. ha'k', he said and ... The absolute form closing the declaration would be he-ky; ha-k' is participial. The verb occurs only after a verbatim quotation. ktanda-'hitseruk', he set out, it is said. -hi expresses momentaneousness; com- pare am-bi--rap'iia-hi-o-ne-tak`, they cannot kill me at once. ktan-, inceptive. Note the use of the participial vowel (da- for de-). 15 hire'n (hire'n), these. The usual plural of hinte', but also used for "here." awace'c, the Hidatsa. -c, definite article. isbatse-'tuwicddk%, a chief of theirs (lit., their chief was extant a). is-, third person possessive; batse-'tse, chief, pluralized to indicate plurality of possessor; -wic, ?24, iv, -dgkt, indefinite article. na"'k'e (da-'k'e), child, offspring. itsi 'nda k'e, colt (itsi 're, horse). 16 hinwe', this. isbi-'awicddkt, had a sister. is, third person possessive; bi 'a, woman, also used for sister, kinswoman. 17 ra,'k'ecd9kt isbi-'acdak' his child and his sister. In enumeration -dgk' serves as conjunction, being suffixed to every noun; for example, naxpitse'r*k', bapu'xtdrdkt, tse'tt9rk', bice'rakt (bears, otters, wolves, and buffalo). batsi'kya-xa-tuttseruk', were about the same age. bats-, bat"-, each other; i'kyax, to equal in size; (h)a-'tu, plural of (h)a-'t9, approximative. 18 na,m, let us go (?). I am not sure of the precise construction. na-m, however, is clearly related to na 'wi, to proceed (see below, 27). Note the abrupt lapse into dialogue. ba-awi'dce-wo-kt, let us do some quillwork. Hortatory future, first person. ba--, generic nominal prefix for indefinite object of verb, as in ba-wu-'cbiky, I'll eat (something). i'gsug, the gerund form, means "quillwork." For first person aw, see ?28, iii and under 9. i's = feather, quill. hire'te', here. Related to demonstrative hire'n, these; -te (-ta), local suffix. Compare a 'pe, neck, a 'peta, at the neck. a,re.'ky, it is hot. Also used to express certain forms of pain. Compare bu-'ce ari'at', my rump is aching; also, bare-'c ara'xiky, the wood burns. bare', wood, tree, woods. Also assumes terminal -a; for example, baraki'ce, tally sticks. he'res, among. Also recorded as he-'res. -s, toward, to. Compare du'xira-um he're bare-'ky, they went to war, among (them) I went. 66 Lowie: The Crow Language bak', we going. By itself the form might mean "I arrived," the irregular verb for arrival being conjugated; bak', dara-'k', hi-'ky, bi'ukt, dari'uk', di 'uk'. But analogy with similar sentences suggests the first person participial (never pluralized) of de, to go. In other words, futurity and plural are not expressed here until we get to the main verb. "I go" is bare-', but note: iha's ba-'u tsitse-ky, astray we are going, it seems; iha's be--suk', astray we are not going (su, pl. of sa; k', stop). ara 'tsiam, shade. ar = probably ar- in its locative sense (?23). tsiri'g is the usual word for "cool." kto- Demonstrative, setting ara 'tsidm into relief. kto-n, there. Derived from demonstrative ko-. 19 k'anna 'uttseruct, now they went. Quotative. tseruct, quotative, often used for tseruk' without obvious change of meaning (see Crow Text, p. 164). 20 raxo'takt, they entered and ... Participial form. I entered = baxo-'tsiky. pe 'rits ismannm'k', raven tree (a willow species). pe 'rits(i), raven; is, third person possessive; mannd'k' = bare' (mare') plus -dg'kt, indefinite article. xu'ardkt, one leaning over. xu'a, to lean over; -rdk', indefinite article. ara 'tsia. Perhaps the -m classifier of 18 disappears because this word is here to be taken as the shade of the leaning tree. 21 ba i'9cekis'dk', they were passing the time quillworking. For -kis, -kici, see page 26. back'o-'t", undisturbed; without anything happening. ba--, generic nominal prefix; k'ot' (k'on) from kto-, expressing unchanged identity. A favorite word in Crow description, from which is derived ba kto 'tsitte, eternal. kaV'utseruk', they remained. Here an independent verb (see ?9, ii). 22 co'ka, wherever, whenever. Conceivably ka is to be construed as a prefix to the verb. hu'ann9k', he may have come from. an may suggest the progress of motion, but remains obscure. hin-e' bare xu'ac, (on) this leaning tree. -c, definite article, whereas the first time the tree is mentioned (20) the indefinite article occurs. k'o-ra"tseruk', was there. Quotative. 23 hi-'ra, female comrade. Used only in address. i'kya, look. Imperative singular. The conjugation is irregular in the altera- tion of the initial vowel: awa'ka, ara'ka, i'kya. e-'ky, that. Also means "there," "yonder." apa-'riky, is a porcupine. Compare forms in 10 and 26. 67 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 24 xatsi-'sa, do not move. -sa, negative, regularly suffixed in prohibitions; xatsi ' is frequent with causatively suffixed pronouns: xatsi'a, he shakes (a rattle); xatsi 'wa, I shake (a rattle). burutsi'wiky, I shall capture (it). du'tsi, to take with the hand (see p. 35). 25 ceAttseruk', said it. Like he-, this verb follows the direct quotation, but, as here, it need not come immediately after the quoted words. The conjugation (with oral stop) is: ce-'wakt, ce-'rakt, cs'ky; third person plural ci 'uk'. Com- pare cs'sa, don't say it! sa 'pem i cera', why do you say it? u'ak' de"tseruk', climbing she went. u'a, to climb. 26 apa 'risc, the porcupine. Object. The object precedes the verb when a nomi- nal subject is lacking, but a noun subject ought to precede the object. Here, probably because of the impossibility of misunderstanding, the object retains the place of honor and the subject intervenes between it and the predicate. ktarahi-'t', whenever she got to him. -tt, suffix expressing habitual or re- peated action. baxa-"n dd'tku"tsEruk', he kept on going higher. d&"ku (da'ku'), auxiliary (?9, ii). Compare awu'cdatkuc, he-sweats-habitually. The main verb stem is not clear to me; xa denotes some sort of motion; compare do-'s-xa--ra, come ye hither (dos, hither; -ra, pI. imper.). For "I went higher," ba-xawa-'hiky, ba-xawa-'m ma-'katkukt, ba.'xawa.wa.'katkuke were all given as possible forms. 27 k'o-tta', nevertheless. This word has at least two other meanings, namely, "all over" (awe' kyo-ta', all over the world) and "immediately." kearapi.'ce, behind (him). pi 'ce means "behind," "after." k'ara is inceptive here and to be construed with the whole rest of the sentence. da-'wittseruk', she proceeded. Quotative. da-'wi, to go ahead. 28 isba-xi'dc, her paternal aunt (or father's clanswoman). is-, third person pos- sessive, as with alienable possessions, c, definite article. The stem, never used in address nor without possessive prefix, denotes likewise the paternal aunt's female children and all their female descendants through females ad infini- tum; that is, the daughter of a ba-xi'o is always herself a ba-xi'd. In address, the paternal aunt is equated with the mother." The equivalent Hidatsa word (3 p.) is ica'lwi, but this stem is used both vocatively and nonvocatively. How- ever, the Crow stem is probably derived from Hidatsa xi's, old, so that isba-xi'd may mean "her old one." ktarawate', already far. ktar(a), apparently again prefixed to an adverb, 64 Lowie, Notes on the Social Organization and Customs of the Mandan, Hidatsa, and Crow Indians, AMNH-AP 31:31, 23, 1917. 68 Lowie: The Crow Language but to be construed with the entire rest of the sentence, giving a past sense to the verb. dare'm, you have gone. -m may be merely a phonetic connective here, but see ?15. batsa.'tske, exceedingly; also strong, powerful, brave; very numerous. Ap- pears also as batsa'tsi(ky). ak'ba-kure' batsa'tsiltseruk', the hunters were very numerous. Possible derivation from batse', man. 29 ktaratsisa' hu', having turned back, come. The reason for omission or re- tention of final -k' in participial forms remains obscure; it does not hinge on the imperative construction (see ?9), though a declarative equivalent was given as tsisa-'k' hu-'sakt, she did not turn back and come. This, by the way, was described as more elegant than possible tsici.'sake, she did not turn back. In other words, the participial construction is regarded as idiomatic. tsisa'(k') is participial for tsici ', which is regularly conjugated as an -i- (not -i) stem. First person singular, battsici-'; first person plural, battsisa-'u. hu', imperative, expressed here by simple stem with terminal aspirate, which appears often but not always. 30 bare-'t'akt, no. ba--, something; -re.tV(9), absolute negative; -k', stop. The usual negation is answer to a query; in rapid speech the first vowel is shortened, the third vowel elided, the second often seems to be altered to e. k"amburutsi-' - - - wiky. Yellow-brow lengthened the accented vowel inordi- nately and made it go up and down in pitch. 31 i'kyarerak', when she looked at her. -rdk', in temporal sense here. i'kya, to look, see; -re-, frequent suffix with aspectual meaning (momentaneous? in- ceptive?), not clearly ascertained. According to the interpreter, it suggests that the aunt was not watching continuously, but now and then looking up from her quillwork. However, this interpretation is not convincing. ktaraxixi'aka-tattseruk', already she had become irrecognizable. Quotative. Xi's, dim, not plain, reduplicated here. xi'gsa, not dim, is the usual translation of "plain"; -ka-ta, in generic adjectival sense (cf. in 1). ha-'kse, at last. ha-'ka, last; often fused with superlative -ka-ce, for example, ha-ka-'ce, the rear men. i-ha'kta-rec, the last time she went. k'ari'kyasattseruk', she no longer saw her. This correlative use of ktar- and -sa is common. 32 dutea-'ke, he seized her and ... Participial form of du'tsi. are"tseruk', he carried her off. For pseudoinfixation compare ?22. 33 ktarahuw'rerdk', as she was coming. Here again the problematic aspectual suffix -re. Jim Carpenter suggests plural du'ra instead of hu-'rerdk', which, he 69 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. explains, suggests that the girl knew where she was going. But Yellow-brow insisted on the correctness of his term. acdg'k', a tipi. ace', lodge, tipi, camp. The plural form asu '(a) means home; for example, asu-'wiciky, he has a home. aci'm also occurs for "a tipi"; I do not understand the preference for the -m or -ddk' classifier, respectively, in specific instances. tsi.i'akat', white. tsi'(d), white. 34 hire' ri'akt, there she went. A fixed phrase, in which hire' clearly means "thither." ri'dk' suggests a second participial form of de-, perhaps distinguished from da-k' by having progressive meaning. hu'ra, she came. -ra may correspond to -re, -re- in hu-'rergk' and i'kyare-rdk'; a progressive sense seems indicated. hi"tseruk', she got there. Coming and arriving are regularly presented as separate actions. For irregular conjugation of hi, see ?28, v. 35 awe,'ren, outside. awe', ground; he-'re, same postposition as in 18; -n, locative suffix. iru'ahi'tseruk', she stood still. Quotative. iru'a, independent verb here (see ?9, ii); -hi, aspectual suffix indicating momentaneousness. 36 icgyawu'dn, indoors. Etymology obscure, but probably derived from ace', tipi, and awu'a-n, inside. The form acgyewu'dn also occurs. hu'ma, come here. -ma probably replaces the more common imperative in -wa. The speaker of the command is not revealed until 38. xu 'utse, daughter. Vocative, at least preponderantly; equivalent to non- vocative da-'k'bi-'; by extension applied to the daughter-in-law. Lowie, AMNH-AP 21:65, 73. 37 bire-'ri'tseruk', she entered. bire-'ri is probably connected with de-, to go, and biri'9, door. The former is suggested by the first person form, bi'mbariky. 38 kta-'ri'tserukt, it was an old woman. k'a-'r(e), -i, old woman, though its phonetic variant xa 'ri may be applied to males also. Compare ba.ictci-'ri xa 'ri9c, Old-white-man; mi- xari'd, cause me to be old. 39 hin-e' acgyewu 'rdc. By analogy with similar forms I should interpret the entire sentence to mean: As she was sitting inside, nothing happened until sunset approached, when the Sun returned. hin-e' often ushers in a temporal phrase terminating in the definite article. ba-k'o-'n. See under 21, where the peaceful routine is finally disturbed by the appearance of the porcupine. 70 Lowie: The Crow Language da-'t'tkt, she remained. Participial form of da-'tsi, da-tsi' (see ?9, ii), here used independently. biri'watbise'ky, before sunset. Frequently priority is indicated by such ne- gation, -se here standing for -sa. The stem i'watbi (also heard i'waxpi) may be used for the setting of the sun either with the ancient stem biri' as here, or with the usual word for sun; for example, k'ar'a'xace i'wa'pirak', the sun had gone down. Compare under 2. k'u-`tseruk', returned. k'u-, regular verb. karak'u-, has he returned? k'aratsi' bak'u-'wiawak', again I shall return; kamba'k'u'k', then I came back; i'tsikya'- ta k'u 'i, may he return safely! 40 hiri'ky. Exclamation of surprise. co'c, wherefore? More commonly, whither?; for example, co-'c dare-', whither are you going? daro-', do you come? Irregular verb (?28, v). 41 ha't'(d)Ik'. Expletive at beginning of sentence. A favorite word of Yellow- brow's, its frequent use being censured by some Crow as a mannerism. Com- pare i-'rdk' awu'sug co 'ritsin di'ara? ha't'gk' hu-'re i ruw'pec kyo-n di'awak', when did you make that sweat lodge? Why, I made it the day before yesterday. t'lk' is said to be a weaker form of hat'ak'. ba-kto-'n, peacefully. That is, the girl and her aunt had been working un- troubled till the porcupine came. Compare 21, 39, 49, 74, passim. baka.'um, we were living. Independent use of a common auxiliary. dire'n, you. Emphatic form for di-, as is di-'ra. bare', us. The plural form is often used with singular meaning. ara'xpa wi'arakt, you wanted to marry (lit., you marry you wanted). (See ?9, iii.) diru-'ka-cim, you were bent on it, so ... iru ', to insist, persist (1 p., baru-', 2 p. diru-'); -ka-ci, superlative; -m, connective. k'ambu-'oct, we have come. Again plural form for singular. -ct (as in -tseruct) remains an obscure oral stop. di awa'xpa wi'awak', I want to marry you. The speaker remains unexpressed. Compare ara'xpa wi'arakt, above. 42 rusu'ttseruk', they ate. duci', to eat. Conjugation: bu'ci, diru'ci, duci'; busu-', diru'su-, dusu-'. When the food is not specified the verb prefixes ba-- as in- definite object. Note the irregular contraction of stem and pronoun in first person. Future forms are: duci 'i, she will eat; bu'cbisakt, I shall not eat. Note the word order of the sentence: first, the noun object; then demon- strative kto- to set it off; finally, the predicate. baritsil'tok', she was boiling something. Indefinite object, ba--; participial form of a verb, presumably ditsi-'tsi. The gerund form occurs in bira'xdeta waritsi.'ttud, boiling without pottery (stone boiling). 71 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. k'u-`tseruk', she gave to her. The indirect object is understood, not expressed with this verb. The vowel is generally short. Conjugation: bak'u', da'k'u, k'u; bakeuo., etc. Note: ham mak'u', give me some; hamna'ktu.ima-'tsiky, he will give you some; bara'k'biky, I'll give it to you; ba'k'biky, I'll give it to him; bi'tsid bari'kyu, give us the knife; e- wara'k'usa-wiky, I shall not give you food; bare-'raktddkt, if you give (it) to us. 43 bare'ttk', no. I think the length and quality of the second vowel actually change according to speed of pronunciation and rhetorical effect desired. biky, I. The oral stop is sometimes added to the emphatic form. hiri'ate, this kind. Clearly from the demonstrative stem hire'n, these. -4(e) sometimes seems to mark off a class of objects; compare biraxba-'k'e ba-isa'te, old people! (See p. 25.) 44 ha. Interjection, expletive. 45 bice-'rak', buffalo. bice', the general term for the species. itsi-'ri-kya-cirak, elk. Note polysyndetic use of -rdk with all nouns (?18). itsi 're nowadays means "horse"; -ka-ce makes it "elk" (see p. 30). k'o- wu'cict, that is what I eat. -ct in this context suggests the possible mean- ing of habitual action for this suffix, which would be in harmony with its occa- sional use in the quotative (cf. 19, 39). 46 di'a (di'a). Compare under 4. iro 'oce, son. Vocative. Also used in addressing a grandson. na- (da-), go. Imperative of de-. ari'tsikya-ce, the best ones. ar(a)- with adjective defines a class (see ?23); -kya-ce (ka-ce) = superlative. du'a, your wife. o- k'u', bring for her. o-, bring (cf. p. 36, n. 14); for ethical dative see ?3. a,raro,'rdkt, when you bring them (lit., when you come with it). a--, with it; daro-', as in 40 but intervocalic change to r. andu-'cbia, what she wants to eat. For an- see p. 19; for bi',, to want, above (41). duci-'i, she will eat, may eat. 47 axu'a, body. Hence, ba 'axuawice, animals, that is, those having bodies. Following the quotative, the word and its adjective seem to be an afterthought and may be regarded as in apposition with the object. k'o-t'a'. Here clearly "whole." Compare under 27. 48 a,"ka-tk't, they lived (stayed) on. A common term to express lapse of time. I etymologize on the pattern of batsi'kyaxa tu in 17, as follows: a`k(u), to 72 Lowie: The Crow Language stay, live, fare; -(h)a-t9k', either "severally," or expressing indefiniteness as to time and place. ba-pe', day; hin-e wa pe', today; ba-'pit', in the daytime. co 'rat'. See under 5. ictu'kec, their meat. From iru'ke, meat, with third person possessive ic- and loss of initial vowel. ktaraha-'wim, was exhausted. ha-'wi, to be gone, lacking, exhausted, de- stroyed; -m, oral comma here. ktaratsi', again. The usual form, but the prefix is not essential: tsi racipi'ky, again he passed by him. hawo-'ittseruk', he would bring some. For haw, see under 1; o-, to bring; -i, usitative (p. 26). 49 da'ka-'takt, they lived on. This expression seems identical in meaning with a'tka-tak' (see under 48; also ?9, ii). 50 a sug'c, her home. The plural form of ace', tipi, camp, with definite article. With this noun the third person possessive does not seem to be expressed. ktarakara-'xtatsittseruk', she had all but forgotten, it is said. ktara-, with past meaning; kara'xta, to forget; -atsi, approximative (p. 25). kara-xta"tserukt would mean that she had completely forgotten. karac'xta is clearly from araw'xta, not to know (see 3). 51 datsi.'en, after a while. A frequent connective. Compare datsi' (da-'t'dkt) under 39. e'risattserukt, she was pregnant. Quotative. e 'r(e), abdomen; isa', big. da'ka'takt. As in 49. 52 da-'k`bicittseruk%, she had a child. Quotative. da-k', child; for -bici, see under 3. da-k' is another noun never used with third person possessive pronoun. My child = bara-'kte; your child = dara'k"e. 53 cikya-'ka'tseruk', it was a boy. -ka (-ke), evidently a suffix. Compare biraxba-'- ke, people; bi-'ruke, we, our people; apsa-'ruke, Crow. 54 a.'i;k9kk, they lived on. See under 48; again the passage of time is indicated. ktamma-isa"tserukt, he had grown bigger. Quotative. isa' evidently cannot mean "old" or "adult," since the hero continues to figure as a boy. 55 na-'kec icta'xia, his child's his bow (i.e., a bow for his child). taxe, to shoot. Such possessive forms are at times substituted for the ethical dative. "My bow" is bara'xia. di'&"tseruk', he made. Quotative. Conjugated as a causative: di'dwa, di'ara. 73 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 56 ise', his arrows. My arrows = basa-'. It is difficult to determine the stem; Matthews interprets the Hidatsa equivalent, ita, as "means of death." How- ever, applied to Crow, this would involve the complete disappearance of the instrumental prefix with the first person possessive. If, on the other hand, is- and bas- are the usual possessives, the stem is reduced to e, a-. 