BY E. W. ~GIFFORD UNIERSTYOF CALFORNI P1BIATIONf~ IN AMERCA A.'CHIA OLOG'Y A-ND IETHNOLOGY V"olume 34, No..4, pp. 247~-35, plts 8-14,25 fi gures in text,Ima UNIVERSITY, OF, CALIFORNIA PRIESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIUA 1936 NORTHEASTERN AND WESTERN YAVAPAI BY E. W. GIFFORD UNIVERSITY OF CALIPORNIA PUBLCATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Volume 34, No. 4, pp. 247-354, plates 8-14, 25 figures in text, 1 map Issued June 11, 1936 Price, $1.50 UNIVERSITY or CALFoRNiA PRESS BERKELzEY, CAFORNiu CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON, ENGLAND PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA CONTENTS PAGE Introduction ........................ 247 Informants ........................ 248 Yavapai groups and territory ........................ 249 Trails and salt ........................ 251 Numbers.............. .......... 252 Predecessors and neighbors ........................ 252 Trade ........................ 253 Subsistence ........................ 254 Food habits ........................ 255 Wild plant foods ........................ 256 Mescal (agave) ........................ 259 Saguaro (Cereus giganteus) ........................... 260 Medicines ........................ 260 Some plants not used ........................ 261 Agriculture ........................ 262 Tobacco ........................ 263 Animals ........................ 264 Dogs ........................ 264 Deer ........................ 264 Antelope and mountain sheep ........................ 265 Rabbits ........................ 266 Woodrats ........................ 266 Other mammals ........................ 266 Birds ........................ 267 Reptiles and batrachians ........................ 268 Insects ........................ 268 Material culture ........................ 269 Fire ........................ 269 Shelter ........................ 269 Caves ........................ 269 Huts ........................ 271 Shades ........................ 271 Sweat house ........................ 272 Bedding ........................ 272 Skin dressing ........................ 272 Clothing ........................ 273 Men's clothes ........................ 274 Women's clothes ........................ 274 Footwear ........................ 275 Adornment ........................ 275 Nose piercing ........................ 276 Tattoo ........................ 276 Paint ........................ 277 Hair ........................ 277 Detergents and adhesives ........................ 279 Domestic implements ........................ 279 Wooden tools ........................ 279 Awls and knives ........................ 279 Mortars and metates ........................ 280 Pottery and gourd vessels ........................ 280 Cordage ........................ 281 [iii] CONTENTS-(Continued) Material Culture-(Continued) PAGE Basketry .............. 281 Twined basketry .281 Coiled basketry .282 Wicker basketry .283 Cradles .283 Carrying frame .285 Weapons .285 Bow, arrow, quiver .285 Club, sling, boomerang, lance .287 Shield .288 Musical instruments .288 Games .288 Petroglyphs .290 Postures and actions .290 Dancing .291 Social organization and customs .291 Kinship systems .292 Marriage .296 Bands and marriage .297 Chiefs .297 Division of labor .298 Babies .298 Childhood .300 Puberty .301 Disposal of the dead .302 War customs .303 Personal names .305 Males .305 Females .306 Property ................. r 306 Religion .307 Supernatural beings .307 Shamanism .308 Witchcraft .317 Gila monster .317 Prayers and taboos .317 New-moon observances ................. 318 Omens .318 Spiritual parts of man .318 Amulets .319 Bears .319 Universe .320 Time .320 Conclusion .321 Appendix A: Northeastern Yavapai war tales .324 1. A'akasusa's campaign against the Havasupai .324 2. muparasuklavlava's campaign against the Havasupai .325 3. Tikumta's campaign against the Walapai .326 4. Ibatyuskwina's campaign against the Walapai .329 5. A raid by the Walapai .330 6. Sakaloka's campaign against the Walapai .331 7. Tikumta's second campaign against the Walapai .332 8. Ichasayu's campaign against the Walapai .333 9. Mikamdjak's campaign against the Walapai .334 [iv] CONTENTS-(Concluded) Appendix A: Northeastern Yavapai war tales-(Concluded) PAGE 10. A raid by the Pima ........................................................ 335 11. A'avumkisivolva's campaign against the Pima .............................. 337 12. A Pima raid ............................................................... 338 13. Walapai raid against the Tolkepaya ........................................ 338 Appendix B: Additional notes on Southeastern Yavapai ........................... 340 Appendix C: Ghost-dance religion ................................................ 343 Bibliography ................................................................ 344 Explanation of plates ............................................................ 346 FIGURES IN TEXT Figs. 1-12 .................................................................... 270 1. Floor of Turkey Creek cave 2. Timber for dehairing hide 3. Forehead and chin tattoo designs 4. Tattoo design on lower arm 5. Tattoo design on chest 6. Tattoo design on chin 7. Tattoo design on right wrist 8. Tattoo design on left wrist 9. NE Yavapai pots 10. Pitched, twined basketry water bottles 11. Design on burden basket 12. Coiled basketry water bottle Figs. 13-24 ................................................................ 284 13. Coiled basketry designs 14. Coiled basket design 15. Weft of wicker cradle hood 16. Lower end of bow 17. Form of SE Yavapai bow 18. Form of NE Yavapai bow 19. Fawnskin bag 20. Arrowpoint 21. Stone axe 22. Dice game 23. NE Yavapai sand painting 24. Shaman's vision Fig. 25. Yavapai attack on Walapai camp .................................. 327 PLATES 8. Caves and sweat house .................................. 347 9. Boots and sandal .................................. 348 10. Tongs, hearth, dice, flute .................................. 349 11. Model cradles and basket bottle .................................. 350 12. Burden basket .................................. 351 13. Coiled basketry trays .................................. 352 14. Coiled basketry trays .................................. 353 MAP 1. The Yavapai groups ................................. following 354 I v] INTRODUCTION WITH THE APPEARANCE of Leslie Spier's Yuman Tribes of the Gila River, the accounts of Yuman peoples are nearing completion. Studies of the Mohave, Yuma, Cocopa, Dieguen-o, Kamia, Akwa'ala, Havasupai, Southeastern Yava-, pai, and Walapai already have been published. Still to appear is that on Kiliwa.2 Of all the Yuman groups, the Yavapai were unique in inhabiting a vast territory (see map) embracing some 20,000 square miles, roughly 200 miles in its east-west dimension and 100 miles in its north-south dimension. They were not confined to a single ecological area, as were the Yuma or the Havasupai, for example, but ranged over a wide variety of territory from the low country at the confluence of the Gila and the Colorado to the lofty Bradshaw and Mazatzal mountains in central Arizona, altitudinally from elevations of about 200 feet to 7000 and 8000 feet, from blistering desert to shady mountain streams, from lower Austral life zone to Canadian life zone. Having this vast range of geographical environment, the Yavapai offer an unusual opportunity for a study of adjustments to various environments by a hunting and gathering people. These adjustments probably were made within a few centuries. Much of the Yavapai territory is dotted with the ruins of set- tlements of an earlier Puebloid agricultural population, and evidence' tends to show that the Yavapai cannot have occupied the Verde valley for more than a few hundred years unless they dwelt peaceably beside the earlier Pueb- loan inhabitants, which seems unlikely. The Yavapai probably were a people who learned to exploit their habitat in a relatively brief time. Apparently they did not absorb much of the culture of the earlier agricul- tural peoples of the region. Perhaps the country was deserted when they en- tered it, or perhaps they violently displaced the earlier inhabitants. In any event, a survey of Yavapai culture seems to reveal little that can be attributed to their predecessors. But with the cultures of their living neighbors there are obvious counections. With their northern neighbors, the Walapai and Havasupai, the Yavapai have much in common linguistically and culturally. This suggests that these three peoples branched from a common stock at no distant date, as the Yavapai themselves assert. The Yavapai have some traits of their eastern neighbors, the Athabascan Apache, but it is hard to say when these were acquired. The two peoples lived together for twenty-five years on the San Carlos Apache reservation and, therefore, an appraisal of the characteristics they shared be- fore reservation days is very difficult. 1See Bibliography. Mohave (Kroeber, 1925), Yuma (Forde, 1931), Cocopa (Gifford, 1933a), Dieguenlo (Spier, 1923), Kamia (Gifford, 1931), Akwa'ala (Gifford and Lowie, 1928), Havasupai (Spier, 1928), Southeastern Yavapai (Gifford, 1932), Walapai (Kroeber, ed., 1935), Kiliwa (Peveril Meigs 3d). 3Corbusier, 276; Mindeleff, 257; Spicer and Caywood, 45. [ 247 ] 248 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. On the west, the Western Yavapai absorbed certain features of Yuma-Mo- have culture, notably agriculture, but rejected other important ones such as the eating of fish, the gentile organization, and the keruk ceremony. With their neighbors to the south, Pima, Maricopa, and other Yuman tribes, hostilities seem to have been the rule, at least for several generations. Among the Western Yavapai, I found no informant who knew of the former Gila River Yuman tribe, the Kaveltcadom. Knowledge of lower Gila River tribes was limited to the present-day Papago occupants of the region. This is not sur- prising when it is recalled that the Kavelteadom deserted the lower Gila coun- try between 1835 and 1846.' The three Yavapai groups, Southeastern, Northeastern, and Western, are clearly recognized by the natives themselves, though barely subdialectically differentiated. The Yavapai present the unusual picture of a far-flung hunt- ing and gathering people who have maintained contact among themselves over a vast area, and at the same time have had their culture definitely modified by contact with alien neighbors. They afford an unusual opportunity for apprais- ing the influence of two environments, one geographical, the other social. Dr. William M. Corbusier, of the United States Army, had the good fortune to be able to study the Yavapai in the 1870's, when they were first placed on a reservation. His otherwise excellent sketch5 of their culture suffers from his failure to discriminate between the different Yavapai groups. The Southeast- ern Yavapai he does not recognize. The Northeastern and Western are not al- ways separated in his account, although it is possible that, where he does not discriminate, he intends his statements to apply to both. However, some of my Northeastern informants said that certain of his statements applied to the Tonto Apache, and not to the Yavapai at all. The materials recorded in this paper form part of the ethnographic study of the Northeastern and Western Yavapai, jointly financed by the University of California Department of Anthropology and the Social Science Research Council, and conducted in 1932. INFORMANTS NE Yavapai.-(1) Jim Stacey or Watarama', principal informant. Aged. Born at Djoka- thudjoma, 3 mi. E of Bluebell mine, 9 mi. s of Mayer, between Mayer and Kwalikutuv. Mother from Kwalikutuv. Informant lived in cave Uiyakanap on Turkey er. in s and near Granite peak (Wikute) in N. Regarded Mayer region as home. Interviewed at Prescott. Died early in 1933. (2) Jim Miller, older brother of Jim Stacey. Interviewed at Mayer (Wiki- do'yo'). (3) Johnson Stacey, son of Jim Stacey. Aged 35 years. Interpreter and informant. Residence, Prescott. Mother, SE Yavapai of Yelyuchopa clan, her father SE Yavapai from Ihamischilva near Camp McDowell. (4) Jim amuukyat, aged, blind shaman. Interviewed at Cleator or Turkey (Okachikiskel, Haplopappus linearifolius confluence). (5) Susie Miller, aged wife of Jim Miller. (6) Jim Theinka, aged man. Interviewed at Jerome. (7) James Sign, aged 76 years. Interviewed at Clarkdale (Saupkasuiva). (8) Michael Burns, aged 70 years or more. Interviewed at Phoenix. Except for Michael Burns, whose home was in E U.S., and Johnson Stacey, all informants lived among San Carlos Apache from 1875 to 1900. W Yavapai.- (1) Sam Ichesa, born at Castle Dome (Wihopu', round mt.). Both parents, Tolkepaya from near Skull valley, drifted toward Yuma after trouble with soldiers. Was 'Spier, 1933, 39. 5See Bibliography. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai about 16 or 17 years old when went to San Carlos, where became government butcher. After leaving reservation, lived at Palomas, Agua Caliente, and Arlington for about 3 years. Since 1910 at Camp McDowell, Arizona. Gilbert Davis served as interpreter. (2) Shampura, born at Castle Dome. Was young girl when moved to San Carlos. Lived at Palomas after San Carlos exile. In San Carlos about 20 years, in Palomas 4 or 5 years, then went back to San Carlos. Later lived at Congress and, for last 15 years, at McDowell. Fraternal niece of Chum- wava Sal (see Corbusier, 335). (3) Chico Martinez, 48 years old in 1932, born at Castle Dome, of W Yavapai parents. His parents lived with Mohave when W Yavapai were exiled to San Carlos. Later went to Castle Dome where government gave land to W Yavapai. He has lived at Arlington, Arizona, since 1908. (4) Kechi', born at San Carlos. When 5 or 6 years old, she was taken by parents to Palomas, later to Castle Dome. Parents from Harquahala (Hakehela, running water). Informant interviewed at Arlington. (5) Captain Coffee (Nya- wawala, Bakovote, Bakotel) was "chief." After return from San Carlos, lived at Palomas and Walnut Grove. Has been at Camp McDowell since 1908. Yavapai delegate to President Grant in 1870. Selected by General Howard to aid in rounding up Yavapai, Apache, Pima, and Maricopa. Very old man in 1932. Interviewed at Phoenix. Father, Yuma; mother, SE Yavapai of Yelyuchopa clan. Mother ran away from Prescott Yavapai to Yuma, where she married and Captain Coffee was born. YAVAPAI GROUPS AND TERRITORY The Yavapai groups were nomadic. Each group wandered over its own defi- nite tract of land in search of the ripening plant products and animals on which it subsisted. All Yavapai were friendly, and one group was welcome in another's territory. Stretches of uninhabited land separated the Yavapai from their hostile Pima and Maricopa neighbors in the south, and their Havasupai and Walapai enemies in the north. Northeastern Yavapai.-They designated (1) themselves, Yavepe'; (2) the Southeastern Yavapai, Kewevkopaya; (3) the Western Yavapai, Tolkepaya. 1 is Corbusier's Apache-Mojave, 3 his Apache-Yuma, 2 he did not distinguish. Yavepe is singular, Yavepaya plural. Stems pe, pa, pai, and apa mean per- son. The plural, apache (persons, people), applies to all 3 groups in each subdialect. Subgroups of Northeastern Yavapai (Yavepe): Yavepe (proper) (1) Wipukyipa or Wipukupa (2) Matkitwawipa, Matidipa, Matkitkavavepa, or Matkoulvapa (3) Walkeyanyanyepa Mat-haupapaya (1) Wikutepa (2) Wikenichapa or Wikanadjapa It was also the custom to refer to a person by place of birth or residence. Thus, Djokathudjoma-pa, person of Djokathudjoma, near Mayer; Kwasakuweya-pa, per- son of Kwasakuweya, lower part of Jerome city; Djokayanyanya-pa, person of Djokayan- yanya, mt. SE of Black canyon on w side of Verde r.; Saupkasuiva-pa, person of Saupka- suiva (Clarkdale); Wachinivo-pa, person of Peeple's valley (Wachinivo). A person's local group name changed with his place of residence. For example, Jim Miller, a Mayer man, considered himself also Wikenichapa (Black mt. or Crown King mt. person), because he 6Wipukyipai applied to 1 is mistake. Gifford, 1932a, 177. 249 University of California Publication8 in Am. Arch. and Ethn. regularly went to Crown King mt. for juniper berries, bark, and extra large walnuts. In youth he lived near Granite peak and was counted as Wikutepa (Granite peak person). Near Turkey (Cleator) was cave which sometimes was winter residence for him and other Mayer people. Sometimes he and his people wandered to camp Churikayalva and the neigh- boring Mt. Winya-idiida, where they gathered walnuts (churika) and acorns. This mt. was about 20 mi. SE of Humboldt, but definitely in Mat-haupapaya range. The Yavepe (proper) claimed upper Verde valley' and the mountains on either side, including the Montezuma National Monument region (Djokaki- siva). Neither Yavepe (proper) nor Mat-haupapaya owned Lonesome valley, in which both hunted antelopes. (1) Wipukupa (Redrock, Oak er., and Cornville people) occupied caves in Redrock country (Wipuk, foot of the rocks or mts.), probably in the region designated as Red Buttes on maps. They descended Oak er. to plant maize in certain moist flats and to gather mesquite in Verde valley. (2) Matkitwawipa, people of upper Verde valley, East Verde r., Fossil cr., Clear cr., ranged s to Cave cr. (3) Walkeyanyanyepa, people of massif to which Jerome clings. Walkeyanyanye (pine tableland) is flat top of Mingus mt. and is more than 7000 ft. in elevation. Southern portion of this massif, due w of Camp Verde, called Matki- totwa or Matkitorva and its people Matkitorvapa. These really one with Walkeyanyanyepa. Ranged s to Cave cr. Many oaks and pines on Mingus mt. and other parts of massif. View from massif of Agua Fria r. on w, Verde r. on E. Matkitorvapa said to have been originally mixture of NE and SE Yavapai. The Mat-haupapaya inhabited the massif from Prescott to Crown King and Bumble Bee. They wandered southeast across Agua Fria river to Cave creek, and south to Castle hot springs (Astachio), which belonged to them and was their place to get saguaro in summer. Skull valley was theirs, but Peeple's valley (Wachinivo, basinlike valley) was Western Yavapai territory. Informants gave 2 band names: Wikutepa, Granite Peak band; Wikenichapa, Black Mt. or Crown King band. These groups largely overlapped; during year persons ranged from Granite peak to Crown King region and much farther s. N end of Williamson valley was no man's land because near Walapai country. S part belonged to Wikutepa. N to Ashfork (Kesilsokova), Picacho peak (Wikutuliva), and San Francisco mts. (Wi- munnakwe', mt. very cold) belonged to Yavapai, though none lived there. Sometimes, pre- sumably in summer, people drifted into those regions, going to Ashfork for juniper, alliga- tor-bark juniper, and mescal. Went N of Ashfork only to fight. There found Walapai and Havasupai, characterized as "mean people," who entered Yavapai territory for war. Al- though, in winter, Mat-haupapaya lived farther s, they sometimes passed through Granite Peak region in that season on surprise raid of Walapai. Western Yavapai.-These people called themselves Tolkepaya, which was also the name given to them by the Northeastern and Southeastern Yavapai. They had three bands,8 but no clans. From E to w: (1) Hakupakapa or Inyokapa, inhabitants of mts. N of Congress (W Yava- pai Tupamaha); (2) Hakehelapa (people of the running water) or Wiltaikapaya (people of the 2 mts.), latter name referring to Harquahala and Harcuvar mts.,9 on either side of Wiltaika (Salome); (3) Haka-whatapa (red-water people, i.e., Colorado River people) or 7For excellent description and pictures of Verde valley, see Mindeleff. 8Cf. Gifford, 1932a, in which only 2 band names are given by SE Yavapai informant Michael Burns. These prove to be synonyms. OHarquahala is W Yavapai Hakehela (running water); Hareuvar is W Yavapai Aha- kuwa (cottonwood trunk). There are some water holes in Harquahala mts. 250 Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai Matakwarapa (desert people; name from matakwara, flat, waterless land). Formerly lived at La Paz (Wihela, moon mt.) and Castle Dome. Captain Coffee, Shampura, Sam Ichesa, Yuma Mike belonged to band 3. Band 2 also oceupied Peeple's valley and Kirkland valley, where walnuts, acorns, pinon, mesquite, and prickly pears grew. Upper drainage of Hassayampa cr. (W Yavapai Hase- yamo) near Wickenburg was theirs, also region around Hillside from which streams drained into Williams r. Word for camp, pala-u kwayo; for traveling from camp to camp, sikabi. The western boundary of Tolkepaya territory was the Colorado river, where these people planted in the hot season. During the rest of the year, they lived in various mountain ranges. None lived at the Gila river, the southern bound- ary, or used the hot springs at Agua Caliente, because these places were too close to Pima and Maricopa country. Only after the Tolkepaya returned from San Carlos did they settle at Palomas near the Gila river. Gila r. was boundary between W Yavapai and Papago at Gila Bend and in vicinity of Aztec. Mohawk mts. on s side of Gila r. belonged to Papago. SE corner of W Yavapai terri- tory was on Gila r. between confluences of Gila with Agua Fria and Hassayampa rivers. W Yavapai called this region Hasiyam (confluence). Hassayampa r. in W Yavapai country. Eastern boundary: from SE eorner to Congress to Peeple's valley to Kirkland valley.10 Santa Maria-Williams r. (Tuputusukwa) in Tolkepaya country. Boundary of Walapai country thought to be about halfway between Williams r. and Kingman. Informants hazy on this point, but probably boundary was some distance N of Williams r. Corbusier" says Tolkepaya ranged from lower Colorado r. to Verde r. instead of to Brad- shaw mts. However, he is not very exact concerning boundaries. On same page he says Apache-Mojave (NE Yavapai) elaimed whole valley of Verde r. and Black mesa, as far N as Bill Williams mt. (Wikuva-ula, mt. sitting on top of mt.) One SE and one NE Yavapai informant gave possible derivations for word, Tolkepaya, differing from Corbusier's:'2 (1) from tolkepu, message stickl' (SE Yavapai); (2) from tolketolke, oak gall nut, which makes sound "tolke" when squeezed (NE Yavapai). No meaning for word obtained from W Yavapai. Supposed origin of W Yavapai.-Emerged with other peoples from underworld at Mon- tezuma Well (Hakeskaiva)." Named Tolkepaya by god Matinyaupakaamcha. Tribes in Verde River country separated because of children's quarrel. Two groups of children filliped stones, then played war game with toy bows and arrows. One was shot in eye. Trouble spread; adults fought.L5 W Yavapai left country for "uninhabited" region of w Arizona, mixed with Yuma and Mohave but continued contact with NE Yavapai on E. Informants corroborated Corbusier's statement"' coneerning W Yavapai marriages with Yuma and NE Yavapai. TRAILS AND SALT In NE Yavapai territory, lofty mountain ranges separate Verde r., Agua Fria er. (Pau- wiwaskimi), and Hassayampa er. Various trails crossed these mountains. Three routes over mountain barrier from Verde valley to Prescott-Mayer region: (1) Walakisinyakwanya (wala, red; kisinyakwa, saddle in mountain top; nya, trail), route of modern highway over Mingus mt.; (2) Ubuhunyayurva (ubuhu, kind of willow; nya, trail; yurva, straight through)-also NE Yavapai name for Cherry cr.-route of modern Cherry cr. road to s of '0NE Yavapai of Prescott said the country just w of their own-Peeple's valley, Weaver mts., Congress, Date Creek mts.-belonged to W Yavapai. n Op. cit., 276. 12Op. cit., 276. '$Gifford, 1932a, 189. "4NE Yavapai tell story of 3 women who were gathering cactus fruit in hot season and went down to bathe in Montezuma Well. Two who bathed sank from sight. Third only drank at edge and washed her face. She returned to tell fate of others. uNE Yavapai have same tale concerning separation of Yavapai and Walapai. '5Op. cit., 276. 251 252 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Mingus mt.; (3) more southerly route from Verde valley to Agua Fria r., passing through narrow canyon called Esinyakahavava (esi, salt; nya, trail; kahavava, follow through can- yon), where ground salty but not used for seasoning food. Matesi (esi, salt; mat, ground): salt mine near Camp Verde.17 Prescott people and other NE Yavapai got salt there, but Tolkepaya got it from salt lake in w, and from surface de- posits of rock salt in hills facing Colorado r., which now are mined by an American. NUMBERS It seems unlikely that the three Yavapai groups ever totaled more than 1500 persons. The Handbook of American Indians" sets the numbers of Northeast- ern and Western Yavapai at 500 persons each, basing these figures on Corbu- sier's statements. Probably there were fewer Southeastern Yavapai. The rov- ing life of the Yavapai no doubt accounts for their small numbers as compared with those of Californian tribes. Although both Californians and Yavapai were primarily hunters and gatherers, the Californians could maintain a fairly sedentary existence because of the greater abundance in their lands of wild foods, especially acorns. The density of Yavapai population probably did not exceed one person for every 13 square miles, which contrasts with Kroeber's estimate'9 of about one person for each square mile in California. My figures on Yavapai population are somewhat higher than Kroeber's; he estimated' 2.4 persons for every 100 square kilometers (38.51 square miles), or one person for each 16 square miles, in Havasupai, Walapai, and Yavapai territory. I am by no means convinced that my estimate is more nearly correct than his, but a factor favoring it is the relatively well-watered area occupied by the Northeastern and Southeastern Yavapai, contrasting with the less favorable Walapai habitat. PREDECESSORS AND NEIGHBORS Predecessors of Yavapai made petroglyphs and/or lived in stone structures now in ruins. They are called Ichikiyuka (yuka, first people doing). Yavapai made no petroglyphs. Akaka (supernatural beings) inhabit some cliff ruins now, Yavapai think. There was cordial friendship and intermarriage among the 3 Yavapai tribes and their various bands. They cooperated in war, hunted and gathered in one another's territory. Thus, very large oaks on Tonto Ranch w of Prescott were in Mat-haupapaya territory, but Tolkepaya were permitted to collect acorns there; similarly, Skull valley,"' territory of Mat- haupapaya, was frequented by W Yavapai. NE Yavapai neighbors.-Walapai (Mat-haukapaya, red-earth people, or Walpaya, pine- tree people, or Talkupaya, west people), Havasupai (Havsuapa, blue-green water people), Navaho (Muka), Hopi (Awaamu or Wamucha), Tonto Apache (Awakaya), San Carlos Apache (Awache), Pima (Ichewakahana, enemy good; formerly Ichewadawa, enemy real), Maricopa (Ichewa, enemy), Papago (Hatba'-maya), Chemehuevi (Chumwava), peoples N of Grand Canyon (Wamu, term similar to word for Hopi), Americans (Haiko', meaning unknown; -ko' means to hold in hand). Name Muka (Navaho) said to be both singular and plural. No names for Zufni, Mohave, Yuma. Informants had no idea whether Athabascan Apache or Yuman Yavapai arrived earliest in present areas. "7Morris, 1928. "BPt. 2, 836, 994. "1925, 880-891. "1934, 3. "'English name, Skull valley, based on NE Yavapai Bakawogio (human hair piled up) and W Yavapai Pakawalkio (hair on ground) in reference to sanguinary battle between Yavapai and Walapai. Before this battle, W Yavapai called valley Kenu'kiyo (pool of mud). Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai Tonto Apache not often called Awakaya (sticky people) at Prescott, although that name proper. Ahawa (plural, Ahawache) more polite and ordinarily used by Mat-haupapaya. Ahawa means "something like enemy." The many small bands of Tonto united, about 1874, under chief Chalipan. (Chalipan is an Athabascan name.) Tonto ranged from summit of Mazatzal mts. to Sierra Ancha, and from Four Peaks (Wikedjasa) to Flagstaff. None lived permanently in Flagstaff region "because it was too cold in winter." Some Tonto Apache spoke Yavapai, lived near Fossil cr. and East Verde r. Payson in Tonto territory. Yavapai and Tonto sometimes intermarried, but did not steal each other's women. W Yavapai neighbors.-W Yavapai were nomads who gathered food from edge of NE Yavapai territory, at such places as Granite peak, to Yuma territory on Colorado r. NE Ya- vapai and Yuma were their firm friends (niwaha). Western NE Yavapai, such as those of Skull valley, called Mat-haupapaya by W Yavapai. Even eastern Tolkepaya of Kirkland and Peeple's valleys traveled w to Colorado r. to get cultivated foods from Yuma and Mohave. Tolkepaya man who married Yuma or Mohave woman remained with her tribe. Papago (Hatba'maya) farmed in modern times along Gila r. from Gila Bend to Dome. W Yavapai visited them in summer to get farm produce. NE Yavapai (Yawepe), SE Yavapai (Kewevkopaya), Maricopa (Ichewa or Ichewharak, real enemies), Gila Bend Papago (Hatba'maya; maya, mound), Pima (Hatba or Ichewaka- hana), Akwa'ala (Kuala or Kwalsa), Cocopa (Kwikapa, people in the clouds), Yuma (Kichan), Mohave (Makhava), Chemehuevi (Chumwava), Walapai (Tavkapaya, north peo- ple, or Kowalapai), Havasupai (Havsuapa, blue-green people), San Carlos Apache (Awache), Tonto Apache (Awakaya, sticky people, because of trachoma), Hopi and Navaho (Muka), whites (Haiko'). W Yavapai regarded Akwa'ala, Cocopa, Havasupai as enemies, but seldom fought with them because they lived far away. Cocopa reputed to eat Hakehe- lapa. Chemehuevi entered Tolkepaya country only for war. Cause of Walapai-W Yavapai enmity unknown. No name for Papago at Tucson. TRADE Navaho sometimes traded with NE Yavapai of Redrock country, some of whom spoke Navaho. Navaho brought donkeys loaded with woven blankets, shell beads, and turquoise. Occasionally Yavapai visited Navaho country with buckskins, mt. lion skins, and mescal for trade. Sometimes used Tonto Apache as interpreters. NE Yavapai first got glass beads and steel knives from tribes of lower Colorado r., not directly from whites. Contradictory valuations from various informants: NE Yavapai Navaho 6 or 7 deerhides ....... ..... for .1 blanket 1 buckskin .... ........ for .3 blankets 1 small buckskin ............ for .1 small blanket 1 small buckskin ............ for .$10 2 buckskins ..... ....... for .1 large blanket 1 large buckskin ............ for .$30 NE Yavapai shaman's fee for treatment was 1 buckskin, 1 Navaho blanket, or 1 large steel-bladed hunting knife from lower Colorado r. W Yavapai went to Navaho country, traded baskets, buckskins, bows, arrows, boots to Navaho for woven blankets. The 2 peoples communicated with each other partly by signs. Wiping right palm over left meant "gone." One trader thrust his hands holding goods to- ward the other, who, if satisfied, nodded head for "yes," if not, shook head sidewise for "no." Waving 3 or 4 times with right hand, palm down, meant "sit down." At Castle Dome, W Yavapai met the friendly Yuma, who brought watermelons, dried 253 2University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. pumpkin, maize, beans to exchange for baskets, buckskins, and other skins, sometimes in the form of dresses. W Yavapai also traded mescal, but not tobaeco, to Yuma and Mohave. Received shell beads from Chemehuevi at Parker. Traded baskets, buckskin, and mescal to Papago for agricultural products. Papago also knew how to prepare mescal, which they got from high mountains in their territory. SUBSISTENCE In their dependence on wild plants and animals, the Yavapai presumably show us how life was lived by the hypothetical pre-agricultural Basketmaker I population of the Southwest. Apparently the Yavapai were forced into a no- madic existence by the scarcity of food plants at any one place in their environ- ment, and their virtual neglect of agriculture. They moved from place to place as the wild crops ripened. Mescal, probably their most important food plant, grew at high elevations and ripened the year around. In midsummer, they picked saguaro fruit in the desert, and November with its cold might have found them hastily gathering sunflower seeds in the Prescott region before descending to a lower and warmer altitude for the winter. Deer, the principal game animals, were found in the hills and mountains at all seasons. Evidently because of the example set by the Yuma, the Western Yavapai farmed more than the others, but even they were very migratory. They ranged from the oak groves of the Bradshaw mountains to the low valley of the Colo- rado in Yuma territory, where they planted seed obtained from the Yuma. Between these well-watered eastern and western extremes of their range, lay various mid-desert mountain ranges such as the Harquahala and Kofa, which were lofty enough to yield mescal and certain other products (but not acorns), and had scanty supplies of water usually contained in "tanks" or water holes. It is of considerable theoretical interest that the Yavapai used only sweet acorns and neglected the bitter ones. In spite of their relative closeness to Cali- fornia, they knew nothing of the leaching of bitter acorns as practiced by their congeners, the Dieguefno, and other Californians. The following account of the yearly cycle of Northeastern Yavapai economic life was attempted by Jim Stacey. It became obvious as he proceeded that there must have been considerable variation in the time devoted to any one pursuit as, for example, mescal gathering. The cycle was definitely based on wild plant foods rather than cultivated plant or animal foods. A move to a new harvesting place might be made by one or many families. Cycle while living in hut at A'akwa (one saguaro standing there) on Big Bug cr. near Cordes (Iwilakierieta, trees scattered): Mid-November, went for mescal at Matkwalkisen- yakwa (red-earth hill with saddle) ca. 40 mi. E of Cordes-3 days' journey-between Agua Fria and Verde rivers. Made lst camp at spring Pathakikiigida (brown sugarloaf hill), on affluent of Indian cr.; 2d camp at Wilekaleva, watering place. On 3d day reached Mat- kwalkisenyakwa. Party might remain 3 or 4 months preparing mescal, most of which was transported to Cordes. Also dried mescal leaves for cordage. In spring (6th moon) went E of Mayer to Ista'nuwakisrabaraba (eagle nest gabled) for kawhana (Chenopodium sp.) greens. Leaves of kiskala (Scrophularia sp.) and tupila (Lupinus sp.) also boiled and eaten at this season, which was marked by budding of trees. Party obtained tupila in mts. 254 Gifford: Northeastern and We8tern Yavapai along Agua Fria r. In 8th month, ate lemon berries (Bhus emoryi) at lower elevations where berries ripened earliest. Lived at Cleator till June, ate chia (Salvia columbariae), muhaya, and komwidamakompaya as greens. In mid-June (9th month), went to low altitude on Cave cr. (Unellaha, big boulder water) or Blind Indian cr. (Ahakisa-unva), for saguaro fruit and palo verde seeds, which were ripe there, while at Cleator saguaro was only bloom- ing, and was collected there last. Men gathered saguaro, women palo verde. Stayed at Cave cr. ca. 2 weeks only, because saguaro ripened quickly. Although moons were counted, people sometimes sent man to see if saguaro were ripe. Mesquite pods were gathered after saguaro. People then returned to Cleator and Mayer regions. In August, went to Granite Peak region for manzanita berries. Remained there through September for acorns. Sometimes party brought small quantity of saguaro cake, but bulk was left in s. In winter, caches of saguaro were taken to winter quarters at Turkey Creek cave or Mayer. People also gathered walnuts in August. After acorn gathering, moved to s end of Williamson valley (Tikupu'kitusukwa) for juniper and alligator-bark juniper ber- ries, sunflower and other seeds. Took some acorns along, cached others in burden baskets covered with stones and hidden by clumps of bear grass. In late September and October, party eamped at Ahachiecha (at cottonwood, aha), near modern dance hall on N edge of Prescott, to harvest sunflower (Xanthium sp.) seeds in Miller valley, and Cordylanthus sp. seeds. Also gathered pifion nuts in October. Returned to Mayer region after harvesting Cor- dylanthws and Xanthium. Then went for mescal if local supply did not serve. End of cycle. Black mesa visited for mescal and deer; reckoned as Wikutepa territory. No other In- dians went there to hunt except W Yavapai. Drake, formerly Cedar Glade (Djokawi, juni- per rock), visited for juniper and deer. Saguaro, Opuntia, mesquite, and walnuts abundant in region of Turkey Creek cave. Near by on Black mt. (Crown King mt.) many large wal- nuts and junipers. There was travel between mountain and valley on both sides of upper Verde. Jerome Mountain people and Redrock people had acorns, piflon, walnuts, meseal. They entered Verde valley for mesquite, which both lacked. Verde Valley dwellers climbed their mountains for acorns, mescal, and pifnon; sometimes quarreled with visiting peoples over acorn crop but did not fight with them. Typical food of mountain community (Camp Adjusoweye, at an elevation of about 6000 ft., near Walnut spring on mt. above Jerome), found in vicinity or lower in mts.: mescal, Opuntia, acorns, Yucca (soaproot), lemon berries, pin-on, juniper berries, alligator-bark juniper berries, walnuts, wild grapes (icheka), hackberries, mulberries, manzanita berries. Mesquite pods were carried up from Verde valley in buckskin bags and burden baskets; 4-day trip down and back was made in July. Cordylanthus seeds obtained from E side of Verde r. Mammals taken in vicinity of Walnut spring: deer (the staple meat), rabbits, jackrabbits, cactus rats. Tree squirrels could not be killed, were too wary. Quail taken at lower elevation, near Jerome. FOOD HABITS Two meals: morning, evening. No spoons or other eating implements. Person scooped up liquids with hand, used cane tube only when he was taboo. Cactus seed not picked from hu- man dung and prepared for food. Cooking methods: (1) boiling in pots; (2) stone-boiling in rock hole and barrel cactus," but not in basket except by W Yavapai; (3) roasting in coals or ashes; (4) cooking in earth oven, described under Mescal (Agave); (5) parching with coals in basket. Deer, antelope, and mt. sheep meat not consumed immediately; dried on bushes, in shade, or in dwelling for from 3 to 7 days. Dried meat stored in fawnskin bags. Mescal frequently eaten with meat and other foods. Meats also dipped in juice of cooked mescal. Fish, frogs, turtles,'* ducks, geese, other water life not used for food. No snakes eaten. "2Whipple, pt. 1, 96. aSpier's informant said that Yavapai eat turtles. This is no doubt an error. Possibly informant meant tortoises. Spier, 1933, 73. 