57 daka-'karakt, birds. No formal expression of plurality, but note that the indefinite article can be used in plural sense. ma,a,sa,'tdkP, he hunted here and there. ma--, indefinite object; a-s (a-c), to hunt, -a,'t9k'. Note: ma wa 'ci, I hunt, ma ra 'ci, you hunt, ba-a-'ci, he hunts; ma,ra,'cddk', when you hunt; ma-c de'ky, he went hunting. 58 naka-'ka-tarokt, little birds. Contraction from naka-'ka and diminutive -ka-ta. ma-isacpi'tka'tarak', little cottontail rabbits. ma--, indefinite object; isacpi'- t(e), cottontail. Compare isacpi'tda-kc, Young-Cottontail. ba-i'ky, any. ba--, indefinite object; i'ky(a), to see. An idiomatic term, often in the phrase ba-i'ky di-'ak, he did anything (i.e., he was a mischief-maker). dap'`e-'riky, you shall kill. Future form with permissive sense. For conju- gation, see page 36. 59 xaxu'a, all. The usual word for this concept; its form suggests reduplication with pluralization. da'rir&ttd, though you shoot at. di-, to shoot at; ba.ri-', I shoot; da 'ri-, you shoot; ba-'pate ba-ri-'gk', I shot at a grass bundle; hamna.'rirdke, if you shoot at some; di-'sa, do not shoot at it (in 59). For disjunctive -ra'ta, see ?18. ma.u 'wutci're, meadowlark. Etymology not clear; u 'wut(e) means metal, ci 're, yellow. k'ukt. Demonstrative often used for contrastive emphasis. k'u tta'tskya-te, that alone. t'ats, ttat", alone; i tta'tskya-t, he alone; di' ttat" da-, go by yourself! 60 hira'. Interjection here, probably connected with demonstrative hire'n, here, these. wi"'ace, woman. -ce has vocative force here. 61 ihi'ce, Red turnip. hi'c(e), red; itgye'-cic, Red star; aci's, Red lodge; i 're hi'sa ra-'t'tok, the blood was streaming red. ap i'se, do not dig up. Why-se for -sa, negative, is not clear. sa p' bapsi'wi, what shall I dig up?; ba'wa'p iwe-wok', we'll dig up something; bapa rawi`- tseruk', she was digging something. bice 're, buffalo chips. bice', buffalo; e 're, dung (as well as abdomen). du-'xapisa, do not turn over. du 'xapi, to turn over, to peel off; du--, instru- mental prefix, hence same conjugation as du'tsi, to take (?28, iii). 74 Lowie: The Crow Language 63 da'ko-'ta, now and then. Etymology not clear. ba-m di- wi'et, whenever he was about to shoot at some of them. wi'e prob- ably should read wi'g, to want, to be about; -t(e) repetitive, habituative (?24, ii). k'ari'tsikya-cet, whenever it was just right. -kya-ce, superlative; -t, habitua- tive. ire'n, himself. Emphatic form, variation of i 'ra. duce-'rahak', he would intermittently shield them. I cannot analyze this form; the first person would be duce-'wahak'. dara'wi tsettseruk', he caused (it) to fly away. Quotative. The stem "to fly" is not certain, because it is usually combined with some other form of motion. Compare da-k'de-'sahirqk', it would not fly away; also form in 74. tse (tse-), regular verb: ba'tse-, I caused. 64 k'u'k'an. Apparently derived from demonstrative k'u, k'o-; here rendered "again and again." k'o-ta-'k' iru.'uka.ci'tserukt, he did thus. Participial form of k'o-tse-', he did that (see in 65), followed by an auxiliary with superlative suffix. 65 a'bara-'xe-te, Ghostlike one. -te sometimes expresses resemblance. One of the worst forms of vituperation. atbara.'Gxe, ghost; related to ira '"xe, shadow. ba-wiru'pxe bare-' di"tsisam, something my father forbade us to shoot at. ba-- goes with the entire phrase; wiru'pxe, nonvocative (iru'pxe = his father); bare-', us; di, to shoot at; tsisa, to forbid, regular verb; -n, connective. tsisa, probably, from tse-, to cause, and -sa, not. Compare bare-' ap-i"tsesak', he forbade us to dig; bi- re"tsisuk', they forbade me to go; ba-wi-ri'q-rqtsisec, what you forbade me to do. hem. Probably means "therefore." ba-ri-'sum, we did not shoot at it. Plural for singular, as in 82, where there is no negative. 66 iru-'ka-cddk'. Perhaps this should be construed as a temporal clause followed by 67 as the main clause: When he persisted, (the boy said). 67 ba-p-'iambiky, I'll kill (it) forthwith. The simple future form would be ba-p-'e-'wiky. Instantaneous future action is often thus expressed in the first person. The suffix added is not clear; conceivably bap-"ia is to be construed as first person participial (corresponding to dap-'i'a, 3 p.) and the -m is merely connective. 68 ru't'ok'dgt'ak', he seized. Participial form of ru'tsi (du'tsi). ddt'ak', probably misunderstanding for dt'ok', (h)at' k'. See under 41. 75 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 69 awa,'ttddk' da-'ttderakt, when it was sitting down. awa'V(d)9k', participial for awa 'tsi; da-t" for datsi; -de-, almost certainly equivalent to -re- in hu-'re-rakt, with possibly progressive, possibly inceptive, meaning here. de"gyakt, he let fly (lit., he caused it to go). -gya, causative suffix, often substituted for the verb, tse (to cause); in the same combination: de"tse'ky. 70 awaxa.'hi`tseruk', he dodged. -hi, momentaneous; root probably related to baxa"n in 26. First person, ambaxba-'hi; second person, amdaxda'hi. 71 duw'reta, in the back. du-re, -back; -ta, locative postposition. i's, feathers. Object of following verb. O 'xexawak', grazing, ruffling. Etymology obscure. o (= u- ?) is commonly used alone or in combination for "to shoot and hit." Compare ictce'-o 'xpuc, Shot-in-the-hand; o'ttatu`"tseruk', they shot it off (qt.). de"tseltseruk', he shot (lit., caused to go, hence also "sent"). 72 dara-'wdk' de"tserukt, flew away. Quotative. Participial form, followed by predicative "it went." 73 a"takata, near by. Often used with preceding k`os, the demonstrative with directive enclitic. -kata, diminutive, is not necessary; for example, we find: a'tta tsitse-'ky, it is near, it seems. awake"tserukt, it sat down. awe', ground; a-'ke, on. 74 hawas ba-'wdk', flying around. hawas, around; for example, hawas dax'watdk', he was roaming around aimlessly. The conjugation is not clear; da-ra'w9k' in 72 would seem to require barara'w9k' or bara'wdkt (if of another class of verbs). However, in another text occurs a 'tse da.'wurdke, over him they flew, which suggests a shorter stem. Possibly dara'wdk' is simply a reduplicated form. i wawmbi'aritskisu'9c, we were playing. Compare singular participial form in 85. -kisu'9 is the plural of -kici (cf. 21): -c, definite article, here with past meaning; -rits, aspectual suffix (p. 25); i-, probably instrumental prefix. The verbal stem does not result clearly from other forms noted; for example: i-s-ak'i-wa-'ndio-c, Plays-with-his-face; ak' iwandi'a wattse-'wiky, with it I'll make them play. If di'a, to do, make, were involved, the first person would be i warndi'awa, whereas it is i wa mbi'a. 75 co,'O ktahu'rokk, where does he come from? Corresponds to common query co"' k'araro, where do you come from? kta(r)-, in its past sense (p. 21); -rdk', suffix of indefiniteness, as often in interrogation. 76 Lowie: The Crow Language bare' ictitse'ce-ky, he is bothering, teasing, us. The stem is ditse'c; e- is proved to be the causative, third person, by the suffixed pronouns of ditse.'>cba-ke, I teased him, ditse-'c-buk', we teased him. ic- seems to be the third person possessive; its use here is problematic unless ditse'c is really a noun for, say, "butt": he is making us his butt. anna."eko', his home, abode. an-, locative (?23), na&ko' = datku', to stay. Compare ar-aw'ra'ku, your abode; awa-'ka"kua, my abode. co-'okarok', wherever it is. ro (ra), to be. i', he. Emphatic third person pronoun. asu'wiciky, he has a home. ku'ka' ra'kuwi'dsa, there he ought to be willing to stay (lit., there he does not want to stay?). This use of the interrogative for a negation of propriety is fairly common. Compare ba-hira'k' da'ku'sa, he ought to work. (Cf. Edward Sapir, Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Language, Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sciences, 93, 1930: "Very frequently the interrogative is employed as an ironical method of stating the negative." Also cf. for use of third person in addressing a reproach, Deloria, Dakota Texts, p. 24, n.) ku'ka' ra'k'u'sa, there he ought to stay. Repetition of the phrase except-for the verb "to wish." 76 iru-'rit'dak', he was standing. iru ', to stand; for -rit', see 74. he'an. A connective difficult to translate. My interpreter said it suggested: "A thought came to him." da-'se kyawi"tseruk', he was sad (lit., his heart was bad). Quotative. An expression also used for anger. 77 i-'we'tseruk', he was crying. For second person, see under 80; for conjuga- tion, see p. 35. 78 k'u-"tseruk', he went home. See 39. 79 baace'c, his hunting. The stem is ac (a-s); see under 57. ba--, indefinite object; -c, definite article. k`o wi'dk', he stopped. See ?28, ii for the conjugation of this causative, formed from k'o-'wi, to be finished. 80 isa'ke'c, his mother. Nonvocative form with definite article. sa"'pem, why? Often used as here, without instrumental prefix in following verbs. 81 ma u 'watci're di-'sa, do not shoot at meadowlarks. Direct quotation. bi he-c, said to me. -c, definite article, with past meaning; also, I think, used to contrast with what follows. Compare bari'atsec in 298. 77 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. hawa'tem, one. Refers to one of the meadowlarks. bariwi'awa-t", whenever I wanted to shoot at some. First person form corresponding to the third person form in 63. ducera-' ratku'kt, was always shielding it. The auxiliary expresses continuity or repetition. Compare form in 63, where the suffix -hak' was interpreted as suggesting intermittent action. 82 barisa'tak', I got angry and . . . Participial of barisa-'tsi; compare di- warisa'ttsiky, I am furious at you; mi-da-'risa-tse, do you hate me? mi- irisa '- tsiky, he hates me. -at suggests the suffix (p. 25), leaving dis as the stem. bari'ky, I shot at him. For other forms, see under 59, 65. 83 da-ra'wak' de'ra, flying it went. de-'ra can be taken either as a connective ("then") or as a progressive form of de-, to go, corresponding to hu'ra, bo"'ra, he was coming, I was coming. awaw'tak', he sat and ... Participial of awa 'tsi, doubtless connected with awe', ground. bi- wa'tsiky, he mocked me. ba-'tsi, to mock; diwa-"tsi.ima'tsiky, he will mock you. 84 sak'E', what did he say? sak' always used in this context instead of saw'pa. Presumably a fusion with he, to say. 85 ba hi're'ta', around here. ba-, indefinite nominal prefix; hire, demonstrative; -ta, locative suffix. 86 awsu 'wicim, he has a home. Compare asu'wiciky in 75, where the ky indi- cates a full stop, whereas here -m has the force of a comma. wai'ky di'dk', doing anything (he pleases). Compare under 58. 87 bari'atu'ac, we thought. Again plural for singular and -c to contrast past assumption with future. Compare form in 6. The idea is: I have regarded you and me as natives; are we aliens, where is our home since he dared to speak thus? wiraxba'k' iha', strangers (lit., other, different people). Compare ac-ba-ihe', enemy (camp, some other); iha'iman'tsiky, it will be different; iha'i, it might be a different one; iha"te, elsewhere; wirdxba-'k' ar-iha"te, outsiders, neutrals. i ce', that he may say it. i.-, instrumental; ce, to say. ce'wak', thus I said; ce'rak', so you said; ci.'uk', they said; ci'a, say it!; cewi'aka-ci, be sure to say it; ce'sa, don't say it!; sa 'pem i ce-ra', why do you say it?; e"ky ce-'re sa 'pa, what is that you say? 78 Lowie: The Crow Language 88 iri-'sattseruk', was silent. Quotative. iri', to speak; -sa, negative. A fixed combination. 89 ara'. Connective, with or without terminal aspirate, which often begins a speech. bi. Repeated, for emphasis. witsiwa'wa, do tell me. Imperative. tsiwe ' (to tell), regular verb; for ex- ample, di- watsiwe 'wiky, I'll tell you; ktanmiratsi'we 'ky, you have already told me. For imperative forms, see page 28 and compare sentence 95. Here -wa seems to suggest pleading. i'gya', mother. Vocative only. di wasatkaka't ba-'ic, I have been regarding you as my dear mother. This idiom in the sense of "By the love I've borne you," occurs with other rela- tionship terms. wasatka', my mother (nonvocative); -ka-t, diminutive of endearment. ba- I interpret as first person causative, -i as usitative, and -c as again expressing past action. 90 iri 'sa datsi"'tserukt, she remained silent. The verb without oral stop fol- lowed by auxiliary. Compare 88. 91 k"o't'dak', it is true (lit., thus it is). Also in form k1o't'ok', plural ktottu-'kt; tsu"'sa k'o't'u 'k', half came true. 93 hiro-'cekya-ten, that must be the reason. Etymology not clear. ba'wice'c, what he said to me. ba--, indefinite object; wi, me; cc, to say; -c, definite article. It is also possible to construe the first c as a directional post- position fusing with he-, to say. sa,'pi-ma-'tsiky, there must be some reason. sa-p, something; i-, third per- son future; -ma'tsiky, future suffix (p. 27). 94 ho-'we, well, now (lit., give me room). buruxa'pbiky, I'll turn over. First person future of form in 61. e'.wattsewiky, I'll know, find out. e "tse (to know), verb with apparent in- fixation; first person, e 'wa'tse; second person, e'rattse; plural, e-'watku, e'ratku, el"ku. 95 nai'wikyawe, go ahead. -kyawe, imperative suffix. ba-'mbo-k', let us go. Hortatory future. The form be-'wo-k' is possible, but ba-'mbok't is presumably preferred because immediate action is to be indi- cated. Compare ba p' i'ambiky in 67. 79 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 96 kutk'a.'kt, to him she said it. ku'k' (k'uk' ?) + hak'. 97 ha-kt, he said. Participial. 98 bice.'nddke, a buffalo chip. Regular contraction from bice 're and -rak'. tsitsi'xkat, round, circular (not spherical). The full moon is described as t8it-&'xi. di-'u'tseruk', they reached. Quotative. Third person plural of hi. 100 du'xapde-rdk', when she peeled it off. -de perhaps suggests the moment of removal, but this suffix remains enigmatical. xupa-'kt dats`"tseruk', a hole was there. Quotative. xupa-'k' is evidently a participial form preceding an auxiliary. xup also appears as hup, hop; for example, masa'pe' hupi'ky, my moccasin has a hole, is punctured; a'pe' hupi'c, Hole-in-his-ear; an o 'pe, where the opening was; apupe', Nez Perc6. 101 i-i'i-'r9k9n, yonder. i-'r9kt, that, there; the first vowel is often repeated once or twice for emphasis. igxa'xk9k, were white spots. xa'xi, spotted; -kg, probably the causative suffix (p. 30). 103 de-'se, away from the river (commonly, "away from camp"). With direc- tional -c the form is de-'sac. aktba.kure', hunters. akt-, agentive; ba--, indefinite object; kure', to chase, hunt. batsa-'tsittseruk', were very numerous. Quotative. This word is a generic term for great size, intensity, and so forth. 104 ace 'rec akttsise-'kya-te, a little beyond the tipis. ace-, camp; he-'re, among. akltsi'se, beyond; -kya-te, diminutive. -tsi-sa is a locative suffix of generic meaning, so that we find also do 'sts8 sa, on the hither side; hiri'tsiksa (see under 105). ak'batsi-'kice, hoop players (lit., those who imitated hunting). (Lowie, AMNH-AP 21:240, 1922.) For batse-' (to hunt) see under 127; for -kice see page 26. i 'hawactsi wakta'rak', came together and crossed. Analysis not certain; see under 105. wak'a'ra, to cross; iri-' wat-baktara-'kt, he talked crosswise (i.e., by contraries). tsi may be reflexive in meaning. 80 Lowie: The Crow Language 105 hiri'tsi-sa, on this (near) side. Opposed to ak'ttsise-'kya-te in 104. ak'bu-'ptsiritse, the shinny players (lit., the ball hitters). buw'ptsa, ball, axhead. Probably the third vowel should be a, but there may well be con- traction of bu-'ptsa and tsiritse, to hit one's own. Shinny is bu-'ptsaritu'a (see Lowie, The Material Culture of the Crow Indians, AMNH-AP 21:254, 1922). ditsi', dit' (to strike, hit), regular verb. Conjugation: ba-'ritsi, da-'ritsi, ditsi'; ba 'rittu, and so on. i-'hawac dacgya'k', were moving to and fro. gys suggests the causative suffix. The expression seems correlative with that in 104. hawac suggests motion without definite goal. Compare hawac da-'watak', he was roving about. 106 na 'se xawi`tseruk', she was sad. Compare 76. hu-'kawe, come. Imperative. Compare hu' in 29, hu"'ma in 36. awu 'c, downward. -c, directional postposition. i'kya-kawe, look. Compare hu'kawe above. 108 e"kyok', is there. e-"ky, that, there; k'o-k', that is it. ara'ka, do you see it? 110 di-'rupxisa"'kawicim, you have a grandfather (lit., your grandfather is had). i'ru'pxe, his father; isa', old, isa"ka (ka-te), old man; -ici', to be extant. it'kto-'rdk, he is stil there. it', still, yet; it'k%ora'tseruk, he was still there (qt.). 111 disa"kambici'm, you have a grandmother. isa'ka-'re, his grandmother, prob- ably from isa', old, big, k"a-'re, old woman. Compare di wasa'k'a-'m ba-'wiky, I'll make you my grandmother. 112 disba-'xaxua, all your kin. dis-, second person possessive; ba-, indefinite nominal prefix; xaxu'a, all. it'k'o-ru-'k', are still there. Plural of form in 110. 113 kyu"'rdk', when he comes home. Palatalized initial consonant because of preceding e. diri't di-'ec, whenever you say something, he has been wont to do it. I interpret -t as usitative, the -e as its correlative in the apodosis, the -c as past. In the apodosis the more frequent usitative is -i (pl.: i-ruk'). ba-p ce-'wa'tse'rki', if I make you say something; or, what I may make you say. ba-p, something; ce, to say; tse', to cause; -rdk, if. ci'a. Imperative of ce. 114 sa p' ce 'wa wi, what shall I say? C6, like causatives, suffixes pronouns. 81 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 115 a cu 'ci'sem. a cu-' (a cu 'o), head, horn; the rest of the word I cannot ex- plain, but the type of buffalo so designated is described as having one horn curved downward or frontwise; such sports are said to be hairless. The classi- ficatory -m, used with both noun and adjective here, may denote the object. axe', father. Used only by males and only vocatively. dap 'i'ak', kill. Participial form; the imperative is expressed at the end of the sentence. axu'a, the body. baxu'a, my body. ambatsuw'9wicgya te, where there are sinews. am-, locative prefix; batsu'a, sinew; -wic; -gya te = ka-te, diminutive. xaxutata 'ria, every one of them. xaxu'a, all; -ta 'ri(a), -ta 're, emphatic (?24, v). du'ttdkt, take. Compare above, dapyi'Ak'. Olt bring. Like hu, this imperative sometimes ends in a breath. 116 da-'rakt, if you say it. Conjugation: ba-; da-; he- (ha-); bu'; and so on. O0'rsk', if he brings. i-wa-'kawok't, we shall thereby go home [by use of the sinews]. i.-, instru- mental; wa-'kawo-k', first person future plural, probably from stem da-'ku,; compare ktambaku'dwima-'tsiky, I must go home now. 117 datkaraxta.'ri, you might forget it. kara-'xta, to forget (cf. ara 'xts, not to know); -ri, second person future. Omission of oral stop because no positive affirmation is made. cewi'aka-ci, be sure to say it. ce, to say; wi'a, to want, but also expresses, as here, futurity; -ka-ci, superlative. In this sentence the speaker is given, but the question does not close with the usual he"tseruk' (she said) quotative. 118 ba 'tsitse'wattse-wima-'tsiky, I'll remember it. tsitse"tse-, to remember, from either e"tse, to know, or tse-, to cause. tsits is treated as an independent verb taking first person pronoun prefix and being followed by the first person of tse, or e"tse. -ma-tsi-ky, suffix with emphatic future (?24, iii). batkara 'xtasawima-'tsiky, I shall not forget. Note that -sa, negative, pre- cedes the future endings. In this sentence the change of speaker, being obvious, is not expressed. Note the characteristic repetition of idea by different words. 120 i'kya-k', she looked at him. The lengthened vowel probably indicates a participial form. i'kyawi'&ttseruk', she frowned [at him]. Quotative. Contracted from i'kya, she looked, k(y)awi'9, to make bad; that is, she looked severely. Compare the form ara'ktkawi'ara in 123. 82 Lowie: The Crow Language 122 ikyawi'a ratku"tseruk', she kept on frowning at him. 123 sa 'pam bi aralk ktawi'ara ra-'katko, why do you keep on frowning at me? ara'k(a), do you look? ktawi'ara, do you make it bad (i.e., severe)? Note the second person of the auxiliary, which is probably a reduplicated form of atku'. 124 du 'tsitsirettseruk', she nudged him. Quotative. Stem not clear. 125 da'k'tbatsec, her son. da-kt, child; batse', male. This is the usual nonvocative form, corresponding to vocative iro 'oce. cikya-'kec, the boy. Presumably in apposition with preceding noun. It is barely possible that "her son" is to be taken as an afterthought with the pre- ceding sentence, that is, "She nudged him . . . her son"; idiom, of course, would normally require putting the object before the verb. 127 tsira 'k'cirak', tomorrow. -rak' indefinite since future. tsira-'k'ce, morning; tsira 'k'cetatse', every morning. batse-' ra-re-'rak', when you go hunting. batse-' ra-, to go hunting. Only the second verb is conjugated in this combination. ambatsu'awicgya-te. See under 115. xaxu'a ka-'sa, every one of them. The superlative here, for obscure reasons, is -kacsa rather than -ka-se. Note by comparison with 115 the interchange- ability of -ta-re and -ka-ce. o- waku', bring for me. 128 i sa 'p'de wi'aram, what are you going to use them for? i--, instrumental; de-, you have (conjugation: be-, de-, e-; ba-'u, and so on); wi'a, to want; ra, second person pronoun; -m, oral comma. ahu'hirak', seeing that there are so many. ahu', many; -hirak, a puzzling suffix (p. 26), here explained as suggesting that the boy could not possibly use them all. ahu' has the plural suffix, but its stem appears without it; for example, a'-dak'. 129 i wasa-' waxda'k', thereby I having tied my arrows. Compare 56 for wasa&'; i*-, instrumental with entire predication; waxda'k' participial form of baxtsi'ky, I tie. This is explained here to refer to the tying of feathers and points. bacta'xia.ak', my bowstring. icta'xia, bow; akte', the bowstring or the trigger of a gun. 83 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 130 ihe, other (i.e., other kinds). iri 'awat, when I use. -t, usitative; i--, instrumental; ri'a, to make. hawa-'k, they are worn out. Participial form. hawe-, to destroy. tsitsu'tum, they are tough. Plural of tsitsu'tsi, hard, tough; -m, oral comma. i-kyo-'t'bak', that's why I do thus. i-, instrumental; ba--, suffixed causative pronoun. 134 kto-t'a', immediately. See 27. 135 a,ru'akt, he brought. Passive regularly expressed by third person plural. co.'ot'da.rdk', do as you please. Idiomatic expression. co.'ot'ba.wi, what shall I do? co.'ot'da.ri, what shall you do? -rdk', as usual, expresses indefiniteness. 137 ktura-'kt, she carried them. Participial (?). kture', to carry, hold. asa,'rittseruk', she went out. First person, asba-'ri; second, acdaw'ri; first plural, acba-'ru. asa-'mbi.'3k', she will go out. For participial form see 149. The verb is the opposite of bire 'ri, to enter; the first syllable doubtless = ace', tipi. 138 hire' ri'gk, thither she went. hire' usually means "here," but in this common phrase clearly conveys the sense of remoteness, or at least departure. ri'ak, probably participial of re, to go. 139 hi-'ak, she came to her. Participial of hi. 140 a'pu'k't, twine. Participial, imperative being expressed in di'd. batsi-i"ttsipdgk', splice them. bats- (p. 20) here doubtless expresses the idea of intertwining, the mutual crossing of strands. 141 biha 'nde-wima 'tsiky, I'll be done quickly. Compare 145. iha-'ri, to be ready; iha-'nde-, she was done quickly; -de, see page 25; -ma-'tiky again to give greater decisiveness to a future. Compare in 145. 142 ci'ahikyata, after a little while. ci'a, long; -hi, ?; -kya-ta, diminutive. ktaraci%'grak', after a long time. du'ara, come ye. Plural imperative. du-'o, they come. Another Crow criti- cized this form because only the woman went out, wherefore hu' was repre- sented as better. However, in 143 the plural is used. 84 Lowie: The Crow Language 144 bari'arec, your work. ba, indefinite object; riara (di'ara), you do; -c, definite article. The change from a to an e vowel is common before -c and in the equiva- lent of English relative clauses. The -c is not indispensable: e-'ky i-'cbua ara'ke, that stomach which you see (ara'ka). 148 isbatsi'pe, her digging stick. is-, third person possessive. mawa'p i we-wo-k', let us go to dig up something. ma-, indefinite object; ap i', to dig; bap-i', I dig; we-'wo-k = be.wo.k', future first person plural of de-, to go, hortatory future. Note the expression of purpose. 151 andu'xapu'gc, where (which) she had peeled off. an-, either locative or rela- tive here (p. 19); plural form to pluralize the chips, presumably. Compare forms of the verb in 93, 100. 152 kaka ru'tt'ak, again seizing it. kaka sometimes takes the place of ktaratsi'. Compare kak' o-"tsid'tseruk', again he made it night (qt.). bita-'xi9&tseruk', she removed it. Quotative. The verb is causative; hence such forms as bita-'xia-wa'wiruk', we shall remove it. 153 ara'ka wi.arec, whom you wanted to see. Compare vowel change explained under 144. 155 anno pe'c, the hole. an-, locative prefix; ho-pi' (hupi'), to be pierced. a, 'ku'tsi'c. The precise meaning is not clear; a akt is probably the postposi- tion ad'k'e, across; tsi may be the verb tse, to cause. du.'uci'tseruk', she laid it. For conjugation see p. 35. co n buruci"'wi, where shall I put it? - ~~~156 asatke', the end. Usually with sense of "corner," as in i-'sa'ke, corner of the mouth; micgy-i-'sa'ka-reta-c, dog without a corner to his mouth; asa'ka-ru-'p- dutse, he seizes both corners. utpa'kusa'ke, the upper end. Apparently in apposition with preceding word. The combination is not wholly clear, but: utpe', end, tip; a'k(u)s, up; asatke, as above. iraxtsi"tseruk', with it she tried. Quotative. i--, instrumental; daxtsi', to tie. 157 tsi-'dk', carrying on her back. Participial of tsi-, to carry on back. Note the regular form: ba'-t'-bi-ky, I shall carry it. 158 du-'uxas9k', she held on to it. Originally recorded du-'uxa-tak' which the interpreter corrected. 85 Univer8ity of California Publication8 in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 160 aho-'ka-ta, slowly. -ka-ta, diminutive and adjectival. 161 ktanna 'rari'o, they went on. Derivative of de-, to go; conjugation uncertain; repeated for emphasis. 162 di.'suetseruke, they did not reach. di u, irregular plural of hi; note that the plural suffix appears in the negative (sing., -sa). 163 x-'xaxiok', dangling. Reduplicated from xe'xid, to hang down; compare a,'xuxke xe'xia ka'.uttserukt, his kidneys were hanging down. Compare 598, 603. a'tkuttseruk', they were. Usual auxiliary form. 164 wi-'suk't, we do not reach. bi 'u, we reach; compare di-'su in 162. The oral stop indicates that this part of the sentence is not conceived as a question. I construe: Why, how is this, son? We are not reaching the earth. 165 o 'osam, he did not bring. This seems a good mlustration of -m as oral comma, suggesting close connection with what follows. i- awe' wi 'su k'o-k', that is why we do not reach the earth. Good illustration of instrumental prefix with whole clause. 166 ktu-'re-rgk', when he came home. This brings up the question of -re- again; the context suggests that momentaneous realization of his family's absence is indicated. utardk't na 'karak', his wife and his child. Note use of -r9k' with both nouns (cf. ?18), as in 167 with first person possessive forms. keo.ra'suetseruk', they were not there. Quotative. Often in sense of disap- pearance, also as euphemism for being dead. Note that again the negative is pluralized; plural of kto-ra' is kto-ru'. 167 co.'c da.urakte, whither have they gone, I wonder? -c, directional postposi- tion here; -rakte, interrogative particle. i'riat'k't, he was thinking. Participial of i'riatsiky, the initial h being often dropped. 168 ba-m, what. Often ushers in equivalent of relative clause. Compare ba-n di'9, whatever he did; barn di-'kyukukt, whatever you heard. di'9sa watse-c, I bade them not to do. di'dsa is often used also for "Don't do it." tse, to cause, frequently appears in sense of ordering or permitting. 86 Lowie: The Crow Language di 'oma tsiky, they must have done it. -o, third person plural future; -ma- tsiky, future emphatic suffix. The inferential use of the future is common. Compare German: Sie werden es getan haben. 169 ba-tsitsi'mbiky, I'll look for them. Reduplicated form of tsi 're, to seek. 170 hu-'re-r9k', when he came. According to my interpreter, the form suggests that the Sun had no previous suspicion of the facts. Perhaps this can be har- monized with the explanation given of the comparable form in 166, that is, he suddenly noticed the hole. anna' .uc, where they had gone; an-, locative prefix; -c, definite article, past sense. ho-'pdk' datsi"tseruk', there was a hole. Quotative. Compare form in 100. 171 am u'qn, down, below. -n, locative enclitic. The adverb appears in several cognate forms. Compare those in 106, 175; also amu'a, downhill. 172 i't' kto- tse'wiordkt, if that is what they wanted to do. i'd, demonstrative; tse, to do; wio, third person plural of wi'a, to want. bi-'tsiwa-k', having told me. Participial of tsiwe', to tell. de 'wiordk', if they wanted to go. Compare tse'wiorak' above. i'tsiwakt de-'wa'tse-wima-'tsiky, in peace I'd have let them go. i'tsiwak', participial in sense though not in form, literally, I make it good; the main verb in future emphatic form, apodosis of the condition; tse in its permissive sense; de "tse usually means to send or throw (see 178). 173 xawi-'owiky, they have verily done wrong. xawi'g, to do wrong, badly; -o, plural ending; -wi, emphatic particle. Compare di-wiraxba-'kesa-wiky, you are truly no person (vituperative expression). he-'ritakt, he thought. Similar in meaning to hi-'riatak. da-'se xawi"tseruk', he was sad, angry. Compare forms in 76, 106; also ba-wara's kawa 'k', we are angry about something. 174 bt 'rak', a rock. This word with open i must be distinguished from bi-'(9), woman. In an unpublished version the stone thrown is a medicine rock (baco-'ritsi tse). papa'cirak', spherical. For a disk tsitsa'xi would be used, as in 98. Bullet is arapapa'ce. 87 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 1175 bi'ace, rock. Vocative form. Compare ara bi-'akaricte-ce, well, young woman. a,'tsiwak' da-, following go. Imperative. a'tsiwak', participial of aw'tsiwe, as in itce' aw'tsiwe, he followed the tracks. amuw're, below. Compare under 171. hi-'ak", reach and ... Participial of hi. 176 baka'te, the child. ba6-, generic nominal prefix; -ka-te, diminutive suffix. k'u k' . . . kto. The antithetical form of expression by first negativing one possibility is typical of Crow speech and style. In another version we find: bi-'a nap 'e 're ta cikya-'ka k'uk' dap-'e'sa, though you kill the woman, do not kill the boy. Compare also: k'annara'rdk' ba-ihe'm tsitsu'te bare-'tak' baraxsatatse'm da'pe araxtu'aridk' o ', when you get there something else that is hard not, something soft your bill insert into it and bring. k'o- i'ritdok', hitting against that. i- probably denotes that the stone was not striking the woman by its own volition. Compare 181, 182. dap'i's, kill her. dap'e' (to kill) might be used imperatively (see example cited under 176). The form here used conveys the sense of immediacy. 181 i-'kyec watsu'aka-te, her support, the sinew. The second noun presumably is conceived in apposition to the first; the diminutive may indicate sympathy with the woman. iruxe'mbak', it broke. Neuter, see below under 182. duxe'm- occurs several times in an active sense; xe'mbe seems to suggest separate pieces, as when ba-xaxe'mbak' denotes the strewn fragments of a corpse. 182 k'ar. The prefix is to be taken with the entire sentence. i'ritsi'tseruk', she struck. Evidently the i- is prefixed to the stem, as in 181 and 176, to denote lack of volition on the striker's part. 184 k'u-t', whenever he came back. -t', usitative. nawo 'tsiat', at night. The prefix na-- is not clear; it may reenforce the usita- tive suffix. Compare nawco 'r iru'ke k'arahaw'wit', whenever the meat was ex- hausted. k'us xapi"tseruk', he lay against her. xapi', to lie down, often in sense of "to sleep." 185 k'aw'ndak', there was an old woman. k'aw're with indefinite article as copula. a,su-'wisak', she had a home. Participial form of -bici; compare that in 75. ictatci'a, her garden. From aratci'o, garden, contracted with possessive pro- noun, ic (is). Compare iru'ke, meat; ictu'ke, her meat. aratci'd is probably composed of locative ara-, and a verb stem for scraping, scratching. 88 Lowie: The Crow Language ahu"'tseruk', was extensive. ahu' is, of course, plural in form; usually it means much, many. 186 tsira 'kcit", in the morning; -t', presumably in the generic sense, which is of course related to the usitative. hi-'re-t', when she would reach. Note correlative of usitative -t' with -iru in ka.'iruttseruk', which otherwise would be ka.'ultserukl. isxo 'xacec, her corn. is-, third person possessive. The Hidatsa stem for maize is ko-'xati. du-'kaka't', would be pulled open. du--, with hand. I cannot determine the stem. ammatsu"'ke tse, on the leveled ground. am, ground; ma-, indefinite nominal prefix; tsu"ka, level; tse, to make (?). xaxe'mbak', helter-skelter. Compare iruxe'mbakt in 181. 187 pu"tak1, punctured. Participial form of a verb not definitely determined. Perhaps related to that of ba-p'ta"'wiawdk', I want to pierce. 188 hupu"bak', there were holes in them. Plural of hupi', to be pierced. -ba- is not clear unless it expresses obviousness (see p. 28). 189 kto-tta', all the time. For other meanings, such as "all over," "nevertheless," see 27 et passim. ba"'axuawic, creature, animal. ba--, indefinite noun prefix; axu'a, body; -wic, having. ak'bihi're-ta-rec, there has been no one verily has hitherto got to me. ak'-, agentive; bi, object pronoun first person; ret, not, contracted with -ta're, truly; -c, definite article, here with past sense. 190 ho-'we. Same expletive as in 94; used when a speaker wishes to reflect. e,'wa'tse-wiky, I shall find out. Also as in 94. i'at'ka.tattseruk', they were small. i'dte, small; -ka-ta, diminutive. 191 ba-ka-'t1k', it is child. ba--, nominal prefix; -ka-ta, diminutive suffix. 192 ho-'wekyawe, let me see. ho-'we (cf. 94 and 190) with imperative -kawe. bi-'aka-taxua cikya''kaT'dak1, whether it be a little girl or a little boy. For -xu see page 28; -dak', indefinite. 193 aru.'ute, arrows. For a synonym see 56. Perhaps connected with u, to shoot at. 89 90 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 195 bu-'ptsir,kt, a ball. Usual form; bu-'ptsa, compare that in 198. i wu 'ptsiritse, a shinny stick. i--, instrumental; ritse', to strike. 196 da-'k'u'tseruk', they remained there (?). 197 cikya.'ka.t'dgk', if it is a boy. Note typical use of future in apodosis and also parallel structure of this and succeeding sentence. 198 i-wu'ptsiritu'drdkt, a shinny stick. Compare form in 195. Here the -plural is used, possibly to pluralize the object (ball) struck. 200 i watsi'sak', she was eager, impatient, anxious. bi- watsi'sak', I am anxious. hu'a, she came. Participial form. 201 k'use', toward it. The function of the -e is not clear. 202 he-'re-rgkt, this way [she looked]. Etymology obscure. u wu ice'a hiri'tserukt, it was shot all over. Quotative. uwu = u u, u0o, to be shot (pl. of u-, to shoot at); ice', very; -a, (?); hiri, to make. Compare the expression in 286. 203 k'o-ra'su'tseruk', they were gone. Quotative. See under 166. 205 sa 'pq kto-, wherefrom. k*o' is often used in locative sense. hu-'re-rak1e', does he come. -rdkte, interrogative suffix. 206 xatsi"'sa, keep still (lit., do not move). xatsi ', to move; -sa, negative. 207 he 'rin, in among [the plants of the garden]. Variant of he-'ren, he-'ren (cf. in 18). iaxu'attseruk', she hid (i.e., hid herself). i-, third person pronoun here. Compare ise-'c a-'xudkt, he hid his arrows; bitts awa-'xuakt, I hid myself. 208 ru'tsiwi'ak', she wished to catch. ru'tsi, to seize, often in this sense. Lowie: The Crow Language 209 o0'rittseruk', she was waiting, awaiting him. Conjugation: awo 'ri, and so on, see ?28, iii. Compare mi- o 'rewa, wait for me; di- awo'riky, I am waiting for you. 211 daxo-'t'de-rak', when he had entered. daxo-'tsi (cf. 20) is used of going into a wood, garden, and so forth. bare' waxo-'tsiky, I entered the wood. iru'ok', he stood. Independent use of this common auxiliary. 212 co 'Icararo ', where do you come from? Usual greeting; daro-', second person of hu. baka"'kat'ak', I am staying. baka'ku, I dwell, stay; -a-'t1k' around, with- out fixed goal, as in 62, 183. 213 da-'sua, your home. Note shortened possessive; compare forms in 75, 86, 214, 228. 214 ba8su-'re-t'k', I have no home. basu'(a), my home; -ret'-, absolute negative. 215 bi- t'a'tskya-t', I am alone. tat8 can be used without the adjectival diminu- tive; for example, bi 't'ats, I alone. di.awa'xpdk', I with you. a'xpa, with; awa'xpe, my companion, my party. baka"'kuwiky, I shall live. For baka"ku, see under 212; -wi, first person future. 217 u 'sa, do not shoot at. Compare forms in 202. du-'uxe xawi 'sa, do not tear apart. du-'uxe, to pull forcibly; xawi ', bad; that is, do not by forcible pulling spoil it. amma wuce', my food. bawu'ci, I eat something; amma wuce', that which I eat. In such constructions the final vowel of simple predication often changes. 218 k'ar. Again to be construed with rest of sentence. a'xpgk', with him, being with him. The k' may be predicative or participial. 219 he-'re-rak'. See 202; the word is accompanied by a gesture indicating that she was looking for the boy. 220 co-'nde, when did he go? -n probably mere glide; direction to a place would normally be expressed by -c (-s). 91 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 222 xa'pda-t' datsi'ttserukt, he was lying. xapi', to be lying down; da-t' looks like a shortened participial form of datsi'; I should expect xapg'kt datsi"tseruk. According to my interpreter, -da t' indicates that the matter was of concern to the old woman. 