255 256 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. W Yavapai, visiting Yuma, retired when fish served. Yuma amused; once put ground fish- bones in maize-meal mush for W Yavapai. "This made the Yavapai swell up and sicken for 2 or 3 days." However, Corbusier24 says: "A few A-Yumas who came from near the Colorado river ate fish caught in that river." WILD PLANT FOODS NE Yavapai.-General terms for plants and their parts: yat or yache, seed; misma, root; iwila, plant, grass, bushes, shrubs; iwilavte, trees, forest; astat, plants with spines, such as cactus and mesquite. Term iwila applied to individual species as well as associations of species; 2 grasses not used were so named. Term isima (medicine) used for plants medici- nally employed. I am indebted primarily to Miss Alice Eastwood, California Academy of Sciences, for identifieation of plants; also to Mrs. Sara Schenck, of Twenty-nine Palms, California. Amaranthus sp., tawhana, leaves boiled for greens, sometimes mixed with dried mescal. Arctostaphylos pungens, manzanita, chumpuk. Manzanita berries pounded on metate with muller used as hammerstone. Placed in tight basket, water added, stirred with stick. Decoction drunk from hand. Some persons, such as deer hunters, chewed berries, spat out hard parts. Camas, inyoka,25 corm or bulb dug with hardwood digging stick in spring after shoots appeared; flower purple. Also used by W Yavapai. Celtis laevigata brevipes, hackberry, iskwa, gathered in June when red; pot-boiled, ground on metate. Cercidium torreyanum, palo verde, chumakwilla. Pods collected in basket; beaten or stirred with stick to free seeds. Seeds parched with coals in basket, shaken and thrown in air to prevent burning basket, then rotated and shaken to clean seeds by bringing coals to top. Seed ground on metate; meal slightly dampened for eating, sometimes mixed with ground saguaro seed. Also used by W Yavapai. Cereus engelmanni, tapa'. Young buds boiled, eaten. In late June, ripe fruit eaten un- cooked. Fruit knocked off with long sticks, handled with tongs. Spines removed with stick. Another cactus called tapa' grows in s, is pink-flowered, only a few inches high. Chenopodium sp., kahwana, leaves and stems boiled for greens. Person took handful, picked off morsels with fingers of other hand. Chenopodium sp., sauvakilla-ulika (sauva, gray; killa-ulika refers to round shape of plant). When seeds mature, tops plucked and placed in conical burden basket. Seeds ex- tracted by spreading tops on flat surface and beating them with stick; seeds winnowed, parched with coals in basket, ground on metate, boiled, eaten. Cirsium neomexicanum, thistle, itaha. Stems of young plants peeled, eaten raw. Cordylanthus sp., sunflower, metak. Seeds ripened in September, were collected in Octo- ber. Plant pulled up, dried, struck over edge of burden basket to make seeds fall therein (some women did this with rooted plant), piled on buckskin, beaten with stick to extract seeds. Seeds shaken into baskets, parched, ground on metate, eaten dry or dampened. Elder (taltala) berries sometimes eaten raw or cooked. Fouquieria splendens, ocotillo, ikamiye. Flowers sucked by children for nectar. Frasera sp., inyokapataya. Leaves and roots, preferably leaves, boiled and eaten. Gourd (ahama') seeds eaten after basket-parching and sufficient grinding to crack shells, which winnowed away. Found wild, also obtained from Mohave through W Yavapai. Juglans major, walnut, churika. Nuts picked off ground, piled under tree. Struck with cobble to mash outer coverings, then cleaned off with fingers. Sometimes submerged in creek to clean shells, which are black. Denuded nuts cracked on metate with muller. Meats pulverized in mescal syrup, mixture drunk. Sometimes meats eaten without pulverizing. Whole walnuts kept for long periods in burden baskets inside house. 240p. cit., 326, note. 2Corbusier's a-nya-ka (Camassia esculenta), 327. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai Juniperus pachyphlaea, alligator-bark juniper, djokayalka. Pitch and bark not used, but berries eaten. Juniperus utahensis, juniper, locally called cedar, djoka. Juniper and alligator-bark juniper berries pounded and ground on metate with backward- forward motion of muller. Hard seeds winnowed out by rotating motion, discarded. Meal added to water and drunk. Some meal kept in tight burden basket, later made into cake by dampening and gradual building up. Cake about 1 ft. thick, heavy; kept for several months. Temporarily cached in burden basket under rock. Later, along with acorns, carried s to Mayer region for winter. Lamb's quarters, kwauv. Greens eaten in summer, seed in fall, as by W Yavapai. Whites also eat these greens. Lupinus sp., tupila, leaves boiled, eaten as greens. Mahonia fremonti, maka, orange berries eaten raw. Morus microphylla, mulberry, picked from ground, eaten raw. Obtained by W Yavapai in Bradshaw and Kofa mts. Opuntia chlorotica, istemeldji, fruit exceptionally sweet, eaten raw after spines brushed off. Also used by W Yavapai. Opuntia echinocarpa, 1tukwis. Fruit ripe about July. Picked with tongs, laid on ground; spines brushed off with bundle of Chrysothamnus viscidiflorus or Eriogonum sp. (este'- sechia) stems (2d kind of stem superior because longer). Fruits boiled, eaten without mashing. Opuntia erinacea, pekakwanka, fruit eaten raw after spines brushed off. Opuntia sp., istekurunkanalama, "fruit falls off far from plant." Plant thin-leaved, with slender yellow spines and many upward-projecting nibs on bud; blossom yellow. Fruit said to taste salty; eaten only of necessity. Opuntia fruit ripened at Mayer in September, at Granite peak (higher altitude) in No- vember. Picked with tongs, spines removed; transported in burden basket. Fruit peeled, eaten, seeds spat out. Sometimes, after juice had been expressed and drunk, fruit was dried in cakes or opened and dried without expressing juice. Some fruit ground on metate, made into cake which kept a long time. Pin-on nuts. People collected cones from ground; climbed for those still on trees or knocked them off with long sticks. Removed nuts by tapping cones on ground. Raided wood- rat's nest for nuts, also. Green cones cooked in fire, held on rock while seeds tapped out. Pinion nuts eaten raw, or parched with shells on. Shells cracked by teeth. Some persons ate shells, too. Shells and meat sometimes ground to paste on metate. Walapai said to mix sueh paste in soup. Yavepe of Redrock country went to San Francisco peaks for pifion. Prosopis glandulosa, mesquite. Pods pulverized in bedrock mortar. Meal made into cake for transporting. Verde valley and Black Canyon region principal sources. Psoralea tenuiflora, isimakwisa, formerly not used, but now component of modern intox- icant made from mescal. Quercus emoryi, bakswinya, aeorns highly esteemed because qweet. Picked off ground or knocked from trees with poles. Pounded on metate with muller to crack hulls. Winnowed in basket tray, wind blew away hulls. Meats ground on metate with back-and-forth motion. Meal used as thickening for venison stew. Acorns hulled and stored in conical burden basket, with base set in ground to prevent capsizing. Basket covered with stones and hidden under clump of bear grass. Some people from Verde valley went to Granite Peak region for acorns. Quercus gambellii, kumpi. Acorns shelled, ground on metate, eaten uncooked. Rarely added to venison stew because not very sweet. Small aeorns, scarcely larger than pifion nuts, bitten in half, shelled, eaten raw. Prob- ably Quercus arizonica. Rhus emoryi, squaw berry, Indian berry, lemon berry, kisi'e. Seeds red in June, then a favorite food. Gathered, washed, mashed on metate, mixed with water or mescal syrup, drunk. Obtained by W Yavapai in Bradshaw and Kofa mts. 257 258 University of California Publication8 in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Ribes aureum, iwilahaseya (iwila, plant; haseya, dark gray, in reference to bark). Red berries eaten raw in September. Rumex crispus, matpesa. If short of food, people roasted and ate upper stalk. Salvia columbariae, chia, kisipilla. Grows at Cleator. Commonly eaten. Scrophularia sp., kiskala (serrate, round leaves). Leaves boiled, eaten as greens. Simmondsia californica, jajoba, goat nut, "coffee" plant, ikasu. Fallen berries picked from ground, parched in basket with coals, ground on metate to consistency of peanut but- ter, eaten. Wild grapes, icheka. Xanthium sp., sunflower, 'kata'. After petals gone, flower head cut up, rubbed in hands to remove black seeds, winnowed by tapping basket with stick to segregate seeds, seeds parched in basket. To see if seeds sufficiently parched, small quantity ground on metate and tasted. Meal eaten dry or slightly moistened. Whole seeds stored. Yucca baccata, soaproot, monat, monata, banata. Ripened in October. Fruit like banana. Split in 4 parts, seeds removed; cooked in coals, turned while cooking. Eaten after burned part peeled off. Sometimes dried in sun for preservation; became very hard; kept 5 months. Dried fruit sweet, sugary; boiled till soft; juice drunk, fruit eaten with meat. Yucca sp., nyava. Young tender flower stalk picked before blooming, roasted in fire, eaten. Fruit boiled, eaten. Zizyphus cycioides, itapa. Black berries mashed in basket, water added, decoction drunk. The following remain unidentified: Iela, apparently grass yielding black seeds, abundant on lower Oak cr. near Cornville. Dry heads rolled between hands to work out seeds, which were ground on metate. Imawha (i, stick; mawha, badger), blossoms boiled and eaten. Kitinyov. Fed on by caterpillar. Leaves used for greens. Komwidamakompaya (komwidama, old woman; kompaya, brain), tuberous plant grow- ing at Cleator, top eaten as greens. Too cold at Prescott for this plant to grow there. Mohayaritaya, boiled for greens. Muhaya, grows at Cleator, eaten as greens boiled or raw. W Yavapai.-W Yavapai ate as many of the wild foods of NE Yavapai as they could obtain and a few additional foods not available to that tribe. In summer and fall, food plants ripened in this order: saguaro (a'a), mesquite pods, ironwood seeds, palo verde seeds, prickly pears (hite') on Opuntia (lava) plants. Cactus fruits handled with tongs, spines brushed off with twigs. Fruits of very thorny, foot-high cactus* (tapa') eaten raw after being stirred in burden basket to remove spines. Buds also boiled, eaten; squeezed between fingers until inner part popped into mouth, outer skin remaining in fingers. Flower buds, but not fruit, of barrel or niggerhead cactus (mal- tat) and black cholla cactus (tukwi's) boiled and eaten. Opuntia sp. (lava) in Kofa mts. yielded edible fruit called ute. Several plants used as greens. (1) Ichbuuva, grass grew at edges of springs. Stem broken off, eaten whole if tender, otherwise blades peeled from it. (2) Kewhana. Grows in damp places. Leaves boiled in water, squeezed out, mashed on metate with mescal-juice sweetening. Dipped up with fingers and eaten. This plant probably the kahwana (Chenopodium sp.) of NE Yavapai. (3) Kithpila, grass, about 1 ft. high, grows in damp places; ripens in spring. Plucked, boiled with mescal juice. "Sometimes it was bitter when boiled by certain persons, so the people selected someone to cook it for whom it did not become bitter." Seeds. (1) K'esamata, 2 or 3 ft. high, edible seed; grew along lower Colorado r. Stems tied in bundles preparatory to threshing out seed. Plant grew wild, but apparently resem- bled cultivated ikete'. (2) Sile' grass seed, ripened in spring in fertile mountain valleys, gathered with seedbeater. (3) Ironwood seeds collected at White Tank (Hakimatava, water clear), on N side of Gila r., near Mohawk. Boiled in pot or stone-boiled in basket 3 or 4 times to leach out bitterness, dried, parched, ground on metate. Meal very greasy, eaten dry. Mesquite (iya) and screw bean (11s) pods gathered about July. Not stored in baskets. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai Pods pounded in bedrock mortar with 12-in. to 15-in. stone pestle, 3 or 4 in. in diameter. Pestle found, not made. Pods also pounded in cottonwood mortar with stone (not wooden) pestle. Screw-bean pods dried under hot ashes, pounded till finely pulverized; this not neces- sary for mesquite pods. Both mesquite and screw-bean meal soaked in water to make drink. Wet meal scooped up in hand, put in mouth, sucked for sweet fluid, solids expectorated. Mescal (Agave) Mescal (NE Yavapai wiyal, W Yavapai biyel), was ripe year around, grew at high eleva- tions. Ripeness indicated by leaves tinged red and spread far out. Ripe plant called disidwi by NE Yavapai. Flower stalk when young and tender baked in coals, peeled, soft inner part eaten. Plant called big mescal (wiyal kuvataye) has edible flower stalk but inedible body. Mescal obtained at many places in mts.: From Cordes, people went E to mts. between Agua Fria and Verde rivers for mescal. Wikutepa gathered it on Granite peak and Black mesa; accompanied W Yavapai west to Santa Maria r. for it. W Yavapai also obtained it in Harcuvar, Harquahala, Kofa, and Castle Dome mts. To uproot plant, digging stick driven under it with cobble. Plant turned upside down, thick spiny leaves cut off with hunting or other knife of steel or iron. Knife had no special shape. Leaf cut where exposed part joined white of unexposed base. Woman did cutting. Trimmed 6 or 7 heads, carried them in burden basket to camp, then returned for more. Dozen heads gathered for each family. Perhaps 60 heads total for party. NE Yavapai.-With digging sticks, men and women dug pit (matkuma) 4 ft. deep for oven. Its diameter varied according to quantity of mescal to be cooked; maximum 10 or 12 ft. Ceanothus greggii branches used for kindling, piled both under and over fuel. Fuel was dead wood, mostly juniper and alligator-bark juniper. Stones 8 or 10 in. in diameter piled over wood with small stones on top, forming mound. Same stones used many times. Man, woman, or child born in summer, preferably in July or August, chosen to fire fuel.'6 If win- ter-born person lit fire, mescal would cook white instead of brown, and be underdone. Fuel ignited at special hole left in one side of pit. Bark of juniper, Apache plume, or leaves of bear grass used as torch. When fire burned out, stones worked to bottom of pit and cooled somewhat. Then mescal placed on them. Thick coating of grass laid on mescal, earth from pit spread over grass. Cooking usually started shortly after noon, lasted until dawn of 2d day thereafter. No fire built on top to expedite cooking. Each woman piled her mescal heads together in pit, having cut or poked holes in leaf stubs to indicate ownership. No food taboo while cooking progressed, but sexual intercourse forbidden, though man and wife might sleep together. Mescal would spoil if taboo broken. Menstruating women or new mothers might help to dig pit, but could not scratch themselves with their fingers lest mescal be bitter, white, or not thoroughly cooked. They could use any-kind of wood for scratching sticks. When removed from pit, mescal laid on grass spread for cleanliness over ground. Leaf stubs pulled off, heads peeled, scraps thrown in basket. Men provided stone slabs about 2 ft., 6 in. in diameter or length; on these women macerated mescal. Hard natural cobble with one side sharp or narrow used as hammer. First leaf stubs, then heads pounded to express juice. Brush swab of grass stems with 3 tyings of soaproot Yucca leaf fiber used to transfer excess mescal juice from dish to slab, to be absorbed by drying mescal. Brush called wiyaltwiti (mescal brush); act of brushing juice over mescal slab, wiyalsal-avayali. Result, fibrous rectangular slab (tulava) full of juice, about % in. thick, and 2 ft., 6 in. square. Litter made of 2 parallel mescal flower stalks, laid over with many stems of 'nyanyipa (sun's arrow), a grass growing about 3 ft. high, or Sphaeralcea ambigua (chimpunuka). Slabs of pounded mescal laid to dry on litter, which 2 men moved to pile of brush in sunny 2"Interpreter had never ignited fuel because he was born in winter. 259 2University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. place. Slabs turned over after first day, but not again. Left to dry day and night for about 2 weeks, then stacked in piles, each containing 6 or 7 slabs. During drying, people gathered more mescal, might continue to do so for 3 or 4 months. Some mescal eaten in the period of preparation, rest transported or cached for later transport to more permanent camps. After initial load, carrying done by men only. Six or 7 slabs in each load, roped with mescal-fiber cord. W Yavapai.-Procedure very similar. Women dug new or cleaned out old mescal pit. Men helped get firewood. Fire lit by summer-born young person. Stones, when red-hot, beaten down into pit by big stones thrown in, then raked about with hook of ash wood (tikiru'). Mescal put in pit, covered with straw, earth put on straw. No fire on top. Cooking started in afternoon, continued for 2 nights. Mescal uncovered early on 2d morning, each woman claimed own by location and marks on leaf stubs. No sexual intercourse permitted during cooking lest food be underdone. Presence of expectant mother, menstruating woman, or woman suffering from miscarriage would not harm cooking. Women removed leaves, skinned mescal. Pounded meaty centers on fiat rocks, spread them to dry on litters made of stalks of 'nyanyipa, as above. Each litter placed by 2 women on pile of any kind of brush, accumulated while cooking proceeded. Mescal slab about Y2 in. thick. Dried a day on one side, then turned; 3 or 4 days drying. Slabs rolled separately, tied together with mescal rope; carried by men on backs, while women carried other things in burden baskets, including circular cakes of second quality mescal about 1 ft. in diameter. Cooked mescal piled in house, perhaps covered. Saguaro (Cereus giganteus) NE Yavapai.-Saguaro grew at low elevations, ripening only in summer. Cave Creek and Dead Indian Creek regions visited for saguaro fruit by Prescott and Jerome Yavapai. Fruit pulled off plant with long pole made by lashing together pieces from skeleton of dead sa- guaro. Hooks made from forked branches of jajoba bush; one attached near top of pole, another lower down for shorter saguaro. Fruits collected in burden basket. Those broken by fall piled on sticks over watertight basket to save red juice, which was drunk. A'a, saguaro; a'akwalasipurda (kwala, red; sipurda, top), saguaro fruit; a'amanyak, dark red seed-bearing center of fruit; a'ayache, seeds. Fruit sometimes eaten as it came from plant. Oftener opened, mixed with water, decoc- tion drunk by scooping up liquid with hand. Small black seeds settled to bottom of vessel. These washed, dried, basket-parched, ground on metate to consistency of peanut butter. Squeezed into compact cake, black in color, greasy, nutritious. Carried on warpath. Whole fruit opened with 2 hands, thumbs together, and flattened by hand pressure. Laid on litter of Sphaeralcea ambigua sticks. Dried 2 days, then smeared with juice from fresh fruit. Made into slabs (tuleva) 1 in. thick, and dried. Slab spoiled if made thicker or al- lowed to get wet. A'amanyak, when ripe, most relished part; sometimes fell to ground when fruit opened naturally. Then collected in baskets, dried, pressed into bricks (tuleva) 6 in. to 1 ft. thick, which kept a year or longer. Pieces broken off, sometimes pounded with muller to soften. Beverage made by stirring in water. Seeds settled to bottom, treated as described above. W Yavapai.-Saguaro (a'a) ripened in summer; grew in many places, especially in Kofa mts. Burden basket for gathering fruit made partly watertight by smearing it inside with gummy Indian "wheat" (nyanyochkirkopa, literally, sound of tapping) ground on metate This "wheat" never eaten. Beneath point of burden basket, small coiled basket tied-held in place between burden basket and back-to catch drip of red, sticky saguaro juice. MEDICINES Besides seeking the shaman's aid to cure disease, the NE Yavapai used a number of plants for medicinal purposes: Allionia coccinea, kupasi, for gonorrhea; root pounded, boiled, decoction drunk. No gonorrhea before whites came; negro said to have introduced it at San Carlos. 260 Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai Arenaria sp., iwila atata (iwila, plant; atata, pointed), root pounded on flat rock and bailed. Bitter decoction drunk for stomachache, had cathartic qualities. In modern times, drunk by person who overindulges in maize wine (tulepai, in Apache). Baccharis pteronioides, moulsnya (antelope steps on it: moul, antelope; snya, steps on it). Leaves or roots boiled, used as wash for rheumatism and gonorrhea. Calliandra eriophylla, sovasi (literally, childbirth drink: sova, childbirth; si, drink). After childbirth, woman drank boiled decoction of leaves and stems of this plant. This is "red" sovasi, as distinguished from sovasi kaya (different sovasi), plant of another family, viz., Eriogonum polifoliusm, which was not used at all. Clematis ligusticifolia, iwilnyakenyaka (plant intertwining). Root pulverized and boiled slightly, decoction drunk for stomachache. Had peppery flavor. Nowadays root used in tulepai. Cyperus sp., matadeso', root dried, pulverized, dusted on sores; also boiled, decoction drunk for colds and stomach trouble. Datura meteloides, jimsonweed, smalikatu'; used seldom because it "crazed." Sometimes man drank decoction or ate leaf for success in deer hunt, was "crazy" for 2 or 3 days. Plant not used in any form by W Yavapai. Euphorbia, kwakama (kwaka, deer; ma, food). Boiled decoction used on sores and gonor- rhea. Holocantha emoryi. Buds pulverized, milky fluid rubbed on face to stop pimples. Iris missouriensis, inyokashaha (shaha, odoriferous). Root boiled, drunk as purgative. Larrea mexicana, umsi'. Leaves and stems boiled, decoction drunk for sore throat, also used as wash for rheumatism, cuts, sores, gonorrhea. Dried leaves pulverized, applied to sores. Whole leaves applied to penis for gonorrhea. Mimulus nasutus, iwilahacha. Boiled, tea drunk for stomachache. Pellaea mucronata, fern, kovathi. Boiled, drunk as tea by women after childbirth. Dried leaves pulverized, dusted on sores. Perezia sp., milpuchawama'. Cottonlike material at root base placed on baby's umbilicus. After 4 days, umbilical cord and "cotton" fail off. Bumex crispus, matpesa. Tubers cut, boiled; decoction gargled for sore throat, drunk for cough and stomachache. Tuber dried, pulverized, applied to sores, or to chafed skin of baby. Said to soothe at once. Both sexes used decoction as wash for gonorrhea, then applied pow- der. For toothache, either fresh or boiled tuber, placed against gum or tooth, or decoction held in mouth. Senecio multitlobatus, lewiichayi (lewiu, sore; ohayi, pour in). Leaves boiled, or dried and powdered, applied to sores. Steam inhaled for sore nose or cold. Root boiled and drunk for stomachache, also used as wash for gonorrheal sores. Isimakanyach. Sprouts used for brewing medicinal tea, for shaman to rub on sick person. Pulverized, boiled root of isimakwatapitaya (isima, medicine; kwata, red; pitaya, big) rubbed on legs or drunk as cure for rheumatism. SOME PLANTS NOT USED NE Yavapai had sufficient interest in flora to name useless plants: Argemone platyceras, chicalote thistle-poppy, miyi'hitaha. Asclepiadora decumbens, mawhatasilawo (bear's claw; so named because of fancied re- semblance). Asclepias sp., ismakata. Dudleya sp., miyewiyal (miye, ghost; wiyal, mescal). Eleocharis sp., sedge, mevitik. Eriogonum polifolium, sovasi kaya (different sovasi), see Calliandra eriophylla, "red" sovasi, above. Erodium cicutarium, stork's bill, minimina huchischura (minimina, hummingbird; hu, 261 262 University of California Publicationa in Am. Arch. and Ethn. nose; chisehura, thrusting points into nose). Both botanists and Yavapai reeognize resem- blance of flower to bird's long beak. Forestiera neomexicana, iwilalaka (plant intertwined). Hymenopappus filifolius, yachuwachuus. Hyptis emoryi, white sage, iwilthautuwacha. Krameria parvifolia, iwilanyacha (iwila, plant; nyacha, black); so named because of its dark stems. Mimosa sp., cat's elaw, isaka. Pentstemon, husichura (hu, nose; stick in, sichura). Phoradendron coryae, mistletoe, tomosa. Plantago patagonica, yanyochakikop ("sound of boots when one is walking"). Prunus sp., mawhatama (mawhata, bear; ma, food). Bears ate cherrylike fruit. Ptelea sp., kwaka-imoni (deer rub horns on). Used as inner thatch; not eaten. Quercus reticulata, scrub oak, tinik. Acorns bitter. Gallnuts of this oak called tolketolke. Quercus sp., 'ilaka. Senecio douglasii, iwilakwatha. Sitanion hystrix, iwilkamchak (iwil, plant; kamchak, termite). Tule pollen not used as food by NE or W Yavapai. Verbascun thapsus, mullen, miasita (mia, hairy; sita, one). Verbena bracteosa, ahatadjima (ahata, horse; djima, fruit). Xanthium canadense, cocklebur, ahatehekespansva (ahat, horse; ehe, tail; kespansva, sticking on). Akakama (food of akaka; they are supernatural beings dwelling in holes in cliffs), grows near Mayer, but not Prescott. Atatkashula, cactus somewhat like Itukwis (Opuntia echinocarpa). Chamkimidimin (the straight shooter). Isdats, a sort of palo verde. Ismapataya (isma, medicine; pataya, big). Iwilakwatha (iwila, plant; kwatha, yellow). Kwakasauwapuk (fawn's knee: kwaka, deer; sauwa, young of any creature; puk, knee; so named because of fancied resemblance of joints in plant to knee of fawn). Moulewekisolisole (moul, antelope; we, vulva; kisolisole, shaking). Sinikarahara, tall oak with bitter acorns. AGRICULTURE NE Yavapai.-Maize (tiyaeh) and tobacco cultivated. Beans, pumpkins," watermelons, gourds not grown. Garden, matinyu; to plant, kwali. Maize planted near stream's edge, not irrigated and usually not cultivated. Maize reputed to have come from Navaho to Wipu- kupa, who lived in caves in rugged Redroek country toward Flagstaff, but periodically de- scended Oak er. to plant maize. At Castle hot spring, maize planted 1%2 mi. below spring in soil dampened by creek waters. Planted in June by both men and women in damp bottomland on s side Big Bug cr., at A'akwa, E of Mayer-Cordes highway. Ground weeded first. After plants 1Y2 ft. high, peo- ple went s. Maize ripe when they returned. Other Yavapai would not molest maize while owners away. Mat-haupapaya did not plant anywhere else. Gave Prescott people maize when they visited A'akwa; not in trade, but as outright gift to kinsmen. Blue, white, red, and red and white varieties planted. No color symbolism, no prayers at planting. Birds seldom molested growing maize. Seed saved for planting each year. Small circular areas prepared with digging stick of any kind of wood. Three or 4 seeds planted in each hole, grew up in bunches about 2 ft. apart. When plants about 18 in. tall, earth heaped about 6 in. high around them; earth loosened first with digging stick, then scraped up with 7Informant Michael Burns deelared that pumpkins were grown on lower Oak cr. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai hands. This done to keep roots better covered. Plants grew 3 or 4 ft. high. Leaves of grow- ing maize, havshui. Ripe maize dried in sun for ca. 1 month after husking. Grains removed from cob by hand, with thumb exerting prineipal pressure. No maize traded; some taken to neighbors who had none. Mat-haupapaya of A'akwa stored maize for winter use in storage cave near Cordes, close to spring from which present pipeline on Turkey Creek road eomes. Growers lived in Turkey Creek cave in winter, and went to storage eave and spring for maize and water. Maize stored in burden baskets covered with 1 or 2 in. of bear grass lashed on with soaproot Yucca leaves. Base of conical basket set in hole ca. 1 ft. deep, lined with grass; stones put around base to keep basket upright. Cave rats could not molest it. Ears of green maize boiled and eaten from cob, or roasted-husked or unhusked-in coals. Dry maize basket-parched, ground on metate, boiled in pot. Salted while boiling. Dif- ferent colors of maize not separated at grinding. Meal not used to thicken stew as was acorn meal. No other food cooked with maize-meal mush. No paper bread made. W Yavapai.-Planted more than either SE or NE Yavapai, also got agricultural prod- ucts from Yuma. Crops not weeded because Tolkepaya went to mts. during growing season. Returned to harvest crops. Did not plant near mt. springs or "tanks" used for drinking, but sometimes in damp places by stream. Lived chiefly on mescal while cultivated plants were maturing. "A few of the A-Yuma formerly raised small patches of maize ti-yatch, and laid by a lit- tle for winter."28 At Colorado r., people planted maize, beans, pumpkins, watermelons, muskmelons, gourds. Cultivated on Williams r. if sufficient water; some years there was none. "Wild wheat" not planted by Tolkepaya, but by Yuma. When Tolkepaya grew own maize (tiyach), they got seed from Yuma. Colors: white (with medium-sized ear), red, blue, sometimes white and red mixed. Some green maize roasted or boiled on cob; most ground and eaten as mush. Following varieties of beans sometimes grown from seed got from Yuma: black-eyed beans (cowpeas), marika a'ma', literally, quail (a'ma') beans, so named because of mark- ings; small white beans, marika nyumisava; small brown beans, marika akwasa; yellow beans, marika kwatha. Pumpkins (hamte') grown: smooth, ribbed, spotted, and dark green (hamte' kasak, crow pumpkin). Pumpkin seeds as well as flesh eaten. Watermelons (komto) also grown. Men planted seeds of ikete' (Yuma akete') bush in soft mud; blew seeds from mouths. Informant did not know if sexual intercourse taboo before planting. Harvested mostly by women and children. Seeds ground on metate. Ikete' does not grow at Arlington on Gila r. TOBACCO NE Yavapai.-Nicotiana attenuata, huuva and huuva kyula (tall), raised. Brush burned from field to aid plant growth. Men started smoking when 40 or 50 years old. Old men plucked tobacco stems and leaves, which were sun-dried on ground for week, turned daily. Ground on flat stone or crumpled with hands for smoking in pottery pipe. Tobacco kept in ground-squirrel-skin bag used hair side out, with head forming bottom. Tail hung outside bag. Bag closed by winding buckskin string around mouth. No draw- string. Pipe not carried in tobacco bag, usually in little pocket in buckskin tunic. Tubular pottery pipe (ikonu, clay; umuhu, pipe) made by women for men. Painted red before firing. Hole in mouthpiece made by slowly inserting small stick in the soft clay, later withdrawing it. Pipe about 4 in. long, had no wooden stem; when smoked, was tilted up- ward. Men smoked frequently, often one pipeful immediately after another. If only one pipe in group, each smoker smoked one pipeful, which took several minutes, then passed pipe to neighbor. Dried stem of Eriogonum inflatum, matsuwa, used as tobacco pipe if pottery pipe lacking. It burned with the tobacco. "Corbusier, 326. 263 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. NE and W Yavapai tell story that tobacco once was woman. Young man jilted her and, in spite, she turned into tobacco and all wanted her. W Yavapai.-Both wild and planted tobacco (huwa) smoked, but by grown men only. Not chewed or eaten. Brush burned from land where tobacco seed scattered. Sexual inter- course not taboo before planting. Tobacco allowed to grow without care. Not traded to Yuma. Tobacco pipes (amaho' or umulhu) of 3 types: (1) Elbow pipe of clay with cane stem at right angle to long axis of bowl. Ancient type. Made by man. Stem fitted into soft clay of bowl, then removed, bowl fired, stem refitted. No temper in pipe clay. (2) Tubular clay pipe. (3) Cane (ata') alone also used as tubular pipe. When burned short, thrown away. Smoking at any time. Headman of camp usually had tobacco. Men smoked when plan- ning hunt or telling myths at his hut. Had one clay pipe; each smoker took 1 or 2 puffs and passed pipe on. Each man might have his own cane pipe. ANIMALS General NE Yavapai terms in reference to animals: idji, fish of any kind; ichisa, bird of any kind; sauwa, young of any creature; mat, body of animal or person, living or dead; puk, knee. Dogs Some NE Yavapai informants insisted dogs (kasarr) obtained only after whites came. Young dogs eaten. Mat-haupapaya at Humboldt had white dogs. W Yavapai had few dogs (kisar or kisat); occasionally ate them; gave them names: example, Wichispala, for male or female; valued sexes equally. Deer NE Yavapai.-Venison staple meat. Kwaka, deer; kwakasauwa, fawn. Found throughout habitat at all seasons, especially abundant in Redrock country, Black mesa, Granite peak. Sexual intercourse prohibited for 1 or 2 nights before hunting. Sweat bath not manda- tory before hunt, but often taken. Snares, nets, pitfalls, deer fences not used. Myth refers to Turtle placing himself in pit in deer trail; deer slipped on Turtle's back and broke legs.29 Before daylight and without breakfast, men went deer hunting. Runners with great en- durance ran down deer, tracking them for day. Deer driven by line of men and surrounded in narrow canyon. Killed with bows and arrows. Man decoyed deer by blowing with piece of grass in mouth, producing whistling sound which imitated cry of fawn. Hunter stalking deer wore stuffed deer head.Y0 Kept to leeward of deer, seeking conceal- ment of bushes. Sometimes 2 hunted in this way. If one killed deer, he called companion to help him. Stalkers had to move carefully, could not break twigs or make other noises. Fol- lowed deer tracks, which they often found in creek or arroyo beds. Rifle made deer mask obsolete. In informant's time, antlers on mask were partly cut away with steel knife to les- sen weight; this not done earlier. No wooden horns substituted. Scrub-oak ring at neck base of deer mask fitted over wearer's head; mask was held in place by buckskin cords tied under wearer's chin. Hunter approaching buck angered it by striking horns of mask against brush. Buck, with hair along back erect, rushed man, who shot it as it came close. Only shaman who had been singing for deer followed procedure described for SE Ya- vapai.'1 Ordinary hunter did not. Men sometimes sang for success in dwelling on evening before hunt. Only men present, usually many took part. Man also might sing when starting on hunt. Informant's song: "I am going now. I am crossing one creek now, but I shall not cross the second creek because I shall find the deer the people want before I come to the second creek. I shall find a large fat buck." In afternoon he would kill deer. What he sang was lucky, reputed to be song goddess Komwidapokuwia taught her grandson, Skatakaam- cha. Informant learned it from mother's brother. Individual deer songs differed. No guar- dian deity of deer. 2'Gifford, 1933b, 392. '*Corbusier, 329. nGifford, 1932a, 215. 264 Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai When hunter killed deer, he said: "May I kill another and another and another." Shrub Ceanothus greggii, ikiRwilla, used as bed for slain deer, or deer meat being skinned. Liver and meat from flank cooked at once. Intestines taken home, there cleaned and cooked. Paunch cleaned at butchering place, taken home to boil. Foetus eaten. For carrying meat, pack strap put over forehead or chest; if over chest, thumbs sometimes thrust under strap to ease pressure. Deer brains saved for dressing buckskin. Head boiled, meat eaten. Heart roasted in coals. Bones split for marrow (sinyo-inyoha), which was eaten raw; lower leg- bone fragments used for awls. Remaining bones ground on metate, roasted on coals, eaten. W Yavapai.-Deer (akwaka) most important large food animal. Before hunting, sha- man might sing to give hunters good luck. No rule against sexual intercourse prior to hunt- ing. Deer obtained in mts. Burro deer which lived along lower Colorado r. not hunted. Some men used deer mask. Man laid deer on ground to skin it. Cut down its belly, skinned one side, put it on brush to keep it clean, skinned other side. Guts cleaned, roasted in coals. Venison broiled or boiled. Only salt added in boiling. If several hunters, all shared with killer; he got hind legs, meat along back with sinew, and skin. He did not claim head; someone else took it. Inexpert hunter of party might claim breast and ribs, and get them. He said "Temuvi." (Meaning?) Also, anyone who found hunter butchering deer might say this word, and receive breast and ribs. Paunch taken home and cooked, divided among hunters. Liver cooked at place of kill "because hunters hun- gry." Hunter took home small piece of liver for wife. She ate it while undoing load. Man carried meat on back, using buckskin pack strap over forehead. Sometimes used mescal rope for pack strap. Held strap on either side in hands to take some weight off head. Single hunter might gut animal to lighten load. In party of hunters, one might carry viscera. Lone hunter who got deer gave part of it to all in camp. Sometimes gave the hide to his mother-in-law. Her husband, if she had one, dressed the hide. If she were a widow, hunter made hide into moccasins or buckskin for her. Antelope and Mountain Sheep NE Yavapai.-Antelope lived in broad, treeless valleys, were difficult to approach. They were one of attractions at lsteyachikame. No singing prior to antelope hunt, which was of less consequence than deer hunt. Ante- lope taken by stalking, driving, surrounding. One aged informant, although experienced hunter, had killed only one antelope, which he stalked with antelope mask in Lonesome valley below Mingus mt. Wore disguise of antelope head sewed on buckskin cape. Antelope charged him, he shot it when it got close to him. Antelope butchered like deer, buckskin made of hide. Marrow eaten. Sometimes more than 10 men in antelope hunt. Some hid behind bushes. One hid at point where animals likely to pass, shot them as other men drove them by. One informant saw antelope-surround between upper Verde r. and Flagstaff. Hunters lit fires around herd, shouted to keep animals within circle, gradually closed in, while animals milled around acting "just like sheep." Hunters killed about 100. These hunters from Redrock country, led by Wekepaka, man expert in use of fire in hunting. Mt. sheep abounded in Redrock country, hunted by resident Yavape. No mt. sheep in Mat-haupapaya country, but Mat-haupapaya occasionally killed one when on trip s in SE Yavapai country. Mt. sheep hunted in mts. called Wikispil (hard rock) in W Yavapai ter- ritory to sw of Prescott, reached via Kirkland and Thompson valleys. W Yavapai.-Antelope on Harquahala plains, but not hunted because they "ate toads." Antelope mask unknown. Mt. sheep (amu) killed in mts of W Yavapai country, especially at big rock, Helwate', at N end of Gila Bend mts. Animals usually very fat. Flesh eaten, skins used for blankets. 265 266 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Rabbits NE Yavapai.-Cottontail rabbit (helo'), jackrabbit (kulo or kula'), rabbit of interme- diate species, with relatively small ears (kulo). Men shot sitting rabbits with bows and arrows, pulled them from burrows by twisting sticks into their fur. Occasionally bowled over running rabbits with boomerangs. Stick used to extract rabbits from burrows was cut across at one end to roughen it. This end was thrust against rabbit's body, twisted to engage its fur. In spring or autumn, brush burned to drive rabbits to burrows, where they were taken by this method. Brush not burned in midsum- mer because weather too hot. Rabbit visible in burrow was dispatched with arrow. Flesh boiled in pots, or slightly charred on exterior to keep from 5 to 7 days. Young men made rabbit hunt rough-and-tumble game. Often piled on top of one another on bush under which rabbit had taken refuge. Rabbit might escape between their legs unless some watchful person shot it or struck it with stick. Rabbits decoyed by call of hunter made with finger against one side of mouth. Rabbit bones too small to crack for marrow. Not used for whistles or other purposes,82 according to my informants. W Yavapai.-Jackrabbits and cottontails taken from burrows with sticks, and shot with bows and arrows. In rabbit drive, men burned brush, then kept to leeward and killed animals as they fled before fire. Rabbits killed with sticks either thrown or used as clubs. These sticks straight or crooked, broken from bushes; apparently not shaped as boomerangs. Rabbits also taken with spring trap and noose. Cooked in ashes or boiled. Also preserved several days by skinning, charring slightly, and hanging up. Woodrats NE and W Yavapai.-Woodrats caught in stone deadfall trap,88 without bait, so placed that animal sprang trigger in passing. Trap at times baited with cooked mescal. Set by man. Woodrat nests in cacti or bushes pulled to pieces with 6- to 8-ft. stick with curved end; stored pi-non nuts taken, rats killed as they left nest. Shot with arrows, hit with sticks, or seized by necks in bare hands and struck against rocks. Rats poked out of nest with straight end of stick; if they did not come out, crooked end of stick used to pull nest to pieces. Rats tied in pairs with soaproot fiber around necks. Eight pairs might be tied on one piece of fiber. Woodrats boiled whole (NE Yavapai), with intestines removed (W Yavapai). Some baked under ashes. Skinned before baking and skin placed in cleaned abdominal cavity. Skin eaten as delicacy. Woodrats skinned, slightly charred, and hung in hut in bundles of 20 or 30, kept for a few days. Boiled later. Woodrat brains sometimes preserved for skin dressing. W Yavapai did not use woodrat fur but NE Yavapai did, as described below. Other Mammals NE Yavapai.-Coyote, kasarakwada (dog of desert), kasarakwarar (dog of wilderness), kasarr kwaruapaya (dog in the wilderness), kasarr ahana (good dog). Eaten only when venison scarce. Caught in large deadfall traps34 baited with woodrats. Stones so arranged that trap could be approached only from side. Coyote meat cooked in earth oven after evis- ceration and skinning. Marrow not eaten. W Yavapai.-Coyote, kisarahana, translated "pretty dog" and "real dog," also kisarak- wada (wilderness dog). Informants did not know if coyote meat eaten. NE Yavapai.-Zufii prairie dogs (dikasi') caught in stone deadfall trap. Cooked in hot ashes after gutting and skinning. Skin not used. Large ground squirrel (milta, name refers 82Corbusier (282) says that ornaments were made of rabbit bones. ImSpier, 1928, fig. 4 "Spier, 1928, fig. 4. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai to running and making tracks) caught in stone deadfall trap. Other squirrels: Arizona tree squirrel (mipiista), chipmunk (imida), antelope chipmunk (matmidita), small striped- faced chipmunk of Prescott region (nukwis). Porcupine (ka'tata) caught in stone deadfall trap. Roasted in earth oven after skinning. Skunk killed with arrow or stone, cooked in earth oven after scent bag removed. Striped skunk (chahuiwa), spotted skunk (kawiwa), hog-nosed skunk (sakomata or satkumaka). Raccoons eaten. Ring-tailed cats taken in rocky places, cooked in earth oven. Badgers run down and clubbed, cooked in earth oven; meat believed to give strength to eaters. Bat (kompanyika) not eaten. Mt. lions tracked and shot with bows and arrows. Skinned, meat boiled, not roasted. Wildcats took to bushes when pursued but did not climb. Were run down and elubbed to death, or shot with bows and arrows. Cooked in earth oven, not boiled. Marrow of mt. lion, wildcat not eaten. "Tiger" (imita) described as larger than wildcat and with longer hair; orange buff in color. W Yavapai.-Other mammals eaten: ground squirrel (sometimes extracted from burrow by stiek method), wildcat, fox (kokol), badger, raccoon. Last 4 gutted, skinned, cooked in earth oven. Mammals not eaten: skunk, mt. lion (numita), wolf (hatukwila). Birds NE Yavapai.-Gambel's quail (ama') sought at nest under cactus or bush, shot while sit- ting. Fresh eggs and birds cooked in ashes. Eggs eaten only by old people; might make young people freckled. Objeetion to eggs with foetuses curious, since deer foetuses eaten. Wild turkey found in pine forests. Killed with regular arrow with either stone or hard- wood point, or run down and killed with stiek. Cooked in earth oven. 5 Neither feathers nor bones used. Mourning doves (ikuwi) and white-winged doves (kwalito) killed with bows and arrows, cooked in ashes without eviscerating or picking. When nesting bird discovered, hunter ap- proached slowly and shot it from side with arrow. Carried it home under belt. Band-tailed pigeon (Columba fasciata), sakowita, not killed; too wary. Roadrunners (thilpuk) killed, but not eaten because they ate lizards. Crow, hawk, and turkey vulture (ise) not eaten. Other birds: thrasher (ichisahutakalu), hummingbird (minimina), mockingbird (saku- wila), Woodhouse jay (djaschasa), raven (gisak), black-headed grosbeak (istawha), black-headed towhee (itasaawha), Abert's towhee (iehisawecemapa), oriole, (ista'aha, cot- tonwood bird). Small birds were carried as were woodrats, by tucking heads under belt. All kinds shot till more than 20 taken. Cooked in ashes with feathers on, guts in. Yu, great horned owl, also large moth with hornlike projection on head; yu refers to horns. Chicken called kolayawa, term thought to be derived from Yuma or Mohave. None before whites came. W Yavapai.-Trap in which birds, rabbits, and rodents caught, made by bending springy branch to ground. Noose laid on ground and attached to branch. Baited stick arranged so touch released bent-over branch, which flew up and tightened noose around creature's foot or neck. Bird trap like mockingbird cage, door arranged with trigger as in rodent deadfall. Bird caught alive. Trap used especially for quail. Doves and quail also shot for food, cooked in hot ashes. Doves: Chamaepelia passerina (kuiyada), Zenaidura carolinensis (kui), Scardafella inca (kuiyerva), Melopelia asiatica (ku'a'). Quail eggs eaten by older people only, might make young people freckled. Eggs boiled or buried in hot ashes. Crows cooked in ashes or boiled. No turkeys in W Yavapai country. Neither meat nor feathers of turkey vulture used. Golden eagle (asta'), roadrunner, hawk 35Corbusier (326) says they were not eaten. 267 268 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. not eaten. Ducks and geese not eaten; Shampura said of them, "I'm human; we do not eat water stuff." This typical Southwestern attitude. Mockingbirds caged as pets. Cage square, made of twigs, resembling Kamia cage.TM Door probably on top. Twigs probably tied with sinew. Cage ca. 16 in. square, 10 in. high. Made by men. Birds kept by children. Fed grasshoppers, dry meat, maize-meal mush. No religious motive, such as aid to oratory, discernible. Reptiles and Batrachians Desert tortoise killed by wringing neck. Shell smashed with stone, viscera removed. Liver cooked on coals. Urine and plates of shell preserved for medicinal purposes. Tortoise, with hot stones inside, baked bottom down in small earth oven for half-day. Oven covered with grass, brush, earth. Flesh loosened by cooking and easily removed from interior of shell. Meat and bone eaten by all. Meat believed to impart health and strength to children. Plates cooked till black, pulverized, boiled in tortoise urine, then drunk as cure for difficult urina- tion. Pulverized plates rubbed on belly for stomach trouble. Chuckwalla (Sauromalus obesus), hamthul (NE Yavapai), sakowala (W Yavapai) eaten. Extracted from rock crevices by sharp stick twisted into skin; seized by tail and struck against rock to kill. Cooked in hot ashes, either gutted or ungutted. Mat-haupapaya obtained chuckwalla in Black Canyon region. No other reptiles and no batrachians eaten. For discussion of Gila monster (hamtuluta, NE Yavapai), see section on this lizard under Religion. NE Yavapai term for small lizards in general, kasila; for whiptail lizard (Cnemidophorus gularis), kutula; for frog, hanyiko or nya; for tadpole, yikisauwa; for turtle, halakova, water living in. Green lizard reputed more poisonous than rattlesnake by NE Yavapai. Shamans told of 4-round battle in which this lizard killed rattlesnake. Insects Large caterpillar ('mi'), with black and yellow encircling bands and horn on tail, was eaten by both NE and W Yavapai. Some caterpillars nearly 1 inch in diameter. Found on sticky grass (kitinyov) which comes up after summer rains. Posterior ends pinched off, insides squeezed out, bodies boiled in pot, salted, eaten with fingers. No caterpillars or chrysalids taken from pines by NE Yavapai. NE Yavapai ate yellowjacket nests, but not grasshoppers. Neither yellowjackets' honey nor grubs eaten by W Yavapai. Ants' eggs not eaten by either group. Kisanana, large black beetle, Eleodes obscura sulcipennis,37 obtained at Prescott. W Yavapai said Papago taught them the preparation of "sugar" from aphid3a excre- tions on willow and cane leaves. Excretions picked and washed off leaves. Boiled, allowed to congeal; result, sugary white substance from which, when cool, small pieces broken off, eaten as sweetmeats. Another manner of utilizing aphid excretions described by Corbu- sier :89 "In the spring a white sugary substance called honey dew is frequently found on the leaves and young stems of a species of willow quite common along Date creek. They break off the branches and stir them in water to dissolve the honey dew, and make a refreshing drink." 8TGifford, 1931, pl. 2b. 87Identification kindly made by Professor W. B. Herms, University of California. TmIdentified as aphid excretions by Professors P. B. Sears and E. 0. Essig. See Essig, 1934, 183. TmOp. cit., 328. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai MATERIAL CULTURE Yavapai material culture is perhaps best designated as Great Basin in its general characteristics. It lacks ideintifying specializations. The absence or low development of certain inventions marks the material culture as deficient in relation to its geographic environment. To cite exam- ples: Acorn leaching would have added an abundance of one or more foods to the diet. Many more rabbits could have been caught with nets such as those used by the Californians. Cordage and its dependent art of bast weaving were virtually undeveloped. Western Yavapai basketry has been praised but, com- pared with Pomo basketry, it appears very limited in scope. Although their predecessors and neighbors were excellent potters, the Yavapai developed nothing noteworthy in the fictile art; indeed, their pottery seems to have been plain, unornamented ware which barely served its practical purpose. The masonry structures of their predecessors aroused no spirit of emulation in these lowly hunters and gatherers. Instead of laboriously shaping their own mortars and metates, they used those left by the former inhabitants of the land. Agriculture with them was only a feeble, sporadic, inefficient attempt to duplicate the efforts of their neighbors. FIRE NE Yavapai.-Drill (okachi) made of Haplopappus linearifolius (okachi) which grew near Turkey and Mayer; carried in quiver on trips to higher elevations. Hearth made of stalk (ichicha) of split bear grass, Nolina microcarpa (ikanyur). This stalk dry, soft, and pithy; used flat side up and suitably notched. To bore holes in hearth, cuts made, filled with sand, and quickly hollowed to requisite depth with drill. Hearth used on top of small flat stone which caught dust. This dust transferred to tinder of dry grass, shredded juniper bark, or shredded Apache-plume bark. Spark blown to flame with breath. Process of drill- ing fire called oka. Drill 20 in. long lasted 4 or 5 months. Young vigorous person drilled fire; old person preferred to carry slow match of shredded juniper bark, tightly bound with soaproot Yucca (monat) fiber. Match 2 ft. long would burn all day, was carried espeeially on trips. Also used by W Yavapai. W Yavapai.-Firedrill of okachi stem, hearth of saguaro rib. Hearth notched to allow dust to run down to tinder. Spark caught on grass fiber and leaves. Drill and hearth wrapped to keep dry. Fire drilled oftener by men than by women. When possible, fire kept alive to avoid drilling. Percussion method heard of, but stones used in it not known. SHELTER Both NE and W Yavapai lived in caves (uwiya, NE; uiya, W) wherever caves available, elsewhere in huts. Shades were utilized by both groups, but only NE Yavapai used the sweat house, although W Yavapai myths mention it. On Colorado r., W Yavapai built Yuma- type rectangular earth-covered huts. Elsewhere their huts, like NE Yavapai's, were domed and without earth covering. Caves NE Yavapai.-At least 2 caves (uwiya) occupied by some Mat-haupapaya in winter: one on Cherry cr., one on Turkey cr. near Prescott National Forest boundary. Second, which I examined, housed 3 or 4 families totaling about 12 persons. Usually 2 fires. Water fetched from spring about a mile upstream. Mouth of cave faced E. See ground plan, fig. 1; also pl. 8a. 269 270 University of California Publications in Aim. Arch. and Ethn. 3 a c . . * 02 1 1 6 3 ................. .ncircling 7 a half around writ on under side 7 b 5 e10) a 0 9 b Left wrist 8 a (upper side) Left wrist (under side) 8 b encircling 8 C 10 12 11 Figs. 1-12.-(1) Floor of Turkey Creek cave (see pl. 8a). (2) Six-inch timber over which hide draped for dehairing. NE Yavapai. (3) Forehead and chin tattoo designs of NE Yava- pai woman. (4) Tattoo design on lower arm of W Yavapai man. (5) Tattoo design on chest of W Yavapai man. (6) Tattoo design on chin of W Yavapai woman. (7) Tattoo design on right wrist of W Yavapai woman. (8) Tattoo design on left wrist of W Yavapai woman. (9) NE Yavapai pots, drawn by interpreter: a, imat tisole, boiling pot for venison; b, kuu- mat, boiling pot for seed; c, d, kuukachakunu', small pans for dishing from larger vessels and to carry supplies from granary to cooking place. (10) NE Yavapai pitched, twined bas- ketry water bottles. (11) Encircling design on W Yavapai burden basket. (12) NE Yavapai coiled basketry water bottle. 9 c Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai Floor level and sandy, comprising about 400 sq. ft. Two fires near front so heat circu- lated to back of cave. Near this cave was smaller one for storing nonfood articles, e.g., buck- skin. Close to spring was another cave where maize stored. Caves used from November to April. When moving from cave, people carried all supplies with them. Food kept in pots and baskets. No cists dug. In Granite Peak region, no caves for winter habitation. Natives oc- casionally wintered there in huts, but preferred to go s to lower elevations at Mayer or Turkey cr., where no snow. W Yavapai.-Lived in caves (uiya) in rainy weather. Food stored there in pots covered with brush and earth. No "spirit" sticks'0 to guard entrance. Visitors might help themselves to small amount of stored food. Cave in Castle Dome mts. at edge of "tank" from which water easily dipped. Pottery ollas left in cave broken by whites. Close by was mt. and can- yon where mulberry (bumua') for bows obtained. This place mentioned in myth concerning god Matinyaupakaamcha. Huts NE Yavapai.-When traveling from camp to camp, people did not use old huts. They built new ones. uwasakwicha, huts in circle, built for guests at dance of incitement. Domed hut (uwa'), measured at Prescott, had oval floor area 10 by 21 ft. Roof at center 6 to 7 ft. high. Took one person one day to build hut. Ocotillo branches, scraped free of spines, used for hut frame at lower altitudes. Stone was imbedded in hole on outer side of each branch to brace against leverage developed when branch was bent to form dome of house. At an- cient site in pine forest on Senator highway s of Prescott, oval rings of stones apparently marked house sites. Numerous sherds, metates, mullers present. Site not known to infor- mants, perhaps pre-Yavapai. Arches of brush not planted to form circle, as described by Goddard'1 for larger San Carlos Apache houses. Huts often had 3 layers of thatch: inner of iwila hamasi (star bushes) or kwaka-imoni (deer rub horns on), Ptelea sp.; middle of iwilata, Johnson grass, a kind of cane or jointed grass; outer of ikanyur (bear grass), Nolina microcarpa, or of juniper bark. Juniper, Juni- perus utahensis, bark stripped from trees for thatch, applied to house in strips with maxi- mum width of 8 in. Stripping did not kill trees because only outer bark taken. Pieces 7 or 8 ft. long cut from bottom of tree upward; base struck with sharp-edged stone, not worked knife. This done at no special season. Bark used for houses in juniper belt, not carried to lower altitudes where substitutes present, such as bear grass at Mayer. Bear grass found also in juniper belt, but bark, when available, preferred for thatching. W Yavapai.-Hut (uwambuiva, house round) domed like NE Yavapai's. Usually had 1 door, 2 in hot weather. Hut framework of ocotillo, willow, or mesquite. Thatched with grass on outside. When on Colorado r., people built rectangular house (uwatamarva, house buried) like Yuma's, with earth heaped against arrowweed sides and over flat arrowweed roof. Area of floor perhaps 12 by 12 ft. Cottonwood posts, willow rafters. Brush smudges burned both indoors and outdoors in attempt to repel mosquitoes. Shades NE Yavapai.-Rectangular flat-topped shade (uwashehelva) for summer use, particularly in Verde valley. Built by single family; rafters of cottonwood, 4 posts, no walls. Baccharis glutinosa, hatavil, used as roofing for shade, sometimes for hut. W Yavapai.-Shade of saguaro ribs stuck horizontally in branches of living tree, with brush placed on top; used in mountains. On Colorado r., square shade built of cottonwood posts with green willow or cottonwood branches on top. Shade of either type, wasaihelva. Square house and shade thought to be imitations of Yuma shelters. 4"Campbell, 24, pl. 9. "1927, 145. 271 272 University of California Publication8 in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Sweat Hiouse Man used sweat house when tired or aching after long walk, before deer or antelope hunt, or for illness. Sometimes sick woman used it. Capacity 2 or 3 persons. After sweating, person jumped into pool. An informant, who had sweat house far removed from pool, doused him- self with bucket of water after sweating. Sweat house small, domed, covered with bear grass and earth to retain heat. Covering not removed after each use, as is present-day covering of blankets. Inside to right of entrance was place for hot stones on which water poured to generate steam. Stones heated outside. At Prescott, at least, sweat-house stones used only once because they broke when reheated. Outside Jim Stacey's sweat house was pile of used stones, including fragment of lava me- tate. P1. 8b. W Yavapai had no sweat house. Bedding NE Yavapai.-Mattresses on which blankets spread made of stems and foliage of Arte- misia tridentata (sauvakiminimin), Gnaphalium sp. (iwilakwaya, light-weight plant), No- lina microcarpa (ikanyur), Larrea mexicana (this used to make mattress for sick person), and juniper bark or dead willow bark rumpled and softened with hands. Nolina microcarpa (bear grass) least liked. Inner willow bark woven into rough mat, strips serving as warp, soaproot (Yucca) leaf string as weft. Checker or wicker weave. This mat used as mat- tress top. Following used to lie on or for covers: Navaho blanket; buckskin; bearskin; badger skins sewed together; rabbitskin blanket; juniper bark blanket. Bearskin and sewed coyote skins used especially for covers. In blankets woven of rabbitskins, species often intermingled. Leg skin not used. Skin cut spirally in single long strip 1 in. wide. Cutting began at edge, continued spirally to center. Strip twisted so fur out, fastened to upright sticks or laid over bushes to dry for 3 days. Blanket woven on ground by man. No frame or sticks used to support work or hold it rigid. Weave checker. All warps laid first in one continuous piece, which, when corner reached, continued at right angle as weft. Buckskin strips fastened ends and corners in place, and gave them solid finish. Finished blanket big enough to cover man from head to feet. W Yavapai.-Inner willow bark split up and worked with hands, laid on ground for bed- ding. Long strips of bark taken from dead trees at any time of year; pulled off with hands, no tools used. For bedcover, buckskin used, not hide with hair on. No blankets of bast fibers. Rabbitskin blanket (kohula) made of jackrabbit and cottontail skins cut spirally in strips while fresh. Strips twisted on soaproot Yucca leaf fibers so fur out. These leaf fibers sometimes obtained from NE Yavapai. Fur strips dried on sticks or trees for 1 day. Weav- ing frame: 4 short stakes encircled by strip of rabbitskin, then warps of rabbitskin woven back and forth. Pairs of buckskin wefts, twined. Men wove. Also made loop-coiled rabbit- skin blanket, circular in form, coiling without foundation. Both types woven on ground, used as bedcovers. No sewed whole-skin blankets. SKIN DRESSING Among both NE and W Yavapai, only men dressed skins and made skin artifacts. Follow- ing account of dressing of deer hides obtained from NE Yavapai. W Yavapai procedure the same. Deer laid on ground for skinning. Cut from chin to anal opening, then down inside of each leg from this long central cut. For good luck, hide waved to E when skinning com- pleted. Hide wrapped around horns for ease in carrying. Deer brains preserved for buck- skin dressing; cooked in ashes, smeared over grass, made into cake, dried. Worker laid hide on ground, flesh side up. Removed fat with fingers; did not use stone or bone hide-scraper. Placed hide on bush, hair side down, for 1 day. In evening, folded it Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai either side out, laid it away. In month or so, if he wanted buckskin, man submerged hide with stone in river or creek. Usually one day's soaking softened hide. Then man placed it head end up on leaning timber, and scraped it down. Worked with horse-rib scraper; in earlier times, bone from forearm of deer used, but never scapula as by SE Yavapai. Man op- erated tool with both hands. Moved hide around to bring parts into position for dehairing, which took 2 hours. Then he smeared boiled, dried deer brains over both sides of hide, which was laid over another deer hide on ground. Then he put hide on bushes in sun for 2 days. Rolled it up when it was dry. Within 3 or 4 days, again soaked it in river. Removed it after 1 day if it were soft enough. Immersed it in pot of hot water. Removed it, worked it with hands or threw it over foot and pulled it to soften it. Wrung it out over post, as in Spier's Havasupai picture, or on tree to which hind legs of hide tied. Man placed hide on post or tree with its hair side out, then twisted it clockwise with stick in end of hide. (It was not wrong to twist hide counterclockwise.) He took 20 minutes to wring it out. Then he sat down and pulled it over his foot. Did not use teeth to hold or chew hide. When it was dry, he worked it in his hands, held it on knee or hand and rubbed it with rough stone. Rubbed it together and pulled it apart to soften it. Rolled it up and put it away. Buckskin hardened when wet; owner softened it by burying it in wet ground for day, then working it with hands and stone. Man had no song when he worked on buckskin. NE Yavapai.-Fawnskin bag for storing dried meat. Antelope buckskin for leggings and drumhead; thin, easily torn, hence not put to all uses of deer buckskin. Wildcat skin made into quiver after being rubbed with rough stone and buried in damp earth; no brains used in curing it. Mt. lion skin cured without brains. Fat removed with knife, skin rubbed with rough stone. Skin used for quiver or kept whole and carried to Navaho to trade for woven blankets. Coyote skins cured by rubbing them with rough stone and burying them in damp earth. They were sewed together for blanket. Badger, skunk, and ring-tailed cat skins cured by stone rubbing. Ground squirrels taken for food, normally skins not saved. August was best time to ob- tain squirrel skin for tobacco bag. Deadfall trap used, baited with prickly pear. This trap like Havasupai's," but had shorter horizontal arm supporting stone and lacked crotched vertical stick. To skin squirrel, euts were made on inside of both hind legs and carried to anal opening. No cut made full length of abdomen. Cuts in legs later sewed, leaving opening 1Y2 in. in diameter for insertion of tobacco. No brains used on squirrel skin, which was held in worker's lap or on his leg and rubbed with small rough stone. 2-14168 U.C.M.A. is sample rubbing stone, granite, about fist size. Mullers never used for this purpose. After rubbing, squirrel skin buried in damp ground for half-day. CLOTHING Neither men nor women went naked. All buckskin garments made by men. A woman's gar- ments, though made by man, were her property. Thus, boots purchased from a middle-aged married woman had been made for her by her father. Deer-bone awls used in sewing buck- skin garments, which were stitched with thread made of back sinews of deer. Seam ufsually made by sewing together and folding back edges of buckskin; always worn on outside to prevent chafing. When hardened by being wet, buckskin elothing was thoroughly dried in sun, rubbed with deer and/or woodrat brains. Dried brains for this purpose kept in bundle of grass; softened into thick fluid by boiling in clay pot, then rubbed on buckskin with fingers. NE Yavapai men wore mittens in winter, W Yavapai did not. Neither wore snowshoes. W Yavapai children not clothed till 9 or 10 years old, then dressed like adults. "1928, fig. 17. "Spier, 1928, fig. 4. 273 University of California Pusblications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Men's Clothes NE Yavapai.-Old man with thinning hair wore deer buckskin skull cap, unpainted, made by sewing 2 quarter-spheres of skin into hemisphere. Cap tied under chin with buck- skin string. Women did not wear head covering. Man's tunic hung to hips like white man's coat. Seams up each side and on outside of sleeves, folded out to prevent chafing. Sleeves wrist-length, not fringed. Sometimes tunic fringed on each shoulder and across chest and back just below shoulders. No tinklers on fringe. Neck opening not V-shaped, but low-cut oval front and back. In warm weather, tunic and leggings not worn, but breechelout retained; breechelout was passed between legs and over belt, was made of antelope buckskin because it was softer than deer buckskin. Man's leggings held at waist by belt. Tab on top of legging tied over belt of buckskin. Legging reached nearly to ankle, coming down over top of boot. Zigzag red encireling line around calf part of legging; lower edge plain, not fringed. Mittens (salsiur: sal, hand; siur, shove into) used by men in cold weather, especially when hunting. Women stayed at home and "did not need" them. Muffs not used. Best mit- tens made of skunk skin, hair side in. Wildcat, ring-tailed cat skins also used for mittens; cut in half and sewed. No separate compartment for thumb in mitten. Long uppers reached halfway to elbow. Skunk skin did not require cutting or sewing to fit hand; no tie used, so mitten fitted close. W Yavapai.-Man's breechelout of buckskin, not willowbark; hung behind halfway to knee, was shorter in front. Was held up with buckskin belt about 1/2 in. wide. Man sometimes wore leggings which reached from 3 or 4 in. above ankle to waist, where they fastened with string, probably to belt. Seam of legging fringed, worn outside. Upper garment, shirt or coat of buckskin, worn occasionally by man. Front open, tied with buckskin string. Fringe along shoulder and sleeve seams. Sleeve ended halfway be- tween elbow and wrist. Cap worn only for war or festivity. Women's Clothes NE Yavapai.-Woman wore no breechelout, dressed in 2 pieces of buckskin. Front dress like butcher's apron, suspended by strap around neck," hanging from above breasts to an- kles. Back dress only from waist down. The 2 pieces not sewed together, but held in place by buckskin belt tied on right side with bow knot, readily disengaged. Fringed top, bottom, front, back. No fancy dresses such as those of San Carlos Apache.45 Buckskin dresses worn winter and summer. No grass or bark skirts. Bits of silver got from Navaho tied on breast fringe. No sleeves; buckskin or Navaho blanket cape worn in cold weather, corners knotted over chest. Short back dress fastened at belt. Back exposed except when covered by cape. Neck piece of front dress not held.by permanent loop; loop tied each time. In winter, small front underskirt or apron also worn, hanging from belt about to knees. Long front dress protected breasts from scratching on bushes, especially when traveling in summer. W Yavapai.-Women wore no caps of basketry or other material. Their dresses usually of buckskin. No breechelout or leggings, but "the kilts of a few of the A-Yuma women in summer are composed of strips of bark hung over a belt."" Two-piece buckskin dress. If woman had only one deerskin, she wore front and back aprons which exposed sides of legs. If she had 2 skins, she used each as apron, completely covering legs. Dress ended halfway between knee and ankle. Bottom edge slit into fringe 3 or 4 in. deep. Front dress covered chest, hung by strap around neck like butcher gown. Back dress only a skirt, edge of which hung down on outside of belt which held it up. Belt of buckskin tied in front, under front dress. Upper edge of back dress straight and without tongues of Havasupai dress.'7 Neekband sewed on front dress with sinew thread. Awl of deer antler used to pierce buckskin for sewing. Unmarried woman sometimes wore rolled bits of tin on fringe of dress. "Spier, 1928, fig. 39. "Goddard, 1927,153. "Corbusier, 282. '7Spier, 1928, fig. 39. 274 Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai2 Footwear NE Yavapai.-Term boot, rather than moccasin, best describes footwear. "The A-Mojave moccasins reach nearly to the knee, and each one is made of half a buckskin turned over in three folds to protect the legs, and secured to the ankles by means of a string. The soles are made of undressed cowhide with the hairy side out and cut in the natural form of the foot."'8 When traveling, neither men nor women pulled the uppers up full length (pl. 9). Boot had no dollar-size projection on toe, and was only slightly upturned. Women's boots longer than men's. Sometimes, when boot worn through at junction of upper and sole was resewed, part of spare buckskin was taken up from folds of uppers. Vertical seam up leg of boot and buckskin edges turned out to prevent chafing. P1. 9b, f, shows this particularly well. In f, 2 edges project about equal distance beyond stitching; in b, only 1 edge pro- jects. Thus 2 rather different techniques of sewing represented. Gnaphalium sp., iwilakawa (light-weight plant), was put against leg inside boot to make wearer light-footed and tireless. People believed qualities of plant went "inside" person's leg. Woodrat skin, fur side in, used to make tiny winter boots for infants. Made by men, some- times by women. Occasionally skin not made into aetual boot, but used as wrapping. W Yavapai.-"The [A-Yuma] women wear the same kind of moccasins as the men. The legs of the A-Yuma moccasins are shorter [than the A-Mojave], and not folded, and the soles are made of thick dressed buckskin, which is brought up over the foot, then gathered and fastened to the uppers.""9 Moccasins (kwalyanyo) had short uppers, unlike those of NE Yavapai boots. Sewing showed on exterior. No dollar-size toe piece as on some SE Yavapai moccasins. Upper came only slightly above ankle, around which 2 flaps were wrapped. Flaps had strings attached which tied in front. Sole of hard rawhide, upper of buckskin. Persons cutting sole stood on rawhide and marked outline with charcoal. Upper sewed to sole in one piece, leaving open- ing, but no seam, on middle of inner side of foot. Long end of upper wrapped once around ankle from front to back, covering opening, and tied with long strips "like shoestrings." Men, women, and children wore same kind of moccasins. Sandals (yanyokialve) less frequently worn; never made of mescal. Sandal simply raw- hide sole (see pl. lOe) with 2 holes in front through which rawhide bands passed up on either side of 2d toe, crossed each other over instep, then passed back and attached to thick rawhide roll wrapped with string which formed heel, and were fastened through 2 perforations in sole on either side of instep. Cord came up through 2 perforations on either side of heel. Roll at heel and cords from front fastened to these perforations. Roll over wearer's heel prevented foot slipping out. Roll at heel loose except where attached to ends; made thick so as not to chafe heel. Perhaps 2 toes instead of 1 under front cords. Sandal not tied on; easily kicked off. W Yavapai sometimes went barefoot, used footwear for travel in rocky country. Adornment NE Yavapai.-Women wore trade glass-bead necklaces (earlier, red-seed necklaces) but had no shell beads. Use of abalone learned at San Carlos. Shamans wore necklaces of tur- quoise (kahavasua) beads. Necklaces of human teeth not worn. Whipple5' figures a slate- stone eardrop I% in. long. Water used as mirror. Reflection, hauuvi (ha, water; uuvi, pic- ture). W Yavapai.-Small white glass beads obtained from Yuma, worn as necklaces by both sexes. No turquoise beads. Sometimes beads added to nose rings, which only men wore. Man wore 2 strings of beads around neck, hanging down chest. Woman wore neeklace of many rounds of beads, made by coiling long strings of beads on ground and tying them with string on 2 opposite sides. These strings tied at baek of neck, so beads did not actually encircle neck but lay on chest just below it. "8Corbusier, 282. '9Ibid. 5'Pt. 3, pL. 42. 275 276 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Men and women wore white glass beads in ears. Beads of shell used earlier, informant thought. Beads put on thin strip of buckskin which was passed through hole in ear lobe; loop of beads hung down 1 or 2 in. NOSE PIERCING NE Yavapai.-Great warrior had nasal septum pierced at age of ca. 30 years, often after marriage. Done by friend or relative. Usually only one man's nose pierced at a time. Tur- quoise bead on piece of buckskin suspended from perforation. People referred to man thus ornamented as kahavasuahukisyulo (kahavasua, turquoise; hu, nose; kisyulo, septum pierced), but gave him no new personal name. Nose piercing done in house. Only man and operator present. Bone awl used. Twisted rabbit fur put in wound to keep it open for week while it healed. Taboos: no sexual inter- course (it would make nose sore), no salt. Man might eat any food, and scratch with fingers. Friends and relatives assembled for occasion, but did not witness operation. No warrior eligible for nose piercing until he had slain at least one enemy "with his hands" (actually with short club). Therefore, turquoise bead worn only by man who habitually used club in- stead of bow and arrows in warfare. W Yavapai.-When 16 or 17 years old, boys who wished to be attractive had their noses pierced. Nonpiereing no bar to marriage. Nose probably pierced with cactus spine. Healed in 4 days; stick worn in opening, twisted from time to time to keep it open. Sexual inter- course taboo, also meat. Cane drinking tube and scratching stiek not used. "Bone" (prob- ably shell) ring worn in nose; had opening on one side so it would easily slip into place. These rings came from tribes to west. Shell ring found in ruins also used as nose pendant. String put through ring and through hole in nasal septum. Sometimes turquoise bead hung on lower edge of ring. One man wore long turquoise pendant from nose; had to lift up pen- dant to eat. TATTOO NE Yavapai.-Only women tattooed, either as girls or adults, usually after first menses, sometimes after marriage. Operator was woman. Used 3 or 4 cactus needles without handle, any kind of charcoal pigment. Holes pricked very close together, chareoal rubbed in. Some- times leaves of iwilasupiita (tree growing at high altitudes) chewed to produce green pig- ment. Tattoo on arm, chin, and forehead (see fig. 3). Tattoo, sedjutwi. Process had no sig- nificance in reference to sexual intercourse. Names given by Corbusier descriptive of figures used, i.e., serrate, zigzag (hiiuviiivi), dots. Patterns correctly described by Corbusier,5 though I saw 2 old women each with only 3 lines on chin, and 1 with 7 lines: 3 in middle, 2 on each side. Rare tattoo (see right of fig. 1, Southeastern Yavapai, UC-PAAE 29:229) observed. Sometimes human figure tattooed on wrist to induce conception. W Yavapai.-Man had face tattooed: cross or cirele on eaeh cheek, wavy or zigzag line on forehead, row of dots down nose. Sometimes had chin tattoo resembling woman's, occa- sionally tattooed wrist, calf, and chest (see figs. 4 and 5). Every boy tattooed, for looks only, when about 16 or 17 years old. Not compulsory, but custom, so boy would have felt odd without it. Boys tattooed each other or women did it for them. Did not use scratching stick, but could not eat meat during 4- or 5-day healing period. Penalty for eating meat: nonhealing of wounds. Tattoo needles were 3 prickly pear spines in little bundle. Mesquite charcoal mixed with blue solution of deer brush (akwakama) or mesquite leaves. Leaves mashed on rock, then soaked in cold water. Charcoal rubbed down on rock, moistened with leaf solution. Skin pricked, then coloring rubbed in until skin looked very dark. Operation took less than 1 day. No person tattooed for illness. Women tattooed on chin, never on lips. This done for looks after first menses, or before or after marriage. All women knew how to tattoo, but some more proficient than others. Expert who tattooed girl was paid buckskin by girl's parents. Mother did not tattoo own daughter. u Op. cit., 281. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai No singing at time of operation. Meat taboo for period of healing. No scratching stick. Hu- man figure never tattooed on wrist to induce conception. Sometimes calf of leg tattooed, but not chest. Description of tattoo of informant Shampura follows: Chin tattooed when she was in her 'teens, long after her first menses. She was living at San Carlos. W Yavapai woman relative tattooed her. She paid nothing. Other tattooing done later, at different times; last on arms when she was young woman not yet married. No symbolism. (1) Chin tattoo (fig. 6). (2) Forehead tattoo, horizontal zigzag. PAINT NE Yavapai.-Eyelids of both sexes painted black with powdered pyrolusite, a dioxide of manganese (sample identified by Professor George D. Louderback) called matnyacha (earth black), formerly got from W Yavapai, now obtained in railroad cut at Mayer. This applied with stick. Women painted faces with white earth for dance. Many styles. Red and black pigments also used. Other paints: brown mescal syrup (taliva), dark red mulberry juice or wild grape juice, bright red cactus fruit juice. Mescal syrup applied with fingers by both sexes. Young men and women painted faces daily, usually with white, to prevent sunburn; washed off paint in evening. War paint black; whole face blackened except sometimes fore- head and bangs painted red. Person rubbed fingers on deer fat, on paint, on cheeks. Men whitened bangs for dance, applying paint with water. White lines put on face with stick moistened and dipped into paint. Red rubbed on with dampened fingers. This paint kept as powder in buckskin bag. In Verde valley, red mineral pigment (kwara') made into cake. Pigment obtained from place E of i steyachikame, also from large high cave called Kwara' in Walapai territory. Often whole face painted red, then 3 fingertips run down each cheek to make 3 negative zigzag lines; women as well as men painted this way for dance. Hiiivi, fine zigzag; hiiiviiivi, coarse zigzag. This style used also for war. Black line on uncolored cheek: semisi, vertical; sekwini, horizontal. No yellow pigment used by Mat-haupapaya. Perhaps some Yavapai learned its use from Tonto shamans. W Yavapai.-Pigments kept in small buckskin bags. Red mineral pigment (kwara') ob- tained at Kwarakio (red-pigment place), a cliff N of Williams r., from cliff hole reached by 20-ft. ladder of saguaro skeleton. Man climbed. Pigment soaked in water in pot or basket to rid it of pebbles, which were picked out by hand. Fine material dried, packed in buckskin sack perhaps 1 ft. long, made from thin belly skin. Black paint (matinyacha) also found in mts. in W Yavapai country. Levigated and packed in same way as red pigment. White paint (mataha), a soft lime obtained from holes in mts., rubbed down with stone. Yellow mineral pigment (matakwasa) got from cave; not much used. Sometimes dotted on man's face, not for war, but simply for decoration about camp. Sometimes black, white, and red stripes painted on face. Black paint put under eyes to improve vision. Women painted various red patterns on faces, black under eyes. Warriors sometimes painted hair white; women whitened faces for dance. Red paint mixed with deer fat, put on face and legs for warmth in winter. Pumpkin-seed grease not used. Black and white paints applied without grease. Children's and babies' faces painted; red protected baby's face from cold. HAIR NE Yavapai.-Woman wore hair long or cut shoulder-length in back, and banged in front; used no headband to hold it in place. Bobbed hair or cut it close to show mourning; cut it with knife, did not singe it. Brushed hair with bundle of 30 or more stiff grass stems like broomstraws. This grass grew in pine forests at high altitude; only generic term iwila (plant) recorded for it; not used for meal brush. Women extracted no hairs. 277 278 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Man's hair banged in front; long hair tied in bundle at back of head,52 not on top of head in lower Colorado River style. A few wore hair in pencil rolls as did river tribesmen. Both men's and women's hair banged across forehead. Any man who desired to do so-usually young man-wore 2 upright eagle feathers in hair. This was not a war honor decoration. Man's comb and woman's hair brush both called sitivi. Comb made of 2 or 3 sticks each about 10 in. long, tied side by side, with buckskin winding for about 2 in. of length. It was kept at home. No bone hair eomb as described by Corbusier (p. 279); informant thought Tonto might have used such a comb. In Verde valley, but not in mts., black mud daubed on hair to kill lice. Mesquite gum mixed with mud to dye hair black. No wrapping used to hold mud in place. Sexual inter- course taboo for the 24 hours or more while mud was left on hair; otherwise hair would not dye properly. Facial hair extracted with steel blade and fingers; in ancient times probably stone blade used. No other hairs extracted. Axillar hairs reputed rare. Boy 10 to 12 years old "pre- vented" axillar growth by running in winter mornings, melting snowball in each armpit. This also made him strong man. W Yavapai.--Woman wore hair long but banged over eyebrows; no feathers in hair. Man's hair worn in from 2 to 6 braids (3-strand) in back. At sides, cut to shoulder-length or left slightly longer. Number of braids depended on thickness of hair; sometimes cut-off or loose hair put in braid to make it longer. Occasionally person with scant hair attached other's hair trimmings to own hair with mud. Youth 16 or 17 years old eould braid hair. Until then wore hair loose, cut it only if rela- tive died. Some mothers cut young boys' hair in front. Slightly older boys allowed hair to grow long, and parted it. When hunting, man tied braids in club at back of neck. Sometimes, for no special occa- sion, tied braids on top of head. No hairnet used, braids tied with red string or calico. For mourning, men's hair cut about half-length, women's cut short like white man's. Per- son never singed hair; held it taut and cut it with steel knife or one made of scrap iron, Occasionally someone helped him in cutting. Hair cut for mourning burned so it might go with dead. Bereaved comforted by this custom, feeling they had done their part, but did not know if it benefited dead. If corpse burned in morning, then hair burned later, sepa- rately. No fear of witchcraft with hair. Some W Yavapai wore their hair in style of lower Colorado River tribes. "Some of the A-Yuma men wear long rolls of matted hair behind, which are the thickness of a finger, and two feet or more in length, and composed of old hair mixed with that growing on the head, or are in the form of a wig, made of hair that has been cut off when mourning the dead, to be worn on occasions of ceremony."'* Young man sometimes wore eagle-down feather, usually dyed pinkish. This had no mean- ing, was just for looks. Was not worn by older men. Man going to war wore owl feathers fastened to top of small buckskin cap. Woman brushed hair with bundle of stems like broomstraws from plant that grew high in mts. Brush tied with any kind of string; never used as mealing brush. Man combed hair with fingers only, using both hands at once. Man extracted beard with "tin" tweezers, earlier with fingernails. Some men grew mous- taches. Body depilation by men uncertain. Women did not extract eyebrow hairs. Axillary and pubie hairs reported lacking in women in olden times, but present now. Informants declared absence was not caused by depilation (sic). Hair plastered with mud and mesquite gum to rid it of lice. Preparation left on over- night. Gum dyed hair, mud "helped growth." Process repeated next night if necessary. Body lice infested clothes of aged. Bathing best way to get rid of liee, but water searee away from river. 12Cf. Whipple, pt. 3, 103. 58Corbusier, 279. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai DETERGENTS AND ADHESIVES Root, stem, and leaves of Spanish bayonet or soaproot Yucca (monata or banata) pounded on rock with hammerstone, then worked in water to form lather for washing hair and body. Less used by W than by NE Yavapai. Plant grew in mts., but supply usually kept on hand. Foliage of another plant called disilika yielded lather when worked in water; this used by NE Yavapai to wash new baskets. Sap of Simmondsia californica used by NE Yavapai to glue stone knife in wooden han- dle, also to fasten hardwood foreshaft and stone arrowpoint in place. W Yavapai employed greasewood (imsi) gum (apil), which was soft as pitch when heated, to mend broken pot, haft steel knife, attach wrapping to bone-awl handle, fasten handle in gourd rattle. Did not use arrowweed root gum. DOMESTIC IMPLEMENTS Wooden Tools NE Yavapai.-(1) Tongs (pl. 10a) for handling spiny cactus fruits made of Quercu,s reticulata, willow, or Sambucus velutinus (ikupu'). About 18 in. long. Limbs held in posi- tion by 2 rings of soaproot Yucca fiber. (2) Digging stick (tapal) 4 ft. long, chisel-ended, no stone attached; hardest, stoutest one made of wood of Cercocarpus Sp. (umpacha) or Ceanothus greggii (ikuwilla). Used with both hands, usually right above left. (3) Cane of Sambucus velutinus wood had recurved handle; was placed in fire for time, then bent and tied with soaproot Yucca fiber by strong young man. Canes used by both sexes. (4) Brush swab described under Mescal (Agave). (5) Eriogonum sp. (este'sechia) used to brush spines from cactus fruits. Had longer stems and thus was better than Chrysothamnus visci- diflorus (kuwhayo), also used for this purpose. W Yavapai.-(1) Cactus tongs (satav) made of mulberry (bumu'a') branch without knots. Split, smoothed, bent in hot ashes, tied in position. Used to handle prickly pears and other spiny fruits. (2) Mescal digging stick of desert willow (chimhova), about 2 in. in diameter, chisel-ended. (3) Hook of ash wood (tikiru') to adjust hot stones in mescal pit. Ash trees grew in damp places high in mts. (4) In stone-boiling, stones taken from fire with 2 sticks, stirred with stick while in basket. Awls and Knives NE Yavapai.-Man made bone awl (avak) by grinding and sharpening lower leg bone of deer on rock. Applied no wrapping for handle; knob at joint of bone from which awl made served this purpose. Awls used by men in sewing skin garments, by women in making baskets. Only mescal knife NE Yavapai informants knew was steel hunting knife from lower Colorado River tribes and Navaho. One informant had seen quartz-flake knives mentioned by Corbusier." W Yavapai worked old iron to make knife. Used no heat; hammered iron between stones, rubbed it to sharp edge on rock. Black stone (obsidiant) for knives obtained by NE Yavapai from below Fossil er., also in Bradshaw mts. near Walnut Grove. Broke pieces off by throwing one block on another. Knives not flaked in Solutrean technique like arrowpoints, but knocked off in Magdalenian technique by using hammerstone against end of flaking tool of female mt. sheep horn, 10 in. long and of finger diameter. Edge obtained not very sharp, improved by grinding on red sandstone. Blade about 8 in. long, set into cottonwood handle with black "glue" (perhaps sap of Simmondsia californica) which came from s. Base of blade set in slot; showed on either side of handle, but was covered with winding of wet buckskin cord which shrank and was then eoated with "glue" softened by heat. (Pine and piflon pitch not used for this pur- "Op. cit., 282. 279 280 University of California Publications in Aim. Arch. and Ethn. pose.) Knife used to butcher and flay deer, to cut off scalps. Wood sometimes cut with knife but usually burned into pieces. Fire used especially to fell dry, dead trees. Timbers, such as those for shades, sometimes placed over one boulder and broken with another. W Yavapai.-No stone axe. Fire used for tree-felling before iron axes introduced. Mortars and Metates NE Yavapai.-Bedrock mortar, umu', used only at low altitudes where mesquite avail- able. Stone pestle, wiakituya, ready-made; wielded with both hands. W Yavapai.-Bedrock mortars found and used, not made. Mortar hole about 6 in. in diameter and 4 in. deep, usually in reddish or pink rock. Informant thought holes made by forefathers. Such mortars not necessarily near water. Found in gray stone in mts. and near Colorado r. Wooden mortar made of cottonwood or mesquite stump. Hole a little deeper than in rock mortar. Hollowing done with coals. Mortar not carried from camp to camp. Rock hole preferred for mesquite pods; few fragments scattered although hole shallow. Pods pounded easily at first. Then, as reduced to finer fragments, pounded harder. Mes- quite and screw beans only foods prepared in mortars. Informant Shampura had 13-in. pestle of malpais rock weighing ca. 7 lbs., which was originally rather flattish natural stone which she found on Verde River bank. She chipped off sides with white quartz pebble. Simi- lar stones found on desert in W Yavapai country and used for pestles, usually without chipping. Pestle, kituyi; mortar (bedrock or wooden), ho'mu'. No wooden pestles. NE Yavapai.-Metates seen of 2 types: (1) filat or slightly coneave; (2) troughlike. Usually found, rarely made. Motion of muller (hawicha') was forward-backward, not ro- tary. Sometimes muller used for pounding on metate. In grinding lemon berries, muller worked in both hands with rocking or crushing motion away from user. Muller not shoved over face of metate, but given slight rolling miiotion as far as wrists would flex. Bedrock metate reported in malpais rock on Camp cr. near Verde r.; not used by Yavapai. I saw 2 in granite boulders on Senator highway near Prescott, at an elevation of more than 6000 ft. W Yavapai.-Flat stone used for metate (api'), or old metate found. None made. Some- times bedrock metate, made by unknown ancient people, found and used. Muller (haveha') found, not made; ancient mullers found, and washes often yielded natural stones of right size and shape. Ironwood and other seeds ground with back-and-forth motion. If too smooth, metate roughened by striking it with harder stone. For mealing, hand only used to brush metate. Pottery and Gourd Vessels NE Yavapai.-Informants vague concerning color of Yavapai pottery. Thought red- ware sherds and black-on-gray sherds, obtained at ca. 6000 ft. elev. on Senator highway near Prescott, might be Yavapai. However, potsherds of same types from surface of extensive King Brothers' ruin in Chino valley declared not of Yavapai manufacture. Clay, ikonu', obtainable near Mayer, but not near Prescott; also found at site Adjusti- teye near Jerome. Pottery made by adding coils, squeezed on with fingers. Pot gently beaten on exterior with small cottonwood paddle while hand held pebble inside as anvil. Shapes drawn by interpreter (fig. 9). In addition, bottle-necked pot for carrying water, called "matathiwa, transported inside carrying basket. Three stone pot rests (okithkani) used for cooking. No pot rests of pottery. W Yavapai.-Red clay for pots obtained in many places. Lumps mashed on metate. Pot started with flat disk, not eoiled, to whieh coils added. Made by paddle-and-anvil method; stone anvil called tahayi, paddle of hardwood; no pottery anvil. One informant said her mother did not teach her pottery making because, to person who lived on reservation and could get utensils from whites, it was useless art. Types of pots: (1) shallow dish for food; (2) deep bowl with ineurved rim for cooking; (3) globular bowl with outcurved rim for water carrying. No other shapes. Pots undeco- rated, red, like western s Californian pottery. Were laid on sides for firing, which was done Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai with any kind of dead wood. Pots started in morning were fired in evening. Temper: fine gravel or sherds ground on metate. Also small cactus (6 in. high) called tapa, with thorns burned off, was mashed and mixed with clay, and chopped roots of grass were added. These 2 sticky vegetable ingredients made clay hold together. In shaping surface, pot was rubbed many times with wet hands. After pot was shaped a slip of red paint (already described) was put over outside with bare hands. Pottery vessels never carried on head, Yuma style; no headring of willow bark used. Pottery olla full of water or other substance was carried in burden basket on back. Pottery never traded. Some gourd dishes, unpainted. Gourds, when obtainable, used for water containers. Car- ried in burden baskets. CORDAGE NE Yavapai.-Soaproot Yucca fiber obtained from green leaves macerated on rock, used for cordage; rarely spun on thigh, normally used without spinning. For tying house parts, bundles of wood, etc. No net of any sort. Stout rope made of fibers of long mescal leaves. Dead leaves preferred because they have strongest fibers. Leaves macerated with stone, dried for short time in sunshine, bent back and forth to soften fibers, then again sunned. When dry enough, waste shaken off, fibers clean. Mescal-fiber string manufactured on "spindle" formed of stick (usually of desert wil- low) 24 to 30 in. long, with short crosspiece tied a few inches from distal end.63 Finished cord wound on crosspiece. Procedure: 6 or 7 mescal fibers were twisted slightly at one end and tied with sinew wrapping to distal point of spindle. Usually 2 men worked together; one held fibers fairly taut and fed in new ones as needed, while other swung spindle to twist fibers together. (W Yavapai said string was made by one man who kept left foot on pile of fibers, fed fibers to cord with left hand and manipulated "spindle" with right. Also said 3-ply and, more rarely, 2-ply string of mescal fiber sometimes was rolled on thigh.) Double or quadruple weight cord made by twisting finished twine on itself, rolling it down thigh over legging. Mescal-fiber rope used especially for tying bundles of dried, cooked meseal pads, and for tying up slain deer. (W Yavapai hunter carried rope wound around his waist.) No cordage of willow bark or juniper bark. Sinew thread for sewing (3-ply, rarely 2-ply) rolled on thigh by man. BASKETRY NE Yavapai.-To weave, kwisi. Warp in twined baskets or foundation in coiled baskets, chimiya. Weft, kwiyi. Sewing material for coiled baskets, buvi. Wicker, isatesakechvi. W Yavapai.-Miss Roberts (p. 217) regards the W Yavapai as one of 3 Southwestern peoples producing notable basketry.0 Weaves: twining (kwli), coiling (puvi), wicker (kwi). In former times, fqw decorative patterns, some baskets with none. More patterns created, large deep baskets woven for Caucasian demand. Patterns always in black Martynia; no dyeing of materials. No feathers on baskets. Twined Basketry NE Yavapai.-Plain-twined pitehed basketry water jars (k'ulaya) made of Rhus emoryi stems which were kept whole for warp, split in 3 for weft. Melted pinion-pitch (naya) coat- ing applied to finished basket with stick. Flat-bottomed and pointed-bottomed forms; pl. lic shows model which should have had more bulging sides and broader base. On shoulder of basket were 2 loops or sticks to which carrying strap attached. Loops made fast by passing through wall of basket and fastening with Martynia fibers to sticks inside. External sticks, in vertical position, fastened with Martynia fibers through wall of basket. Figures sketched by interpreter (fig. 10). 66Russell, 1908, fig. 73. mSee also George Wharton James, Sunset Magazine, 11: 146-153. 281 282 University of California Publications in An. Arch. and Ethn. San Carlos twined water bottles (figured by Roberts, p. 151) unlike Mat-haupapaya's. Two water bottles figured by Spier7 declared not to be Yavapai types. Conical, twined burden basket (kisak) used for acorns, wood, etc. Warp of whole Rhus emoryi stems; weft of stems split in 2 or 3. Rim double, wrapped with material from shrub valkeskwisa'. Wooden pinsb8 on inside of basket served as foundation for attachment of tumpline. Red ornamental material, inner bark of soaproot Yucca roots. Burden basket (pl. 12), warp of Bhus emoryi, white wefts of mulberry, black wefts of devil's claw, red wefts (invisible in plate, but between encircling black lines in upper and lower parts of basket) of mulberry reddened with kwara mineral pigment. Rim of this basket reenforced with heavy wire ring. Burden basket took 2 or 3 days to manufacture. Tightly twined bur- den baskets for small seeds and berries, e.g., sunflower seeds, Bhus emoryi berries. No flat- bottomed burden baskets like those of San Carlos"9 and Tonto Apache. Winnowers and parchers circular; some with 1 warp, others with 2, enclosed in each twisting of weft elements. W Yavapai.-Pitched water bottle (suwa) twined, flat-bottomed. Pitch boiled in water and applied to bottle with dry mescal fiber. Conical burden basket (ketak) had rawhide cap sewed on exterior of apex. Like Hava- supai burden basket in shape. Lemonberry warp, mulberry weft. Pattern in black Martynia consisting of bands near top, middle, and bottom, composed of angled lines (fig. 11). Pat- tern called sukesuki (zigzag). Vertical sticks were put in loose to hold cradle or other things on top; were not regular parts of basket. Pack strap of buckskin. Parching and winnowing basket called kilaya, used for maize and other seeds. Twined. Circular tray 18 in. in diameter. Awl used to finish edge only. Lemonberry warp, mulberry weft. Mulberry twigs split in 3 parts while 1 part held in teeth. Then each part resplit and only outer half used. No decorative pattern on parching baskets. Coiled Basketry NE Yavapai.-All 3-rod: pitched water bottle, but with smaller mouth than coiled one pictured by Roberts (p. 151); pitched drinking cup carried by warriors; dishes; winnow- ing and parching trays. Bottle-necked baskets with designs are modern response to Cauca- sian demand; were not made in aboriginal times. No double coiling as in San Carlos Apache baskets."? Salix lasioletis (uhuhu') and Salix laevigata (yo) commonly used as foundation and sewing material. Chilopsis linearis, desert willow (chimhova) now though not formerly used for foundation. Mulberry and cottonwood wrapping; cottonwood for this purpose a modern innovation. Coiled pifion-pitched water jars rare; not coated with red clay. More durable than twined, especially when foundation and sewing both mulberry. Shape of coiled water jar outlined by interpreter (fig. 12). Some coiled baskets, waterproofed inside with juice from cooked mescal, used as con- tainers for cold decoctions. Old coiled basketry trays or dishes used for winnowing and parching. I saw wife of shaman amuukyat using what was proudly described as "a new invention," a tin can cover with perforations to reduce sewing material for coiled baskets to standard size. Material pulled through hole of proper size to scrape off excess woody fiber. Device called bumuaehani (mulberry make small).' Woman worked on 3-rod coiled basket with inside of basket toward her, rods projecting to her left (pl. 13), ends of sewing materials on outside of basket. Steel awl (replacing for- mer bone awl) thrust from inside to outside. Blaek sewing material, Martynia sp. (helaka). White sewing material, peeled cottonwood stems split 3 ways; woman used teeth and fingers 571928, fig. 10. 59Roberts, 1929, figs. 5, 6. 58For manner of fastening, see Roberts, fig. 7. eRoberts, 1929, 161. eDr. I. T. Kelly informs me she saw the same device used by Southern Paiute. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai of both hands to split these stems. Foundation of peeled desert willow stems. Sewing mate- rial kept in pan of water; each piece, when removed, scraped with knife. If piece too thick, segments bitten from it and stripped away with fingers. In sewing, awl thrust in, fiber brought around, awl pulled out and held in hand that thrust fiber through hole. Sewing proceeded from right to left. Rods and finished part of basket frequently dampened by fingers dipped in pan of water containing sewing material. Designs: black (Martynia sp.); red (Yucca sp., soaproot, monata, inner bark of root; also mineral pigment applied to white material). (See fig. 13.) Design in Martynia on 2-14180 (pl. 14a) represents lightning and Martynia seeds (enclosed in triangles); step design in 4 places near edge of basket is in red inner bark of soaproot Yucca root. W Yavapai.-Three-rod coiling with bone awl; no multiple-rod or double coil. Fine ex- ample shown in pl. 14b. (See also Russell, pl. 33, for examples of Yavapai coiled baskets.) Coiled basket (ku'u), about 1 ft. in diameter, used to serve mush and other foods. This bas- ket started with 2 twigs of willow or lemonberry, wrapped with Martynia; became 3-stick foundation as work progressed. Mulberry for white sewing material, Martynia for black pattern. Radially placed pattern of a ku'u basket is shown in fig. 14. Zigzag lines (suke- suki); dots (serasvi, dotted). Representations of deer flanked this figure. Wicker Basketry W Yavapai.-Seedbeater of cat's-claw stems in wicker weave; curved to be slightly con- cave from handle to end. Handle tied with soaproot fibers. Cord tied from end to end of implement to make it concave (see Spier, p. 108). Cord removed when materials dry. CRADLES NE Yavapai.-Woman made cradle. Frame of ikupu wood (in Verde valley, mesquite wood) formed oval. Cross sticks of matiki, Apache plume or, nowadays, desert willow wood, sometimes boards. Papery inner bark (manchichai) of trunk of Apache plume (Fallugia paradoxa, djukeyala) worked by hands into soft bed for cradle. Hood parallel- sided, of Rhus emnoryi, twined or wicker; or with cross sticks to which rods lashed (see models, pl. 11). No design woven in hood. Today hood supports mosquito netting; in olden times, fawn hide. From hood of boy's cradle hung tiny bow and arrow. Umbilical Cord, when it fell off baby, was tied in bit of buckskin and hung on cradle hood. Baby lashed in place with deer buckskin straps, wrapped in fawnskin tanned with hair on. Cradle with baby in it sometimes was leaned against post or tree. Carried on back suspended by buck- skin pack strap. Never balanced on top of head. Not carried by man. Sometimes cradle with child carried flat on top of burden basket equipped with vertical sticks. Informant thought this practice learned from W Yavapai. W Yavapai.-Cradle (manyaki; literally, baby bed) made immediately after birth of infant. Built by new mother's mother or other female blood relative or relative by mar- riage. Cradle U-shaped.62 Frame and cross twigs of cat's-elaw bush (Mimosa) lashed with sinew at edges, also several vertical courses of sinew wound around twigs to hold them more rigid. These courses of single string wrapped, not twined. Spacing of cross twigs va- ried, sometimes slightly open. Man supplied sinew but cradle made by woman. Buckskin straps provided to lash baby on bed of cradle. Grooves cut in lower surface of frame to hold straps in position under it. Cradle bed covered with shredded willow bark or Apache plume (chetiyala) bark. Hood of cradle 2 hands wide, woven of split cat's-claw (Mimosa) twigs, not sinew. It formed areh from one side of cradle to other, but the 2 ends met on middle of cradle floor and served as pillow for baby's head. Weave, wicker: one weft element inserted at time, but begun in middle of long splint of weft material and woven both ways; thus weft formed oval pattern as below. When ends of one piece reached, another piece inserted. (See fig. 15.) 62Nowadays oval, style learned from San Carlos Apache. 283 284 Univer8ity of Caifornia Publicationa in Am. Arch. and Ethn. > K X I I K O 14 17 19 A * ** =* * * ?t* 23 Figs. 13-24.-(13) NE Yavapai coiled basketry designs: a, chuvasovi, leaning, slanting; b, mokovichihaldi, 3 (mokovi) lines; c, helakayat, Martynia (helaka) seed; d, suvukeli; e, skeliskeli, horizontal zigzag; f, hamasit, star; g, kisusukwi, crooked, lightning. (14) NE Yavapai coiled basket design: vertical zigzag (sukesuki), dots (serasvi, "dotted). (15) Weft of wicker cradle hood. (16) Lower end of NE Yavapai bow. (17) Form of SE Yava- pai bow. (18) Form of NE Yavapai bow. (19) NE Yavapai fawnskin bag. (20) NE Yava- pai arrowpoint. (21) NE Yavapai stone axe: a, handle; b, blade in handle. (22) NE Yava- pai dice game: stone slab, 40 pebble counters, 2 stick markers. (23) NE Yavapai sand paint- ing: disks are world or morning; stars are sky; corner wavy lines are clouds; zigzag lines are lightning; where they cross is dawn. (24) NE Yavapai shaman's vision: white things rising before dawn. 13a 5> . 13 b :> * * 13 C V V 13d AAAVVAA' 13 e E4?j3 13 f 6 21 a 15 18 21 b 13 g 000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a a 0 0 20 0 00 0 0 ao a o 0 0 o 0 0 0 0 a 0 0o 0 0 0 0 22 24 Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai Wildcat or coyote hide covered baby's faee, kept flies off. Baby swaddled or covered with buckskin. Early type cradle not carried on back, so had no pack strap. Was carried under arm against hip, head of cradle forward; or flat on top of burden basket. Not carried on top of head, Yuma fashion. After going to reservation, women learned from NE Yavapai to carry cradle hanging on back. When moving camp, cradle with infant fastened flat on top of loaded burden basket. Two vertical sticks protruded from inner edge of basket; cradle rested on these and thus was not directly against carrier's back. Cradle tied so it could not slide off. CARRYING FRAME NE Yavapai.-Carrying frame (tudjura) to transport cake of seed meal or dried fruit (saguaro, juniper, alligator-bark juniper, mesquite). Frame cylindrical, diameter about that of automobile steering wheel. Withe bent into circle, 6 juniper withes tied across and bent vertically to form sides. Circular cake wrapped in dry bear grass, placed in frame, cords tied across top to hold cake in place. Man carried frame suspended from pack strap over head. No Mohave- or Papago-type carrying frame used by NE or W Yavapai. Some loads carried by W Yavapai without containers of any sort; carrier's bare back was protected by special piece of buckskin. WEAPONS Bow, Arrow, Quiver NE Yavapai.-Haplopappus linearifolius, okachi, for toy bows for small boys. Cowania stansburyana, matiki, for children's toy arrows; formerly used occasionally for woodrat arrows, more commonly used today. Man's bow (figs. 16, 17, 18) of mulberry (Morus mi- crophylla, bumu'a); trunk or branch about 2 in. in diameter cut down to proper thickness and length, and trimmed with steel knife (in early times, with stone one). Bow's length was distance from feet to chest; each man made own bow, used it for all purposes. Whip- plea illustrates bow 41/2 ft. long. Bow about 2 in. wide, 1 in. thick at middle. Not wrapped or narrowed in middle for grip. Unstrung when not in use. String of sinew from legs and back of deer. Sinews kept dry until needed, then dampened with water or saliva and rolled on thigh into 2-ply string. No sinew backing "because mulberry wood is strong enough without it." Both ends of bow notched. Upper notches wide beeause string wrapped around that end several times when bow strung. Lower end had narrow notches because only one turn of string taken over it in form of slip noose. In stringing bow, slip noose attached to lower end, which was then held against foot while bow bent to make tight attachment at upper end. Six or 7 wrappings of cord, last having loose end tucked under it, encircled notches at upper end. After first round, string reversed on itself to hold taut length of bowstring in position. To unstring, bow bent slightly and string at upper end unwound. Wrist guard used by Kewevikopaya' not worn by Yavepe or Mat-haupapaya. This ex- plained by different shapes of bows of these peoples, informants declared. No guard needed with NE Yavapai bow. W Yavapai, however, used rawhide wrist guard (salam: sal, hand; am, something-hard cover). Arrow of cane (asta) with hardwood foreshaft and stone point. Cane obtained by Mat- haupapaya at Astaehio (SE Yavapai Atachiopa; see Gifford, 1932a, p. 191) in mts. w of Cherry. Arrow as long as man's arm to tip of middle finger. No name for this measure. Same arrow for hunting or war. Flint or obsidian (a'skwa) point. Obsidian obtained at A'skwa- uiya (obsidian cave) s of Matkwalakisenyakwa in the Bradshaw mts. (Not to be confused with Matkalakisenyakwa, site of gasoline filling station at elevation of 7025 ft. on Mingus mt.). Place belonged to Mat-haupapaya, was 1 day's walk from Mayer for active young man. Pima did not go there. Lumps of obsidian found outside cave. Man knocked off flakes INPt. 3, pl. 41, fig. 1. 4Gifford, 1932a, 223; also NE Yavapai informants. 285 286 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. with hammerstone, being careful of fingers and eyes. Put flakes of satisfactory size in spotted fawnskin bag with hair on outside, carried bag on back by pack strap passing over chest. Bag cylindrical when filled, ends tied with Yucca fiber, then ends of pack strap tied around it so it hung horizontally across man's back. (See fig. 19.) Man flaked obsidian with antler tool. Palm of hand holding flake was covered with buck- skin. Arrowpoint deeply serrate; name, akwas sihinsa (akwas, arrow; sihinsa, serrate). Point set into notch in foreshaft, fastened with Simmondsia californica (ikasu) pitch (apil), tied in place with sinew (misima) which did not pass through notches in point. Type of point for both war and hunting shown in fig. 20. Sometimes notch-based serrate point used for deer, but triangular type preferred. Point with tapering tanged base not used. No bone points. Only flint or obsidian used for points. Arrow foreshaft (muval) made of wood called boval, which grows in mts. near Cleator. Female mt. sheep horn for arrow-joint tightener. Three or 4 holes, burned through horn with burning stick, used to tighten junction of shaft and foreshaft after latter had been set in cane shaft with Simmondsia gum. Arrow inserted in hole, serewed around to bring parts together tightly. For cottontail rabbits and jackrabbits, wooden-pointed arrows carried in quiver. These rather blunt because sharp points broke too easily. Also used for woodrats and birds. Bird arrow had 4 little cross sticks near point; if point missed, one of these sticks might strike bird. Quail shot with this kind of arrow. Eagles, rarely killed, shot with stone-pointed arrow. Their wing and tail feathers pulled. No prayers or politeness to eagle. Eagle feathers preferred for feathering arrows because eagle killed rabbits and other creatures; second choice, turkey vulture feathers. Some youths used hawk feathers. Road- runner feathers not used; would make arrow miss because roadrunner did not kill things as eagle did. Arrows with eagle feathers "never missed." Arrow feathers, kwiowala (feather). Feathers halved; smoothed with knife at center cut. Three halves put radially on each arrow. White, brown, and black feathers from both tail and wing were used. About 10 ar- rows worked on at one time. Fastened feathers at proximal end first, working on arrow after arrow. Then fastened all at distal end with sinew winding (bakwira) after sinew at prox- imal end dried. In applying chewed sinew, arrow turned to wind sinew on it, end of sinew held in mouth as this done. Double winding as sinew wound back over part already covered by one winding. As it dried, it adhered and end did not have to be stuck under winding. Each winding begun near feather barbs and worked toward end of shaft. Feather drawn taut after one end fastened and before 2d winding. Lashing put over feather barbs to hold feather in place. If barbs cut off, smooth quill might pull out when drawn taut for 2d wind- ing. Feathers trimmed after lashed in place; laid on piece of ikapu wood, then cut with knife the way feather barbs lay, i.e., toward proximal end of arrow. Feathers put on straight, no rifling effect.w As feathered, arrows tried gently in bow, passed through crotch between thumb and forefinger to make sure wrapping smooth. Release, primary; but index and middle finger were hooked over string if thumb and in- dex finger got sore from primary release. W Yavapai release also primary. Quiver (ipuwa) of coyote, "tiger," or wildcat hide ;M tail left on, hung from top of quiver. Capacity, 50-70 arrows, which were carried point down. Head of animal formed bottom of quiver; "cut off around nose" and buckskin bottom sewed in; arrowpoints rested on it. Two loops on quiver for attaching it to bandoleer of buckskin. Bandoleer passed over left shoul- der, so quiver hung at right side. No feathers on bandoleer. Late September best time to kill animals for quiver because then hair least apt to shed. Animal cut down belly when skinned, but later sewed up. Brains not used in curing hide for quiver; used only on deer and antelope skins. Coyote or wildcat hide rubbed with stone to soften. Dressing finished in one day. Then hide buried in damp ground for part of day; 6Corbusier, 332, to contrary. "Whipple, pt. 3, pl. 41, fig. 4, pictures quiver of mt. sheep hide. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai removed and sewed up. Each quiver had piece of wood, with skin folded over it, sewed along side that rested against wearer's body. Pulverized plant, apadjiale, rubbed on arrowpoints to poison them. Animals shot with such arrows died quickly. Different poison used on war arrows. Poison for war arrows was mixture of rattlesnake venom, spiders, centipedes, abdominal parts of long-winged "bees," and walnut leaves. Snake killed to get venom. Ingredients pul- verized together, placed in section of cleaned deer gut, buried under hot ashes. Gut removed after one day, with contents already rotting. Mixture dried and kept. When arrows poi- soned, some of mixture spread on flat stone, moistened, arrowpoints rubbed in it. Sometimes these arrows used for hunting; poison did not spoil meat. Person or animal wounded with such arrow died in 24 hours. Poison (apayisar) wrapped in skin from deer's foot, kept in bottom of quiver. Walapai used an arrow poison but Yavapai did not know its composition. In "third or fourth creation," a "man" told Yavapai how to make their arrow poison. Steatite for arrow straighteners obtained from Mount Yunia on w side of Bradshaw mts., NE of Walnut Grove (Waltauwa, pine tree broken), in Mat-haupapaya territory. This only outcrop informants knew. Fist-sized lump of steatite filed into shape with rough stone and smoothed with hard blue rock. Two longitudinal grooves cut in it with obsidian or other hard stone. Ridge left between grooves. Arrow straightener then put in venison soup or stew and cooked a little. Cactus tongs used to place and remove it. Pair of arrow straight- eners used alternately; one heated in fire while other in use. Arrow rubbed back and forth in groove, warmth making cane shaft easy to bend. Worker glanced along shafts to judge straightness, bent crooked shafts over ridge. Arrow straightener found in ruins utilized. W Yavapai.