223 xapi-'wak', I missed (lost) you. xapi' (to be lost) becomes active by suffixing pronouns in causative fashion. 224 ma-warisa-'hiky, I was worried. -hi, momentaneous; ma'wari'ce, to suffer, to be upset. Compare icte' ba- iri'cettserukt, his eyes were suffering; ma wari'- ce-c ha 'wiky, my sufferings are wiped out. The word for being hungry, ari 'ce, is evidently of the same stem. 225 disa"ke, your mother. Compare forms in 89, 222. ktarapu'gkt xawi 'ky, is decomposing. ktar-, already; pu'a, rotting; xawi ', bad. 226 k'arace-'ky, she is dead. Note past sense of ktara-; ce means also "to die," "to swoon." 228 kto- kto-n. This coupling of demonstratives is frequent; see, for example, 229. The first sets off the preceding noun, the second is adverbial: "our home that ... there." daxa'pddkt if you lay down (slept). xapi' (to lie down, sleep) regularly pre- fixes pronouns (contrast causative in 223): ba'xapiky, I lie down; daxa'p da-'watsi, are you lying down? (auxiliary batsi repeating the idea). i'tsi.ima'tsiky, it would be well. The second -i, third person future. The use of a conditional sentence to express advice or a command is typical. Com- pare batsaraxpaki'sgkt du-'rdkt k'o- i'tsi.ima-tsiky; di'arasa'rak' da-s ktawi-'r9kt k"awi-'imaltsiky, if you married each other, if you did it, that would be well; if you refuse and he gets angry, it would be bad. 229 k`arawacde.'sa, do not roam about. ktar-, in its inceptive sense; (h)awac, about; de, to go; -sa, negative. 231 mara'xte 'ritsim, I did not quite know. mara 'xta, I do not know; -ritsi, moderative suffix; -m, oral comma. 232 datka-'tettseruk', he stayed; datku', to stay; -a-te, compare in 212. 92 Lowie: The Crow Language 234 atna'k', was plentiful. For a', see under 185. gt't'k'. Expletive, perhaps to be taken rather as ushering in the next sentence. 235 iro-'oce, grandson. Note that since the same word is used vocatively for son and grandson, the correct translation appears only by correlation with the grandmother term applied by the boy and the nonvocative references to him. bii kyo-ra'sarak', when I am away. Palatalization of k' after i; for verb, compare 166. diru'c biara'rgk', if you want to eat. diru'ci, you eat; elision of final vowel in combination. hi'cikya-te, the red one. hi'ci, hi'si, red; i'gye'-ci-c, Red star; ac-i's, Red lodge. ara'xuasa, do not cook. ara'xua, cook; compare a-re-', to be hot (in 18); ara'xi, to burn; ara'xua looks like a pluralized causative of this verb. hi'cikya-ta'se, which is not red. Note change of negative from -sa to -se in relative construction. biri-'sdk', cook and . . . Participle of verb biri'ci in 241. Compare biri-'sgk' ku'oltseruk,they cooked for him; ba-wiri'sku'aha-ra, cook ye something for him. 236 he-'rit'de-rmk', Compare under 219; explained to mean that the boy was looking around one time. 237 hiro-'oc. Expletive, equivalent to: let me think. sa'pdak' ice're-rgk', why did she say that? -d9k', -rdk', indefinite participle de; i -, instrumental prefix; ce', to say; -re-, obscure as usual. In an unpublished version of this story the boy several times asks: masatka"'*re, sa-'pdak' i.cera', grandma, why did you say that? 241 biri'ci'ttseruk', he cooked them. biri'ci suggests putting on embers; bire', fire. 242 k'aro 'cddk', when it was cooked. o 'ce seems to be the generic word for cook- ing. sa,'w9k', it popped. Participial form; stem in 243. sasatpd'k', it crackled. Participial form, probably reduplicated from sa"pa, to be loud. Compare k'a -sa'p-a't9k', they laughed aloud. The noise here de- scribed was compared to that of popcorn. du.'ira-'wi'tseruk', it went jumping (i.e., the kernels did). du'i is possibly -i, usitative, with du'a, to blow away; compare ikyu'pe du'a-re ky, his hat blew away. ra-'wi = nawi, to go ahead, move. 93 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 243 arasa 'wec, what popped. ara- as neuter counterpart of agentive ak'-; sa 'we, compare 242; -c, definite article. ba-xi'ru'tseruk', turned into blackbirds. Transformation is regularly thus expressed, or rather understood, in such a context. For singular see 255. 244 na,'ra-wak', it flew off. Compare in 63, 72. e 'tci ra'u'tseruk, they scattered, separated (lit., in different directions they went). 245 mara 'p anope k'o-n, at the smoke hole. mara 'p(e), flaps of the tipi cover; for anwo 'pe, see under 155; kto-n, there. Note the typical way of expressing the adverbial phrase. k'o'r, there. Equals kto-n; note tendency to change n or d to r between vowels. karu'8tserukt, they escaped, fled. kara-, to run, often has the specific sense of fleeing. 246 ba-i'tsikisu-k', they are amusing ones. ba--, indefinite nominal prefix; i'tsi, good; -kisu-, plural of -kici; i'tsikici is hard to translate, sometimes the context suggests "splendid," sometimes "jolly," "entertaining." 247 kuruttA'k', he took back and ... Participial form of kurutsi', to take back, to harvest. ku-, as cognate of tsi-, sometimes has the sense of "one's own." iha"te, in another place. From ihe', another; -te, locative suffix. 248 tsit8i'pitt8eruk, he shut. Reduplicated form. Perhaps tsi is a stem suggesting the idea of closing (cf. in 249). Participle in 252. 249 tsici'"tserUk', he shut. Quotative. Compare under 248 and especially the par- ticipial form in 252. 250 hiri'attbak', thus I do. hiri'ate, like this, used adjectivally as well as ad- verbially; ba, causative first person pronoun. The idea is, probably: by thus doing ... arasa,'ndetVbak, -I cause it to be impossible for them to go out. For correla- tive use of negative -det and ara-, see page 19. asa 'ri + det' = asa-'ndet'; ba, first person pronoun suffixed. Compare arak'o-'t ba-wire-tem, it will be impos- sible for me to do thus; ambape'wo-retk', it will be impossible for us to eat it up; amba'mbiretok', I shall not be able to live; andi-'kyo-xi re'tdk', she will not 94 Lowie: The Crow Language be able to overtake you; andaro'ri retak', you will not be able to come; arikyucdu'reti'tseruk', they were unable to get out; ari'kyu'bi'ret'k', he could not get down (cf. 805). 251 The construction of the sentence is not transparent, but the sense is clear. k'o-ri'd occurs frequently to indicate the sudden discovery of a hitherto un- known fact. Thus, in another version the mission of the porcupine is referred to thus: hin-e' apa"'riac k'o-ri'ac ba-'kuk'kure' k'o- e-'wisak', this porcupine- unknown to the young woman-the One Above owned it. ba-i'tsikicikya-su-m, they are extremely funny. Plural superlative form of the word in 246. 252 tsisa-'k', having shut. Participial form of tsici'. 254 dit'u'd, they made bird calls. Plural of ditsi'; the same stem as for "to strike." isaxpd'k', noisily. Initial vowel possibly third person pronoun; that is: they being noisy. iha'wac tsiwaka'rak'. See under 104. 255 dap 'i'a'kuk', he killed one after another. Continuative auxiliary a'ku' with participial form of dap 'e'. hawe'ta-ri'tseruk', he destroyed them all. hawe-' = ha-'wi, to be gone, with causative -e- for third person pronoun; -ta-ri, intensive. 256 bici'axpaka-te, cords. bici'axpe, rope; -ka-ta, diminutive suffix. maxi 'rec, blackbirds. Note that, though the sense is obviously plural, the singular form is used. The plural occurs in 243. i-'wat'k'uc, with them (cords) against one another. i.-, instrumental, goes with the predicate "tying"; bat'-, one another; k'uc, toward, to them. da'xta ra'kdk', tying he continued. da'xta, participial of daxtsi'; ra'kak', con- tinuative auxiliary. ha'tsgyeka-ce'tseruk', it was exceedingly long. ha'tsgye, long; -ka-ce, superla- tive suffix. ma,'ku k'o-n, above there. ma-'ku (ba-'ko), above, top; i--wa-'ku-c-da, air- plane (means of going above). Note the characteristic use of the demonstrative with the adverb. i-'kyo-tsi'tseruk', he hung. The idea is that of hanging something flexible over a horizontal support; doubtless derived from i-'kye (support) probably plus k'o-, demonstrative, and tse', to make. I hang it = awi'kyo-tsiky; I am hung = bi i-'kyo'tsiky. 258 biri'cisande-c, (why) did you tell me not to roast (it)? For biri'ci, see 235, 241; -sa, negative; -n, possibly mere connective; de-, either second person of 95 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. he-, he says, or variant of second person causative pronoun da; -c, definite article, past. 259 ba-i'tsikicikya-tu, something jolly. Compare with form in 251; both are plural form. bi ri'arattsisak', you forbade me to do. bi, object first person pronoun; ri'a, to do; ra'tsisa, second person of tsi'sa, to forbid (tse ', to cause; sa, neg.). In another version occurs the combination, ma-wi ri'aratsisec, what you forbade me to do, where the change of the last vowel is also of interest. 260 col'ot'at", how is that? What is it? Short for co '?t'a tsi. 261 bi'mbacbim, when I cooked them. Not easily analyzable; the final bim occurs elsewhere as a temporal suffix, for example in ba-'wim, when I arrived; bi'mbac can be connected with biri'ci by assuming pseudoinfixation of the first person pronoun. biri + baci would yield bi'mbaci. This suggests that the first part of the compound is bire', fire; bire', water, would yield similar combinations, but biri'ci does not seem to apply to boiling. 262 diru'cd9kt, you will eat (lit., if you eat). Conditional to express weak future idea. 263 e-kya'. Exclamation, often to express surprise. 267 ba-ra', I'll go. Participial form without -k', the future being expressed in the next word. ambe-'wicbiky, I'll tend to it. be-'wic evidently contains the stem; an-ne 'wic- di, you will tend to him; ktar-ar-i-'mbic-bi'dkt, he will tend to him. In these cases the sense of the verb is "menacing," equivalent to "fix" somebody, as also in di ambe-'wicbiky, I'll settle with you, fix you. 268 awre 'ra, she carried them. a-, with them; re 'ra, she went and [said]. 269 da hawac da-'ra, go, go around. Singular imperative, followed by plural im- perative. wara,'xka-tem, is ignorant. wara 'x, crazy, foolish (cf. ara 'xta, not to know); -ka-te, diminutive. 96 Lowie: The Crow Language 270 k'annu-'sak', having put them down. Participial form of du 'ci, to lay down. 271 bactatu'a, my garden. Pluralized form. akti'ase, guardians. ak'-, agentive; i'asi(a), to look out for. Compare in 502: bi- i'asia, look out for me! k"o.ok', they are those. Plural of k'o-kt. 272 k'arakto.tse'sa, don't do it. k'ara-, inceptive sense; kto, demonstrative; tse, to do; -sa, negative. i ru 'pe, again (lit., a second time). i--, ordinal prefix; nu-'pe, two. 274 kto't' ba'sa-wima-'tsiky, I'll not do thus. Note the order of suffixes: negative before future pronoun, and future particle. Compare 118. 275 naitsi'an, time passed. Common connective of sentences to indicate lapse of time, presumably derived from na-tsi (da-tsi), auxiliary. a"ka'sak', she made a great deal. Possibly a participial form of the causative; ahu', much; ka-s-, superlative. 276 bita-'rici'a, the draft screen. I cannot analyze this word. asalka-tse'n, about the end [of it]. asaeke', end, corner, perhaps connected by metathesis with ha-'ke, the last; -a tse, approximative; -n, locative. hin e' o 'ce ri 'ac, this food she had prepared. Good example of how Crow ex- presses a relative clause; compare also next sentence. o 'ce ri '9, to make cook- ing, is a set phrase. ari'tsi en, behind. The stem is ari'(a); for example, ari'a kto- bo-'rak', when I come from the rear. Note the variant in 277. 277 da-co-'ratsit', occasionally. The force of da-- in such words is not clear. de"kyu.oc, which had been thrown. Plural of de"tse, to throw, in 276. Passive regularly expressed by third person plural. Here there are two plural endings, -o usually taking the place of a second -u for the purpose. Why this duplica- tion occurs here is not clear, unless the food is to be pluralized. bare'waxse'c, the plate. bare', probably indefinite prefix; waxse', under, for example, ba-"tpec maxse-'ta, under the rocks; citse' maxse', at the foot of the hill. Perhaps the idea is "that which is under things." kurutsi'rett, whenever she took it back. kurutsi'rk't would be used for "when she took it back." hin-e kya-'rec, this old woman. Subject here introduced as an afterthought after the predicate. 97 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ba-ha'mneta-ri, there was nothing. ba--, indefinite nominal prefix; ham, some; -net, not; -ta 'ri, truly. awu'reta.rit8seruk', it was truly empty. Quotative. awu', inside; -ret, not; -ta-ri, emphatic. 278 co,re,'rit9k', some time. Yellow-brow often uses indefinite expressions of time and place; see below. co 'c de-rittde"'rak', wherever she may have gone to. co-, where; -c, directional; de-, to go; -rit', suffix modifier (p. 25); de- = -re, progressive ?; -rak' indefinite. 279 i'qk'o-n, over there. Combination of two demonstratives. e., food. Also "to have." kuruci 'ky, she stores. ku- probably = tsi, to indicate possession by subject; duci-, to lay, put. Probably I misunderstood for kuruci't', which would express the usitative; see in 285. 280 ha'mneta- na&kuk', always there was none. na'ku', auxiliary expressing usi- tative aspect; ham, some; -neta, negative. 281 awa'kawiky, I'll see. First person future of i'kya, to see, awa'ka, I see. 282 ba-pu'xtatsgyerqk', a dragon (lit., a long otter). ba pu'xta, otter; ha'tsgye, long. ha'nde-'r9k', when he looked. Etymology not clear. Again a gesture accom- panies the word. 283 aci 'ruceta, at the edge of the tipi. -r may be simply a phonetic connective; u 'ce, buttocks, is also applied to the foot of a hill; -ta, locative suffix. a-i'mbiri'tseruk', it went clear around. a = ?; i'mbi suggests coextensiveness, tallying; ri = re ?, to go. 284 ikya-'nde-rak', when he looked at him. Compare i'kyare-rak', with same trans- lation, in 190. The change in accent suggests another suffix directly after the verb but cloaked by assimilation to following d. By analogy I infer that mo- mentaneousness is intended. kari"tsia, lightning. Etymology obscure. i' ictawu'ata, through his eyes. i = ?; ict(e), his eyes; awu'a, inside; -ta, locative. datsu'suata, was like the crack of a whip; -ta, suffix to express resemblance. 285 atpara-'G xe-te, ghostlike one. -te expresses similarity; for example, in mic- gyihe-'tgk', he looks like another dog. aktapa-' ratk'u-rec, the one who regularly eats up. ak'-, agentive; apa ', to 98 Lowie: The Crow Language eat up, devour, swallow. i 're ape"tseruk', he swallowed the blood; isbar'n- dat'a.uc karapu tseruk', they ate up their fine meat; di- wapa-'mbiky, I'll devour you; ambape'wo-retakt, we shall not be able to eat it up. 286 u'f ice-' hirgkt, he shot different times. Compare under 202. dapi'a hi"tseruk', he killed him forthwith. -hi, momentaneous. 287 e ra"tkurucitV, the food you regularly stored. Compare in 279, 285. ba-pi'Yehiky, I have killed just now. First person form corresponding to that in 285. 288 e-kya'wa'. Exclamation, variant of e-kya'. 291 nac'p' em i'tsiky, that you killed him is well. -m often serves to set off a predicative subject; compare o 'm i'tsiky, that she is bringing him is well, i'tsiky daro-'m, it is well you came. 292 ho-m, give me room, move away. Variant of ho'we. a wara ', with it I going. a-re-', fixed compound of a-, with, and re, to go, in sense of bringing or taking. awa'xiwa-wiky, I'll throw it away. (h)awa'xi, to throw away; wa -, first per- son pronoun suffix; -wi, first person future. 293 ira-'cb, her shoulders. dira'cpe, your shoulders. atsipa 'hak', she hung it over (her shoulder). a'tsipe (to pack over some- thing), first person; a'tsipe-wak', a'tsipe.ok', they put (a corpse over a horse). Doubtless derived from a-'tse, over. -hak', inceptive (?). Compare k"anna 'hdkt, he started. duw'xarudk', she dragged it. a i' wi k', she wanted to bring it. a--, with; (h)i, to reach; wi'9, to wish. The combination a i corresponds to are. dactdt'dg'kt, it was heavy. -da, to be (cf. k'o-ra', to be there); dact9t' = dacta-'tsi, heavy. 295 tsira-' kto'wisakt, had him as her husband. tsira' elsewhere appears with final e vowel, perhaps always before c or ts, whereas a precedes k. Compare 297. wisak', participial form of -bici'. 296 isbapi'tec, her grandchild. Proper singular form, whereas his proper name is regularly plural. 99 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 297 kta-'rice, old woman. -ce, vocative suffix, as in bi-'ace, woman; bi-'akarictece, young woman. baraW'di'ara.i.ec, you have been wont to do various things (lit., what you have seen, you have been wont to do). Common idiom to denote mischief-making. Compare 872, also wa-i'ky di'1k' in 86. -i, usitative; -e = obscure, but some- times it takes the place of -i, usitative (e.g., co-'t'da.e, how do you generally act?), though why both should be used together is not obvious; -c, definite article, past sense. baha'm naraik', you are meeting something (powerful). ba'-, indefinite ob- ject; ha'm, some; dara-'k', irregular verb, second person of hi-ky. 298 watsa-'tsiky, powerful. This adjectival-verbal use is perhaps primary and connected with batse', man. For-adverbial use, see 310 et passim. bari'atsec, I thought, used to think. Probably usitative; -c, past, here (as often) to contrast with the following statement. andi'mbia tsi 'ri, seek safety (lit., seek your safety (?)). Frequent warning. an-, how; diri', you live; bi'a, to wish, also with future meaning. However, bi'a ought then to be second person: bi'ara. This is likewise indicated by the first person form, amba'mbiawa watsi-'mbiky (immediate future: amba'mbamtsi-'m- biky). However, andi'mbia recurs in other contexts. Compare the forms in 574,575. 299 i-'werak' datsi"tserukt, she was crying. -rak' suggests an inceptive here; that is, "she fell to crying and kept on crying." 301 hin-e' cikya-'ke, this boy. Possibly conceived as object of the verb, as its po- sition suggests; that is, how shall I treat this boy so as to get rid of him? coj'ot' ba-'rakt ikyo-ra'sa.i, what could I do to get rid of him? (lit., so that thereby he shall not be here?). co',tt", how?; ba--, first person pronoun causative suffix; -rak', dubitative suffix. i--, instrumental prefix; -i, third person future suffix. Compare i-ce-'kyahe' in 303, where the -kyahe was explained to show that her plan was not yet formed. 302 da'ka-'t'de'tseruk', time passed (lit., she lived on). da'ka'; -a 't'(se); -de = 304 ba-p' xawi-'ky, something evil. bap' instead of simple ba--. k'o-'ract, is there. As in the quotative, so here the substitution of -et for expectable -k' is not clear. 305 dara-'ri, you might get to it. Future with potential meaning. hi'sat'a-ri, be sure not to get to it. -ta-ri, emphatic. 100 Lowie: The Crow Language 306 ba-'wiky, I'll get to it. ba-, first person of hi-, to reach; -wi, first person future. 307 ba-ndaxka'pe, a patch of brush. Doubtless from bare', wood. citse', hill. he-'raeka're, on its side. Probably derived from he-'re, among, in; elsewhere the form awe-'ratke-ta, on the hillside, occurs. 309 naxpitse', bear. The usual word, possibly connected with naxpe', a hide. 310 akti'wicit, whenever there is anyone who gets to it. ak', agentive; hi, to arrive; -wici, there is; -t, usitative. apta-'hiky, he devours him at once. -hi, moment. ditsira-'tsim, dangerous. di = ?; tsiri ', to fear; -a"'tsi, adjectival suffix. 