-Bow sometimes of willow, but preferably of mulberry (bumu'a) which was found as far w as Castle Dome mts., Witokewe (wi, rock; tokewe, solid rock canyon fall). Bow not sinew-backed. String of sinews from deer back. Arrowweed arrows preferred for deer, but some cane arrows used. Stone points (yel- low, white, black) attached to both types. Stones all native to mts. of W Yavapai territory. One of 4 specimens found by a W Yavapai in Peeple's valley and given to me, was of white quartz (wikasa"', hard rock). Stone flaked with piece of mt. sheep horn or, more commonly, antelope horn. End of arrowshaft or foreshaft notched for point to fit in; point notched at sides, lashed in place with sinew from deer leg, which also nsed for attaching feathers. Arrowweed and cane arrows feathered with 2 or 3 half-feathers, usually from "chicken hawk" tail. Arrowweed arrow had no foreshaft (vali'), but cane arrow had arrowweed foreshaft. No stone point on quail arrow, but sometimes small sticks tied across end to aid in knocking down bird. Poison for war arrows made by pounding together pachaheni grass, spiders, and rattlesnakes' teeth. Man straightened arrowweed arrow by heating it in coals and bending it with his hands and teeth. Arrow straightener of malpais rock used for cane arrows only, had 2 longitudinal grooves with ridge between them. Straightener warmed; arrow put in groove and bent there, not over ridge. No arrow wrench of mt. sheep horn. Club, Sling, Boomerang, Lance NE Yavapai club (baavi) had rounded or ball head with no sharp edges. Made of mes- quite or cat's-claw wood. About 15 in. long. Buckskin wound around handle, leaving loop to suspend club from wrist. No toothed club or stone-headed club enclosed in rawhide, as among Plains tribes. Only stone-headed club was axe (widjicheka); this had chipped blade, not ground smooth, which fitted into notched handle. Used only for fighting, not to cut wood. Buckskin loop on handle with which to suspend axe from wrist. Handle gripped blade about middle, was lashed to it with rawhide. Native sketches of handle and complete axe are shown in fig. 21. Potato-masher type club (gikiruwisa) of mesquite wood as figured by Corbusier,67 used 670p. cit., 333. Informant said name Corbusier recorded means "cut-off piece of wood." 287 2University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. by W Yavapai. Buckskin wrist strip put through hole in handle. Club tucked in belt when not in use. Handle not pointed. Club painted red or black. Sling of buckskin used by both NE and W Yavapai boys for stone throwing, sometimes by men in war or rabbit hunt. Boomerang (loave) of mesquite or cat's-claw wood used by NE Yavapai. Lance (akwepa-un) or thruster (bastoi) used by both NE and W Yavapai for hand-to- hand fighting. Made of hardwood Yucca stalk (neither bear grass nor soaproot) about 12 ft. long. Plant very narrow-leaved, grows in desert near Congress Junction. Shield Common shield was curtain of deer buckskin attached to stick and hung from bow held horizontally. NE Yavapai named it akwaL, word for hide; W Yavapai called it sukova. Walapai used similar shield. NE Yavapai rarely used unpainted circular shield (sham- kova); this made from neck of deer rawhide, loop put through 2 holes near center of shield for grip. NE Yavapai could not make shields of mt. sheepskin, as did SE Yavapai," beeause no mt. sheep available in Prescott 'and Jerome regions. Informant Jim Miller never heard of using mescal slabs for armor.9 (Pima rawhide shield made from cow or bull neck; was circular in shape, with grip at middle of back. In earlier times, Pima also used elliptical shields of juniper bark. Probably got bark at Black canyon.) MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS NE Yavapai.-Two fiageolets (umulu') of elder (taltala) wood; one, 6-holed, played by men for pleasure; other, 4-holed, employed by shamans in curing. Both end-blown. Plate 10d shows bamboo model with buckskin "reed." Gourd rattle (anal) used by shamans. Tiny pebbles produced sound. Gourds grew wild on "farms" in Verde valley, occasionally were planted. Pebbles placed inside gourd, wooden handle glued in with Simmondsia gum. Any sort of wood used for handle. When not in use, rattle was hung up by buckskin string tied in groove cut in handle. Desert tortoise shells not used for rattles. Gourd rattle only type given Yavapai by goddess Komwidapokuwia. Bullroarer (i'ikwauwa) used by shaman. Shaman amuukyat had 9-in. bullroarer, 11,4 in. in greatest width. One end square, other rounded; 40-in. buckskin cord passed through hole in square end. Wood from lightning-struck pine. Surface painted with white earth (matahe). Zigzag red line down middle of one surface represented lightning. The X on middle of other side, with lines 1/4 in. thick at center, was likeness of god Skatakaamcha's heart. Drum (mataminelva) was pot with antelope buckskin dampened and stretched over ori- fice, lashed on with buckskin cord around rim of pot. A little water inside gave more noise and kept inner surface of buckskin wet. Drumstick (takami) ring-ended, of cat's-claw (Mimosa) wood. Drummer used only one drumstick. Modern drum improvised of tin can partly filled with water and covered with flour sack. W Yavapai.-No whistle. No drum, not even pot with skin over it. Flageolet made of elder (taltala) wood or large cane, with piece of buckskin tied around it for "reed." Played by young man when alone, when happy, when courting. Very ripe gourd used for rattle. Placed in ashes to harden. Cleaned with stick, then by shaking quartz fragments inside it. Gourd perforated and quartz pebbles put in it for sound. Painted red. Wooden handle fastened on with greasewood gum, No tortoise-shell rattle. Bullroarer, painted white, perhaps also with zigzag design, whirled by shaman. GAMES NE Yavapai.-Boys contested in long-distance throwing with sling. Footrace for 2, djuvakelvavi. Footrace for more than 2, bawidavi. For mythical reference to foot-cast ball ,"Gifford, 1932a, 224. '*Cf. SE Yavapai; Gifford, 1932a, 225. 288 Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai in which buckskin ball was kicked by each racer, see myth, Burning of the World.70 Wrest- ling described in Appendix 1, War Tales, no. 11. Girls did not juggle. Women formerly played no games; "tended to business" of food gathering, cooking, etc. Cat's cradle played by neither sex. Girls made dolls, toy cradles, and toy houses of sticks, bushes, etc. Shinny (gombi) played by boys, sometimes by grown men. Sticks either curved or straight. Hoop and pole game, turebi, played by 2 men. No dreaming in connection with game. Hoop and poles not colored. Ring and pin game reported for Yavepe of Verde valley, but not played by Mat-haupapaya. Nohobi: Ball ca. 2 in. in diameter, of soaproot Yucca root or root of coyote melon, hidden in 1 of 4 piles of earth. One member of opposing team came over and guessed hiding place "by the mind" only, without secret use of rattlesnake fangs or jimsonweed. Hiders sang: "I hid it here, but I forgot." Seekers tried to read their expressions. Sometimes as many as 10 played on each side. If one man good at concealing, "lucky," he continued to hide ball. Opponent who guessed right took ball away, and his team hid it. Fourteen to 24 counters used. Hiders got counters from umpire (iisivi) for guessing team's mistakes. Team that got all counters won game. Counters passed out from center by umpire until all in possession of teams, then teams exchanged them. Pile 1 ft. high made of damp earth, so no dust. Man ran hand holding ball into pile, leaving ball in it. Then formed 4 piles from the 1, in square or in row, with ball in 1 of them. Guesser could shove 1 pile over against another, and say: "This is nothing." If ball in shoved pile, guesser lost; if not, action did not count against him. Successful hider tapped poor guesser on knee with ball, laughed at him. Bows, arrows, and buckskins formerly gambled on this game. This game a variant of moccasin game. Three-stick dice game (tohovi) formerly played by men only, now also by women, or both together. Two or 2 pairs of players. Partners sat together, played consecutively. Forty stone counters arranged in circle (witakwi, rock row); 4 openings (called ha, water) in cir- cle, 1 after every 10th stone. (See fig. 22.) Each side had stick marker (tihinyi), moved it around in circle in counting. Markers started from same point but moved in opposite direc- tions. If count brought one stick marker to exact position of other, latter was "killed" and set back to start. Counting of dice throws: 3 blank side up counted 10; 3 painted side up, 5; 1 blank, 2 painted, 3; 2 blank, 1 painted, 1. Throw of 10 called muchi (W Yavapai, mudjvi), entitled player to another throw; other throws designated by their numbers. Dice cast (pl. lOc) ends down on stone slab (witupohigi), bounced off onto ground. Die (iyitakohe) made of split dead willow or saguaro, painted red on one surface. Buckskin, bows, arrows, saguaro cake bet by players. Saguaro cake was property of man of house. He could not wager his wife's possessions without her consent. W Yavapai.-Men's games: shinny, hoop and pole, hiding stone. Shinny (komovi) played by 2 groups of equal number, with 2 or more persons in each. Ball driven with curved stick of cat's-claw (Mimosa) wood, which player held in both hands. Player supposed to keep out of driver's way so did not complain when hit on shins. Sometimes, in addition to driver, player had straight stick which he held vertically against ground to interfere with opponent's drive. Ball of buckskin with mescal-fiber stuffing. Goals were bushes rather than set-up sticks. Shinny usually played by young men, "maybe in sum- mer, maybe any time." Informants did not know if people gambled on result. Game began in middle of field; 1 goal won game. Teams changed goals for each game. No umpire. Vir- gins (missi) sometimes played shinny with boys. This only game besides isto'vi in which women participated. Hoop and pole game (turuvi) played by 2 men. Ring of "something" covered with buck- skin, ca. 1 ft. in diameter. Willow poles each ca. 10 ft. long and ca. 11/2 in. in diameter at base, tapering toward distal end. Way of leaning ring on pole counted. Players usually threw in turn, rarely simultaneously. Informant knew nothing of dreams about game. Hiding-stone game (nohovi) played as by NE Yavapai. 70Gifford, 1933b, 373. 289 290 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Isto'vi. Game for women primarily, though men sometimes played it with them. Played especially in summer. Large circle, drawn according to number of players, divided into quarters by lines called "rivers" (hashiyaki, water lying on ground). Forty pebbles placed on 4 arcs of circle, 10 on each. Flat stone put in center of circle. Three staves (isto'vi) or dice, made of halves of branches or saguaro wood, each ca. 5 in. long, painted pink or red on flat side. These thrown on center stone. Points counted as by NE Yavapai. Each player had stick for indicating count. All indicators placed at one "river mouth" to start. When count of throw brought one indicator to same position as another, latter was "killed" and returned to start. Player starting again counted in same direction as before. Before game, players determined direction of count; all went in one direction or half each way. Also agreed on number of rounds which would constitute game; this often 10. One woman having bad luck might ask another to throw for her. Winning was called "jumping in the river." No umpire. Beads, nose ring, buckskins gambled. Winner took everything. Children played any game they liked and were old enough to understand. PETROGLYPHS W Yavapai.-Kinyuriki (to mark, to write) applied to pictographs, petroglyphs, moc- casin designs, etc. Sometimes young people chipped out new petroglyphs in imitation of ancient ones, which were not understood. Old petroglyphs of unknown origin; found in desert as well as at water holes. Palomas mts. called Hakinyur (petroglyph water) because of deep "tank" there with perennial water and many petroglyphs. POSTURES AND ACTIONS NE Yavapai.-"Yes" and "no" formerly spoken only, not indicated by head shaking. Men squatted to micturate. No spittoons. No blocks or chairs to sit on. Old woman was seen carrying burden basket of wood in true Californian style. Sitting positions: (1) Tuwi'i, one foot under, other to side. Men and women. Adopted by women working on baskets and grinding on metates. (2) Sekuldjunbakwa, cross-legged, tailor fashion. Men and women. Common position when gambling. (3) Kanulebakwa, legs straight in front. Men and women. (4) Bakwa, squatting, buttocks against back of ankles. Men only. (5) Owaka, sitting with knees up. Men and women. (6) Kneeling with haunches resting on heels. Modern practice learned from whites. (7) Uparaudi, heels under buttocks, toes out, calves folded tightly against thighs. Left-handedness indifferently regarded. Left-handed archer no better than right-handed one. NE Yavapai noted for their runnersu who ran down deer and expeditiously delivered in- vitations to dances. Story told of young woman who ran from Verde valley to Granite Dells, near Prescott, before sunrise (sic). Sleep thought to be contagious. Sometimes, several men singing to help shaman who sang all night, would fall asleep one after another. Only shaman would keep on singing. Two men-Jim Stacey, amuukyat-each had second toe noticeably longer than great and third toes; same feature noted by Lowie7 among Moapa and Shivwits and by Gifford among Northfork Mono.' Jim Miller had never heard of a Yavapai suicide. W Yavapai.-Walking, bo. Swimming, hapui; ancient practice. Man sometimes stood on one foot, other foot resting against knee. No name for this position. Sitting positions: (1) Kispuk, one leg flexed tightly with foot straight back, other leg flexed so foot against thigh of first, knees flat on ground. Both sexes. (2) Kanule, legs straight in front. Both sexes. (3) Tuwi'i, knees on ground, buttocks on heels. Men only. nCorbusier, 326. 72Lowie, 312. "Gifford, 1932b, 54. Gifford: Northeastern and We8tern Yavapai2 DANCING NE Yavapai.-Dancing (ima) limited chiefly to war incitement and victory celebration; occasional social dances and feasting. Messenger with invitation to social dance carried piece of cane with surface design cut in eheeker pattern.7' Aside from dances in line or in circle holding hands, most frequent dance was kasarrima (dog or coyote dance): 2 women asked man to dance; then faced in opposite direction from man, with him between them; interlocked arms, stepped backward and forward. Circles of dancers always moved clockwise (sunwise); opposite direction "not good." Ima namename (dance of parallel lines enclosing space) consisted of 2 lines of dancers facing one another and alternately advancing and retreating. Sometimes a large number of people dancing in circle or line tended to form a hexagon (namusi). No kichima macha7u or spring dance. However, kichimave machi means "eating plant products as they ripen." No such dances among Mat-haupapaya. At harvest time, people assembled and feasted. W Yavapai.-Cirele dance, ima kakame (to circle). Feast and dance on eve of war party's departure, or victory dance, especially when scalp taken. Men and women alternated to form. circle, holding hands. One male dancer led singing. No drum or other musical ac- companiment. Children did not dance. Dance very vigorous; people stamped and bobbed bodies up and down. Painted faces red, black, and white, not yellow. Common pattern: Parallel stripes vertical or horizontal on face. Did not paint bodies, arms, or legs. Wore buckskin clothing. Dog dance of NE Yavapai not danced. No masked dancers like those of San Carlos Apache or NE Yavapai (see Supernatural Beings). SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND CUSTOMS Except for the matrilineal clans among the Southeastern Yavapai, social and political groups were organized on the Great Basin principle of the family and simple bands or hordes, to use the term of Australian anthropologists. The presence of these matrilineal clans introduces a question of considerable theoretical interest, namely, the validity of one of the so-called "sociological laws." According to Professor A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, "an adequate sociolog- ical understanding or interpretation of any culture can only be attained by relating the characteristics of that culture to known sociological laws."' Yavapai kinship systems closely resemble those of the Mohave,' Yuma,'8 and Maricopa' of the lower Colorado and Gila rivers. If types of kinship system and social organization are indeed governed by "sociological laws," why is it that these Yuman kinship systems remain of a single type, in spite of the fact that the river Yumans are organized in patrilineal clans, the Southeastern Yavapai in matrilineal clans, and the Northeastern and Western Yavapai are without clans? According to Radcliffe-Brown, this should not be. He states that "there is a very thorough functional correlation between the kinship ter- minology of any tribe and the social organization of that tribe as it exists at present."'8 How can a single type of kinship system have "a very thorough functional correlation" with matrilineal, patrilineal, and bilateral organiza- tions all at one time ? 74Cf. Gifford, 1932a, 189. 7Kroeber, 1917, 340. 79Spier, 1933, 208. 7"Gifford, 1932a, 238. "Gifford, 1922, 62. 801931, 427. Italics mine. "Radcliffe-Brown, 1932, 157. 291 292 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. No doubt the rejoinder would be that the Southeastern Yavapai clans probably were borrowed recently from the Western Apache, and there has not yet been time for the "correlation" of the kinship system with this new feature of social organization. But what of the patrilineal clans of the river tribes, which seem to be of considerable antiquity and cannot be attributed to the influence of any neighboring group unless, possibly, the Pima-Papago? If this alleged "sociological law" exists, it is legitimate to ask just how long a period must elapse before it begins to operate and bring a tribal kinship sys- tem into "thorough functional correlation" with the tribal social organization. The Yuman kinship systems which I have mentioned completely lack the mergings of relatives, such as uncle-aunt and parent, cousin and sibling, which are usually regarded as diagnostic features of the kinship systems of unilat- erally organized peoples. In short, the facts of Yuman society insist on defying the "law" of "a very thorough functional correlation." Something must be wrong with either the "law" or the facts. One cannot deny that in certain areas, for instance, in Australia, there are examples of "very thorough functional correlation" between kinship terminol- ogy and social organization. Unless such correlation is universal, however, it does not rise to the dignity of a law. Certainly the Yuman practice is to the contrary, and urges agreement with the findings of Professor Kroeber and the present writer, that there is not necessarily a close correlation between the kinship terminology of a people and their social institutions.n In their strictness concerning the behavior of married people, the Yavapai resemble the Apache rather than the river Yumans; but they did not perform the Apache dance of virgins. The annual war raids against the Walapai recall the perennial enmity of the Yuma and Cocopa on the lower Colorado. The aim was killing, not plunder. Observances of life crises were widespread. Nose piercing was a war honor, not a puberty rite as it was for the river Yumans. Private ownership of land or its products, other than eagles' nests, seems to have been unknown. The dead were cremated, but the mourning ceremonies of southern Californian type were conspicuously absent. KINSHIP SYSTEMS In the following lists, a term for which neither vocative nor reference is indicated by (v) or (r) is the same in both. Asterisks preceding a term indicate its occurrence in more than one class of relatives. Following abbreviations used: a aunt, b brother, c cousin, ch child, d daughter, f father, h husband, m mother, mn man's, ne niece, np nephew, o older, p parent, r reference, s son, sb sibling, ss sister, u uncle, v vocative, w wife, wm woman's, y younger, di male, 2 female. As affixes: g grand-, x cross-, / half-, I1 -in-law. NE Yavapai.-In address, nya (my) preceded terms.82 BKroeber, 1909, 83; 1917, 382; Gifford, 1922, 239, 284. 82This is reverse of recorded SE Yavapai eustom (Gifford, 1932a, 193). Recorder may be at fault. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai Parent class tala, f (v). gita, f (r), m (v). dji, m (r). nipo, f f, f p b. morra, f m, f p 88. skwauwa, m f. skola', m m, m p ss. niko, m p b. djikava, mn gp f. *nicha, wm gp f. *nut, mn gp m. baya, wm gp m. kori, s (V). home, mn s (r), also adult s (v) . isauwa, wm ch (r), also wm adult d (v). Woman may refer to child as boy-child or girl-child. djanye, young d (v). wiche, mn d. Grandparent class auwa, s ch, sb s ch. ko, d ch, sb d ch. Great-grandparent class djikava, un ch gs. *nut, mn ch gd. *nicha, wm ch gs. baya, wm ch gd. Great-great-grandparent class *nicha, mn f great gf. *sudj, mn great gs s. *nut, mn f great gm. *nicha, wm great gs s. Informants knew no other great great gp terms. Sibling class waka, o sb, o / sb (v). kele,ysb,y/sb (v). No sibling taboo. yanui, f o b. *nicha, f y b. neti, m o 8s. mida, m y 88. skwera, m b. nipi, f ss. *unye, u w. *bahamila, a h. wakwa, b, / b (r). chemisi or djimisi, ss, / ss (r). Uncle class wita, mn y b ch. *sudj, mn o b a. *nut, mn o b d. wisa, wm y ss ch. yo, wm o 58 ch. wana, mn as ch. pi, wm b ch. Spouses of uncles and aunts *kunyeya, h np, h nc. *bahamila, w np, w nc. Among persons who have both blood and marriage relationship, former takes precedence. Interpreter's f b w was also his m o as (neti), by which term he called her. She called him wisa instead of kunyeya. 293 294 Univer8ity of California Publicationa in Ain. Arch. and Ethn. Spou.e claa hami, h (v). bahamiwi, h (r). Literally, Iowa, w (v). "person belonging to me." tii'kewi, w (r). Literally, "woman belonging to me." Parallel cousin class mike or yukamika, mn f b s. niauwa, f b d, wm f b s. maya (v) or kisimayabi (r). m ss ch. Cro88-couain cla88 sikave (v) or sikava (r), mn xc. *nut, mn ? xc. *nicha, wm xe. maye, wm ? xc. First couwins once removed Denoted by uncle-aunt, nephew-niece terms, as in SE Yavapai system.' Second and third con8ins nia, o 2nd c, o 3rd c. inye, y 2nd c, y 3rd c. Step-relation class Step-parents called by parent terms, step-children by child terms, step-siblings by sib- ling terms. Parent-in-law class wilhenyi, w f, w u. kenyia, chl, sb chl. komwidemenyi, w m, w a. wilhekunyeya, h f, h u. komwidekunyeya, h m, h a. No terms for chl sb, sb pl, or ch pl. Sibling-in-law cla88 *bahamila, w sb, se h. *unye, b w. *kunyeya, h sb. No terms for 3-step sbl. Mother's father was wakamiye (literally, sorrow), "high man" in the family, "wise man, knows everything," more influential than father's father. No special respect to f so or m b. Mother-in-law taboo present. Also father-in-law taboo unless he was old, then proper to talk with him. Motive of speech taboo was "showing respect." W Yavapai lacked parent-in- law taboo. Brother and husband of woman talked kindly with one another. Did not joke. Cousins (more remote than first) joked with one another, even if of opposite sexes and jokes ob- scene. Unrelated men sometimes exchanged presents, thereafter called one another cousins. Person about equally referred to by teknonymy as by name, espeeially if name not remem- bered. W Yavapai term for family: pacha. W Yavapai.-In address, kinship terms always preceded by nya (my), otherwise terms "naked." IOGifford, 1932a, 194. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai tala, f (v). djita, m (v), f (r). djidji, m (r). Parent class home, mn s. widje, mn d. thauwa, wm ch. gote, wm s (endearing term to small boy). djenye, ,wm d (endearing term to small girl). Grandparent class *bora, f f. *auwa, s ch. *kwauwa, m f. *ko, d ch. *morda, f m. *kola, m m. *ginye, great geh. *niya, great gp. No word for aneestors beyond great grandparents. Grandparents' siblings of same sex *bora, f f b. *kwauwa, m f b. *morda, f m 88. *kola, m m 55. bayi, f f 58. midi, m m br. *niya, f m br. niko, m f ss. waka, o sb. nuwi', f o b. *nicha, f y b. nipi, f ss. kweda, m b. nithi, m o SS. midi, m y a5. *meka, mn f b s. niauwe, mn f b d, wm f b ch. maye, wm m ss d. disamaive, m 88 8, un m ss d. *sikave, nmn dxc. payi, wm ~ xc. *nota, mn 2 xe. *nicha, wm d xe. *auwa, mn b s ch. *ko, mn b d ch. auwa, wm so s ch. *ko, wm as d ch. Grandparents' siblings of opposite sex bayi, wm b s ch. midi, mn ss d ch. *ginye, mn ss s ch. *ko, wm b d ch. Sibling class djella, y sb. Uncle class wita, mn y b ch. *sudja, mn o b s. *nota, mn o b d. pi, wm b ch. wana, mn ss ch. wisa, wm y 58 ch. nyo, wm o ss ch. Parallel cousin class Cross-cousin class 295 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Second-cousin class When sons of 2 *sikave xC address one another, elder calls younger *sudja, younger calls elder *nicha. Sons of 2 *meka parallel cousins do likewise. Spouses of uncles and aunts *unye, u w. *kunyea, h np, h nc. *bamila, a h, w np, w ne. Parent-i,n-law class palhenyi, w f. kunyia, SI. komwidamenyi, w m. *unye, dl. *kunyea, h p. Sibling-in-law class *bamila, w sb, ss h. *kunyea, h sb. *unye, b w. MARRIAGE NE Yavapai.-Mat-haupapaya had only one wife at a time. Yavepe of Verde valley and Jerome region sometimes had more than one. Kewevikopaya oecasionally had 2 or 3; one Four Peaks man had 10 wives who lived in separate huts. Informants knew nothing of the stealing of Tonto Apache women. One informant thought marriage for girls at 15 years of age was a Tonto custom intended to give young girls to grown men. Mat-haupapaya man married when he was about 25 years old, sometimes got gray hair before marriage. Women married at same age. Old men advised boys against earlier intercourse because it would make them poor runners; old women told girls to keep away from boys. No unnatural prac- tices admitted. No unmarried girl pregnant in old times; this "did not happen." Girl stayed at home, helping mother. Did not run around with men. Parents usually arranged marriage. Young people had little chance to be together. Flageolet not played in courtship. No child betrothal, or betrothal of small girl to older man. At marriage (lowebi), bridegroom paid to parents of girl 2 buckskims of his own taking. Sometimes paid 3 if girl especially good looking, light complexioned, virtuous, and good cook. Bride price not discussed; paid to girl's father or, if father dead, to mother. If bride orphan, price paid to her sibling or grandparent. Young couple met and expressed liking before marriage. Premarital intercourse not objectionable. Marriage feast for relatives and friends either before first night or on next day. Girl's parents supplied food. Girl's mother gathered seed and presented it to bridegroom's mother. Sometimes couple had intercourse for 2 or 3 nights before ruptured hymen (tucha). Virgin: viapis' tucha (woman hymen). After marriage, couple lived with bride's parents for 6 months or year. Husband hunted and performed man's work. Then he took wife to live with his parents for 6 months or year. Thereafter couple could move around by themselves. Some young men and women remained virgin until 25 or 30 years old. Contrast with present practice. Very distant relatives might marry, but close ones who did so were killed by own kinsmen. No first-cousin marriages. Levirate, estayobi (esta, golden eagle; yobi, pick up), if surviving brother (older or younger) bachelor. If brother married, uncle of dead man (paternal or maternal) might marry widow. Sororate also called estayobi; widower marrying sister of late wife did not Pjay second bride price. No man had two living wives who were sisters. No polyandry. Old bachelors rare. Widowed persons usually waited several years before remarrying. No rule against couple turning back to back on first night. No berdaches of either sex. Tonto hermaphrodite mentioned, of whom all afraid. If man assaulted married woman, her husband and relatives might kill him. Husband who heard of wife's indiscretions got rid of her. Left adulterous wife; did not attempt to punish adulterer. If man guilty, wife left him. Sometimes wife pulled rival's hair. 296 Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai "Every woman had a baby." Sterility not divorce cause. Man quit wife who was cranky, too lazy to get water, or bad cook. Couple with children not so apt to separate. NE Yavapai had strict ideas of proprieties when men and women danced together. Trouble might start if married person held hand of person of opposite s'ex. Man holding married woman's hand might get punched in eye by her husband. W Yavapai.-No elopement. Bride price always paid. Young man who wanted girl in marriage told his father; who took buckskins to girl's parents. They showed approval by accepting buckskins, cutting them up and giving pieces to other people in camp, nonrela- tives as well as relatives, so all would be satisfied. Later gifts from bridegroom's parents were meat and buckskins. Girl's parents kept buckskins, but distributed meat throughout camp. Sometimes girl forced to marry much older man because he was good hunter and her parents wanted gifts from him. Close relatives of bridegroom-brothers and cousins- helped supply presents of buckskins and venison. For several months after marriage, girl's parents gave mescal and seed to bridegroom's parents. No feasting at marriage or later. Newly married couple lived at camp of girl's parents. Even bridegroom who was mature and expert hunter complied with this custom. Couple had separate hut. Continued matri- local residence for years, though man's parents also might live in same camp. Sometimes 10 families lived and traveled together. Might separate at some seasons, going to different water holes, later reuniting. For some years groom's and bride's parents made occasional presents to one another. Gradually these became less frequent. Birth of young couple's first child was occasion for special gifts between their parents. No polygyny except man might take 2 wives who were sisters; informants knew of only one example of this. Distant relatives could marry, but first cousins or first cousins once removed could not. Approximation to levirate in one custom: relative of dead man married widow without making gifts to her parents. Levirate primarily to provide care for children of deceased brother. Man sometimes quit own wife to marry brother's widow. Bride price not repaid to divorced man. Causes for divorce: quarreling, jealousy, un- faithfulness, barrenness(?). Divorce formerly rare; contrast with present. Man killed wife and lover caught in delicto. This caused feud with their relatives. Man never forgiven; might leave country to avoid death. Wife fought husband's mistress; pulled her hair, pummeled her, etc., but did not kill her. Woman might leave unfaithful husband, taking children. Children, regardless of age, went with mother. BANDS AND MARRIAGE NE Yavapai.-Bands (bachacha) neither exogamous nor endogamous. Enforced propin- quity of reservation life has increased number of marriages between persons of different bands. Offspring regarded as members of mother's band. Perhaps this matrilineal reckoning evidence of matrilocal residence in prereservation times. Thirty-eight marriages recorded at Camp McDowell in which one or both contractants were NE Yavapai. Only 5 of these intratribal; this not surprising because Camp McDowell reservation lies outside NE Yava- pai territory. Twenty-four with SE Yavapai, 8 with W Yavapai, 1 with Apache. Some W Yavapai said to have married Yuma; certainly many married SE and NE Yava- pai in reservation days, as following indicates: 16 marriages recorded in which one or both contractants were W Yavapai; only 2 intratribal; 6 with SE Yavapai, 8 with NE Yavapai. No clans of either SE Yavapai or Yuma type among NE or W Yavapai. CHIEFS NE Yavapai.-No true chiefs, but man of importance-"high man" or "head man," espe- cially one who had distinguished himself in war -called bamulva. (Chiefs appointed by Indian Agents named mayora.) Each bamulva (ba, person; mulva, name) had killed 2 or 3 enemies "with his hands," i.e., with short club or axe. Killing with bow and arrow did not 297 298 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. count. Men only bestowed this title; it was not hereditary. Mastava was SE Yavapai equiva- lent of bamulva. Bamulva was wise man, great warrior. He was moderate in speech, stopped quarrels, knew best about campsites, ete. People followed him because his personality won their confidence. Son not made bamulva unless he possessed his father's qualifications. Jim Stacey knew nothing of bamulva wearing turquoise, as did mastava of SE Yavapai.8' No infor- mant knew of chiefs over the large groups: Mat-haupapaya, Kewevikopaya, or Yavepe. Some bamulva: (1) Tikumta, a Wikutepa living at Skull valley and Mayer; slayer of Wachumorma, dread Walapai leader. (2) Tevokawokasi, Walkeyanyanyepa living at Ad- jusoweye and Adjustiteye. Bavwete was title of lesser chief, often a bamulva too old to go on warpath. People se- lected him because he was wise, good, kind. Wekepaka (we, vulva; kepaka, open) was bavwete among Redrock people; directed antelope-surround, also was warrior. Bavwete talked to people about momentous matters: advised concerning next move for food, told women where to find certain seeds, counseled men to go early on deer hunt. Such directed food gathering might be done in preparation for invited guests, as those bid to council of war. Bavwete told children to arise before dawn and run, because late sleepers might be sur- prised by enemy. He taught boys to run up hills to become good runners; even trained girls to run 10 or 15 mi. in short time, perhaps to bring back seed. W Yavapai.-Each band had leader called bakacha or sometimes mayora, Spanish term used for Mohave head man. Other words for leader: bakamulva (main person), djinimi, bachacha (person in charge). Chief did own talking, had no assistant who served as orator. Occasionally advised peo- ple in early morning or evening, but not daily. Chief sent runner with messages to other camps; chose good runner, not necessarily same one each time. No special term for messen- ger or runner; called "man with message." Carried no emblem, stick of any kind, or kipu. Chumwavasal (Chemehuevi hand)85 was earliest chief known to informants. His duties were advisory. People went where they liked, did not necessarily accept his advice. He lived in Skull Valley region, sometimes went to Mohave country to trade. Many people followed him. In war crisis, he sent messengers to all W Yavapai, setting day of assembly for feast before going to war. This man was an orator, was looked on as leader because he had made himself prominent. When Chumwavasal died, Captain Coffee became chief. Other W Yava- pai chiefs: Ichewachakama (hit his enemy), a famous war leader; his brother, Hamehi- tauta. DIVISION OF LABOR NE Yavapai.-Women got water for camp, men gathered dead wood. Live trees not cut for fires. Small pieces of wood transported in conical, twined burden basket with buckskin pack strap. Large pieces carried on shoulder. Both men and women carried mescal "cabbages" in burden baskets to cooking place. Slabs of dried, cooked mescal and other dried food products often carried by men. Women built huts. Men dressed skins and manufactured all clothing. Women made baskets and pottery. W Yavapai.-Men built huts, dressed skins, manufactured all skin clothing. Women got water. Men gathered firewood. Widows, however, had to get their own wood. Women cooked and prepared all foods except deer meat, which was cut up by men. On march, women walked behind men; this also Pima custom. People had never heard of male or female berdache. However, women sometimes went on war party dressed as women. BABIES NE Yavapai.-Pregnant woman ate nothing from interior of head of deer. She could not look at deer's antlers or they might grow on her baby's head. If she ate deer tongue, '"Gifford, 1932a, 187. 85Corbusier, 335. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai baby's tongue would protrude. Baby's body might be flat if she ate jackrabbit, and if she ate rabbit head, baby might have harelip. She was forbidden to look sideways, up, or into water, lest baby be cross-eyed. If she looked at person who had bad face or at short person, baby might have same defects. She would not sit in doorway, lest baby get caught inside her. Baby might be caught crosswise at birth if she lay on bed in opposite direction from husband. She used stick head scratcher, but could eat salt. Abortion not admitted. Woman bearing child was cared for by her mother. She sat on fawn hide spread over soft grass, usually in house. Her mother put arms around her from behind, pressed down on her abdomen to aid parturition. She gave birth sitting. Someone, often her husband, held her by shoulders while she was in labor. Baby lived one day or so without mother's milk. If birth at 8 months, mother might not give milk for 2 days. During that time, baby got nothing to eat or drink. Both NE and W Yavapai mothers squeezed milk on hot stone to ensure good flow. Umbilical cord cut with stone knife, kept on cradle hood for one year or until child walked. Then still preserved, lost, or thrown away. If mother died, her mother might bring up child. Newborn baby washed in warm water by mother's or father's mother. No medicine put in water. To stop bleeding after birth, boiled juniper leaf decoetion given mother to drink, also rubbed on her body. For other decoctions used see Medicines. Mother put in sandpit, covered with blanket; lay there about one day, first on back, then on belly. After 2 days soaproot Yucca fiber tied around her belly so it would not hang over. Afterbirth buried by husband before dawn. No birth feast, but feast 2 or 3 weeks later when relatives assembled to congratulate couple. For 4 days, or until umbilical cord came off baby, father followed mother's food restric- tions. However, he could hunt, did not have to remain quietly indoors. Diet: no meat, no salt; scratching stick used. Mother dieted for about one month, drank warm water. Expectant mother produced twins by lying on back instead of side; then foetus "broke in half, forming two." If twins of opposite sex born, girl twin sometimes buried alive. Undesired children exposed. Interpreter Johnson Stacey exposed in snow at birth because parents, having lost 8 or 9 children, decided not to try to rear another. However, mother dreamed man stood by bed and commanded her to keep child. Father, Jim Stacey, rushed out, picked up child already blue with cold, and cut and tied the umbilical cord in the an- cient style. A boy of illegitimate birth, living at Camp McDowell and 10 or 12 years old in 1932, was exposed by mother's mother, but rescued by mother's sister. Johnson Stacey's younger brother, John D. Stacey, was born outdoors in violent snowstorm on mountain ridge above Jerome. Child called "Baby" till 4 or 5 years old, then given name chosen by one parent. No name feast. Baby never named for deceased relative. After child born, couple did not resume intereourse for 2 months or more, sometimes not until baby could walk. Baby being weaned was fed ground seed and venison soup, kata seed, metak seed, and skwauv (a black seed). Long nursing bad, believed to "poison" moth- er's milk for next ehild. Nursing of boy baby for more than 1 year might cause next child, if girl, to be stillborn, or vice versa. Effect not so bad if 2d child of same sex as 1st. Cradle of 1st baby used for 2d. No baby had more than 1 cradle. Flattened occiputs of old people attributed to hard cradles because nowadays younger people, kept on soft pillows as infants, have not same characteristic. All male, some female babies had ears pierced at age of 1 or 2 months. Adults wore ear ornaments as described by Corbusier (p. 280). Mother pierced baby's ears with bone awl, from either front or back. Apertures kept open with bits of jackrabbit hair. No other holes made in ears. Slit in one informant's ear lobe result of infection caused by piercing. Seeing interpreter's baby son for first time, Jim Miller took ashes from fireplace and rubbed them on baby's chest. This done by men only to children of either sex, in imitation of Komwidapokuwia who rubbed ashes on infant Skatakaamcha's chest. 299 300 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. W Yavapai.-Expectant mother walked much because sitting around made delivery diffi- cult. Did not overeat lest child be large, nor eat inner parts of animal for fear delivery would be difficult. Gave birth in dwelling to avoid suffering from cold and blood clog. No special house built. Her mother or another woman helped at birth, pressing on her shoulders and belly while she sat with legs spread out, hands on ground, heels in holes against which she braced herself. Baby received on fine, dry grass placed on ground. Shaman called if de- livery difficult. He pressed lightly on woman's abdomen and sang about bow and arrow; this helped for girl as well as boy baby. Newborn baby usually cried at once. Umbilical cord sawed through with sharp rock. Later tied with any kind of string to hood of cradle. Nothing put on child's umbilicus. After baby born, woman stood and leaned over with short stick pressed against abdomen to aid discharge of afterbirth. This buried by husband so animals could not dig it up. It was not known whether harm would come to woman if animals did dig up afterbirth. For 6 days or more, mother and child were kept on bed of warm coals and earth, covered with grass. (Same bed used for woman's first menses.) Woman's mother or other attendant prepared new coals, changed coals of bed once a day, usually in morning. Diet: maize meal in water; this was drunk. No meat. No scratching stick. Woman observed diet only while discharge continued. After that ate anything. Salt not taboo. No taboos for husband. Directly after bearing child, mother drank red, bitter, boiled decoction of shrub ikwala. This believed to prevent conception and inhibit menstruation for 2 or 3 months. Woman who had miscarriage or stillborn child received no special treatment. Such mishaps caused by heavy work, fall, or bump. Sometimes twins born, but informant had never seen any. Twins not bad omen; "came because expectant mother lay on her back instead of her side; thus foetus broke in two." No preferential treatment for twins. No ideas such as those of Yuma-Cocopa. Twins not killed. Death of one caused other to die (sic). Boy-girl twins not bad. No infanticide. Baby named while in cradle. No feast. Generally mother chose name, which was always new, never that of dead or living relatives. Females kept names through life. Some names had meaning, others did not. Children sometimes named for birds, beasts, flowers. Twins named in same way as other babies. Baby washed daily with warm water, usually by maternal grandmother. Bit of soaproot Yucca stalk chewed and rubbed on baby at each washing. When few days old, baby had ears pierced with Opuntia spine by mother. Otherwise would grow up unruly: if boy, would run after women, if girl, after men; would not listen to advice. No idea about bad hereafter if ears not pierced. Holes kept open with sticks. Once-not daily-mother squeezed baby's flat nose to make it stand out; pressed thumb on roof of his mouth to aid nose growth at bridge; rubbed and pressed his forehead and cheeks; and put him on his belly and pressed his back. Baby not weaned until about 4 years old. Mother broke him of suckling by rubbing pinlon pitch on her nipples. Did this if she expected another baby. Mother who had bad dream about baby threw ashes on him and breathed over his limbs and body. Mother helped baby to learn to walk. Both parents taught him first words: mother, father, grandmother, etc. "The A-Yuma mothers for several months bind on the infant's breastbone a buckskin bag, from two and a half to three inches square, filled with earth, and are frequently seen pressing in the bone with their hands."6 Both W and NE Yavapai used these bags which, informants said, contained saguaro seed and were put on infants' chests to prevent swelling. CHILDHOOD NE Yavapai.-First tooth lost by child was wrapped in food and fed to dog, or thrown toward E by father, to ensure sound new teeth. Child held his hands on each side of his head '*Corbusier, 330. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai3 with index fingers projecting up like horns. Father, standing behind child, brought his in- dex fingers together with tooth between, left finger horizontal, right vertical, and filliped tooth as far as he could to E. No prayer uttered. Gilbert Davis felt his tooth pass over his hair in this ceremony. W Yavapai had same custom. Children taught by fathers and mothers, also grandparents and uncles. Maternal grand- mother taught girl how to get foods, make basketry and pottery, fetch water, and cook. Boy instructed by father's father (sometimes by mother's father) in deer hunting and in the making of bow and arrow, buckskin boots, leggings, etc. Taught to run in early morn- ing, bathe in river. Told to run to stream and put ice water or ice on eyes when tears came easily in cold winter. As boy 7 or 8 years old, Jim Stacey carried pack when family traveled. Buckskin bag on his back containing bundle of blankets, food, basket dishes, etc., was supported by buckskin pack strap over his forehead. Sometimes, when he tired, his mother carried him sitting on her shoulders. Children picked and played with blossoms of Castilleja integra, iluichikurr (species of paint brush with red flowers), and Lupinus sp., nyakaskama. Made no flower wreaths or necklaces. Jim Miller corroborated statementn concerning deference to boys. Story of adopted Walapai boy recorded.'8 W Yavapai.-Small girls and boys made huts and played married. Doll made of wrapped stick, put in imitation cradle. Boys and girls played hide and seek, and tag. No blind man's buff, no kites. Mother watched girl closely to keep her virgin until married. Virgin worth more. No dance of virgins as among San Carlos Apache. Girls gradually learned woman's arts; might start with basketry, pottery, or cooking. Mother taught woman's duties to daughter: told her to be industrious and gather food so, when married, she could properly supply family; said if she were lazy and improvident others would talk about her. Small boy played with bow and arrow, shooting at grass bundle. Father or older boy made bow. Boys 10 or 12 years old shot one another with blunt arrows. Father taught son how to hunt, make buckskin, etc. Early each morning and at night father (not mother) advised children about conduct: "Wake up early. Go out and run, so you will not be a sleepy head. Bring in wood, put it on the fire. Don't fight other children." Grandparents advised children, too. If father dead, mother's brother might train children. People tried not to get angry when their children fought. Yavapai-Walapai enmity traditionally outgrowth of children's quarrel. One adoption: Akwakwa (deerhorns), Peeple's Valley Tolkepaya, adopted Walapai boy. Jim Stacey once saw this boy after he was grown. Jim asked who was handsone man; was told: "Deerhorns' son." (See Appendix A, tale no. 6.) PUBERTY NE Yavapai.-No special puberty rite except snow put in child's axillars to prevent hair growth and odor. Boys told to drink only in morning and evening to train themselves to go without water on warpath. For endurance, taught to run to top of hill in early morning. Boys' ability increased rapidly; in few days some could run to top of hill without stopping. Taught to hunt dove, quail, woodrat, deer, etc. Not fed much; light eating made men strong. When his voice changed, boy used scratching stick. No boys' club house. Sometimes boy stayed with father's father, occasionally with mother's father. He was not real man until 25 or 30 years old. Then of age and could go around as he pleased. Got married about that time. Young men and women ran to stream, washed faces even if ice on water. Old men advised youths to run toward dawn, brush hands over eyes to be wide awake and vigorous. At first menses (tekovi), when girl told mother, and at later menses (awati, red), girl quit meat and salt and used scratching stick. Did not lie in hot pit or in house. Wore nothing to 87Corbusier9 329. 18 See Appendix A, NE Yavapai War Tales, no. 5. 301 302 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. staunch flow. Drank warm water. Did not wash for 4 days. No custom concerning lice. Same rules for every menstruation. Married woman resumed intercourse about one week after her menses began. During it, husband slept close to or away from her, as he liked. W Yavapai.-First menses, tikuvi; subsequent menses, awha'te. Girl told mother of first menses, was given cane tube for drinking and stick for scratching. On first day, mother painted girl's face all over with black mescal syrup. After 4 days, girl might paint face in regular fashion. No ceremonial disposal of lice at first menses, but girl was required to carry wood daily for 4 days so she would not be lazy later. She ate no meat, but used salt. Every day and night she was put in heated pit. On first day a big woman entered pit and with her feet pressed girl's body all over to make her fleshy and big boned. On 4th day girl was pressed and bathed by mother, who dipped up water and poured it over her. Nothing put in water. After bath, mother rubbed girl with juniper-leaf ashes to kill body odor. No singing or dancing at first menses. No visor, no rule against looking about. Girl could not laugh lest she get wrinkled. Except when wood gathering, she spent 4-day period lying down. In daytime slept in family hut but away from other occupants, and each night in pit. At night used round stone pillow from which head rolled off easily, so she would wake early. When gathering wood, could not pick it up from ground because stooping would make her breasts filat; had to reach up and break branches from trees so as she grew older her breasts would be plump and full. If she scratched with her fingers instead of stick, her hair would not grow long but would puff up and curl. Long lank hair was desired. She wore stick of any kind of wood on buckskin neck string. Did not wear cane tube but kept it handy. If she drank without tube, mustache would grow where water touched upper lip. To eat meat at time of first menses would cause fatal growth in belly. Toothache caused, for girls, by breach of first-menses rules; for adolescent boy, by eating hot things. Boy had to drink cold water, cold soup; could not eat hot things as elders did. Subsequent menses required no ceremony, but meat always taboo. Woman wore nothing to staunch flow. Cooked and performed regular duties; prepared venison for family but could not eat it because it would ruin her teeth. She could not visit sick person. Used no scratching stick. Husband had to use scratching stick when wife had first period after marriage. Rule that girl should not marry until after first menses. If man seduced her before that time, her par- ents would go to house of his parents and destroy buckskin bedding. His parents would not interfere if they knew he was guilty. Otherwise they might use sticks or stones to drive off intruders; did not try to kill them, however. Chief might stop row. Contestants would heed him. Women as well as men engaged in scrimmage. DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD NE Yavapai.-Sick person not removed from house. Corpse burned on funeral pyre built outside house. No one stayed to watch body burn. Pyre fired on 2 sides; belongings thrown on, including baskets if dead person a woman. House burned perhaps 1 hour later. Corpse never burned in house. Bones not buried after cremation. Mourning began only at death. Assembled relatives wailed for 30 or 40 minutes beside corpse. Close relatives mourned for 2 or 3 months, sometimes year. Widow or widower cut hair short like white man's, then allowed it to grow out. Widow put no pitch on face or breast. No mourning anniversary nor burning of offerings subse- quent to funeral. Dead person's name taboo "forever." Quarreling women sometimes spoke names of dead relatives in spite; men did not. If bereaved person laughed and talked too much, spirit of dead relative might come in dream or in waking hours and reprimand him, saying: "If you want to laugh so much, come with me to the land of the dead." In short time this person might die. Similarly, person might die if he cried too much for dead. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai W Yavapai.-Dying person not moved out of house. Corpse burned far away from habi- tations, in pit about 4 ft. deep filled with wood. Only few hours elapsed between death and cremation: person who died in morning was burned in afternoon. One man remained at pyre until fire burned out. Corpse not turned while burning. People returned next day to fill pit. Mourning at house of death until night, then house burned with all personal property of dead person and his family. People of camp moved some miles away, leaving huts to go to ruin. Place not reoccupied until dead person-even if infant-was forgotten. Reasons for moving: ghost (miye) might haunt camp; people could not forget grief if they stayed there. No keruk or mourning ceremony. No food taboo for eorpse handler. For 2 or 3 years women wailed each morning for dead. Widow might remarry after 1 or 2 years if she had ceased to grieve. Married relative of deceased husband. Her parents got no payment or presents. WAR CUSTOMS NE Yavapai.-To make war, kichdjikobi. Before country settled by whites, Yavapai hos- tile to Walapai, Havasupai, Pima. Raided Walapai once a year, sometimes twice.* Dreaming not prerequisite for decision to make war, but dream of enemy killing one's people deterrent. Dream of killing enemies good omen. Man who planned campaign and led warriors called bamulva padja. War messenger (kwekenabi kichke) sent by bamulva padja to assemble people for incite- ment dance; wore no special dress, carried cane cross with white feather, was always elo- quent speaker. Hosts erected huts for visitors at incitement dance. Ichakwawi (convincing) was term for speech at dance of incitement, because leader spoke to convince people of wisdom of war. Terms wayavakyama ima (war-going dance), wayava kimatsa (war dance), or kasarrima (dog dance), applied to actual dancing. In last- named 2 women and 1 man danced together. Men shy, had to be urged by orator to dance with strange girls. No boasting at dance of incitement. No feathers, but red and black war paints worn; person painted whole face red, or forehead black and cheeks red. Did not paint body; wore buckskin shirt and leggings. For 2 or 3 days before going on warpath, man did not think of wife and children, but only of enemy. It was not good for husband to sleep with wife just before going to war. Young warrior first time on warpath drank through 5-in. cane tube lest mustache appear where upper lip touched water. Carried tube and seratching stick (also mandatory) hang- ing on hair. Three-rod coiled, pitched basket cup carried by older warrior in bag at right side; cup used to mix dried mescal and water. Warriors carried mescal slabs which some- times intercepted enemy arrows. No canteens because water obtainable. Both NE Yavapai and Walapai sought omens on warpath. Ten-ft. pole set up with cross- piece at top, to each end of which erect eagle feather fastened with buckskin. One feather for own party, other for enemy. Singing believed to cause movement of one or both feathers. If enemy feather fell to pendent position, enemy would be defeated; if own feather fell, campaign abandoned. Buckskin clothing usually worn by warrior. When fighting in hot south, warrior removed shirt but not leggings. In action, buckskin eurtain shield suspended from horizontally- held bow. Usually war party built no huts when camping for single night. Erected no stone fortifi- cations. Matbome, scout or spy who preceded troops. Scouts sent out in pairs by leader. Seeing something suspieious, they stopped and waited for troops or ran back to report. Al- though smoke signaling denied, refnforeements sometimes burned brush to frighten off enemy or inform friends succor near. This not done in Prescott region. When warrior fell, comrades told enemy to eat body and leave only bones, or shouted: "Did your grandmother tell you to do thatT" Walapai or Havasupai, having shot an impor- *See Appendix A, NE Yavapai War Tales. 303 304 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. tant Yavapai, shouted: "We got the big buck." Yavapai warrior who killed enemy had to purify himself. For 4 days bathed daily with soaproot Yucca, even washing mouth with it; ate no salt or meat; used scratching stick. But could take part in victory dance. Scalping rare; only practiced on offensive campaign, then enemy leader might be scalped. Only one instance of scalping recorded in war tales (Appendix A). Sometimes man be- headed enemy before scalping him. Cut scalp just above ears and eyebrows with steel knife from lower Colorado r. Cleaned and washed scalp with Yucca suds. For 4 days after taking scalp, man bathed each day with soaproot, ate little, abstained from salt and meat, used scratching comb of 4 pieces of wood. His wife and near neighbors bathed, but observed no food taboo. No house built for scalp. In victory dance, an old man under no taboo carried scalp tied to end of 7- or 8-ft. stick. He alone touched scalp, others afraid of "poison." Dance lasted only one night, after which scalp thrown away. Victory dance ('machi) usually performed without scalp. Yavapai attacked enemy camps before dawn when people sleeping, sought to kill all with short clubs rather than arrows. Occasionally woman or child taken captive. Women not violated. No booty taken. Yavapai started homeward immediately after massacre. Walapai customs similar. Walapai raiders at times carried away Yavapai girls, sometimes killing them. Once Walapai carried away 3 Verde Valley women, who were later rescued by Yava- pai from Redrock country. Yavapai slew prisoners, burned bodies; on rare occasions ate some of flesh; boasted of this at next meeting with enemy. Yavapai informant said Walapai did likewvise. Both tribes also burned captives alive. Paiute sometimes helped Walapai with guns obtained from Mormons. Occasionally Walapai had secret aid from Navaho, who pretended to be friends of Yavapai. Father-in-law of informant Michael Burns was leader (bamulva) of Walkeyanyanyepa band. His parents killed by Walapai, whom he constantly harassed in desire for vengeance. Once he led war party against Havasupai. As party proceeded along canyon bottom with Havasupai harrying them from cliffs, arrow struck Yavapai. Havasupai archer shouted that he had hit leader. Arrow was only imbedded in upper part of dried mescal slab on Yavapai's back. He reached around, pulled out arrow, shot it back at Havasupai, saying: "Here's your arrow." Havasupai drove Yavapai into rock shelter from which there was no escape. Informant's father-in-law worked way unobserved up canyon wall to point above Havasupai, and from there killed 9 with poisoned arrows. Havasupai retreated, Yavapai escaped. Pima formerly friends of Yavapai (see Appendix B on SE Yavapai). When NE Yavapai went to desert near Cave cr. for saguaro fruit, they were exposed to attack from Pima and Maricopa. Sometimes Pima raided as far N as Churikayalva, "40 miles" SE of Humboldt. About 8 Tolkepaya and Mat-haupapaya from Castle hot springs went to Pima to make friends, but were killed. Their leader was Hatchavehiyelka and his son-in-law, Spainimia, was also in party. Smallpox came to '8teyachikame as result of raid on Pima, who had epidemic of it. Dis- ease passed N to Jerome people (Walkeyanyanyepa), thence to Drake, where informant Greenhat was camped with his father who died of the disease. From there it passed to Walapai.Y0 Yuma sometimes asked Yavapai cooperation in raiding Maricopa. Yavapai account of Yuma-Mohave campaign against Maricopa in 1857 differs in some details from Mohave and Yuma accounts.91 According to 2 Yavapai informants, only one Yuman2 escaped. By accident he fell into river and floated down it on his back, so Maricopa thought him dead. Jim Stacey placed number of Yuma and Mohave at 40 each. Maricopa and Pima surrounded 9'Whipple reports smallpox among Hopi in 1853-1854. 91Kroeber, 1925, 753; Gifford, 1926, 64. This man named Umuhu'auwa. He told Jim Stacey about battle when Jim visited Yuma about 1890. He asked Jim to call him cousin, and they exchanged presents and adopted this relationship. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai Yuma and Mohave, killed them. Forty canteens of dead Yuma placed in row under dry desert tree. Yuma and Mohave corpses beheaded with steel knives and later scalped. More than 100 Yavapai took part in battle as allies of Yuma and Mohave. Few killed. Father-in- law of Jim Stacey saw dust as men marched over the plain. He viewed fight from hilltop to N; did not fight because frightened, "his heart was very small." Matkinyapa, Yavapai name of hill at battleground, probably equivalent to Yuma name, Avivava. Many Yavapai jumped off bluff into river when Pima cavalry charged. Tikumta led Yavapai. W Yavapai.-Dreaming not prerequisite for war party; could go on warpath any time. Woman on war party carried knife with which to stab enemy. No feather omens on war- path, but others. For example, men of all 3 Yavapai tribes joined Yuma and Mohave to fight Maricopa. They marched along plain at N end of White Tank mt. Heavy rainstorm came. After rain, many fish on desert. Yuma and Mohave pleased to get this food, but most of Yavapai, regarding occurrence as bad omen, deserted expedition and went home. Mohave and Yuma kept on to Maricopa villages, where all were killed. Yuma armed with short clubs. Killing of enemy not prerequisite to wearing feather. Any warrior might wear one. Lead- er's feather no different from others. Warrior painted hair red, part of face black; had no tattoo or special feathers to record prowess. War cap of buckskin with split owl-feathers, tied under chin with sinew strings; was called yusichalvapul (yusichalva, owl feathers stick out; pul, cap). Warrior rolled belongings in piece of buckskin which he tied on his back. Carried pigments in buckskin containers, finger-size, sewed with sinew. Tolkepaya held victory dance with scalp at or near home place. Scalped full hairy part of enemy's head, excluding ears. Either scalper or his wife was scalp carrier in victory dance; did not disrobe. Flesh of captives not eaten. Keehi's father saw battle between Yuma and Maricopa in 1857 but took no part. Tolke- paya wanted to help Yuma, but Maricopa would not fight with them. They wanted to fight only with Yuma. Maricopa did not attack Tolkepaya in their habitat because water was scarce there. They preferred campaigning in well-watered NE and SE Yavapai country. Tolkepaya knew location of tanks with permanent water in their own country, but Maricopa did not. Kui, father's father of informant Shampura, used to go alone into Maricopa country to kill stealthily. Tolkepaya, Yuma, and Papago fought Walapai, who lived in brushy country. Walapai chief was Godama, a "bad man." Tolkepaya-always aided by allies, usually NE Yavapai- sent war parties against Walapai. Havasupai lived too far away to attack. Walapai war parties never ventured to Harquahala mts. or Castle Dome; did not know country. PERSONAL NAMES List of some names and their meanings previously published;9 more given below. Some- times child named for slain Walapai: thus, informant Jim Stacey named Watarama' by his sister's husband, who had just returned from Walapai raid; another man named Wachu- morma after notorious Walapai chief; informant Jim Miller named Wachukema after brother of Walapai Wachumorma. Walapai said occasionally to have named boys after slain Yavapai. Man nicknamed because of deeds. His nickname bestowed by people who thought he would like it; no feast on occasion. Teknonymy chiefly if person's name not remembered. Man who had bird name such as Kui, mourning dove, could kill and eat the bird for which he was named. Males A'akasusa: a'a, saguaro; kasusa, sprinkling sand, powder, or seeds from between thumb and fingers. N. A'avumkisivolva: a'a, saguaro; vumkisivolva, on top of man. N. Akwakwa: deerhorns. W. '*Gifford, 1932a, 200. Correction: Del is English; real name Wimaya. 305 306 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. A'makwa: correction of Makwa (Gifford, 1932a, p. 201). N. amuukyat: amuu, mountain sheep; kyat, breaking. N. Bakovote: person big. Nickname. W. Banyihaya: ba, person; nyihaya, juice. N. Djimyula: ant. N. Haikumwada: white man's flour (correction of published meaning, Gifford, 1932a, p. 200). W. Hamtulmi': chuckwalla foot. W. Hatchavehiyelka: defecating on horseback. N. Ibatyuskwina: ibat, night; yuskwina, to turn with the hand, like a key. N. Ichasayu: bird eye. N. Ichawautamo: enemy his face scratched. Nickname. N. Ichesa: bird. W. Ichiwatakiura: red-coat wearer. Nickname. N. Kithpila: Salvia columbariae (Gifford, 1932a, p. 200). N. Matamsi: dirt throwing. N. Mikamdjak: foot termite. N. Mivasukorkoror: foot blue-green; lumpy. N. muparasuklavlava: mupara, leg; su, blue-green; lavlava, gabled or ridged, referring to form of front of calf. N. Nyawawala: black body. Captain Coffee's childhood name. W. Nyeraha: privates cottonwood. Correction of Nataha (Gifford, 1932a, p. 201). N. Pulkahavasua: pulka, hat; havasua, blue-green. Nickname. N. Sakaloka: pulling eagle feather. N. Spainimia: person's hair. N. Wachuulva: filling house. N. Wekepaka: open vulva. N. Wikwada: rock desert. N. Yalahaya: inside wet. N. Yomatakwana: yo, teeth; mat, earth; akwana, dust. W. Females Kechi': a kind of bird. W. Komwidapokuwia: name of goddess. Nickname jokingly applied to Susie Miller. N. Shitaya: many girls. Susie Miller. N. Sitikwildja: passing another in a race. W. Tela-iva: standing in doorway. W. Vasichrapva: vasa, yellow; rap, rubbing. N. PROPERTY W Yavapai.-Water holes were public property. No Tolkepaya had individual rights. Planting of crops was family matter, never communal. Eagle nests privately owned (also by some NE Yavapai men), transmitted from father to son. Nest visited for young; only one of pair taken, reared as pet for feathers; freed after 4 or 5 months, when wing, tail, and down feathers plucked. Eagle not killed lest killer be bewitched. Eaglet captive fed by anyone, given lizards, rabbits, etc. Kept in brush hut on ground. "Chicken hawk" only other bird similarly kept. Eagle feathers used for hair decora- tion and trade. Three or 4 eagle feathers worth 1 buckskin. In 1933, Mohave would trade a horse for 1 eagle feather. Tolkepaya did not use feathers for dead as did Yuma in Keruk ceremony. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai RELIGION Yavapai religion was undeveloped on the ritual or ceremonial side. Shaman- ism was its dominant feature. Only the Southeastern Yavapai had regular masked performers, and they were shamans' assistants, not representatives of clans or religious societies. Their presence is probably ascribable to Apache influence. The reading of omens from animal actions and dreams was less developed among the Yavapai than among the river Yumans' who, however, did not seek omens by the use of feathers. Witchcraft was chiefly attributed to young women, who were stoned to death following accusation by shamans. This was in contrast to river Yuman practice, in which the blame for deaths from ill- ness was usually fastened on the shamans, who were ambushed and murdered. There were rattlesnake, weather, and bear shamans, though the last-named seem not to have had the Californian ability of transformation. Shamans in general obtained their powers from the culture-hero god and his grandmother. Sand paintings depicting celestial phenomena were employed in initiating shaman novices, but not for puberty rites as in southern California. New-moon observances resembled those of southern California. Daily prayers, nevertheless, were customarily addressed to the sun, occasionally to the goddess progenitor of mankind. Nothing approaching a cult of ancestors was discovered. Emergence of mankind from the underworld, followed by a devastating flood from which only a goddess escaped to repeople the world, gave a definite Southwestern color to the origin tale. This was further emphasized by the importance attached to the fertilization concept, sunbeams and water being the elements involved.9 The dying-god concept occurred but was subordi- nated. The culture-hero role was single, unless one includes the goddess as well as her culture-hero grandson. There were no song cycles of river Yuman type, even among the Western Yavapai. The widespread un-Californian vagina dentata motive was present. Coyote tales, on the contrary, had a distinctly Californian as well as western North American tenor. Coyote was preeminently a marplot. Animal characters were common in the myths. There were a few star stories suggesting southern Cali- fornian tales. The culture hero was human in his attributes, though often aided or thwarted by animal characters. The detailed Yavapai myths have been published elsewhere.' SUPERNATURAL BEINGS NE Yavapai.-Term for nonhuman spirit, wasiva. Semacha was generic name for deities that lived in E and visited shamans at night. They looked like human beings; talked; trav- eled through air; were visible only to shamans. Komwidapokuwia and Skatakaameha were semacha. They established many features of Yavapai culture and were patron deities of sha- mans. Derivation of Komwidapokuwia: komwidama, old woman; pokwia, black stone, su- pernatural power, medicine power, also term applied to shamans. Redrock country once was home of Komwidapokuwia and Skatakaamcha. Later, goddess went to dwell in northern 9"Gifford, 1926. 9MHaeberlin. 9OGifford, 1933b. 307 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. sky and Skatakaamcha in southern. (According to W Yavapai myth, Komwidapokuwia went to live in western ocean, Skatakaamcha to dwell with sun.) No one sees them on earth now except shamans. Skatakaamcha said to people in Redrock region: "You open me down the middle from throat to crotch, and turn me belly down on the ground. Then sing around my body and you will get my songs." On right side of his body was sun, on left side cloud. When morning star rises high, Skatakaamcha plays in sky. When I asked how mourning doves got red feet, Jim Stacey said, "Through rubbing on black medicine [isamachanyache]." Isamachanyache is really dark red. Mourning dove is one of helpers and singers for Yavapai shamans. God Skatakaameha pressed down rocks with black medicine.Y He learned its use from his grandmother Komwidapokuwia, and be- stowed this knowledge on people. Yavepe man at San Carlos named Che'wamuhu told informant Jim Miller of god Mia- makwa (mia, heaven; ma, other side; kwa, sitting there), who lives on top of sky and makes dances there. Jim Miller thought this deity modern eoncept. Old people knew only of Kom- widapokuwia and Skatakaamcha. W Yavapai mentioned sky god Miyahekwa (miyahe, heaven or above) as Biblical concept. Akaka', anthropomorphic spirits, live underground in caves. Johnson Stacey and wife saw house of one in horizontal hole under huge boulder on western slope of Mingus mt. Akaka' heard at night around Granite peak, but seldom seen. Make footprints like baby's. To see an akaka' go up vertical wall was sign someone would die shortly. Great rock shelter above high precipice on s side of Granite peak believed to be home of some akaka'. Mat-haupapaya did not impersonate akaka' in curing; this reported of Verde Valley Yavepe.9s In 1916, at Camp MeDowell, 4 men and 2 women impersonated akaka' to enter- tain whites, not for curing. Each wore 2 horns of mescal stalk attached to sides of buckskin mask; painted legs white, blotched chests with white paint. W Yavapai.-Informants knew no name for local spirit in general; did not know if gods or spirits lived in certain mts. No sky god. No ocean snake with songs. Knew nothing of Yuma deities, Kwikumat and Kumastamnxo. Principal deities were Komwidapokuwia or Komwidapokuma (komwida, old woman; pokuma, bent over, stooped) and Matinyaupakaamcha, her daughter's son. His "footprints" (probably those of extinct animals) may be seen in region of Oak Creek source. Matinyau- pakaameha (erroneously recorded as Nyapakaamte99), W Yavapai equivalent of NE Yava- pai Skatakaamcha. Matinyaupakaameha (mat, earth; inya, sun; pa, person; kaamcha, walk- ing round) freely translated by interpreter as light-of-day person on earth walking around. Supernatural beings called kakaka' were dwarfs about 3 ft. tall who traveled through air from mt. to mt. Not seen, but heard yelling at night. When women gathered Bhus emoryi berries, they heard drumming sound which kakaka' made. Kakaka' had power over deer; sometimes helped hunter, told him to go to certain place for deer. Hunter heard kakaka' only when hunting, not when at home. Shrub called kakakanipa perhaps kakaka"s food. No other "outside people." Kakaka' lived especially at Wikedjasa, Four Peaks, in SE Yavapai territory, and Wika- sayeo, Kofa mts. Could be heard calling in summer. Might come at night, unseen, and help shaman cure. SHAMANISM NE Yavapai used medicines for coughs, colds, headaches, stomachache, rheumatism. Medi- cine prepared by patient or by relatives if he too ill to do so. If medicine (isima) ineffec- tive, shaman called. Buckskin string tied tightly on arm or leg of indisposed person, re- moved when veins became blue and limb throbbed and itched. For earache, W Yavapai used warm water to bring forth cause. If pain only, patient would hear roaring noise and nothing would come out of his ear. Earache probably treated by anyone, not necessarily by shaman. W Yavapai did not use tule pollen in curing. "Gifford, 1933b, 356. "Cf. SE Yavapai; Gifford, 1932a, 236. "Gifford, 1932a, 243. 308 Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai NE Yavapai.-Curing shaman called basemacha: ba, person; semacha, deities. Power to cure got from goddess Komwidapokuwia and especially from her grandson, Skatakaameha, who bestowed gourd rattle for curing. "His singing cured people all over the world." All shamans belonged to him, had dream adventures in which he appeared. They called on him and Komwidapokuwia for aid. Sometimes dead parent came to continually mourning child and took him to other world because he was lonely. Then child got sick; soon his soul went. Shaman attempted cure but it was impossible. If person dreamed about going, eating, drinking, or breathing with dead relative, he became sick, wasted away, died. No shaman could cure him. No belief that bird entered house, took soul, thus caused sickness. Shaman often accused woman of bewitching dying patient, told patient's relative to kill her. They hung or tied her to tree, then shot her with arrow. Her relatives did not avenge her because they believed shaman. Many handsome girls, accused of witchcraft by shamans, killed at 'steyachikame. Nowadays shaman himself accused of making person sick; is some- times (though rarely) killed if sick person dies. Shaman occasionally made person sick to cure him and thus receive payment, but blamed sickness on evil spirit or young woman. Fee was 1 buckskin, 1 small Navaho blanket, or 1 large steel-bladed hunting knife from lower Colorado r., payable when shaman was summoned. Unless he wished, shaman did not repay fee if patient was not cured or died. Shaman sometimes killed for his wealth. Gila-monster shaman of Skull valley was lassoed, dragged from horse, and killed by men who wanted pay he had just received for treating patient. Shaman giving treatment sang all night, sucked patient in morning after cutting him with sharp flake of white or black stone. Sucked out blood with lump or worm-shaped clot. Removed no feather, stone, or other foreign object. Treated patient 4 days and nights. Sha- man amuukyat cured man in 1 day at time of my visit; this regarded as highly efficient. When singing loudly, this shaman held edge of left hand against face, palm forward. One informant cured by shaman who sang, then sucked him in small of back for only a few minutes. Ailment unknown. Shaman did not always locate seat of illness by singing. Then sometimes Skatakaamcha came to his aid, and his patient recovered. If Skatakaameha did not come, patient died. Sometimes, in Verde Valley region, shaman sang very long time until an akaka' came carry- ing stick, often of cottonwood, with green leaves on end. Akaka' pressed sick person, then went away. Person recovered. This done at night, out of doors, in presence of public.10' Ghost aid not invoked. Curing shaman planted tobacco seeds in area from which brush burned. Smoked leaves in clay pipe, blew smoke over patient. amuukyat did not use tobacco "because God does not like it." Sometimes shaman placed pinches of tule pollen on patient. Shamans of old school used 4-holed flageolet"01 and rattle. Those coming from San Carlos used only rattle. Shaman sang to find seat of pain, put flageolet against it and played. Then cut patient with flint flake and sucked wound. Pain usually departed and patient recovered. To summon aid of Skatakaamcha or akaka', shaman sometimes secretly swung bullroarer at night before suck- ing in morning. Also swung bullroarer in public demonstrations. On one such occasion cord broke. Shaman declared bullroarer had gone to sky, but it fell near man in audience who later gave it to nonplussed shaman. In 1932, amuukyat had bullroarer made from pine struck by lightning which he no longer used. Formerly used it to treat sick. When summoned, he whirled bullroarer to send his power ahead to sick person. Then went himself, taking bullroarer. Swung it outside sick person's house, and clouds, lightning, and thunder came from E. This was sign sick person would get well. No one used "dark medicine" or understood it, except its shaman. Dark-medicine (isi- ??'Cf. SE Yavapai ceremony, Gifford, 1932a, 236. 101Ordinary flute 6-holed. See plate lOd. 309 310 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. makanyach) shaman sang about plant of that name in day or night. He cured by blowing on bruises, etc., without use of rattle. Arrow-wound shaman (bahasumacha: baha, arrow; sumacha, shaman) sang alone in either day or night, seated, swaying forward and backward, holding stick vertically on ground, sometimes shaking rattle over shoulder with right hand. Singing shaman (kitiye sware) sang in same manner and alone, not with chorus as do modern shamans such as amuukyat. Rattlesnake shaman (ilui sumacha) cured snake bites; sang in either day or night. He could pick up rattlesnake and put it inside his shirt; would take it out to display to terrified people. amuukyat's brother did this. These shamans cured rattlesnake bites by singing, throwing tule (amasiis) pollen (topsa) in 4 cardinal directions and putting it on bitten person in following way: 1 spot on each cheek, 3 stripes on chin, cross on chest and on top of head. Snake was spirit helper of shaman and talked to people. Shaman picking up snake first described circle across snake's body with handful of dust. One shaman, bitten by rat- tlesnake, tore it in half. Boy 15 years old at Camp McDowell shot snake with arrow. Snake told him to pull it out and threatened revenge, but finally made shaman of boy. One shaman got power from Gila monster which bit his big toe. Reptile said it was sha- man's guardian spirit, had bit him to test his power. Bear shaman (mawhata sumacha) got curative power from bear. Spider shaman cured spider bites. Deer shaman (akwaka sware) enticed game by singing. Weather shaman (ikwivehisiwe) could stop rain. Shaman sometimes sent his own soul on errand. Example: Five Yavapai murdered. Sha- man lay on back, had people fill his mouth with dust, became unconscious. Soul left his body and found murderer. Youth had indication he was to be shaman when animals talked to him in wilderness. He told no one of this until later in life. Did not become shaman until 30 years of age or older. Shamans made sand painting (matkinyur) of white earth, about 20 ft. square, for novice shamans. (See fig. 23.) White disks in 4 quarters (see fig. 23) represented 4 mornings or 4 worlds. On each disk stood one man who was to become shaman. This was done for short time on one morning. The 4 candidates sang, naming sky, clouds, sun, moon, wind, etc.; "things clear to heaven." They learned just as at school. Became good shamans if kept minds on things in sky. Some could not do this. Skatakaamcha took souls of those who could to sunrise place ('nyachaalo). Sand painting made by shamans to ward off epidemic of measles or smallpox. Men sang, women and some men danced or marched in approaching and retreating lines. This done if shaman dreamed of heavy wind or rainstorm, which foreboded disease. Singing shaman (kitiye sware) sang at a sand painting at Mayer. Shamans obtained no songs from mocking- bird, which had no religious significance. Necklace (wairia) was part of shaman's equipment. amuukyat's necklaces were chiefly of glass beads. This not Yavapai but San Carlos Apache idea. According to amuukyat, Kom- widapokuwia made necklace called chiulva for Skatakaamcha, who threw it away but after 4 days picked it up because it was pretty and wore it during his adventures. It was powerful, so shamans made similar ones for themselves and for warriors to protect their lives. These called medicine necklaces (chikauvasi). amuukyat made his necklaces according to direc- tions from Skatakaameha. Beads named for natural powers such as winds. One turquoise bead (kahauvashua) gave power, a black stone bead (pukinyacha) was deer hunter's amu- let; both found in ruins. Beads for natural powers called by Skatakaamcha, musakikauwa, foggy talk. Necklace used by some shamans to make wind, rain, hail. One who understood all uses of necklace was powerful; his knowledge was bestowed by Skatakaamcha. He might accom- pany war party. Could foretell outcome of campaign by feather divination. amuukyat's neck- lace for sickness, not war; this kind unknown in old times. Shaman concealed old-style necklace under shirt or otherwise hid it; let no one see it. Skatakaamcha wore that kind when fighting monsters. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai Following account of shamanistic activities related by amuukyat, who obtained songs in dreams but had no other shamanistic experiences. He received first revelation from Kom- widapokuwia while at San Carlos. "Komwidapokuwia took my soul to a house which looked like a white cloud, in the west over the ocean. The song I just sang I learned in the eloud house. It is for curing any kind of sickness. Then she took me to a house to the northeast of the morning star, where she lives now. The roof of the house was domed. It was the rainbow. Inside the rainbow were four crescent moons, horns up. Rays like those of the sun came out of the house. She sang a song and the sky changed to clouds. In a little while it rained. This song she sang to make rain for human beings." Then amuukyat added an account of how, on another occasion, Christ appeared to him and said everything was controlled by his father (God)-the sun, moon, stars, earth, peo- ple's clothes, etc. Komwidapokuwia's hair hung to her knees, and shone like stars. She gave amuukyat the song which he sang next. It was for curing all kinds of illness. The words meant: "The world has turned different, has turned white. The sky has turned white. There is a rainbow around above my head. The wind begins to blow and all turns white, as when it is snowing. The world has turned white and is moving around. From the east comes white ice, coming and following and following. Twelve different gourd rattles are coming from the east. [As he sang, 8muukyat raised his left hand as did Komwidapokuwia, from whose four fingers light ascended to heaven. He shook the gourd rattle with his right hand.] The light from my fingers strikes the heavens like thunder, and it rains. "This is what she taught me. With the same hand I touch the sick person to make him well. " 'This is the way I sang when I was in the world, going around in the Redrock country,' said Komwidapokuwia." amuukyat said: "Singing for a sick person takes four nights. I sing songs Komwidapo- kuwia taught me. She taught me many songs. At San Carlos I sang for people nearly dead with heart trouble and other troubles. When they were nearly dead and had only two or three breaths more, I sang and revived them." Then he related what Christ said to him in a vision. It was regular Christian doctrine about bad men becoming good, little children, etc. "My father sent me. I was hanged, but did not die. I went to heaven," Christ said to amuukyat. Skatakaamcha visited amukyat and took his soul (yapei) away. Skatakaameha said: "Many bad people were in the world a long time. [He was speaking of the eagle that killed his mother.102] I punished him, that big bird. All the bad things in this world I punished. I killed them off. My grandmother told me about my father the Sun: 'Your father is the Sun.' I said to her: 'I want to see my father.' She replied: 'No. Your father is a long way off. No- body can reach him.' 'Well, nevertheless, I shall go over there and see him.' 'Too far,' my grandmother said. 'I'll try anyhow.' I went, journeying to the east. I arrived at the ocean; there was no way to cross. I stood on this side of the ocean. I looked and heard someone shout from up in the air. Someone was in an aerial house. Something gray like a cloud hung there. There was Spider (Misakuvete) standing there. He called to me: 'What are you doing over there, you boy? Who is your father' 'My grandmother told me the Sun was my father. That's why I came here.' 'I remember now what you mean. You mean my son the Sun. Come into my house first.' 'How will I go over to the Sun, with this big Ocean here?' Spider said: 'I'll spin much web for you.' He wove a web and threw it on the water. He told me to walk across the ocean on it till I got to Sun's house. The web spread out over the ocean before me. Spider showed me where was Sun's place. "I saw a man standing at a distance. 'Where are you going, my boy?' the man asked. 'I want to see my father.' 'Who is your father? 'Sun.' 'Oh, yes, you belong in my family. Come over into my house.' He took me there. I stayed there. Sun told me to go home on top of the water because he wanted to see me travel. I said: 'No, I'll drown.' 'Go ahead,' said Sun, 'I "'IGifford, 1933b, 354. 311 312 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. want to see you do it.' Four times I declined. Sun kept asking me to, saying the water was like dry ground. Then I ran over the water a bit and back to Sun. Sun said: 'You are my son. I'm going to give you something for medicine [sumacha].' He cut little holes in the right side of my chest, and put medicine in the holes. "Two men were descending from the clouds [kwis]. Sun called to them: 'This is my son. You take his left side and put marks on that for lightning and rain.' Sun put round spots on my right side. Cloud and Sun were my fathers, because of the fertilizing water and sun- beam that had entered my mother.108 "I said: 'This is not a good place here on top of the ocean. Why don't you people stay up there?' Sun said: 'No. I don't follow you. You are younger than I. You follow me.' Never- theless, I took my two fathers to the sky. They gave me four lines of lightning grouped in pairs on which to descend to earth. The two on the left belonged to Cloud, the two on the right to Sun. I descended on the lightning flashes. I arrived at Komwidapokuwia's place. I knelt on the ground, and pressed with my knees and hands as I sang a song. When I lifted my hands, green sprouts of isimakanyach plant came out of the ground." amuukyat sang the song which he heard Skatakaameha sing. He did not use a rattle be- cause Skatakaamcha used none, being too busy pressing the ground with his hands and knees. amuukyat said that on the third morning after his initiation with sand painting, his soul was taken by Skatakaameha to the sunrise place. There he stood on another sand paint- ing while the morning star rose. As dawn neared, he saw white things rising which had the appearance shown in figure 24. Next appeared a transparent container in which was Skatakaameha's heart vibrating from side to side. On top of its level cover, amuukyat saw himself sitting. Skatakaameha's body appeared above amuukyat, coming through the air to talk with him. Skatakaamcha said: "I have made things good in this world, having been around and around in it. Now I am going to cross over to the other side of river and sit there. I have no relatives. I am going to tell people about shamans' ways. When I go around here under the heavens, I'll be singing. I have nothing more to do in this world. Everything is completed for people. When I go to the other side of the river and sing a little while, thunder will sound in heaven, lightning will come to my head and split my body into four parts. One part will go in each cardinal direc- tion. Clouds will pick up the four parts of my body and take them to the sky again. Some- where in heaven there is another people for me to teach. I shall live with them. There are two different places in the sky to which I shall go. From there I go to my place above the sunrise. My spirit and my heart are alive, as you see." Skatakaamcha began to sing again and, as he sang, the souls of all dead shamans ap- peared. He said to amuukyat: "These are the first shamans. Some are singers for arrow wounds [bahasumacha]. Some are dark medicine [isimakanyach] shamans. Some are bear shamans [mawhata sumacha]. Some are rattlesnake shamans [ilui sumacha]. Some are spider shamans. Some are singing shamans [kitiye sware]. Some are deer shamans [akwaka sware] ." "There were still other kinds," amuukyat said, "that I cannot remember. All these received their instruction from Skatakaamcha. All these old shamans appeared to instruct me." Skatakaameha said: "All these old shamans are no more now. I make new shamans now. Your people will learn to sing for the sick person. You will use the gourd rattle which is good for health. I will plant seed." He made a sowing motion and immediately flowers of all kinds appeared, twelve kinds around the drum. Above the drum there was a nonhuman spirit (wasiva) on horseback. All the old shamans began to sing songs of olden days, saying new shamans were just coming out; they sang and used the drum. Then a rainbow appeared. White lightning reached from their feet to heaven. Skatakaameha said: "These old shamans are no more, but new shamans are being made to cure sick people; there are only new shamans now. I am making new shamans who are to cure 108Gifford, 1933b, 353. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai all kinds of disease by singing. This is a more powerful kind. I am substituting new shamans for old. You make a drum and a rattle like these. You sing for the sick person for four nights." This happened to amuukyat after he had had visions from Komwidapokuwia. He woke up in his home. "When I cure by singing," amuukyat said, "many men and women help me in singing. For four nights they sing over the sick person. In the daytime they rest. After I cured a man at San Carlos, someone shot me in the front of the neck with a rifle, also in the hip. I almost died. An Apache arrow-and-bullet shaman treated me. After four days of singing on my part, I got well. I drew crosses with my fingers on the ground. I could not sing well because my throat hurt. Then I walked home to my house and lay there for four days. After that Christ talked to me, and I treated patients only a little thereafter." amuukyat did not scarify in curing except for a boil or carbuncle, which he washed with decoction of juniper leaves. He cured by singing, not by sucking. Chorus of singers which assisted him was "new invention" old shamans did not have. In 1932 amuukyat sang shaman's songs into graphophone. He knew many more. Transla- tions by Johnson Stacey follow. Numbers are those of records in University of California Museum of Anthropology catalogue of phonograph cylinders. 14-2443. This is way of singing, like this. Black stone powder [pukmukwana; puk, black stone for good luck in deer hunting; mukwana, to grind as on a metate] wove and talked into existence the girl Komwidapokuwia. She came into existence and sang like this. In the morning she called it "white morning." It was all around her in circles. She put the circles around her head. This is way to sing to sick people. After she had sung a little while, it be- came white all over the world, just as in the morning. The sick person felt good all over. This song is by the girl Komwidapokuwia. 14-2444. Komwidapokuwia said: "The small star in heaven wove. In the morning, the small morning, it wove and made heaven." Heaven was used for her body. The girl came forth and stood and sang. She shook the rattle and in a little while dust appeared all over the world. A small ball of dust appeared toward the morning place [east]. This came from the power of the rattle. After that it became white all over the world, just like morning. That was white morning road. That is what belongs to shamans-that white color all over the world. Pukmukwana had woven and talked into existence the girl Komwidapokuwia. 14-2445. Star-powder heaven was used for the girl's body. She came out and sang like this: "My talking and singing are life. I bring it out [speak] for spiritual life all over the world." Abalone shell [halakaraba] powder cross she made on each shoulder four times like burning fire. That fire reached up from her shoulders to heaven like lightning. She talked, and heaven and earth were put on her head as a burden. Her speech was like fog settling on the ground. Her words went forth like lightning and the heavens were illuminated in the four directions. In a little while lightning came from heaven to her head. Someone spoke from the sky to her and she understood what was meant. Then she said: "This is the way I understand it myself. I am the one who understands everything." 14-2446. Abalone shell wove the stomach of the girl, who came forth and stood and sang. She stood and talked and sang. This is the way she talked and sang: That all was alive and would go into another heaven. There came from heaven a voice to her head. "This is the way I understood, listening to the voice from heaven," she said. "In a little while I speak and all the world lightens up to heaven and the whole heaven lightens. This is the way I sing when I listen to the songs from heaven." 14-2447. Small heaven with white circles her chest was woven of. Thus she spoke of what her body was made. All the world froze white. The cold went into two heavens. On top of the frozen second heaven she sang. She sang to make different all the world. Thus she sang for the sake of shamans. As she sang different flowers bloomed in the sky. The sky became beautiful. It looked better than this world. "My songs were made for the beautiful sky. My word [nyakwauwi, "my word" in the sense of spirit] went out into the sky. The whole 313 314 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. world stood still. A rainbow came out of heaven and reached to this world. Everything was still. My song changed everything." 14-2448. This is the way Skatakaamcha talked and sang: "I am the first man in this world and I am making four morning songs." This is the way the song goes which he sang as he stood there. On four mornings, larger morning white he took and put on his chest. The elder [taltala] tree talked back and forth across his chest. "My heart was made of elder. My real heart is in a transparent pottery dish alive and vibrates back and forth. On top of the cover stands amuukyat. This is the way that shamans will sing for the sick person. This is the way I make new medicine for the shamans. He who stands on my heart there will understand what to sing for the sick person." 14-2449. This is the way the first man in the world sang. His heart and my [amuukyat's] heart intertwined go into the heavens. I am the highest man, I am the greatest man. The heart of the first man in the world [Skatakaameha] and my heart are with each other all the time. Our hearts come together in going up to heaven all the time. I say like this: "All the heaven is clouded." That is my way. After a little time a small white foggy mass appears in the heavens. This is what I step into and I go around. 14-2450. Skatchiala's [another name for Skatakaamcha used by amuukyat, meaning the highest, the physieally most elevated one] way of doing is to go around the heavens on both sides of the clouds to the right and to the left. This is called the cloud road. When it is foggy, it rises perpendicularly on each side. He steps on the middle of the fog road and ascends. His heart is a cloud which he makes for himself. That is the way he makes life. He makes clouds like small children on both sides of his body. That is the way he sings. Just like the sun turning to heaven, it is all light in heaven. He goes toward the light. Who is the shaman who can follow him the way he walks? [amuukyat means himself.] 14-2451. This is the way Skatakaamcha sings when he walks. Young Skatchiala, this is the way he sings as he goes around carrying a white eloud. Sometimes he puts it in his body for his heart. This is the way he sings as he is going. He and I [amuukyat] just go up to heaven. He takes me up there and he does like this and he talks to me: "You do the same way as I do. I taught you this before, but now I'll teach you again." This is the way he sings and picks up the white dawn powder and makes a cross on his chest and speaks of it. He calls it the morning cross. He does this as he walks. He turns back and comes out of heaven and speaks to the world and heaven. Heaven and earth are enveloped in a hard rainstorm. The earth has dew on it. It looks good to the people. All over the world people feel happy. 14-2452. Skatchiala said to me as we walked along: "We are pretty close to heaven now." It looked like rain lightning coming down Skatchiala's body from his shoulders. He sang and called the flowers. Four times he turned over in the heavens. The rain and lightning kept coming. The lightning went into heaven while Skatchiala was standing over there. While he was standing over there and talking, the lightning flashed and flashed. The dawn white came all around where he was standing. He stood on the dawn as he sang and spoke. 14-2453. Dark Medicine. That Dark Medicine Boy [Isimakanyacheme] was singing like this. Skatakaamcha and Dark Medicine Boy ascended to heaven side by side. They were singing like this together as they went. When they reached heaven, on Skatakaamcha's right side Sun [Skatakaameha's father] made the Dark Medicine sign [black spots]. They were singing like this as the spots were made [like tattoo]. Sun said that half of his body belonged to him. Then Cloud claimed the other half of Skatakaameha's body and made light- ning signs upon it. Cloud called that side of the body his. From the heaven to the earth went two lines of Dark Medicine lightning from Sun and two lines of thunder lightning from Cloud. Altogether they make four. Skatakaameha floated down the four lines of lightning to earth. There he knelt and, pressing his hands on the earth, sank into it singing as in this song. Dark Medicine plant grew up out of the ground. 14-2454. When he knelt and pressed on the ground, he sang as I am singing now. In his right hand he had Dark Medicine. In his left hand he held rain lightning. As he sank into the ground, Dark Medicine grew up. The Dark Medicine grew up with beautiful flowers upon Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai it everywhere in the world. All the people over here were telling what good medicine the Dark Medicine was. "It is my heart," said Skatakaamcha, "my heart [hiwaya] and spirit [yapei] together. Together I plant it out under the heavens for you people. If you sing like this you will keep alive." 14-2455. Rattlesnake shaman's song. That is the way he sings. He picks up white dust from the ground. The white dust becomes alive. He sings like this. The earth dust he picks up. For the sick person bitten by the snake the dust is used. The sick man becomes alive again. This is the way he sings. This is just the way he talks. The earth is the shaman's medicine. He picks it up and uses it for the body. The sick man becomes alive. 14-2456. The tender young dust he picks up on both left and right sides, and he sings like this. All the shaman's body has lightning running down it. That is the way I sing. The gray dust is all around the heavens like clouds; it covers all the sky. It is like clouds moving around, coming down to the world again. Where the sick person is, it blows over his body. The sick person feels well and happy. 14-2457. Bear Song. This is the way he is singing. When earth and the heavens were new in the beginning, he went around singing like this. Dark Medieine sign was all over his body. The Dark Medicine lightning was put on his body around over it. The cloud breath [yaya] he put around on his body. This is the way he used it around over there in the beginning, just singing like this. [Skatakaameha told some shamans that they were to have power from bear, others that they were to have power from rattlesnake to cure snake bite, others that they were to cure the sick by different means. Skatakaameha had picked up the snake and put it in his shirt, and had killed the bear.] 14-2458. Deer Medicine. From beginning this is way of his song. Small arrowpoint take out into heaven and make alive over there. The arrowstone powder he put on top of that arrowpoint up there in heaven. That is the way he did it, when he showed me. "Good meat all over the world belongs to you. You are the head [yanyipavo] of this kind of medicine." This is the way he called my name, when he sent the medicine down into the world. 14-2459. This is the way he sings. The Dark Medicine grows into the air, walking up, fol- lowing the road. The big meat is called "big feet" [buck deer], and he brought it into the world. And this is the way he sang of it: "Big front legs into the world came. Deer standing like that became alive." This is the way his song goes. Another animal [deer] has a good hide to be used in four sides of the house. The four hides dance. This is the way he sings. 14-2460. Deer meat is to be called "eat it." The deer's breath is to be called like lightning beside the house, coming out in the air. This is the way he sings under the house, going. Pokinyacha [large black stone for good luck in deer hunting] belongs to the deer hunter. With such stone he never misses a deer. He took the big black stone and placed it in four cardinal directions outside the house. He sang like this: "A good deer spirit [yaya] flower bring down to the four directions beside the house." This one he brought down from heaven into the world. He put it on a high mountain. Deer bodies hung vertically on the mountain side. After that there was good meat all over the world. The deer look beautiful all over the world. This is the way he talked when he was singing: "The good meat will belong to the people. It has been brought down to this world." This is the way he talked, speaking to the people. He sings like this and talks like this. ["He" is Skatakaamcha.] 14-2461. Arrow wound song. This is the way he sings. He took out the arrowpoint. He put it on top of the sick person's body. After that the arrowstone powder he made grew like flowers, colored like the dawn white all over the world. It looks beautiful. After he made black stone (arrowpoint) powder, he made a mountain. It looked ice-white all around. On top it was a little flat. It looked beautiful around over there. From the top of the mountain he jumped to another and another and another, etc., and finally descended to this world. This is the way he sings. He sings like this when he talks to the wounded person. The sick person feels good. 14-2462. That is the way he sings to the wounded person. The arrow's spirit [yaya] lightens [makes lightning] and is alive; it is fourfold [four side by side]. One each is 315 316 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. painted on the four limbs of the sick man. They make the sick man alive. This is the way he sings and makes him alive and makes him stand up. All over the world is cane in flower, made for walking sticks. That is the way he sings as he walks over and stands beside the sick person. He stood right there, singing, and touched his cane to the sick person's body above his heart. When he did this all the dust flew up into the air and went around in the high mountains. The sick person was put over there on top of the dust. He came to life. This way he wanted to make us turn to dust in this world, dust which flies up and covers the mountains. He put the sick person on top of the dust to make him alive. He sang like this. This is the way he sang for the wounded person to make him well. He sang like this. W Yavapai.-Shamanism ran in family from father to son; usually 1 son out of 2 or 3 became a shaman. Informant did not know if father taught son. Shaman treated for illness or pain by cutting patient with flint, sucking out blood, throw- ing it to east. Cut patient on temple for fever and headache, elsewhere according to location of pain. Shaman sang a long time before sucking, sometimes till midnight, shaking gourd rattle. Blew saliva over patient's body. After suction, sometimes displayed bloody string- like material: sinew or buckskin, informant thought. Patient treated for as many as 4 nights; if still sick, cure repeated or another shaman summoned. Men and women sang with shaman. Sucking shaman's fee fixed by patient, paid after cure or improvement. If pa- tient relapsed, shaman might return payment or give further treatment for which paid more if successful. Sound of bullroarer believed to communicate information to shaman. Anyone might watch him whirl it. Later, in song, shaman related what he had learned. Kisiye, shaman for illness caused by dream about dead; like sucking shaman but usually different person. Treated by singing. Informant knew of only 3 such shamans. No sickness from soul theft or soul injury; no sending of shaman's soul. Sickness also caused by witches, who were always women. Witch not old woman because "witches never lived to old age, but were killed off." Witch (tipuyi) hung from tree by wrists. If confessed, released and forced to help shaman cure. Witch freed if patient cured, killed if he died. Relatives of deceased shot her with arrows, or stoned her (response to leading question). Shaman's familiar had told him who witch was. Relatives of slain girl did not retaliate. Killing of shaman unusual. One killed at Congress Junction by young man whose father died under treatment. No weather or bear shamans. No bears in w Tolkepaya country. Female as well as male deer and rattlesnake shamans. All other shamans male. Deer shamans got power from Matinyaupakaamcha. Rattlesnake shaman, iluikisima (ilui, snake; iluihana, rattlesnake), sang over snake-bitten person. No suction. Payment for cure, 1 or 2 buckskins. Ghost specialist (miye kisima) called to learn from ghost if person with serious illness would recover. Ghost summoned not necessarily relative of invalid. Special hut erected in which shaman, assistant singers, patient, and his relatives and friends remained quietly. An apahiwayete, fearless man "with big heart," remained outside in darkness to interrogate ghost. This post never given to woman or to man with "little heart" that fluttered at ap- proach of ghost. Shaman summoned ghost by singing. Frightened audience heard its ap- proach. Questioner (evidently ventriloquist or person who could alter voice markedly) made inquiries, ghost replied. Ghost not of definite person. If wrong kind of ghost came (i.e., Walapai or Mohave, or one making sound like roadrunner, etc.), person sitting in house threw dust out into darkness and ghost left. If woman in period or person who had just had intercourse present, ghost would say: "You people smell bad. I will not stay here." In seance at Clarkdale in 1918-1919 influenza epidemic, ghost left because menstruating woman in audience. On this occasion questioner of ghost was Walapai man; no Yavapai would volunteer. Patient died of stomach affliction. Two ghost shamans named were Ham- tulmi', who held seance in Skull valley, and Aikoto, who invoked ghost at Clarkdale, in NE Yavapai territory, at time of influenza epidemic of 1918-1919. One shaman got night communication with ghost by simulating death. To deceive ghost, Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai had mouth filled with dust and tied with buckskin, although not customary to tie mouth of corpse. Ghost came to shaman where he lay in hut and talked to him. People outside listened. Finally ghost threw imitation dead man through doorway; people heard thud of body. No lights; ghost would come only in dark. WITCHCRAFT NE Yavapai.-According to Jim Theinka, person could not be bewitched through his spittle, but could be by his hair. Witch, batapuis; ba, person; tapuis, witch. Informants knew of no patron deity of witches. Before removal of Yavapai to San Carlos, witches were chiefly young unmarried women. At San Carlos, shamans learned to kill one another by witchcraft to demonstrate powers. Also young men learned to bewitch girls into desiring intercourse; this witchcraft called watasigahume. Tonto shamans supplied bandolier of charms for this purpose. Belief in shamans as witches said to be post-San Carlos. Two shamans in 1932 accused of making people ill and causing deaths. One accidentally bewitched relative instead of rela- tive's husband. Another shaman called in to attend sick woman. He blamed wizard; had curing power so strong that wizard's power (bakina) was thrown back at him, causing him to jump out of house in middle of night. He lay outside. His victim recovered. He admitted guilt; said he wanted to bewitch woman's husband, but "poison" (batapui or banei) had hit his relative instead. "Poison" sent by power of word. No layman knew what it was like. Stories of witchcraft by young women: (1) Gilbert Davis' father, handsome young man just married, was bewitched by 4 jealous women, became ill. The 4 were hung on tree by wrists. They promised to sing over him, make him well. Did so when released. (2) Jim Stacey saw young unmarried woman killed in cave in Black Canyon region for causing young man's death. Girl blamed by shaman. Dead boy's father killed her. He hurled cob- blestones at her, knocked her down, then with both hands threw heavy stone on her head. He wanted to kill another girl, but was held and kept from doing so. Slain girl's father dead; mother at Big Bug cr. where she lived. Girl was on saguaro-gathering expedition. Men not aecused of witcheraft by shamans. GILA MONSTER NE Yavapai.-Charred Gila-monster skin rubbed on sores to cure them. Gila monster was good shaman in mythic times, so skin had to be from one flayed alive. Anybody might skin this reptile, which was believed to grow new skin after release. Sometimes it bit person, caused his death. Shaman amuukyat learned Gila-monster song from Tonto, used it for any illness. Song relates: Gila monster, making war, hurt his foot very badly. He sang his medi- cine song in Tonto language: "I'm the one who lives forever. I am coming out of the hole in the ground in the springtime. All the world is smoky." Song also referred to "dark medi- cine" made from 4 plants, including a red root chewed and rubbed on the hands, which was very effective cure. Black and orange spots on Gila monster's skin were his "dark medicine." He recovered. As he lay on his back, he placed big stone on his belly and put his legs and arms in air. W Yavapai.-Gila-monster skin burned on coals; sore eyes bathed in its smoke. Reptile skinned alive and released; was believed to grow new skin. Skin taken from back only, by man, not necessarily shaman; used for nothing but eye trouble. PRAYERS AND TABOOS NE Yavapai.-Each sunrise prayed to sun (inya, also term for modern time-keeping watch). Supplicant held right hand edge up, raised it to horizontal position pointing toward sun. Said: "May I be healthy, live long, not get sick. You help me with happiness every day." Supplicant who had bad dreams rubbed ashes over heart with right hand, requesting sun to prevent dreams' recurrence. Morning star (amisikuveste, big star) similarly wor- shiped before sunrise. Sun and morning star not relatives. They and moon male deities. 317 318 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Komwidapokuwia called "my grandmother." Sometimes person prayed to her, saying: "Grandmother, help me." "Ahanakio'04 [I want to be well]," or "Yapeikwa nyi [I want to be alive]," was request addressed to turquoise or shaman. Pointing at rainbow would cause finger joint to come off. Taboo to kill frog because heavy rains would follow. One morning interpreter and I killed rattlesnake with stones. Inter- preter reprimanded by old man, who said snake power, ilui paxainye (ilui, rattlesnake; pa, person; xainye, ill), might make interpreter's baby boy sick. Not physical snake, but super- natural power feared. W Yavapai.-Along trails small piles of stones and twigs marked places for prayer. At such place person must stop, usually sat down, plucked fresh sprig, brushed body, and said: "Keep sickness [kiravi] away from me. Give me medicine power [kisawayi] from the rock to keep away illness." Then put sprig on pile and laid new stone on it. Medicine power in rock comes from god Matinyaupakaamcha. Another explanation: Deity who made rock left his power in it. Person should not point at rainbow lest finger be paralyzed. NEW-MOON OBSERVANCES NE Yavapai.--At each new moon young men and women ran, shouting joyously: "I am still alive." W Yavapai.-As new moon set in west, youths ran west gathering wood, accompanied part way by girls who did not gather wood. Youths swung in arc toward N, then E, and back to camp. Man's duty to collect firewood, and gathering at this time was thought to ensure industrious future. Old people yelled to urge youths to greater exertion. Old person rubbed his hands up and down his face to get better vision and health. Informants knew of no resurrection idea connected with moon. OMENS Among both NE and W Yavapai man's sneeze evoked comment: "A girl is talking about you." No parallel saying for woman's sneezing. Among W Yavapai, sneezing also indi- cated bad talk about sneezer, who might say: "You can talk as much as you like about me." NE Yavapai thought owl calling near house not bad omen to inmates, but sign someone at distance had died. Two owls calling believed to be conversing about death at distant place. Dreams (tismache) ominous; to nonshaman might be forerunners of illness. For in- stance, dream of eating bad food might forbode stomach trouble. amuukyat dreamed of bull attempting to gore him. This proved to be forewarning that his wife would "get after" him in day or so. For war omens see War Customs and Appendix A, NE Yavapai War Tales. W Yavapai.-If person had dream of illness, injury, death, etc., he threw ashes on his body and blew on his limbs and trunk, blowing ashes toward E. He did this before sunrise. SPIRITUAL PARTS OF MAN NE Yavapai.