311 ditsira'tsibisa-'wiky, it must be something terribly dangerous. -wi, strong emphatic suffix (see p. 29); -bisa-', presumably a form of -bici, perhaps to avoid too many i's. 313 mace'rec, what she said. mace're'c would be: what you said. Note again tend- ency to substitute an e for an a sound before following c; compare sa 'pem i cera', why do you say it? ba-ki'ciwiky, I'll get to it. ba-, first person of hi; -kici as a verbal suffix indi- cates lack of seriousness, often in an obscure way, perhaps here to indicate the boy's making light of the difficulties presented to him; -wi, first person future. 314 citskya-'te, a little hill. Compare citse' in 307. i'axasa m, a snake. i'axase, snake; -m, classifier. Compare form in 318, 463, 472,476,482,493,496,530,629 (i'qxase c). 315 ditsira 'tsk', it is dangerous. e elided between ts and k'. 316 biraxba-'ket, people. The -t seems again in concord with following verb, desig- nating a class; that is, those who get there, an idea evidently related to the verbal usitative. di 'ut, whenever they get there. -t, usitative. a'pariarakt, it coils around them. Related to pa 'rid, to wrap. Compare tsi-s-tsi-pa 'ridc, Wraps-up-his-tail. sa,'he-ky, it kills them. The e- is causative; sa-'hiky would be: he dies; com- pare ha-'we-ky, he destroys, and ha"'wiky, it is destroyed, exhausted. 101 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 317 ha-k', he said and. Participle of he-ky. k'ande-'relseruk he went; -re was here explained to imply continued motion. da-ce"tseruk', it was furious. First person: barace-'. 320 a a'. Exclamation of challenge. i'tsikya-tem, pretty one. i'tsi, good, handsome; -kya-te, diminutive. bi'arakte', is he going to do? bi'a, to want, also used with future meaning; -rk'te', interrogative suffix. 321 xatsi 'sa ra 'tsi, remain motionless (lit., do not move, remain). First verb presumably to be interpreted participially. Compare kto-n na 'tse, remain thus (or there) ! 323 hu'act, the previously mentioned (i.e., by his grandmother). hu, they say (pl. of he-); hu'a, gerund; -c, definite article; -4, not clear. ktu"tkan, that in turn. k'u = kVo. 326 he-'rape, waist. Also recorded he'rupe; used with possessive prefixes: bi-, di-, i-. ha'tsgyeka"'cdakl, was very long. hatsgye, long, tall; -ka'c, superlative; -do, to be. The dimension is here understood in a vertical sense. 327 tace"tseruk'. Doubtless for dace"ttseruk; see 320. 329 co's u'akt i-hu-'rakte', what is he coming for? -s, directive; (h)u'akt, participle of hu; i*-, on account of; -rak'e, interrogative suffix. "What, I wonder, is he coming for that he is coming?" 330 atpe', his ears. One of the words for body parts not prefixing third person possessive. Compare i-he-'rupe, his waist. ha-k'usi'ak, he caused to droop (lit., he caused to meet the rear). Probably ha*kt(8e), last, rear; k'u, that; -s, directive; (h)i, to reach, meet; -9, causative suffix, third person. kto-n iru'ak' datsi`tseruk', there he remained standing. iru'9k, main verb; dat8i', auxiliary. 331 hu-'kawe, come. -kawe, imperative suffix, here manifestly not used in con- ciliatory sense. 102 Lowie: The Crow Language 336 a,'pasi'ak, he put it round his [the bear's] neck. Compare ha-k'usi'ak in 330. a 'pe, his neck (throat); -s, to it; (h)i, to reach; -9, causative. a,'kinetseruk, he rode it. From a'ke, upon, and de-, to go. 337 isa-cgyi'dxtsi-'9k', he made it into a halter. isa"'cgye, his horse (horse in the abstract is itsi 're); i'axtse, rope (related to da'xtsi, to tie); -9, causative. a-'kina'k', he rode it. Note that before k' the vowel is a (cf. in 336). 338 k'usu"tseruk', to it he came. k'tusu' = k'us hu. 339 ha'rawgk', saying, he came along. ha-, saying; rawakt, probably participle of na"'wi, to proceed. 343 a wo 'm, I bring (lit., with it I come). wo- = bo-; -m, oral comma. wara'keuke, I give it to you. For this irregular combination of pronouns see page 29. 344 ba-ra'p-i rare't', whenever you have gone digging something. ba'-, indefinite object; ra'p i, second person of ap i', to dig; rare-', you go; -t', usitative. Com- pare later in the sentence the simple future conditional ba-ra'p-irnkt, when you dig (henceforth). dic'tsiwisak, having your pack. Participial form of -wici, to have; i'ctsi, his burden, from tsi ', to carry on one's back. ha'wan dari'rak', somewhere walking. Second person participial form of di'ri, to walk; compare di"'rgk' k'anna'.uttseruk', walking they went away. bari-'mbiky, I'll walk; dira', walk (imper.). ha'wan probably suggests indefinite- ness; compare hawac da-'wat9kt. daro-'ec, you have been wont to come. -e, here the usitative counterpart in the apodosis of -t' in the protasis; -c, past. Compare in 298 bari'atsec, I used to think. hira-'kt in'e, henceforth this. = hira-'k' hinre'; hira-', just now (in past), hira'k', henceforth. a,'akinak', riding. Participle; main verb = tsi'ra'gak'. tsi-'ra'ga'k', let it carry. -ga, causative suffix, often with permissive sense; I am not certain as to the function of ra; the stem here may be not Xi, but tsi 'ra, which seems to appear in itsi"'re, horse (means of transporting ?). akti'tsiderima-tsiky, you will feel set up, proud. ak'-, agentive; i'tsi, good; first person: akTi'tsiwe-wima-tsiky. In another story the expression was rendered "reaching easy street"; the verb seems to be e, to have. k'andisa-'cgyebici'm, now you have a horse. k'an-; disa"'cgye, your horse (cf. 337); -bici; -m. 103 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 345 i'tsiwi'kyarama, it is good beyond words. i'tsi; -wikyarama, superlative em- phatic. 346 hu'wa, give it here. -wa, imperative suffix, here suggests mild request. hawatta'm, somewhere. Compare form in 344. 347 baxt'a'k', I'll tie it up. First person participle of daxtsi', to tie. Perhaps the participle is used to connect more intimately with what follows, ha-k', she said, being understood. a,'pi9xtsiigyak', she made into a halter. a 'p(e), neck; i'qxtse, rope; -gya, causative suffix. daka-'ak', she led it. 348 da 'ra, go ye! -ra, plural imperative suffix. di'mbiare, look for safety. -re, plural imperative. Compare under 298, also in 574, 575, 583. 353 ne 'se, away from the river (i.e., from the camp). 354 dacitgya ra'tsittserukt, she kept pondering it. daci"'gya, to ponder, from da-s, heart, mind; -gya, probably causative suffix. daci'tsi also means "to think about." 355 ba'm di hi-'sa wa"k'u-'tt, whenever I bid you not to go to something. -t', usitative; watk'u-, first person plural of tse-, to make, cause, let. My interpreter corrected to wa'tse-', but the plural is often used for the singular in the first person. Compare in another version: sa '&pem i- wihi'sa rattse, why did you bid me not to go to it? ba-n di* watsiwa.'uwiciky, when we have fully told you about something. The shade of meaning conveyed by the interpreter must be carried by -wici. k.'o- rara ' wiara-'iky, that very place you have been wont to want to go to. -i-, usitative like -e- in daro-'ec in 344; rara ' = dare-', you go. 359 buru'aka're, down below. From buru'a, below. bi'axse-'n ... bi'axse-ta, under it. More commonly the preposition is recorded as baxse', baxse-'ta. bara'p xuam, a leaning cherry tree. Another version has bara'm xu'9m, a bent tree; compare xu'arak' in 20. xa,'wikyacim, a many-branched one. xa-'wi, forked, pronged; compare awaxa 'we, mountain; -kya ci, superlative. 104 Lowie: The Crow Language ari'ande, a path. Sometimes merely ande' (an-; de, to go; ande-'-tsi-'ric, Road seeker) is used; the first part is conceivably analyzable into ar- and hi, to reach. 360 aktornde-'wiciky, if any one goes there. Compare expression in 310; usitative -t in 310 seems more appropriate to me here also than the stop ky. ak', agen- tive; kto'n, there; de-, to go; -wici, to be extant; the whole is to be construed as the object of the main verb. i"tsitakt, it falls on top. Participial form of presumably i"tsitsi, the first part of which suggests reflexive. 362 ba-cer-re'c, what you speak of. See under 313; compare 365. ba'sak', I'll not go to (lit., I do not go to). The preceding injunction, hi-'sa, proves ba' to be the equivalent of the first person singular. 368 sa-p bara'xa-ttdgk', whatever song. bara'xi, to sing; -at'(se), approximate suffix; -ddkt, indefinite. bara'xdawa-'tak', he went along singing. bara'xi, to sing; na-'wi, to go; -a t (se). 371 wace'c, whatever she spoke about. wa-, indefinite object; ce, to speak; -c, definite article. 372 a-k'ara-xtata-'ndak', he pretended not to know (lit., he played the ignorant). ak'-, agentive, ara-'xta, not to know; -ta-re, truly. bara-xtata-'mbeky, I pretended I did not know. Compare under 375. k'arak'o-sa"takaYt'dak', when he was close to it. k'ara- goes with the entire phrase; k'o-, demonstrative; -s, direction toward; a"ta, close; -ka-ta, diminu- tive; -dok', when. xaru'sdk', running. Participle of xaru'ci, regular verb. 373 klarahi-'ta-r9k, when he was close to it (lit., when he was truly reaching it). hic, fast. Adverb. 374 i'riat'ddk', when it thought. i'riatsi, to think; -dak, temporal. xawu'9, rattling. Compare i 'p-xawu9-c, bird-tail-rattles. 375 ak'de-'cirak', he pretended to go. ak'-, agentive; de-, to go. The verb stem does not appear clearly. "I pretended to go" is rendered bare-'rit be'wak, with which compare under 372, 381; also amma'sa'tat be-'we-ky, I pretend to be 105 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. short winded (amma'sattat de-reiky, he pretends to be short winded) and ba-c be"'wakt, I pretended to die; da'sat de'rerak', you pretended to die; ce'rerak', ce.'rakt, he pretended to die. bita's, aside. Adverb. i'tsipu'ardk', he jumped. Reflexive verb; compare ipu'a, to run over. Con- jugation: bittsipu'qk', dit8sipu'dk', ittsipu'dkt, bi'tsipu-'ok', and so on. 376 ma,'heri.a, it failed. Also noted with accent on second syllable. Compare bara's ba-he-'rardk', my heart failed me; ba-n di'gwi'9 ira 'c bahe-'rare, whatever he attempted, he (his heart) failed in. 377 ba-'t'dak', it was lying (or, perhaps: when it was lying). ba-'tsi, to lie down. ittba-'k'ucde'sak', before it got up. it', yet, still; -sa, negative, in character- istic combination. tsipu'd de"tserukt, jumping he went. tsipu'a, participle. 378 tsire"tseruk', it got up. tsire', to rise; tsire' wi'grergk', when he wished to get up; ktaratsire'se, do not get up (imper.). 380 tsisa-'k', turning back. Participle of tsici', to turn back; ak'tsici'9 ahu'm, those who turned back were many. For first person, see 397. 381 k`arabiX8se-'n de"ritde-'rak', under it he pretended to go. ktara- goes with whole sentence; for the verb, compare under 375; rit is presumably -rit(se). 383 tsisa-'hak', he turned back. Compare 380; -hak' = ? a,'kaxpu'qk', he stepped on it. a-'ka, on; xpua, probably connected with xapi', to fall. 385 daxci'xsitsak', it was broken up and destroyed. Reduplicated stem xci (xsi); tsa, possibly = tse, to cause, make; da-, possibly prefix expressing violence (dapt'el', to kill; daxe'mbi, to break, neuter verb). 386 k'aratsire'sa, it no longer got up. Typical correlative use of ktara- and -sa. 390 ktu-'gwe i-ce-'wak', I fooled it exceedingly (or: I fooled it to death) (lit., I fooled it so I caused it to die). k'u '9 for some reason is treated as causative, hence we (for wa) is suffixed. 106 Lowie: The Crow Language 392 mace wu'ac, that which we said. Plural cewu'd for singular ce 'wa. ktarahi' tsitse-'ky, apparently reached (met) it. tsitse"', it seems, looks like. Compare hin-e' batse-'kya'tec k'arahu"'tsitse-ky, this dear man has come, it appears; be-'re(t)tsitse-ky, I have none apparently; hira' itse ' tsitse 'ky, he seems to have waked up just now. 393 ba 'iru'ac, we have been wont to say. ba-, I say; -iru(a), plural usitative suffix; -c, definite article, past. 394 ak'bidxse-'ndecci'we-wim, I pretended to go under that tree. Compare 372 and 375. It is conceivable that here and in 375 ci = ce, to want, to be eager (ce 'ce, eager-to-die). The idea in 372, 375, and 394 seems to be simulation of "one who ... ," but the stem for "to simulate" remains obscure. 395 bittsipu'awim, I jumped. Possibly bittsipu'a wi-m (bittsipu'a, I jumped; wi, first person independent pronoun; -m, oral comma). 398 andi'awec, what I had done. For an- (ara-), see page 19; another change of a to e vowel before c. 399 xa'pde-m, it fell. xap(i), to fall; de-, to go; -m. 400 k'o-'t'ba waka"kuwim, thus I kept on doing. For -wim compare under 395; waka"ku, first person of auxiliary da'ku' in 384. daxci'xsisaik', was broken up. Either this or the form in 385 is probably erroneous. 403 rara,'hi-c, there you go. Probably the h should be deleted, which makes the form usitative of dare- (rare-'); thus: rara '.i-c, there you have been wont to go. 404 e' ky hin-e' hiri'se. These several demonstratives, like hiri'caraka-r9k', are supposed to go with a pointing gesture. hiri'c araka-'rdkt, this way. Presumably, hire', there, + directive c (s); com- pare hiri'se immediately preceding; araka-'rdk', presumably for ara'kardkt, you look. batce'ctse-m, comes together. The idea is that of a Symplegades-like closure, but the analysis is not wholly clear; batc- is the reciprocal; -c is perhaps direc- tional, making "toward each other"; tse- = to cause (?). de- for tse-, as in another version, and in 413, seems more reasonable: "going toward each other" (sides of the rock). kto-n na.'ut', those who go there. -t' as classifier of a category. 107 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 405 biraxba-'ket', people. -t', generic. bi 'ut', whenever they wish. Usitative -t' seems correlative with bir9xba-'ket', those people who wish to jump over the hollow. awu'a kto- re-'ruk', inside they are wont to go. -ru, probably usitative plural. du-'pte xa-'hiky, it spreads apart. du'pte, double, both, twofold; xa', stem expressing movement; -hi, moment. ktar ariri'kyucdu-'re-t'k', then they are unable to get out. Probably misunder- stood for ktar ari'kyucdu-ret'k', which is a transparent plural form that occurs in another version; ar- and -det in characteristic combination; ikyuctsi', to come out. 413 tsitsi'ra-k', looking for it. Participle of tsitsi 're. 416 k'arahi'ahdkha-k', he came up to it. This form seems incorrect; hi'MhAk' seems sufficient. 417 ak'a-'tse.iqtsipuac ci're rak', he pretended to want to jump across. Compare, in 422, ak'de-se-'re-rdk', he pretended to want to go, in 375, ak'de-'cirak', in 394, ak'bix8se-'ndec ci'we wim. du-'ptaxiltseruk', it spread apart. Contraction of form in 405 (?). 420 ktarawate'ra-' hictadaka-'tak', having gone some distance. k'ar-, here denoting completed past; awate ', far; ra-, presuimably = de-, to go; -ka-ta, diminutive; the remainder obscure. 422 ak'de8se-'rerdk', he simulated one wanting to go. ak'-, agentive; de-, to go; se, = ce, to want; re-rd = stem for "to pretend" (?). Compare 417, 375, 381. 425 k'ambatsi'rek', when it came together. bats-; (h)i, to reach, meet; -rek' - rak', when. 426 dacipg'k, passing by it. Participle of dacipi', to pass. 431 k'annu"'ptaxisa'tseruk', it no longer spread apart. Correlative ktan- and -sa frequently express this idea. 432 i'tsipu'arit' de-ky, he jumped (lit., jumping he went). For -rit, see under 278. k`annu,'ptaxisahi'rak', it could not spread any longer. -hirak' is a puzzling suffix; compare ahu'hir9k' in 128. 108 Lowie: The Crow Language 437 ba-'wiwim, when I was there (?). ba- might be the first person of hi, to reach, meet; the rest of the word, with which compare 394 and ak`a-'tsedese.'wewim in 438, is far from clear. The translation given there and a form cited under 375 suggests the possibility that wiwi or we wi may be the first person of a verb meaning to simulate. k'u'oka-cba-t", I would thoroughly fool him. k'u-'o, plural form of k'uw'a, to fool; -ka-c, superlative; -bac, first person of causative; -t', usitative. 438 ak`a-'tsedese-'wewim, I pretended to go over it. Compare above under 394 and 437. du 'ptaxa andgk', when it spread apart. Compare 405, 417. 439 baru.'ukiciwim, I kept on. baru.'", first person of iru-', auxiliary; -kici, see page 26; -wim, compare under 437, 395, 400. 440 i1tsiri-'nde-t,k', it was helpless (idiom; lit., [for] itself, it [could] do nothing). Compare bare"tsiri ndetam in 582. 442 ditsira-'tsec, a dangerous one. Note e vowel before -c; compare ditsira-'tsiky. 445 Compare expression of repeated act with 355 and 393; -wi in ba-'wit', when- ever I say, is obscure. 446 bap' xawa.'um, some evil beings. Note that xawi ' yields plural xawa.'u. 455 awe 'ren iru'ahitteruk', he stood outdoors. Compare in 35. 456 K'a-'ricba-pi'tu- bare' hi-'sac bare' hiky, Old Woman's Grandchild who did not come to us, has come to us. Kta-'ricba-pi'tu might be vocative as in the soliloquy of 451, but I think the construction given in the translation is prob- able; since -c is appended to the first verb, it can be omitted from the name. Compare also 469; likewise, Teton: Well, my grandson who never came before, has come (Deloria, Dakota Texts, p. 173). 458 bt xa-'pdakt, a flat stone. xa-p(i), flat; the indefinite article follows the adjec- tive. dut'e"tseruk', he picked up. Connected with du'tsi, to take, seize. 109 Univer8ity of California Publication8 in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 459 u"'uce, his anus. Sometimes for "rump." i'satse'tseruk', he blocked, closed up. i'satse (participle; i'sat') doubtless con- nected with akTi8satee, buffalo police, "those who block," soldier. I should sup- pose au instrumental i- should be prefixed to the verb. 460 ara'aco ta, on the floor. -ta, postposition. The place between the fire and the beds is designated; ara 'ca is used for the "altar" of the Tobacco initiation lodge. a'i'mbiri'tseruk', went clear around. Compare 283. 461 aco 'ria, the rear of the lodge (i.e., the place of honor). bire'm. bire-'ri would be "enter." 464 i'kyuxaka-te, opposite (i.e., tallying in position underground with the anus aboveground). Doubtless connected with kyo-'xi, to equal, catch up with. Compare also form in 17. -ka.te, adjectival. 465 i'sat8ec, which stopped it. -c, definite article with force of relative pronoun. i'axi, his forehead. xi(a) seems to be the stem, with bixi'9, di'xig for my, your forehead. But axi'g occurs probably in an absolute sense. rittaW'k, it struck. Participle of diti'. 466 k'are"tsett&eruk', he had known it. Quotative. k'ar-, past sense. kuckyo-', from before. kuckyo-' (kucgyo '), often in sense of "previous," as also i-'skyo. kta 'ritata, smiling. k'a, to laugh; -rit(8e), moderative; perhaps fused with data as participle of datsi', which would then be repeated as nat8i'. 467 da. . . da-, ? Occurs several times, usually at beginning of a sentence. ihe-'tt, another. ihe', another; -t = ?, unless as happens in other cases the usitative is multiplied with several words in a sentence. bire'mbiarut't, when they wanted to enter. bire'm, for bire-'ri, assimilated to bi'a, to want; -rue, probably plural of -re-; -tt, usitative. ri'tsedu'tseruk', they would hit. Quotative. -du (-ru), plural of usitative. 468 de.'ruetseruke, they would go. -ru as in 467. Another version has: ktara-'k' da'atkulttsruk' 110 Lowie: The Crow Language 469 ba-wiri'sku'aha-ra, cook ye for him. In another version: wa-biri'cku'ore. -ra, plural imperative; -ku, ethical dative; -ha = immediately (?). ba ru sa 'hi, he may eat. Perhaps the h should be deleted, the future then ex- pressing a possibility; or perhaps the -hi suggests immediacy. 470 pi'axi-tdak', a spleen. pi'axi te, spleen. biri's ku.o-'tseruk', they cooked it for him. k'u'.o, they for him; compare 469. 472 hiri'kyusatkec, the farthest on this side. hiri', this side; kyus = klus, toward it; atkec, perhaps by metathesis = ha-'kec, the last. hu-'ekyawe, cause it to come. e, el, 9, despite their phonetic weakness, trans- form a verb into the corresponding causative. Compare ha-'-we, he destroyed, from ha-'wi, it is gone. -kyawe, imperative particle. baltsiralci't awaka-'mbi-ky, I'll look at it and test it. tsiraci'tt(s), to try, test; compare 477, 481. awaka-'mbiky, immediate future corresponding to awa'ka- wiky for indefinite future. baetsiraeci'tsi'wiky would be simply: I'll test it. Compare form in 481. 473 da'cgyapaha-'tsi'tseruk', he bit it in several places. da'cgyapak' would be: he bit it [once]; -(h)a-t, -(h)atsi, has the same meaning as in dusa 'ha t'-c': they were eating here and there. da- appears with several verbs expressing mouth action; for example: da-'pxi, he bites; da-'xut8i, he sucks in; da 'tsipi, he tastes; da'tat", he bites off; ba-racu'ciky, I broke with my teeth. Compare forms in 482. 474 cikya'hi 'tsettseruk', he threw in. Variant of citse', to throw; compare in 489; -hi, momentaneous. bawiri'suac, cooked food. ba'-, indefinite noun prefix; wiri's, to cook; -us, gerund; -c, definite article. 475 k'ari'tsima k', I've fixed it well. klar-, past; -ma-, suffixed causative pronoun, generally heard as wa intervocalically. 477 hi'ritsisare'c, the one next to him. hi'ri, demonstrative; -tsisa, postposition; re = ra, to be; -c, definite article. 478 xawi 'm, it being bad. xawi', bad; -n, oral comma. duci 'i, he might eat it. -i, future potential; note absence of oral predicative stop. 479 i'oxaxu'a, all of them. i's, third person pronoun; xaxu'a, all. ill University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 482 i 'u, teeth. i '(a), tooth. awu'atse, inside. tse = ? du-'sa.utserukt, they put. Plural of du.'uci. 483 ice'o wi.'uk', they wanted to kill thereby. i-, instrumental prefix; ce-, to die, to kill. Note su = they are dead; but: they kill = ce'o. i-kyo-tu'ttseruk1, that is why they did thus. Plural of i.kyo.tse"ttseruk'. 485 ktambarucki'ce, feast now. baru-'c(e), eat something; -kice, sense of pleasur- ableness. hin-e' pi'axi tec, [on] this spleen. Object irregularly after verb, evidently added as afterthought. hak'. Explained as mere expletive here. ikya-'hatsi'gn, he looked it over. -(h)atsi suggests "here and there"; -an, suffix, meaning not clear. 488 hire-'ruk', these here. ru, plural of ra, to be; -k' seems inappropriate since the sentence is not closed. For use of third person in reproving those present, com- pare under 75. ak'ba.wiri'cicsu.twiky, they are no good as cooks (lit., cookers of something verily not). -su, plural negative; -wi, emphatic; compare xawi.'owiky in 173. O 'cet co 'rgk', is this cooking? (lit., cooking where is it?). -t, generic classifier; compare ma'ret co 'rdk', counterfeit money. 490 o 'cbakt, having cooked it myself. o c, cooking; ba, first person pronoun, causative position. bu-'cbiky, I'll eat. bu 'c(i), I eat, with first person future. 491 hawas k'urusa-'hittserukt, he turned it over again and again. k'uruci', to turn over once; hawas gives idea of "around" (hawas daw'watdkt, he roamed about); -hi, momentaneous. 492 kto.ri'uc, which they had put in. kto-, demonstrative, "there"; re, ra, to be, here with causative plural. ara'xa.u'tseruk', were burnt. Plural of causative for passive. Compare the plural of the corresponding neuter verb in 494. 493 ba-watsa-'t' di1oetseruke, they were having a hard time (idiom; lit., something powerful [batsa'tse] they made). 112 Lowie: The Crow Language 494 i 'u kuruckya'pbahak', they were holding their own mouths. du'cgyapuk', they were holding some one else's mouth; kuruckya'puk', they were holding their own. For tsi- and ku-, see ?11. The interpreter explained that tsiruckya'- pukt would be possible and would give the idea of holding their own teeth inside, but I do not feel at all sure of this distinction. 496 hi-'sa.ec, who has been wont not to come. -e, usitative; compare di'ara.i.ec in 297. awa'xpak', we with him. a'xpa, to be with. ba 'etsi, stories. Often heard ba.e 'tsi. batsiwe 'kciwo k', let us tell. Hortatory future. -kci adds the idea of pastime and could be omitted, as it is in another version, where the snakes say: ba.e 't8i wa-tsiwe-'wo-k'. 497 i-wakto't ce"tseruk', spoke thus. Not wholly clear. k'o-t, generic of demonstra- tive; cc, to speak; i-, instrumental (?); wa = indefinite noun prefix (?). 498 hine' hu'ac, as he was coming. Common idiom., i-'ctsirqk', a jackrabbit. i 'ctse, jackrabbit. di'cte, your eyes. Compare forms in 499, 507. baku'we, give me. ba-, peculiar form of first person pronoun objective (in- stead of bi-), but always with this stem; -we. imperative particle. 500 co 'pka'ce, four. co"'p(a), four; -ka'ce, superlative with not readily ascertain- able function as a suffix to the numeral. hi'ciak', he painted it red (lit., he made it red). -a, causative. 501 ci'ritgyakt, he painted it yellow. ci 'ri, yellow; -gya, causative suffix. pa'ttakt, having stuck in the ground. pa'tsi, to stick. 502 bi i'asia, look out for me. Compare akc-i'ase, guardian, in 271. 503 ikye', attentionl Presumably a form of i'kya, to look. Regularly used in storytelling. hu"'rqkl, when they say. 504 e ha"'ta"'re, be sure to say yes. ha', the simple stem, as imperative of he- (ha'), to say; -ta-re, emphatic. 113 University of California Publication in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 505 ham bi'awakusat', in some spring. -4, usitative; ham, some; bi'awakusa, spring, from bi'awakce, summer. bara'pu- apa-re, young cherry trees (lit., [when] cherry trees grow). isa ' wuru'a k'o-, in their shelter. isa ' = apparently something like "solid mass" (related to isa ', big ?); buru'a, below; kto-, there. bikye', grass. Note that the next word begins with c; otherwise we also find bikya'; bikya' miripi'te-, spear grass; bikya-ka-'ce, blue-joint grass. cu'aka-tet', when it is green. cu'a, green; -ka-te, adjectival; -t', usitative. tawe'ctaka-tet', when it is somewhat warm. tawe', hot; -ka-te, diminutive; cta (presumably c + da) is not clear, though it occurs in other moderative ex- pressions, for example hut'bici"'taka takt, a little windy. maxapa 'ut', when we lie down. bare' hira'mbe'ruc he', we are usually sleepy. In another version, hirambe-'- iruc was recorded. hira'wi, to sleep; hira'wisa.i'tseruct, he would not sleep; ba-p' ira'mbi'a'ta, though he wanted to sleep in the daytime; k'arahiramma'.u, they were already asleep; da-hira'mbe-t', as soon as he would fall asleep. he' may indicate a query: Is it not so? 507 dasara's8k' natsi"tseruk', remained glassily staring. dasara's8, reduplicated, perhaps related to bire' arasa 'ci", glare of the fire. 509 ha-'ratsi"tseruk', they kept on saying. ratsi, to continue, auxiliary. 511 it'a'hi'tseruk', he woke up at once. -hi, momentaneous; it'a', participial form of itse ', to wake up. Conjugation: bitse', di'tse, itse-'; bit"uw', and so on. its8'8a, he did not wake up; ak`itse'wasE', the one who woke up first. 512 k'o-wi.'ut', when they stopped (?). -t' hardly seems to have a usitative mean- ing here. 513 bi"gyem, I in turn. Connected with bi, I, and bi"tsi, myself. 515 bawa'kase-n. An idiom; b, probably ba--, generic object. awa'ka, first person of i'kya, to see; se (sa), not; n, perhaps merely connective before d of next word. The meaning of the entire sentence is: Your grandmother-even if I have not seen her-must surely have told you plenty of stories. di a'xpdk', in your company. a'xpgk', being with, from a'xpo. tsiwa' da ku.'ima tsiky, must have told continually. da'ku', auxiliary; -i, third person future; -ma'tsiky, future particle, here denoting cogency of inference. 114 Lowie: The Crow Language 516 bikyuku'wo-k', we'll listen. First person of ikyuku', to hear, listen; -wo, plural of first person future. Compare usitative form in 521. 518 ico`'tse ta, in front of. -ta, locative postposition; ico'tse, in front of; bacoW'tsen, in front of me. ai'mbirec, which went around. That is, those sticks which they had placed in front of the ara 'co and which went clear around. Compare a-i'mbiri'tseruk' in 283 and 460. ij8 aracu'sa'k', they faced the ara 'co%. i8, face; aracu = ara 'co; -s, toward; -a, causative third person. 520 basatV, in the fall. base', fall; -t', generic classifier. hut'bici"taka 'tat', when there is a little wind. hutse', wind; -bici, to be extant, to have; for the rest of the word, see under 505. In another version we find hutbici'ak', having caused a wind. ari'tsiratsi'P, a shelter. Perhaps to be analyzed into ar-, locative prefix; i"'tsi. themselves; ratsi'g, gerund of datsi', to stay. Perhaps i"tsi should be i'tsi, well, maxape'rit'bo-t', whenever we are about to lie down for a short rest. -rit, moderative. Compare, in 526, maxa'pbo-t' because it is night and a full rest is indicated. Compare also maxapa '.ut', when we lie down there. -bo-, first person future plural. batsa"tsixaxot', whenever they rub against each other. bats- is reciprocal; a'xaxe, to rub; -o, plural; -t', usitative; a"tsi may be postposition a-tsi, as in batsa 'tsidk', being over each other. bare' hira'wise-ruc he-', we usually get sleepy, do we not? hira'wi, to sleep; seems to be here contracted with wici (wis-), to have. ru, plural form of usita- tive. he, interrogative particle. In the corresponding part of other versions the stem iha'wi replaces hira'wi; for example, bi'awukusa-t" ba-'pit' hut'bici"taka'- tdkt biha'wut" i'tsirwc, in the spring, in the daytime, when there is a little breeze, we are wont to sleep well. 521 In another version the equivalent sentence reads: tsu 'se e ha'k' tsuw'se k'an-c-hesa'.utseruct, half said yes, half already yes said not. Note that the forms he'su and hesa'.u are apparently optional; in other words, the negative particle, sa, can be pluralized by adding u or by the substitution of u for a. There may, of course, be an implied difference in meaning. 522 See under 505. 523 ba-'pit', in the daytime. ba-'p(e), day. xara 'cdaka t't', when it drizzles. xare', rain; xara 'icta 'tsiky, it will probably rain. For form here, compare under 505 and 521. 115 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ace' i'ritse, it strikes against the lodge. i'ritse, from ditsi', to strike; compare in 182. i xawu'atat', so that it rattles. i-, instrumental to express result; xawu'a, to rattle. bita'8 ba-'xapak', on the side we lying. First person participle of xapi'; bita's suggests the opposite of ara 'co (lying on the stomach?). bat'bu-'o, our soles. it'bu '9, his sole(s); isatpe' it'bu-'ret'k', his moccasin is soleless; di't'bu a, your sole(s). tawe-'wakt baka-'ut, we remain warming. tawe ', warm, hot; wa-, first person pronoun, causative; plural expressed in auxiliary. 525 baxa'pbo-t', when we are about to lie down. See under 521. baratso'ose, bleached wood. bara', wood; tso 'ose, white, bleached. bi-kyukawaka-'ritgk', when we are listening (and looking?). ikyuku', to listen, hear; awa'ka, I look, see. I rather incline to interpret the second part as the first person of an auxiliary related to atku', combined with -rit. Compare in 528. ammare'hira wara'zxta, I don't know how we sleep. am-, how; mare', we; hira, probably for hira'wi, contracted before another w. 527 sata'tsit', rather thick. satse', thick; -atsi, in moderative sense; -t', generic. i-waci-'ut', when we camp. ici ', to camp; hence apparent infixation of first person pronoun. aci' hiraka''tsiky, the camp is newly made. hira', just now; hira k'e', now; tsi = tse, to make (?). The sentence is not wholly clear. bare' huttai'ritatakt, the wind blows on us. bare' huttsi'ritsiky would be stronger; the wind lashes us, hence the first t in -ritatk' probably means "as though." mare' apa'cecdatt. Here also -cda has diminutive force: we are rather tired; apa'ce, to be tired, conjugated as active verb: bapa'ce, dapa'ce. ciri'are tat, are rustling. I cannot analyze. bikyukuki'sak', we listen to it and ... bikyuku' and -ki's(a), participle. bi'kyukawakaritu'a, we keep on listening. Compare 526. 528 he 'rit'de 'r9kt, when he said that. he-, he said; -rit'; -4g possibly momen- taneous; -rgkt, when. k'amma.iri'reta-'ndakt, now when they remained silent. iri 'ret, to be silent, from iri ', to speak, ret, negative; ta-n = ta 're, truly. The explanation is that the form suggests silence after repeated calling. 530 The sentence means: They are habitual evildoers. ba-i'ky, what he sees, idiomatic for "mischief" in this context; di'&"kuraikc probably from di-, to do, a&ku, auxiliary of continued state; -ra-k' = ? 116 Lowie: The Crow Language 532 a 'peta, around the neck. a 'pe, neck; -ta, locative. dapa'xietseruke, he chopped off. Also used of a tree. First person: ba-pa'xiky. 533 ara,'tskisi'9k*, he went along in a line. I cannot analyze this. a 'puata dapd'pdxak', he chopped off their necks, one after another. a 'pua, plural of a"'pe; reduplication of dapa'xi, in 533, where only one neck is chopped off. o"'rawdk', he is coming. rawakt is participle of na 'wi, to proceed, come along; o- perhaps represents hu, to come, in this combination (cf. bo-', I come). O0'ra, he is coming. Compare hu-'ra. ktarawa't'ka-t'dak', already there was only one of them. ktar-, past sense; hawa'tt, one; -ka-t(a), diminutive. axpi"tsettseruk', he had remaining. axpi', to remain; tse = tse-, to cause. 534 it'a-'hittseruk', he woke up. See 512. 535 atpara.'xe-tem. Interpreted here as a cry of alarm, not as vituperative: Ghostlike one! bare' ha-'we-iky, he is destroying us. ha-'wi is: to be gone, exhausted, lack- ing; for example, ictu'kec ktara-ha-'wim, their meat was gone (used up). Par- ticipially we find hawa-'kt, worn out. ha-'we- is the causative derived therefrom; for example, ma-ra-kawi'ac k"ara-ha wettseruk', the evil things he had destroyed, it is said. The form under discussion here may be contracted from ha-'we- and -hi, momentaneous. 537 diha'wisa, do not sleep. Imperative. From iha'wi, to sleep. Note that with this (as with several other verbs beginning with i) the imperative is formed from the second person, not the simple stem. 538 biha'wurlk', if I slept. The plural form, as often, for the first person singular. sa-p' hiri'kyahe', what can he do? hiri', to do; kyahe', exclamatory interroga- tive particle. 539 sa ' hec, too bad! Derived from sa (= ce), dead, to faint, die; sa-'hi, the momentaneous form, = he just died, fainted. ha-'mba bi'awec, I wanted to wipe them out. ha'wi, see 535; here with first person causative; bi'awec = biawa, with change to e before c. Note use of definite article to denote past by way of contrast. iriuwi'ky, he managed to escape with his life. iri', to live, be alive. Note the forms: ba'mbi, I'll live; i'mbigc, he wanted to live; ittiri', is he still living? 117 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. -wi, explained to suggest that the snake's escape was against expectation, often serves as an emphatic particle; compare 173. 543 i-'werit de-'rettseruk', she pretended to cry; i'we, to cry; -rit(se); de-re, possibly reduplicated, appears as the verb "to pretend" here. Compare i-'pia-re-ksu'a, magpie imitation; bara-'xat-dc-c, plays crazy; ce-'-rerak', he pre- tended to be dead; also 417, 422. 544 ikya'hak', she saw him. -hak' seems to have inchoative force here. 546 ktandara-'k'usakt, you were not returning any more. Typical combination of k'an- and -sa; compare forms in 541, 547. Note that the verb of a sentence quoting a person's speech or thought takes the oral stop. i wi 'wec, that is why I said. i-, causal prefix; bi-'we, I cry; -c, definite article past. 548 - di-'we k'arak'o-wi'gk', stop your crying. The final -k' would not normally figure in a simple command; perhaps the idea is: your [cause for] crying is over. Or, the -k' is meant to give a participial flavor. 549 Compare sentence with 355 and 445. 551 biritsgye'm, a lake. bire' (biri'), water; ha'tsgye, long. tsi 'rupe, buffalo bull. Sometimes heard tsik'rape. 552 hu'ttsi'sa na 'ut', those who go in the direction of the wind. hutse', wind; -tsi-'sa, locative; na.'u, they go; -t', generic classifier. na-'xutsiky, he sucks in. baraxu-'tsiky, I suck in; dara'xutsiky, you suck in. 553 hut'bisa'k', when it is windy. Participle of hu'bici'. daka"pik't. Participle of daka"pi, to float, to be blown. Note: naka"pirak', when it blows away; hutse' hin-e' acu 'ac naka'pittse-ky, the wind blew this skull. uw'wu, the inside of the mouth. 562 dac'tside'"tserukl, it sucked him. Doubtful translation. In another version da 'xutsi appears as in 552; in still another, ra'oxut9k'. 566 ri'ak', he got to. Here apparently equivalent to hi; note that the plural of hi is ni'o. 118 Lowie: The Crow Language 567 arape', whom he had swallowed. ar- in characteristic use; ape', apa', to swallow, to eat up. 568 hira' ak'ce-' tsi-, those who had lately died were also there. hira', just now; ak'ce-, those who died; tsi-, also, again. itVawace'saka-tu-'rak', there were some still not quite dead. it', still; (h)awa, some; ce, dead; -sa, not; -ka-tu, plural of diminutive, to express pity. k'arak'awi"'ta-rak' ka.'u'tseruk', they were in bad condition. -ta 're, truly. 569 hira-'rape', those recently swallowed. Contracted from hira-', just now, ar- ape', whom he swallowed. ari'at'detta-'ru'ttseruk', they were truly in good condition. ar-; stem not clear, indicates having something the matter; -det, negative; -taru, plural of -ta-re. 573 k'o-'t'du, do you act thus? kto-t', thus; -du, second person plural of kto-'tba, thus I do. 574 andi'mbiaru tsik'rarama, you must look for safety. Compare 298: andi'mbia tsi 'ri, look for safety; -ru, second person plural; tsi 'rarama, probably for plural imperative of tsi 'ri (tsi 're), to look, with imperative -ma (-wa) added. See also below, 575, 583. andi'mbiaru can be construed as: how you want to (or will) be alive; an-; di'ri, you live; biaru, second person plural of bi'a, to want. 575 andi'mbiararitdu'reta, without trying to get safety. -reta, negative; the rest of the word = andi'mbiara, singular of form in 574, with -ritdu as plural of -ritde. daraka.'u, you (p1.) remain, In another version daka.'u appears as below in 581; this is simply second person of the plural auxiliary ka.'u, corresponding to first person maka.'u. But some of the auxiliaries seem to have redundant forms. 576 watse'o, men. Plural of batse'. 577 k'aratso-'su, bleached. Plural of tso 'sa. 578 do 'ctsisa ak'[k']ore', those who were there on the hither side (i.e., who came later). do-c is used both with spatial and temporal significance. ktara.i'kyuruxi-'pisu 'tseruk', they were no longer able to move (lit., to wrinkle or pinch themselves). For ktara . .. su, correlatively used, compare 546. i'kyu = reflexive ittsi, brought into harmony with the following vowel; xi-'pi, to wrinkle. 119 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 579 axu'o, their bodies. Plural of axu'a, body. ktarasa'k', already dead. Refers to the bodies. The form is participial and singular, but was corrected from the plural su'ak'. 580 ari'at'detu-"'tseruk', they were in good condition. Same as form in 569 except for omitted -ta-re, emphatic. 581 hire 'ruk'. Probably: you here! sa p' di'ara-ritum, what are you doing that . . . -ritu, plural of ritse; -m, has connection with what follows. 582 bare"'tsiri-'nde-tem, we cannot help ourselves. i'tsiri 'ndetem, he is helpless. ambi'kyucduw'retem, we are unable to get out, so .... a .... -det, typical correlation; ikyuctsi', he gets out. bikyuctsi' wia'wukc, we want to get out. maka.'uct, we have been staying. -ct is sometimes translated with sense of perfect or even pluperfect. 583 di watse'ohirak`, considering you are men. For -hirak', compare ahu'hirak' in 128. andi'mbiarabisatsisa, couldn't you have made an effort to save yourselves? For andi'mbiara, see 574; -bis for -bici, to have, to be in existence; a-tsi, com- mon verbal suffix; -sa, not. The negative query expresses what they ought to have done; compare 75. 586 acki'ci, a Sun dance. ac(e'), lodge; -ki'ci, imitation (?). be 'kciwo k', let us have. Hortatory future with pluralization only of future first person pronoun; e-, to have; -kci = ki'ci, probably to suggest the quasi nature of the dance. 587 disa-'ara, dance ye! dici', to dance; -ra, imperative plural; compare plural of indicative in 593. 588 bi-'rukt bi"gyen bu-'retakt, we cannot do it for ourselves. Idiom; compare with 584. The singular would be be-'ret'akt; bi-'rukt, emphatic and often exclusive plural. 590 na,'cuka-te, your little heads. acu'o, head; diminutive probably to express sympathy. dici"'gye, make them dance. -gye, causative suffix; note form in 594. 591 ku' tta'tskya-tdatt, even though those alone. ku', demonstrative; -dat, dis- junctive. 120 Lowie: The Crow Language 596 tee'kyata-'re, do it truly. tse-, to make; -kyat, diminutive; -ta-re, emphatic. 597 Note these cases of suffixed causative first person plural pronoun. 598 dasara'sak', smooth. Reduplication. I suspect connection with ta'ci, slippery, greasy. du'cittsirettserukt, he touched it. Possibly -re has inchoative force; compare form in 599. 599 basb& 'ractaci, my whetstone (lit., my slippery stone). ractac, reduplicated, is evidently related to dasara'sak' in 598. In another version the answer is: wacb&-'rac ta'ciky. 600 dacsara-'tsgye, the aorta (identified by reference to a dictionary illustration). das, heart; ar-, where; ha'tsgye, long. 602 basi-'ptsup,kt, my pipestem. i-'ptse, pipe; utpe = end (or hup, perforated?). 605 i-wa-wi'kyutsgye, what I plan with. i--, instrument; wa'-, indefinite object; i'kyutsgye, to plan, design; for example, ac i'kyutsk'dk', having designed the tipi. The stem seems to be i'tsgye, for we find ak'-as-i't8gye, the tipi designers; ku, kyu, may indicate one's own. akt-du'x-ikyutsgye, war captain = the one who plans the war party (du'xia). 607 i'tsirace'n, because he is so good. -race'n, causative suffix. i'kyardmak', look at it. Imperative. -re, plural imperative; -ma, imperative participle (?; compare 574); -k' = ? 608 pa'ckyahittseruk2, he cut it to pieces. pa'ckyd, to cut; -hi, moment. 610 cewitak', he was going to die. wi'a, commonly for third person future. tata'hk't, staggering. Reduplication of unknown stem unless reduplication of da- = de-. 611 du 's amme'dxe, between his ribs. du.'us(e), rib(s); baru.'use, my rib(s); am - ara, where; me'dxe, postposition, between. The repetition of the word at the end of the sentence seems redundant. asa'saltsi'tseruk', he split, it is said. A fine sample of reduplication. In another version I get: du-'"s gmme'axec asa'tak' (first person: ba-sa'ttokt). 121 University of California Publicatiom in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 613 araf'rak'u co.'oka.ra, your home, wherever it be. Compare in 75, 86: annaw'- 'ko (andaku') co.'okarki', wherever his home be. Another version has: da-'suo co"'rurak', where the plural of a pluralized form, asu ', with singular meaning is of interest. 618 hec. This connective is said to express here a contrast with what precedes. He was coming home. he.'re-rgke, while she was thinking. 619 iwa-'hat'de-rettseruk', she fell to crying. de-re, possibly "she pretended"; com- pare under 381, and others. 621 k'araktuka-'tsem, the dear boy is back. -ka-ta, diminutive of endearment in verb, here merged with tse-m, meaning obscure. 623 hu'gc, what has been said (the aforementioned). hu(g), plural of he-, he said; -c, definite article. tsitse'gya'hak', he remembers. Note that here gya', causative suffix, seems to replace tse-, the causative verb. Compare 118. 624 klarahira'wice iitarak'awi-'ta-nnk',when he was exceedingly sleepy. hira'wi, he sleeps, merged with -.wice; in such combinations this suffix expresses a dis- position toward a certain state or behavior. Compare bi 'we-viciky, I feel like crying; ba-ra-'wiam hira-kte' di'awa-wiciky, three things now I should like to do; bicgyisa 't' bawara'x-biciky, I feel like singing a Big Dog song. i-, instru- mental with final meaning; k'awi-', bad; ta-nn9k' = ta-re plus -nk'. The entire clause = when he already felt sleepy so that it was truly intense. ise'c co 'pat', his four arrows. -t, because there were only four altogether. If a selection from a larger number were possible, it would be co 'p9m. tsiwara'tsec, his marked ones. mara'tse, to mark, paint, draw, write; ba-'waratse, letters; t8i- indicates that he had marked his own arrows. Compare ictse' tsipackyu'k, he cut his own finger; isa-cgyeka-'ce kuruci'ky, he ate his own dog; da-'se kuruci'tsiky, he touched his own heart; and, in 639, aw'peta kuruxe'm- bitseruk'. pa'tsikyuk', he stuck them up. pa'tsi, to plant a stick; -kyu, plural, possibly of causative tse. 627 i'ritdettseruk*, it struck. Compare form in 632. 628 cosurakte', what is he coming for? co-, interrogative; -s, directive; (h)u, to come; -rgkte', interrogative particle. 122 Lowie: The Crow Language 630 da'hirambe-'t", as soon as he would fall asleep. -t', usitative; da- is several times translated "as soon as"; hirambe' is evidently a fusion of hira'wi, to sleep, with some other element. Compare k'ara-hiramma'.u, they were already asleep. irirttdet', it would strike him. -t', usitative. itta' d&'ku'ittserukt, he would wake up. itta, participle of itse '. Note that the auxiliary takes usitative -i, not -t', here. 632 i'rit'tderit'de-rak', when they struck him again and again. Reduplication. Compare i'rit'de in 627. i- denotes action by itself; dit', to strike; -de-, probably inceptlve. ktammareta"tseruk', already there was no response. mare"'t(a), not, is used elliptically to denote negative of any nuimber of expectable or desirable events, hence must be differently rendered according to context. 634 hi-isa', hard (i.e., sharply). Possibly related to hi'c, fast. 636 birende"tseruk', it had entered. bire-'ri, to enter; -de, inceptive. Compare form in 639. 637 k'an nacipi"tserukt, it had already passed. nacipi', to go past. 638 kuruxe'mbi'tseruk', he broke himself. Quotative. duxe'mbi, to break with the hands; ku-, for tsi-, reflexive, the substitution presumably due to the vowel of the instrumental prefix. 639 tsiwu's an-o'pe, brain cavity. tsiwu'se, brain; an-, locative prefix; (h)opi, (h)upi, to be pierced. 640 he-t'. Obscure, the usual sense being: but. However, it should be combined with the preceding word: hawac da-'wat*k'et', as he was customarily roaming about. 641 i'8se'tseruk, he would watch over him. Compare 502 and 271 for imperative and agentive forms. 642 awe 'ta, on the ground. awe', ground; -ta, locative. ba-tsi"tserukt, he was lying. ba 'tsi, to lie, was said to imply lying without one's volition. 123 University of California Publicatione in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 643 ct'cihe, distinct parts. Reduplicated from c&'g, distinct, separate, in 644. Note that the vowel in this word is open in contrast to that of ci 'a, a long time, late. na,'wird1k', were three. nar'wi, three. 644 ici'se, his rump. baci'se, my rump; dici'se, your rump. This stem does not seem to be used independently of possessives. ma'tdk%, was lying. Participle of ba'tsi, in 642. 645 Inversion of predicate, subject, and object here, where meaning is quite clear. 647 ikya'n daeku"tseruk', he would take a look at him. Compare forms in 640 and 653. 648 tsire'saltseruk', he did not get up. tsire', tsira', to rise. 649 A good example of the use of definite article for relative clause: this snake which had entered this brain cavity. 650 o'rdk' naWtsi"t8erukl, he was waiting. o.'r9k1, participle of o 'ri, to wait for. Compare di- awo'riky, I am expecting you; mi o 'rewa, wait for me. 651 i'kyucduare-rgk', whenever he should get out. i'kyuctsi', to get out; ikyuc tu would be the plural form; the remainder is not clear except for -r9k', temporal. du'ctsit' bi'gt' naitsi'tserukt, he continued wanting to seize him. bi'atr, from bi'g, to want, to be about to, with -tt, usitative; du-'ctsitsi occurs in 682. 652 da-, as soon as (?) (whenever [?]). Compare 630. 653- i.'piaka-'tece, magpie. -ce, vocative suffix; compare bi'ace, woman, in 60; -ka-te, diminutive suffix. The stem, i 'pia, occurs in i 'pia-re-ksu-a, magpie- imitating-sportively (a boys' meat-stealing prank). 654 arakto-tte', the truth of the matter (lit., how that is). ara-, how; k1o.tte', from k"o, demonstrative. arakto-t'e' is also used for a person's character: bi- arak'otte', my character, nature. 124 Lowie: The Crow Language sa p' ikyo"'t'dak', why he is that way (lit., what on account of he thus is). e"'tkya, find out. Related to e`"tse, to know. Note again the ready substitu- tion of the causative suffix for the causative verb, and vice versa. 658 he-'rittak' he-'re-rakt, when he pondered and scrutinized it. -ro1k`, temporal. The two expressions are often used and not easily explained, though -rit'9k' is obviously the participle of a verb ending in -ritsiky, and -re- is identical with a common suffix. 662 marara'sattsig, have you any information? From ma*-, indefinite object; dara's(e), your heart. da's, heart, enters into many combinations expressing thought or feeling. Compare barase' kyawi-ky, I am angry (or: sorry); marara'- satta.uwici, have you suspected anything? bare da-s kto't'dk', we believe. Also in 666. 664 sa 'patsi, what is it? Probably sap with -a-tsi. 665 i'gxasam, a snake. -m instead of -rak' in 658, presumably because for the magpie speaking the snake was now a known object. 666 daci'kya-'tsittserukt, he pondered it. dad related to da s, heart, and tsiraci'tse, to test, in 477, 481. 667 hut'bici"'gyak', he made it windy. hutse', wind; -bici; -gya, causative. batsa-'tskya-ce"tseruk', he made it exceedingly strong. -e' seems to carry the causative idea here. Compare 671. 668 ma 'ra, year. ba-'re really means winter. hawat'a-'t'ddk', about one. hawa'tte, with approximative -a 't' and indefinite -ddkt. 669 daka"pdkt, floating. Compare 563. a,'cutparrk', a gully. a'c, creek; u'pe', the end. pa'tatsia, rolling. Compare ismi'n atsec pa'tatsi'gyakt de"tserdk', when he sent his shield rolling; ba-pa'tatsia, wagon. da'pi"ts-ruk', it went into it. da'pi', to go into (also heard daxpi'): min a7tse' maraxpi' ware 'wiky, I'll enter the fortifications. 671 xara"tgyak', he caused it to rain. -gya, causative; xare', xara-, rain. 125 University of Californta Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 672 bir/k't, was [flooded with] water. The second vowel seems incorrect to me, since "water" is bire' and changes the final vowel to i. For example: xare' na 'atko pirekisa-' kto-ta' ktambiri'ky, it rained for 100 days, all over was water. i'rutsitsittseruk', with it he filled. i--, instrumental; du'tsikye or du'tsitsi, to fill; compare note under 654, also form in 675. 673 xare'c, the rain. Follows predicate, probably because added as an after- thought. 674 are,'kyacettseruk', he made it extremely hot. Compare under 667. 675 buru'a'ttseruk', it was boiling. The stem, so far as I know, means "to boil" only in neuter sense; otherwise ditsi-'tse is used. 676 tawe 'i, it was hot, hence ... tawe ', hot; i, probably instrument to be taken as prefix to rest of sentence. ba-iri'ce'tseruk't, was uncomfortable, suffering. ba--, indefinite object; iri'ce, to suffer; ba-wiri'ce-ky, I suffer; ba-wiri'su-m, we suffer. Doubtless related to ari 'ce, to be hungry. 677 ol'sak', he was being cooked. Participle of o-c(e) in 488, 490. 678 amba-watsa-'ttdatt', though he was powerful. -d&tt, disjunctive; watsa't' = batsa-'tsi, powerful; ba--, nominal prefix; the exact force of am- here eludes me. Another interpreter in another version translated the same expression: he is not so powerful. k'araci'dritsict, it is a long time now. ktara-; ci's, long; -ritsi; -ct. kuckyo', a long time. I do not know whether this is merely a synonym of ci'a or adds a shade of meaning. Compare 680. 680 k'arace 'ct, he has been dead. -ct for -kt, as in 679, and in -tseruct. 683 ducku'&ttseruk't, he pulled him out. ku'9 looks like a plural form of tsi; com- pare du'tdsitsi in 682, also i'kyucku'o in 682. 685 di. dit, you. Repetition of independent pronoun for emphasis is common; see under next word. watsa-'tsinddk', we'll see whether you are powerful. Though the meaning is 126 Lowie: The Crow Language clear the analysis is not wholly so: Is n purely a phonetic connective? Why not simply watsa-'tCdak', then? I suggest that n may represent the second person future, -ri; watsa-'tsi-ri-ddk' would then naturally pass into the given form. 686 di wikya-'t' ba.ic, I have held you as an elder brother. Compare for wasa'- kaka.'t" ba-ic in 89; wikya-'t' probably wikya-' plus the diminutive suffix. 689 xaxa,'ctarAk', a jagged one. I do not know the stem, hence am not sure whether there has been fusion of -ta-re with the indefinite article. 690 bi wa.iri'cera.um, you have made me suffer. Plural form; for stem, see under 676; -m as oral comma, suggesting causal nexus here. di warisa-'tsk', I hate you, am furious at you. Elision of final i before oral stop probably due to rapid speech. Compare mi-da-'risa-tse, do you hate me? mi' risa'tsiky, he hates me. 692 apu'a, their noses. Plural of ape', which the narrator had first dictated. ha'tsgitu' ttserukt, were long. Plural of ha't8gite, from ha'tsgye, long. 693 i-a'xaxe"tseruk, with it [the neck] he rubbed it, filed it. In another version the idea is expressed thus: ba-"parqk` a.i'ak' i 'se axaxe"tseruk', to a rock he took him, his face he rubbed. 694 ktarakto-'mba-wiky, I'll stop. k"ara-, inceptive; kto"'mba, first person of k"o'wi'd, causative of keo.'wi, to be finished; -wi, first person future. ktambiru"'usa, set me down now. Note repetition of k'am- in this sentence; ru 'usa from du"'uci, to lay, put. ktam bi'cte arara-'riky, you will (i.e., are likely to) reach my eyes with it. k'am- goes with entire phrase; a-, with; rara-'riky, second person future of irregular verb, hi, to arrive, reach. 695 axaxi'a datku"'tseruk', he continued rubbing. Participle of axaxe', with auxiliary. 696 ba.u-'c, anyone's anus. ba'-, indefinite nominal prefix. bi'mawisa wiky, I'll not enter. Almost certainly an error for bi'marisa'wiky (found in another version), which is readily analyzed: bi'mari, I enter, first person of bire'ri; -sa, negative; -wi, first person future. 697 k'am ba.i'ky di'gsa datku"', henceforth continue keeping out of mischief. ba.i'ky is often used idiomatically in this sense; compare under 297. 127 University of California Publicatiom in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 698 k"ambire'nda-k', it entered. Perhaps for kt'ambire'ndak4, when he entered. hawa'tatsiratt, however, occasionally. -r&'t", disjunctive; hawa'tatsi, from hawa'tte, one, and -a-tsi; hawa'tatatsi, several. ba-warapxe-'ritbo-m, I shall bite some once in a while. First person future, plural for singular. For meaning of -rit, compare ba-xape-'ritbo-t', when we wish to lie down for a short rest. ba-wi-'p'bicddk', if there is a reason. ba-; -bic, -ddkt; bi-p, cause, reason. Compare basbi-'p' co.'rdkt bi- rap te'o, where is the reason for my being killed? ba-wi pka 'cbicdakt hira' ambe-'wic biawak', if there is some strong reason, then I want to settle him. 699 e-kya'. Here exclamation of annoyance. 701 ha-"nne'rok`. Evidently identical with the form in 282 and comparable to such expressions as those noted under 658. 702 ktari-waW'wettseruk', she began to cry. i 'we, to cry, plus (?). 704 dara'k'usam, you did not return. -m again to show some causal nexus. i wi 'wa waka'ct', that is why I have been crying. i'-, instrumental; wi 'wa, participle of wi 'we; waka', probably first person of a'ku' or datku', auxiliary; -ct for -k', perhaps to mark complete past. Compare the form in 546. 708 Compare form of statement with 355. The future form of ma 'wiky is not clear. 712 batse' i 'rapu'a, The Two Men. Proper name for this pair. i*'rapu'a, related to nu"'pe, two, i ruw'pe, the second; compare form in 719. 715 bi"dgk', I having reached. Participle of plural form bi 'u, we reach. col'tu-rak', what they are like. Plural of co'te; -rdk', indefinite. sa,'ptatuW'rdkt, whatever they are. Plural of sa"'pta-tsi, from sa 'p' and -a tst. e,'wattse-wukt, I'll know (find out). Again plural for singular. 718 a-'kapde-rok', when he got to the top. Stem probabiy a-'kap. ba-hawa'xokt a-"ku'tseruk', they were butchering. ba--, indefinite object; par- ticiple of hawa'xi, to butcher. a-"ku' = plural of da'ku', auxiliary. 128 Lowie: The Crow Language 719 tVak',at'. Favorite expletive of Yellow-brow's. iru'pka-su-'rak', there were two of them. Compare under 712. 720 bara'xactatsi'tseruk', a wild sort of fellow. From bara-'x(e), mad, foolish; compare ara-'xda, not to know; -ctatsi, probably to be resolved into c and ta-tsi, seems to indicate likelihood: likely to be foolish. hawa'tte . . . hawa't'ec, the one ... the other. Often used correlatively in this way. itsi"tseruk', was good. Here evidently in the sense of sensible, respectable. 721 watse-'kyat', dear man. Diminutive of endearment. i't'a a-'wa'ku'ac, we have been faring well (i.e., living in peace). Compare 874. i't'a, same stem as i'tsi, good (pl., i't'u); a-'wa'ku'a, first person plural of a,"ku, third person plural auxiliary in 718. o m hu k', that's he over there coming. o-, sometimes used as demonstrative. 722 i'tsiwa-wo-k', we'll treat him well. First future plural. -wa-, first person pro- noun suffixed for causative. 723 bare' hi-'sa.i,ac, who has been wont not to get to us. Compare forms in 469 and 496. hi-ki'ciky, he has reached us. -kici, difficult to interpret as denoting sportive- ness here. 724 awa 't' baru-cki'ci, sit and feast. awa t', participle of awa"'tsi, to sit. mata 'ruta'ta t', entrails. The stem is mata-' (cf. 726), while -ruta'taftt (also: rutatse) seems to suggest that the entrails are broken up ready for distribution. 725 ico 'tse, in front of him. baco-'tse, in front of me. 727 na,'k'e, embryo calf. Same as word for "child." ara-'ku, take to her. ara ', go with it; ku, give it to her. sapi-'kya'tam, it is tender. Related to sa 'pi, chopped (with reference to meat). du cki'ci.i, she will eat it. -i, third person future. 729 klari"tsibisu'tseruk', it was already bearded, mustachioed. i"tsi(a), beard; bi"tsia, my beard; -bisu-, plural of -bici. 129 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 730 k'ar i*'wicitseruk', it was already hairy. i '(a); body hair, -wici. 731 k'us o-'rgk', when he brought it toward him. o-, to bring; -rdk'. tsiri"'tseruk', he was afraid of it. tsiri ', regular verb, to fear; plural, tsira.'u. 732 bara'tsiritsec, the respectable one. bara'tsia, clever, wise, cunning; -ritse, approximative. sa p' i'tsiri 'n, how is it possible for him to be afraid of it (lit., because of what can he fear)? -n expresses impossibility, extreme doubt, denial of pro- priety. Compare bare'ct ba-rap-'e-'n, trees ought not to kill (lit., trees kill some- thing is inconceivable). ara,'mn9k', he went on with it. a-, with; ra-'mndk', from na 'wi, to proceed. 736 ba-nd9Ak', a tree. Compare 20. hire'tndk', was there. hire'n, demonstrative adverb; -dgk' probably to be taken as indefinite article: he climbed a tree that was there. u"tseruk', he climbed. u'(9), to climb, step on; first person, awu'a. Compare hinte' wice 're awu'awiky, I shall climb up these buffalo chips. utpa's, up. Often in sense of upstream. From u'pe', end, tip, and -s, to. 737 bare' ara-'kacu'a, limbs. Stem not clear, but bare'-, indefinite prefix (or "wood," "tree" ?), and ar-, locative, -u'a, gerund ending. a'tsipe't8eruk', he hung it over. Compare plural form in 519. 738 ba 'k'tsisa, above it. From ba-'ku, above, and -tsisa, general locative suffix. Compare do 'stsi sa, on the hither side; aktsi 'sa, on the other side; also 744. 739 bitaj'xio waka-'ra, remove this for me. bita-'xia, to remove; since the impera- tive plural is expressed by -ra, I do not understand the plural form of this verb. waka-'ra = waku' plus -ra. 740 k'o 't'ba wuma tsiky, we'll do thus. Plural of k'o-'tba-wi; -matsiky. bu-'ordk', when we come. This temporal expression would normally precede the main verb. 743 klarahawawa'tatsi, already one year had passed. k'ara-, completed past; haw, some, one; awe', earth, ground; -atsi, approximative. The reference is to the complete cycle of the earth during a year. 130 Lowie: The Crow Language 744 co 'ttset'ba, what did he do (i.e., do you remember)? co', interrogative; tse, to do; -t; ba, of uncertain meaning, perhaps to be construed as indefinite pre- fix to whole following clause. tsira-'kt, was afraid of. Participle of tsiri- (cf. 731). awa'tsisa, below him. Compare under 738. a'tsipewa wo 'm, we hung it. -wa-, first person causative; -wo-, first person future plural, perhaps best construed as a hortatory in an implied quotation: "Let us hang it below him" [we said, did so, and] there he stayed. nax'tVdec, he stayed. Participle of natsi in 742; -c, past (?). 745 co.'tseri'tt'dakt, how did he manage? co 'tse as in 744, with -rit and indefinite -dak' = dak'. 746 awa'ku'rgkthe, let us look (lit., shall we not look?). -rgk1the = rdkte'. 747 ktaraktonri-'n, he cannot be there any more; ktonri-', third person future of k'to-r9', to be there; for -n, see under 733. matsae't'dk't da 'tsim, powerful as he is (lit., a powerful one he remains). na,'wikyawe'wa, let us go anyway. na 'wi, to proceed; -kyawe, imperative suffix; -wa, possibly to strengthen the request, see below 752. k'uk' kto-'t'da"t, even so. k'uk', demonstrative; ktott, thus; -da"t, disjunctive: even though it be so. 750 k'taratso-'sa'tseruk', was already bleached. Favorite expression to indicate age and decay; compare 567. 751 araxaru,'r9k', a recess, niche. ara-, locative; xaru = (?). hin-e' ware'c, this tree. The position of this noun is irregular. a'tsipak't natsi"'tserukt, I was hanging. Participle of neuter verb with auxiliary. 752 mita 'xia baka-'rawa, remove it for me. -ra, imperative; -wa, explained by interpreter to denote more pleading attitude. 753 bara'xasec, the one not foolish. -se for -sa, negative, before -c. ba-pcewa-'wo-k, let us say something. ba-p'-, perhaps on analogy of sa 'p, sometimes occurs in sense of indefinite ba'-. ba-kta'mbo-k', let us ask for something. First person plural future of kta rit', to demand, ask for. Compare marata'tsec ktari-'ky, he asked for the straight stick; sa-p bakta'mbi, what shall I ask for? ktaru-'kt, they demand, though one might expect ktara'.ukt on analogy of other verbs ending in i-. 131 Univer8ity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 754 di-'e-ma-tsiky, he will do it. Note future: di-'a + future i yields di-'e- here. 755 i'tsiciky xawi'ky, he loves strongly. i'tsici, to love, evidently from i'tsi, good. bare' i'tsiciky, he loves us; di- awa'tsiciky, I love you; dara"'ke ara'tsicic, you have loved your child; di awa'tsisu-kt, we love you. This sentence is to be taken as an objection by the other speaker. 756 kto-'t'da-'riky, you may do it (i.e., safely). Second person future. 757 bare'rak'dgkt, if you give us. -ddk', conditional; rok' = da'k(u-); a typical Crow case of the obscuring of stems in combination. Compare 793. buruxpg'k' bita-'xiwa-wim, I'll take it off and remove it. buruxpa'kt, first person participle of duxpi', where du- is instrumental prefix, xpi = xapi'. In the main verb -m may be an abbreviated form of -ma-tsiky. 759 di'esa.e, she will not do it. Compare under 754. 762 i ku'pd'k', he came down and. Participle of ikyu"pi', regularly used for dis- mounting from a horse. 763 bapasa'hi, I am nearly exhausted. bapa'ce ky, I am tired, with -hi. Compare dapa'ce, are you tired?; also form in 528. 764 ba-k', I having arrived. The form might serve for the past, but the context indicates a participle. 765 tsi'pa'cirakt, at dusk. -rakt, indefinite; unanalyzed. Compare with diminu- tive ending in 794. du'ara, come ye! Note that plural imperative -ra is used with plural form of verb, not with singular hu. 769 hin-e' it'ku'8sec, before his return. hin-e', demonstrative, often ushers in such temporal statements; it', yet; -se = -sa, negative. ktarak w'sam, that he is not returning. -m to mark the subject clause. i'tsiwiky, it is a very good thing. -wi, emphatic. 771 ha-'nde-rok', when she said it to herself. So translated in this context; com- pare passim. 132 Lowie: The Crow Language 775 ktandara-'k'usata-rim, you were not coming back at all. -tari, intensive; -n, oral comma. 776 barasa'rak', my heart. barase' is the expectable form; -rak' can hardly be indefinite here. 778 ici'ara rak'u'sa, so you did not return for a long time. i-, instrumental, goes with whole phrase; ci'a, a long time; -ra, perhaps causative pronoun, that is: you caused it to be long. 779 mauw'om, they had killed game. ma--, indefinite object; uw', to kill game. Compare u 'sawatsi'd, Without having killed, they pack game (clan name); note -o, plural suffix, instead of -u, because stem ends in u. 781 k'u-'wa-m. Expression denoting: unexpectedly; to my amazement. bawa-'tsiri'reta-ri, I was afraid of nothing. ba-, indefinite object; wa-'tsiri-', first person of tsiri '; -ret, negative; -ta'ri, intensive. ba wa tsiri'wiciky, there is something I fear. Good example of use of -wicZ. 783 ba-tsiri-'wisak', there is something I fear. Participial form of that in 781. 786 ma-ta-'wutta't'dkt, entrails. Almost certainly the w should be an r. Compare 724. 787 i-'waxkto, thus. Fairly frequent form of demonstrative. ci'ukt, they spoke. Plural of ce. 790 ba-'ritsiky, I remained. Probably to be taken as first person irregular of da-'tsi, to remain. 792 bak', I said. Sense determined by context. 793 bita-'xiawa-wi'ruk't, we shall remove it. -wiruk', plural. The question is, Why does it take the place of -wa-wo-k'? Presumably to set off the speakers from the person addressed; in other words, as an exclusive form. 794 bita-'xiruk', they removed it. -ru, plural of -re, probably with inceptive sense. bara"', I going. Participle first person of de-, to go. sasi'a, in the meantime. Probably connected with sas, soon. 133 Univer8ity of California Publication in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 797 co 'ot'da'rok'e', what will you do, I wonder? For -rdk'e', compare 746. 798 di awa'tsesak' ba-'ritsim, I've always loved you, so ... For auxiliary, compare 790; for main verb, under 755. diri'a di'awasawi 'nddkt, how could I refuse your request? diri'a, your words, from iri-', to speak; di'asa, to refuse, from di's, to do, and -sa, negative; -wi, first person future; -n, probably as in 733; -dgkt, indefinite, here interrogative. 800 Again expression to mark lapse of time. 802 hine' K'a-'ricba-pi'tua hu'gc pi-'ckyo-, after Grandson's coming. Compare under 769. Note that hin-e' by itself does not define the priority or succession of events. pi-'ckyo-, from pi 'ce, behind, and kyo. Isa-"kawuate, Old Man Coyote. isa-"ka, old man (isa ', old, big); bu'ate, coyote. co'ka hu'rit'de-'rgkI, wherever he may have come from. -rit, not easily de- fined in this context; -de-, possibly inceptive or progressive. 803 hire-'ruk', you (pl.) here. hire', demonstrative. 805 bare' a'tsipe-u, we hung it. The form is puzzling, for bare' is generally followed by a singular form of the verb, and a suffixed causative pronoun would be expected. Perhaps we should read: bare' a'tsipe wu, over a tree we hung it; compare 790. ari'kyutbi'ret'k', he could not descend. Compare 762. 806 k'o' k'us, to him. k'o, demonstrative; k'us, to him. be-'wiawo-k', we want (are about) to go. ba'.u, we go, but be-'su, we do not go. Compare 807. 807 baktaruw'm, we demanded and. Compare under 753. birikyu-'wi.'um, they are going to give to us. biri-; first person plural object in some cases; kyu = ktu, to give; wi-'u, plural of wi.'a, to want, to be about to. 808 watsu-'k'ta-'rum, you are my true younger brothers, so ... watsu'k'(e), my younger brother; Old Man Coyote usually so addresses other beings. Compare the Teton Trickster, Deloria (op. cit., p. 6). 134 Lowie: The Crow Language di awa'kabara'kbo ma tsiky, I'll help you. Probably: awa'ka, I see, look out; bara'k, I for you; -bo-, first person future plural; -matsiky, future suffix em- phatic; plural to pluralize object. 810 di"tsikya-'ritsi, look out for yourself. di"tsi, yourself; i'kya, look out; -ritsi. 811 k'arakto-'wit", the time has come. Possibly for k'arak'o-'wiky, it is ready, finished. 812 ba-pce-wa-'rdk` di-'orak', if they do what I say (lit., if I say something and if they do it). di'awawwo-kt, I'll consent. di'a, to do, often in this sense; again plural for singular. di'dsu-'r9kt k'uk' bare-'t'k', if they refuse, then not. di'asa, not to do, refuse; the antithetical form of the old woman's speech is typical of Crow. Compare 815. 814 ktam ma a.'u, they have been owning something. a'.u, plural of e ', to own. u 'x acdi-'cirim, a deer hide from a tipi cover. u 'x(e), u.'uxe, deer; acdi 'cire (also acde 'cire), hide from tipi cover after one year's use; ac(e'), tipi. k'am ma a.'u k'o-k', it is the most valuable thing they own (lit., that is what they own [positive for superlative]). 815 dak'urdkt, if they give it to you. The forms with k'u, to give, are confusingly irregular; here da is used as second person pronoun object. Compare 757, 807, 829; also ba'ktbiky, I'll give him; da'ktu, you give him. 817 dira', all right (lit., di(q)ra', do it, go). amba-riikya-'m baltsec, what I made you demand. am-, that which; baw-, indefinite object, ri, you; kyam = k"a-ri; compare 753; ba'-, first person pro- noun; tse, to make; -c. 823 i-'raxk'o-ce-'ky, thus she spoke. Compare form in 787. 824 xats8sa.'u ka.'uWtseruk', motionless they remained. xatsi ', to move; -sa, nega- tive; -u, plural. I have discovered no rule for the difference between plural negative -sa.u and -su. 825 bat'u-'rdk', if we give it away. bat'u-', first person plural of batse', I give away; second person singular, da'tse-; third person, k'e-; third plural, k'. Compare 828. 135 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 826 da-'sua xawa-'hatdk', they were sad for a while. da-'sua, plural of da-s(e), heart; xawi ', to be bad; -(h)a-tqk' suggests temporary grief. 827 keo.Ire.rak', it was he. Why not simply ko-'rgk', as usual? el'tkyo-te, of that kind. -t(e), generic classifier. ham be-'ky, I have some. be-ky, first person of e-, to own. 828 dattu"'ratt, even if you give it away. See 825; -ra't, disjunctive. di'awa wara'k'bo-ma-tsiky, I'll make it for you (pl.). Compare 808. 830 hire'ttkta-'ra, stay here! -ra, plural imperative; the remainder is a variation of hire', demonstrative, and perhaps ka.'u, they remain. 832 marak'a-'m biaric, what you were going to demand. ma--, indefinite object; ra-, second person pronoun; kta-m = kta'ri; biari, (?); -c, participle. Compare 817. 833 iha.'i, it might be a different (spurious) one. Future often in potential sense. 835 i'kyaditsi'tsEruct, she examined it. Note modification of sense by -ditsi; ikya, to look. 837 ktarahu-`k9, let them come. -kg = gya, causative suffix. 838 k'tar i-na'wikya-suk%, there are three of them now. i.-, with partitive sense; -kya-su, plural of -ka-ci. 839 sape' i.iratwi.ot', who is that third one? sape', who; i-, perhaps demonstra- tive, perhaps ordinal prefix with parasitic vowel following; ra'wi = na'wi, three. On this analysis, -ot remains obscure. I therefore prefer: i.-, instrumental with causative sense; i-, ordinal prefix; -o, plural suffix; -tt, generic suffix always used to denote all of a counted group (see 624). That is: why are there three of them? Compare form in 840. 841 bi andi.'atsi'rattdo.t", they have tried to get the better of me, but ... an-, how; di'a, to do; tsi 'r(e), to seek; -att = a-tse (?); -do = (?); -t', probably -t', disjunctive. 136 Lowie: The Crow Language bi ariru'retariky, they have truly failed against me. ar-, in usual correlation with -ret, to express impossibility; -ta-re, truly; (h)iru', plural of hire-, to do. 842 bari't'biky, I shall stay. Future of form in 790. 843 hawa'tata'tsikya ta, one at a time. From hawa't'e, one; compare hawa'tatsi, occasionally, in 698; note diminutive. hu"ge, let them come. -ge, causative suffix. 844 utparaci 're, blossom. u'pe', end; ara-, where, ci 're, yellow. isa-'ra'tua, her pubic parts. Possibly connected with icire', vulva (baci'n du p baltse-'wo*k', let us make him smell our vulvae; bare' ici'n daru-'pdaku, you have repeatedly smelled our vulvae). ri.'dk', she put it into. This sense is fairly common; perhaps we are dealing with a causative participle of rg, to be there. 847 a'xpaxp9k' ktowi'dkt, he got through lying with her. a'xpa, with her; xpgk = xapd'k', lying. 854 watse-kya-'tu, dear men. Plural of diminutive. hin-e mawa'xpaxpuac, this one we lay with; perhaps: in this cohabitation of ours. ma-, indefinite object; awa'xpa, my company, I with her (him); xpug, gerund; -c, definite article. sa,'pakt, what was it? With quotations of what someone thinks the oral stop is retained. For example: sape' awa'kakt diri'atsi, whom do you think I saw? 855 awa'xpdxpu ct, we have cohabited with. This form suggests that -ct denotes past time more definitely than -k'. Perhaps -c is the definite article with past meaning; -t, repetitive. 856 mare ta-'ri, verily no. mare 't' and -ta-ri. 857 ha'tsgyatdk', a long one. ha'tsgye and -ka-te, adjectival. O "kapatsi'ru.9c, a grooved, hollow one. o-"kap-, to hollow (hinwe' bara'm o'"kapi-oc, this hollowed stick); -ats, approximative; (h)iru, they make; that is: one that has been grooved. k'o-t't'm, the same kind. Variant of k'o-'t'a; -m, article. 858 t'akto-'tawiky, true enough. tta, (?); kto-'ta, that is so; -wi, emphatic. 860 na-'mda, he proceeded. = na 'mna. 137 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 861 a"kusa-ra, do not stay, live. a"ku, as independent verb here; -sa, negative; -ra, imperative plural. 862 co'rara'ku-'ra, wherever you stay. co, where; -r, connective (?); ara"ku-', second person of a"ku; -ra (?). ara"ratku, an abode, home. ar-, locative; a'ratku, you live. Compare anna"'ko', his home, in 75. tsi'rara, look for. tsi 'ra = tsi 're, to look for; -ra, plural imperative. 863 k'o-'ttba-wirukt, thus we shall do. First person plural future exclusive; see under 793. If Old Man Coyote were to be included, they would say: kto-'t'ba- wo-k'. 864 bare' du'ci gyatisam, he has not [yet] touched us. Perhaps the reading should be ts for t in the text. Related forms: du'ci'gya-tsisa-ra, do not touch (pl. imper.); du'cittsise, do not touch (imper.); baru'citsittseruk', he touched some. 865 bi 'ra, we. Emphatic form. bitts a wi.'um, we have brought ourselves to him (i.e., we have gone out of our way to get into trouble with him). bitts, reflexive; a--, with; wi.'u, we have reached (a-(h)i-', regular combination for "to bring to"). 866 xatsi se 'ritsisa 'ra, do not stop going! xatsi ', to move; -se- = -sa; xatsi 'sa, do not move, stop; -ritsi, moderative, here probably suggesting a temporary pause in their flight; -sa, negative; -ra, imperative plural. The double use of the negative is interesting, xatsi"'sa being treated as fixed unit. Note also the two different vowels with negative particle, doubtless determined by following vowels. Compare 883. 867 co 'c dara'.ura, wherever you go. co-, where; -c, directive; dara.'u, second person plural of de-; -ra. 868 bi'gyen, I for my part. awa,'ka'kua, my abode. Possibly reduplication of aeku; compare forms in 862,874,881. batsi-'mbiky, I shall seek. batsi-'ri plus first person future. 871 batsa'xpak', together. bats-, each other; a'xpk't, being with. i-ru'pta, both. i--, ordinal; rup = nu-p, two. di-'rdkt, walking. di-'ri, to walk; bari-'mbiky, I shall walk; naxpitse' ri 'netec, Bear-walks-not. 138 Lowie: The Crow Language 872 di'ase, do not do it. Often di'gsa is used. bak' baru-'ka-ce, I said, I kept on. iru ', auxiliary, -ka-ce, intensive. bara'k'diarak', you would play your tricks. For this idiom, compare under 297. 873 bi'tsi wa 'a wi 'um, now we have got into trouble (lit., we have brought our- selves to something). Compare form in 865. 874 k'am mare-'t'k', now that is over. Another case where mare-'ttkt as absolute negative must be rendered according to context. 877 ma'rakawi'dc, evil things. ma-ra- = bare-, generic nominal prefix. 878 datka'tsi'tseruk', he was living on. datktu', to live; -a tsi. 879 diri'a, come now. Related to di's in same sense. datk'u'se, do not stay. datktu'; -se = -sa, negative. 880 ba-'k'uk'kVo-m, above. Probably should be ba'k'u kto-m, above there. ba"'wiky, I'll be, stay. One of the many senses of ba-'wiky; what the stem is supposed to be here, it is hard to say. 881 baka"kuwiky, I shall stay. Probably to be taken as reduplicated form of atku. The verb seems to have many variants; compare 868. 882 hiri'c, thither. hire'; -c, to. 883 i'gye' xatsi 'se, the North Star (lit., Fixed Star). Compare under 866; the change of -sa to -se is doubtless due to the adjectivalization of the verbal expression. 884 miri'tactsia, the moon. miri, the presumably ancient form for sun and moon in Hidatsa, is retained in Crow for the moon, though in certain special com- binations it may also refer to the sun. 139 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS USED AA American Anthropologist AES-P American Ethnological Society Publications AMNH-AP American Museum of Natural History, Anthro- pological Publications UC-PAAE University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology [ 141 ]