-Terms referring to spiritual parts of man: (1) Yapei, life, alive, spirit, soul. It left body in dream and went to place of dream events, later returning. At death left body, did not return. (2) Chilkomal, soul of living person. At death chilkomal is "all gone." Yapei chikahanat pemi means "life all gone; dead." (3) Pi, dead; papi, dead person. (4) Miye, ghost. Not soul. "Body" because it is corporeal. Ghost of bad man might annoy peo- ple at night. (5) Hiwaya, physical heart. Stops beating at death. (6) WasiL, mind, (7) Isthe, breath. At death, shaman said, yapei (spirit) went to another country named papuyamaticha (papuya, dead persons; maticha, country). Its location was known only to shamans. Fol- lowing contact with Apache at San Carlos, shamans said soul went into air. Ghosts (miye) 10ICf. ahaniku ; Gifford, 1932a, 241. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai seen only after San Carlos sojourn. Previously ghost manifested itself by making noise 3 times, somewhat like owl call. Whirlwinds might embody ghosts. While we discussed these things at Mayer, a whirlwind passed. Informant said it was ghost resenting our talk. W Yavapai.-Ghost (miye) could be seen, heard walking and calling. Owl hoot was ghost call; when heard near house, it presaged death. Near San Carlos home, informant Sham- pura saw green flame which she regarded as ghost; she ran to house. This was her only supernatural experience. In land of dead (where?) people happy, dancing. Dead relatives greet newcomer. Untat- tooed woman's soul does not go there; its destination unknown. Informant Shampura never heard of soul leaving body and returning. No idea of hair being sacred. AMULETS NE Yavapai.-Amulets helped to make one lucky (kyave). To give success, turquoise tied to deer antler of hunter's stalking disguise. Black stone from deer's stomach also success amulet in deer hunting. Cane cross and hawk claws, pictured by Corbusier,10' were Tonto. Abalone-shell crosses worn by informants Jim Miller and wife were Christian symbols. Bad- ger penis valued at 1 buckskin, nowadays $2 to $2.50. If erection difficult to get, rubbing with badger penis reputed to produce erection that lasted all night. W Yavapai.-No calculus or hair pellets from deer's stomach for luck. Albino deer un- known. Turquoise (wihaltuwa) beads and black shell rings sought in ruins (mounds). Sha- man usually had turquoise which gave power. Shell rings to bring luck in deer hunting owned by some hunters. Turquoise beads and shell rings reputedly made by deities Kom- widapokuma and Matinyaupakaamcha. BEARS NE Yavapai.-Bears believed to hear and understand what people said. Tolkepaya man boasted he would kill bear with his hands. Bear far away heard him, came,- and knocked him down. Many bears in high mts. but hard to see. "Bear is smart fellow." Person finding bear's tracks said: "Grandfather, your going over there is good. I say nothing bad about you. I'm here looking for fruit. I am not hunting you." Bear killed only occasionally, then by big hunting party. After kill, hunters held bows and arrows vertically in hands, danced sunwise around dead animal. Shaman was leader, sang about bear's power. If this not done, someone got sick. Bear meat eaten by men, women, children. Heart cut up raw, every man swallowed small piece to protect himself and his children from sickness. Otherwise no special apportioning of meat. Informant did not know whether it was bad luck to let dog eat bear meat. Shaman and men sang to make power leave bear meat. Bearhide taken by old man who rubbed it inside with rough stone to soften it and remove fat. If still not soft enough, buried- in wet ground for part of day (morning till afternoon), then rubbed again with rough stone. Two cousins hunted with rifles north of Crown King mt. At about 5 P.M. when sun low, they descended hill, crossed creek, and went up opposite hill. When part way up, they looked back and saw bear following their tracks. It sat down on far side of creek, put paw up to shade its eyes because men were to sunward, and gazed at them. They thought the bear was following to kill them. They walked over crest of hill, detoured back, and hid on either side of trail, one behind large oak. When bear came, they both fired and killed it. They took meat home without ceremony. As result, little child of one of the hunters sickened and died in spite of shaman's efforts to save it. Shaman said child died because men did not talk to bear after killing it. Shaman talked to rest of people to prevent others from get- ting sick. No belief like SE Yavapai's1l' that bears use grass brush to remove spines from cactus fruit. "Bears' fingers are different from ours," informant said. 1050p. cit., 337. "'*Gifford, 1932a, 241. 319 320 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. UNIVERSE NE Yavapai.-Orographic terms: wipaya, mountain; mat, earth, dirt; matkohorohoror, hill; matsupurapuraha, ridge; winumasauva, granite or other gray rock; kiskela, conflu- ence; chikimi, creek or wash. Four cardinal directions named in following order when all mentioned: north, mathave; south, kewevi; east, inyachaalo, sun coming up; west, inyaropo, sun going down. No direc- tional gods. Middle of world, where speaker is, mattuv. Underground (nadir), matialpa- kiava. Sky or heaven, miava or miyahe; not known to be multiple, but shaman's song refers to two. Various forms of water, ha: siach, hail; sbaka, snow; kwivauwa, rain; supach or hasu- pach, ice; habak, spring; hakovete, ocean, literally water big. "The Yavapes tell of a wonderful spring in the red-rock country on the Verde river north of Fort Verde, near which they onee lived. It wells up into a basin worn in the solid rock, beneath a chimney-like opening which extends through the whole thickness of a high over- hanging rock. A spirit guards it, and withdraws the water whenever he hears a human being approach. Anyone who wishes to obtain water from it must steal up and dip quickly so as to take the water-spirit by surprise, otherwise the water will sink out of sight. If during a drought anyone wishes to produce rain and can sueceed in getting some of the water, and throwing it to a certain point high up on the rock the clouds will surely gather soon and rain begin to fall."'l"q World, matampayaha or matikpayaha; moon, hela; Milky way, nismisauwa, literally doing gray. Stars mentioned in list of months. Identification of stars uncertain because names differ from those given by SE Yavapai.108 Part of Orion's belt called amuu, mt. sheep.109 Moon's dark parts seen as "cottonwood tree with man hanging in it." Colors: haseya, dark gray; sauwa or sauva, gray; patha, brown; kwatha or vasa, yellow; kwara, kwal, or kwata, red; kanyech or nyacha, black; vasu or havasua, blue-green. W Yavapai.-Earth or world, matava. Ocean (Pacific), asil. No term obtained for Gulf of California. Informant did not know whether earth floated on ocean, though earthquake theory implied such belief since earthquake- (mataeni) was thought to be caused by much water under earth. Circle around moon was shield which caused eclipse. Dark part of moon, cottonwood tree. No sex attributed to moon. Constellation amuu, mt. sheep, comprised 4 stars in vertical row; was not a month marker. Colors: aseyi, smoky gray; nyumasauve, pale gray; nyak, black; imasave, white; awhate or kwara, red; kwathi, yellow or orange; havsui, blue or green. TIME NE Yavapai.-Achuri, winter; matyusi, autumn; buemi, spring; inyaruyi, sun hot, sum- mer; inyawa, day. Months, hela, numbered 1 to 12. (1) Hela siti, commenced in September with appearance in east, just before sunrise, of large star salaia, imperfect hand (cf. Cor- busier, p. 338). (2) Hela huwaki, indicated by 2 stars called inekwaL, stars' horns, appear- ing in east just before sunrise. (3) Hela muki, indicated by 5 stars called sal, hand or fin- gers, appearing in east just before sunrise; commenced in December. (4) Hela u'ba, began 20 days after Christmas with appearance in east, just before sunrise, of large red star enee. (5) Hela serapi', indicated by appearance of new moon, as was each of following months: (6) Hela isbex. (7) Hela wakaspex. (8) Hela mukuspex, Rhus emoryi berries getting ripe, but still green in color. (9) Hela halasil. May 14, 1932, fell in this month. (10) Hela muave. Began about June 10; many food plants ripen in this month. (11) Hela muavsiti. (12) Hela muavkuwaki. Divisions of day: dawn, sepasepatik; sunrise, Inyachialki; forenoon, 'nyatiteviti; noon, 1-07Corbusier, 339. 108Gifford, 1932a, 248. 'O'Cf. Corbusier, 338. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai inyavakathi; afternoon, Inyanal; sunset, Inayusi; dusk, 1nyaropi; night, lipa; midnight, lipasupsuyi. W Yavapai.-Seasons: bowemi, lukewarm, spring; 'nyarui, heat of sun, summer; mat- yusi, earth cold over, autumn; achuri, winter. Year began in March; celebrated by old people dancing with canes lifted in air; no feast. New cottonwood leaves in February marked "killing" of winter. Months numbered 1 to 6, used twice in year. Second half of year began in September. Solstices not observed or named. Constellation icha, Pleiades, comprised 7 stars; came up in July just before dawn and marked month. Word for physical moon also meant month. Month began with new moon in west, helayati (hela', moon; yati, lying). Full moon, helayelayeli (round moon). Last quarter, helapi (pi, dead); helapi also moon in eclipse. No names for nights of moon. CONCLUSION The Yavapai, the Havasupai, and the Walapai form a cultural unit that has obvious leanings toward the Great Basin type of culture, not only in various positive characteristics, but also in its lack of high specialization. Contrasting in many respects with the Yavapai-Havasupai-Walapai block is the series of Yuman tribes on the Gila and lower Colorado rivers. Distinc- tive traits of the riverine culture of these tribes are frequently negative. The third block of Yuman tribes comprises those of the mountains of south- ern and Lower California. The published material concerning them indicates a third cultural group strongly influenced, in the north at least, by the Sho- shoneans of southern California, yet resembling the Yavapai-Havasupai- Walapai in their hunting-gathering mode of life. Alternative hypotheses suggest themselves to explain this situation: (1) The river tribes in a favorable environment succumbed to the cultural influ- ence of agricultural neighbors, either Pima-Papago or their predecessors, as indicated by their modern continuation of the prehistoric red-on-buff pottery. (2) They adopted the economic adjustment of earlier, perhaps non-Yuman inhabitants of the riverine territory, whom they absorbed or displaced. In either event, the type of culture is of considerable antiquity because Alarcon's expedition in 1540 reported practically the same culture as that which pre- vailed in modern times. The separation of the Yavapai-Havasupai-Walapai block from the Diegueno and their southern neighbors probably took place before the second group learned acorn leaching. The alternate hypothesis is that the Yavapai-Hava- supai-Walapai group lost the knowledge of this process, an extremely dubious supposition. Indeed, I believe the burden of proof is on the proponents of lost- art hypotheses whenever and wherever they advance them. In view of the various Yuman cultures now recorded, the negative features of Professor Kroeber's hypothetical reconstruction of the development of river Yuman culture"0 perhaps should be modified in certain particulars, which I shall enumerate: (1) Loss of the sweat house. To the west, Californian tribes use the direct- "0?Kroeber, 1923, 311, 315. 321 322 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. fire sweat house, while to the east the steam sweat house is employed. The river Yuman area appears to be a region into which neither type penetrated rather than one in which one or both types were once present. Among the Yuma, Forde.1. describes a near approach to the direct-fire sweat house, perhaps a modern innovation. (2) Loss of dancing. The scantness of this activity in the Yavapai-Havasu- pai-Walapai block suggests that it may never have been a developed Yuman trait, and thus the assumption of its former presence among the river Yumans may not be warranted. Dances among the Diegueiio indicate the neighboring Shoshonean influence. Sand painting had a very feeble development amonig the river Yumans, ap- parently being limited to one group, the Cocopa.lu It seems to have been a cul- tural trait that became only feebly rooted, rather than one which flourished and then declined. The specialization of river Yuman culture, in contrast to the generalized Yavapai-Havasupai-Walapai culture, is understandable in view of its peculiar geographic setting, so similar to the lower Nile valley. Obviously this offered opportunities different from those of the mountain and desert habitats of the Yavapai-Havasupai-Walapai group. If, coupled with the peculiar environ- ment, there was also the example of alien peoples, the process of differentia- tion from the culture of other Yuman peoples may have been accelerated. Lastly, allowance must be made for internal development, especially in rela- tion to greater density of population. This leads to the implication that the Californian mountain Yumans and the Arizonan mountain Yumans (Yava- pai-Havasupai-Walapai) manifest the fundamental traits of Yuman culture, from which the river tribes in some measure have been weaned. At bottom that culture appears to have been of the Great Basin type,'13 with hunting and gathering as its economic basis, rather than of a distinctly Southwestern type such as Puebloan or Piman. The adjustment of the Yavapai to their two environments-geographic and social-was unequal. Adjustment to the geographic environment was neces- sary if they were to live and, because they neglected agriculture, a nomadic life was necessary. In this they contrast with the Havasupai whose mainstay was agriculture.l'I have already indicated that they could have increased their efficiency in taking certain animals for food and utilizing raw materials for cordage. Therefore, they seem not to have exploited the environment as fully as possible in their neolithic stage of culture. At least in recent times, the Northeastern group of Yavapai appears to have been less affected than the others by adjustment to the social environment, that is, to the cultures of neighboring peoples. In ancient times, of course, this group may have absorbed foreign traits that spread to all Yavapai groups. At present the only traits which we may reasonably assume to have been borrowed Op. cit., 205. S'Spier, 1929, 217. EKroeber, 1925, 857; Gifford, 1933a, 311. I" Spier, 1929, 217, has so allocated Havasupai culture. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai are limited to one or another of the groups, as, for example, Southeastern Yavapai clans from the Western Apache, Northeastern Yavapai agriculture from the Navaho, and Western Yavapai agriculture from the Yuma. Elsewhere"5 I have indicated some resemblances of Southeastern Yavapai to Western Apache culture. This list can be considerably enlarged, no doubt, when the Western Apache culture has been adequately described. Many of these traits are shared by the Northeastern and some by the Western Yavapai. The effect on Yavapai culture of Navaho and Basin Shoshonean cultures cannot be determined until adequate investigations of those peoples have been published. The general similarity of Yavapai to Basin culture, however, has been mentioned. The Pueblo influence in Navaho culture and the effects of Navaho pastoral life have doubtless masked many of the resemblances which may have coupled Navaho and Yavapai cultures in former times. Professor Kroeber'6 has listed the cultural resemblances and differences of Gila Pima and Colorado River Yuman tribes. Of forty Gila Pima traits which are not present in the river Yuman, only four have Yavapai parallels: coiled basketry, the bent-pole construction for the outer house frame, dice with scor- ing circuit, and the sororate. As might be expected, there are more features common to Yavapai and river Yuman cultures, the Western Yavapai having the most and the Southeastern Yavapai the fewest. The apparent effects of Yuma-Mohave culture upon that of the Western Yavapai were not very deep. Agriculture and house type seem to have been its two most conspicuous additions to Western Yavapai culture. However, infor- mants said that the Western Yavapai utilized the Yuma house type only while they were at the Colorado river, and that elsewhere they used the customary domed house of their kinsmen. They eschewed the sweat house, though it is mentioned in myth. In summer, some women wore bark skirts like those of the river folk; similarly, sandals were occasionally worn, and some men adopted the river-Yuman style of hair dress. Other river-Yuman features of Western Yavapai culture were the potato-masher type club, the absence of the pottery drum, and the heated trench for the girl at her first menses. The Western Yava- pai calendar employed six numbered months twice a year, contrasting with the twelve of the Northeastern Yavapai. Data are not available to indicate the practice of the river Yumans, but the Kamia"7 and Diegueno"7 used the double series of six names. '5Gifford, 1932, 249. n7Gifford, 1931, 65. 2161931, 44-47. usSpier, 1923, 357. 323 324 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. APPENDIX A: NORTHEASTERN YAVAPAI WAR TALES 1. A'AKASUSA'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HAVASUPAI Near Humboldt NE Yavapai camped, gathered, and hunted one summer. In late June, they discussed going for saguaro to the south along Agua Fria creek. At midnight, a hard wind blew, and rain came next morning. The people thought this a sign that the enemy was coming. "Let's go right now for saguaro," they said. "We'll follow right down Agua Fria creek." They started south and camped at Tinikowadjama (tinik, Quercus reticulata) on Agua Fria creek, about five miles from Humboldt. They moved only five miles because they feared the enemy would attack at Humboldt, as presaged by the storm. Next morning the oldest of three brothers had sore ankle (sokomiwida sauvi, ankle sore). He said: "I am too crippled to walk, so let me stay here, while the rest go on." His two brothers, both married, stayed and watched him. He was not married. The other people went. That evening the sore-footed man lay beside the fire. His brothers were making huts near by. The enemy (Havasupai) came to Humboldt. They saw the tracks of people going south, followed them, and in the evening came upon the camp of the three brothers. They saw the cripple lying by the fire. He heard them running toward camp, and shouted to his brothers: "Enemy coming. Shoot them." The two women ran away, but the men remained with the cripple. Right away the enemy clubbed him to death. The younger brothers climbed the hill on the east side of Agua Fria creek, shooting as they went. The 100 or 150 (sic) Havasupai men tried to encircle the brothers, who were both fighting hard. About one mile east of camp, the brothers reached the top of the hill. The enemy had failed to encircle them. The elder brother was shot in the hip and fell, but urged the younger to go on. The enemy clubbed the wounded man. The younger brother escaped to another low hilltop. The enemy tried again to encircle him, breaking down bushes so it looked as if cattle had been there. The ground was bloody, too. He eluded them and kept going. He still had arrows; from 50 to 75 were carried by each warrior. The enemy pre- tended to let him go. He walked over another hill slowly, as though the enemy were not chas- ing him. But they had anticipated his moves, and some hid behind bushes on the far side of the creek to ambush him. As he descended the hill, an enemy arrow pierced his chest and he fell dead. This was reported to the people by the two wives of the younger brothers. They had found safety at a camp at Churikayalva (churika, walnut), about 20 miles southeast of Humboldt, but had looked for their husbands as soon as the enemy were gone. The people informed the main body of the Northeastern Yavapai. The Yavapai went to the scene of the killings. The Havasupai had returned toward their own land; they had not scalped the brothers. A'akasusa was chosen leader (bamulva) against the Havasupai. "Follow their tracks right now. They are new," he said. All Humboldt and Mayer men followed the Havasupai, who had gone up Lonesome val- ley toward Ashfork, traveling all night. The Yavapai passed Ashfork about 4 P.M. and camped at Astakisiteva (cane growing on hill) on the north side of Mount Sauvikieyelala (gray round-topped mountain). Next day went on toward Havasupai country, following tracks to the west part of Grand canyon (Wika-ila, cliffs far down). The Havasupai had warned their compatriots gathering seeds, etc., to come with them because probably the Yavapai were following. The Yavapai saw seven or eight Havasupai trails with tracks leading toward the canyon. They stayed till midnight at the top of a rocky gap leading into Cataract canyon (aha'- kahavasua). Four scouts were sent down after dark to find the Havasupai camps. Two re- turned and reported: "Many, many people are camped there. It looks as if the Havasupai were all gathered in one place." The leader said: "All right. That's just what I wanted. Those people are many, but let's go into the valley." Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai The Yavapai started down, and at dawn were near a populous camp of many huts. The leader said, "These people are many, but let's go into the middle of their camp." The Yava- pai did so. The Havasupai got up and fought. Warriors shot one another at close range. Some used clubs. Many Havasupai and ten or more Yavapai were killed. The Havasupai started running up the canyon sides. Some were overtaken and clubbed. With men rear-guarding them from the pursuing Yavapai, the Havasupai women and chil- dren entered a narrow canyon with two exits. The Havasupai men lined up at the entrance to the canyon. The Yavapai shot at them from the sides. One Havasupai took off his boots and started climbing the rocks. The Yavapai shot at him from about four hundred feet, but missed. He reached the top, went around to a point, and rolled rocks down on the Yavapai. They took shelter under the overhang of the cliff, so none was hurt. Then he shot an arrow at the Yavapai leader who was standing some distance off, and struck him in the shoulder. The Yavapai laid their leader on a rock and pulled out the arrow gently, so as not to leave the point imbedded. They hung him over the rock to make the blood run out of the wound and his mouth, and swung him gently to prevent the blood from stopping his heart or elotting somewhere in his body. The Havasupai man on top of the cliff called to his fellows below: "I already killed that big mountain sheep over there." In a little while the wounded leader said: "Let's go home." It was afternoon then. The Yavapai started back. Their leader walked. On either side two men with buckskin curtains shielded him and themselves from Havasupai arrows. Each of these men was flanked by about ten men carrying buckskins. They shot at Havasupai as they went along the canyon bottom. The main body of Yavapai acted as a rear guard, facing the Havasupai force. At the first Havasupai camp, the wounded Yavapai leader had left his horse. Four men put him on it. With his bodyguard, he proceeded to the eanyon wall and started climbing to the gap. Then he felt very faint and the men took him off his horse and built a fire for him. The rear-guard Yavapai, in line, held the Havasupai attackers on the valley floor. The fire made the leader feel better, and he went on. This time he rode to the gap, but felt bad again. They took him off his horse, built a fire, and let him lie down a while. The Yavapai below, holding back the Havasupai, retreated slowly. Some were killed. The leader was stronger toward evening, and he rode on through the gap. The other Yavapai came up. The Havasupai did not pursue farther. It had become dark. The Yavapai traveled slowly till midnight, then camped. The wounded leader asked for an arrow-wound doctor to sing for him. A shaman sang that night, and by morning the leader was much better. The Yavapai kept on toward home. They camped one night south of Ashfork, and the next day arrived home. Some went to Cornville and had a big dance. Some danced at Churi- kayalva. No scalps had been taken "because too many had been killed on both sides." Wikichichowo, a man who died at Camp Verde about 1912, told Jim Stacey this story. At the time of the fight, Jim Stacey was a boy 7 or 8 years old, living at A'akwa. His people and many others had moved south to "Iteyachikame (Opuntia seed on curved low flat hill), a place on the east side of Agua Fria creek and east of Bumble and Richinbar. From there they went for saguaro fruit to Tinikaloka (tinik, Quercus reticulata), in the Cave Creek region, which was Southeastern Yavapai territory. They held an all-night dance on the evening of arrival. Many men had just returned from the war party. Next morning they went to Cave creek for saguaro fruit. They camped there two weeks, then returned. Some veterans of the Havasupai war were from the Redroek country, to which they then returned. The Mayer people went home and planted maize. 2. muPARASUKLAVLAVA'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE HAVASUPAI A Yavepe man named muparasuklavlava made a war dance to the north of his country, the Redrock. More than two hundred Northeastern Yavapai warriors assembled. On the day fol- lowing the dance of incitement, they set out on the three-day journey to Cataract canyon. 325 326 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. They arrived at the edge of the canyon in daytime. About midnight scouts went down to the Havasupai village, returned, and reported. Then the whole party descended, arriving before sunrise. The Havasupai had seen the warriors coming, and had climbed up the canyon sides. A Havasupai shouted: "I am going to fight with you." The warriors shot at each other, Yavapai in the Havasupai camp, Hava- supai on the canyon wall. No one was hurt. The Havasupai, behind the rocks, had a rifle which they fired without effect. Later, as the Yavapai were leaving the canyon with food as booty, one was killed with a rifle ball. He was father of five or six sons-one of them Wi- pilla-who were in the war party, and he was from Matkitkavave (Camp Verde). Another man's foot was injured by a rock rolled down by the Havasupai. The Yavapai retreated because they feared the rifle. All left the canyon quickly except the man with the wounded foot, who could not hurry. He was shot at with the rifle, but was not hit. He told Jim Stacey: "I'm lucky to have got out alive; I felt bullets close to me." After he was out of the canyon the others slackened pace so he could walk beside them. They returned to Red- rock country. 3. TIKUMTA'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE WALAPAI Tikumta of Imiginekwa (Arizona City, north of Mayer) was the leader. Wachumorma, a Walapai leader, had killed Tikumta's father at Skull valley. Tikumta sent three neighbors to Redrock, Crown King (Black mountain), and Granite Peak regions to bring the North- eastern Yavapai to his residence for a war dance. A few days later they assembled. Some took one, some two days to get to Tikumta's place, walking rapidly or running. The war- riors brought some women who were to accompany the war party to cook. There were Jerome people, Upper Verde Valley people (Matkoulvapa), and Humboldt Region (Astakasava or Astachiokwava, broad cane arrowshaft) people. At Imiginekwa they gathered much vegetable produce and deer meat, which was divided among the different groups. The neighboring Humboldt people gathered fruit first and dis- tributed it. In the evening the war dance began. It lasted all night. Tikumta spoke: "This is the one big dance before we go over there to war. Some will be killed, so this is the last time we can have a good time all together. You people remember how the Walapai came over here and killed our children. The Walapai are our enemies; they come over here and bother us too much and kill our relatives. Wachumorma is the one. He comes around over here too much. He is the one who kills our children. He kills our people as though they were animals for slaughter. This time I want to see him, not over here, but over there in his own home. You young men all go over there. If you die while you are young, it is all right. If I die in Wachumorma's country, it is all right. If you men act that way you will be men. Don't be afraid of death. Don't be afraid of those people over there, but be men. You may count on its being a hard war." Then an old man spoke: "You people who have come here see pretty girls, but you must not touch them for they are not for this kind of dance. You men's wives must not go with other men lest there be jealousy. You women whose husbands go with other women, don't get jealous. This is the last festivity we are having up here. Everything is going well through the night till morning. Think about this, that your husbands, sons, or relatives leave this place for another country where they are going to fight. You people who have lost your sons or neighbors over in the Walapai country, you should be ready to go and fight. These people are going over there to fight for the sake of those the Walapai killed." In the war dance women and men, mixed together, danced abreast in two lines facing one another, or in two halves of a circle, or in two circles. There was a fire in the middle of the circle. The dance movement was sunwise. All sang and ,war whooped, clapping hands over mouths as they whooped. Two drums were beaten by young boys. Straight lines of dancers went shoulder to shoulder; those in circles held hands. Sometimes two women danced with one man, he between them, they facing in the opposite direction from him, their arms inter- locked. They moved forward and back. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai The day after the war dance the people rested and slept. The next morning Tikumta said: "Rest again tonight and tomorrow morning we go. We'll travel scattered so as to kill deer and other game for food. We shall camp on the north side of Granite peak." His plan was followed. The party of about three hundred people started next morning, gathering meat and other foods on the way. They camped on the north side of Granite peak. In the evening there was no dance, but after dinner Tikumta addressed the people. He said: "Tomorrow morning we start through Williamson valley. We shall go through Walkerima [pine pass], past Walkame [pine mountain] and Walkakwidakwida [small group of pines], and camp tomorrow night at Nyakaskarl [at the base of Walkame] close to the Walapai country. A few of you young men can go ahead and spy out the country. The rest of you can hunt meat and other foods as you follow the scouts. Take your time and watch for the scouts ahead. They will send one back to tell what has been seen." Very early next morning eight scouts went ahead. The warriors followed slo,wly, hunting as they went. That night the party camped at the base of Walkame. They were now in Walapai country but had not met any Walapai. After supper, Tikumta stood up and talked: "Tomorrow morning you four scouts start before daylight and go far away and look around. Then send back and tell us what you see. When the scout returns, you people start." The scouts went out in the dark of early morning. After perhaps two hours, one returned and reported the trail clear. The main body moved forward, passing a little mountain, Tavaka- lavlava. In the distance was a low valley, a desert place. They camped for the night beyond Tavakalavlava. Tikumta talked after supper: "Go slowly. Tomorrow you scouts go ahead before dawn. Then send back one to tell us, and we'll come on slowly." Before dawn the scouts left. One returned and reported the roads clear. The warriors proceeded slowly through the desert country. They did not carry water. When traveling, warriors sometimes endured two days' thirst or three days' hunger. They passed out of the desert into a low mountain region named Kahowala (yellow pines). They stopped at a spring. In the afternoon, two scouts climbed a mountain to look about. They returned late at night, and reported many Walapai huts in a canyon. Tikumta said: "We'll stay here until midnight; then we'll head for the Walapai camp and stop near by for dawn." The Yavapai did this, dividing and approaching the camp from opposite ends of the canyon. (See fig. 25.) They attacked at 4 A.M. Already the enemy were awake and running around, probably having discovered the Yavapai approach. Wachu- morma and his brother, Wasaikema, were at this camp. Yavapai -.e YVQpai WaLapaL camp Fig. 25. NE Yavapai attack on Walapai camp in a canyon. Wasaikema mounted a horse and rode away. He was chased by Yavapai with horses, in particularly by Wikwada (rock desert), who was from the Mayer region. Wasaikema, unable to escape, turned and fought, then got away. Other Walapai climbed the hillsides. The Yavapai saw a tall man wearing a cap with quail scalps come out of a hut. They called to each other, "Look! Wachumorma is here and is trying to escape. Don't let him go. Let's catch him right now." Wachumorma, armed with bow and arrows, climbed a hill on foot. "Don't let him go. Kill him now," the Yavapai yelled. Wachumorma heard and shouted: "All right, come and get me." He sat on a rock. (This was characteristic of him. When raiding the Yavapai, he used to sit down and shout to them: "Come on, I'm a man and you're only children." This would frighten them, and they would not try to fight him.) He started climbing again and shoot- 327 328 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ing, but he hit no one with his arrows. Some Yavapai followed him. Others had climbed to the hilltop to head him off. One man following him sent an arrow into his buttocks, and shouted jubilantly: "I've hit him already." Wachumorma pulled the arrow out. Seeing the Yavapai above him, he went around to a rock pile and climbed up a crevice. There he stayed and shot his arrows. Tikumta and a big Yavapai from near Humboldt, who used to fight Pima, wanted to get Wachumorma. The big Yavapai approached within twenty feet of him, holding a curtain shield over his bow. Wachumorma shouted, "Come on, get me," at same time shooting an arrow which struck the shield. Tikumta came from the other side of the rock opening and Wachumorma shot at him, hitting his curtain shield. Tikumta sprang on him, seized him by the hair, and pushed him over while he was reaching for another arrow. "You can't kill me, you're just like a woman," Wachumorma said. He grabbed hold of Tikumta and tried to throw him. Tikumta drew a baavi club from his belt and hit Wachu- morma in the face. The one blow finished Wachumorma. Tikumta took his scalp. Other Yavapai caught and killed Walapai attempting to escape on foot. Most of the Wala- pai were put to death, though Wasaikema escaped on horseback and perhaps a few others got away on foot. The Yavapai occupied the Walapai camp and took Wachumorma's scalp there. His was the only scalp taken. The Yavapai killed some children and women. In one house they found Wachumorma's wife and another woman, whom they took back to the Mayer region. The Yavapai immediately started for home, but before they got out of the enemy country, Wasaikema had assembled other Walapai fighters. The Yavapai kept traveling and in mid- afternoon entered the desert stretch. There they put Wachumorma's scalp on a pole and danced around it. Walapai on the neighboring hillside shot at them without effect. The Yavapai killed a few Walapai with arrows. They sent Wachumorma's wife out to pick up her husband's scalp and talk to the Walapai. She said: "These people are great fighters. [She named the various places from which the Yavapai came.] The Kewevkopaya are fighting with the Pima. This is my husband's scalp you people'see. He said when alive that he wanted to go over and kill 6ff the Yavapai. He did not want merely to go there to hunt, he wanted to go there to kill people. 'I'm the great fighter,' he said. 'Nobody can kill me.' He went over and killed Yavapai women and children and then came home. Nqw he has found out who is the great fighter. Here is his scalp, my husband's scalp." The fighting went on. The Yavapai were getting tired, hungry, and thirsty. The Walapai came closer. They followed the Yavapai. But finally they camped for the night, giving up the pursuit. The Yavapai also camped, and the next morning went on toward home. They camped in Williamson valley that night, and Tikumta spoke: "The war is over. You people helped me to kill the man who killed my father. Now I am even. You people go on to Redrock from here. Also the Granite Peak people can go home. The rest of us will go on together till near our home places." Tikumta did not kill Wachumorma's wife. He was satisfied with Wachumorma's scalp. But Ichawautamo (enemy his face scratched), an old man, took Wachumorma's scalp and Wachumorma's wife across Verde valley to the upper part of Beaver ereek (in Yavepe coun- try). There the people had a dance. They killed the woman, cooked her body, and ate small pieces of it. Another version of the killing of Wachumorma was told by Michael Burns, a Southeast- ern Yavapai: Jerome (Walkeyanyanyepa) and Prescott (Wikutepa) bands raided the Walapai and killed the Walapai chief, Wachumorma,'" "picking meat from the bones of enemies" who had killed or burned alive many Yavapai. Waehumorma 'was the biggest man the Yavapai had ever seen, in both stature and girth. He wore a buckskin war cap the top of which was covered with quail scalps. On this occasion he threw the cap away, and the Yavapai who wanted it never found it. '"Spier, 1928, 369, gives the name as Watcim6dkmni. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai Wachumorma and his people were cornered by the Yavapai in a canyon near Grand can- yon. Wachumorma, not knowing that the Yavapai were approaching from both ends of the canyon, retreated along the canyon bottom from one band only to encounter the other. Many Walapai escaped by climbing the canyon walls. The attack was unexpected because the Walapai thought they had killed off most of the Yavapai in a raid a few days before. How- ever, the Northeastern Yavapai had sent messengers to the Tonto Apache and Southeastern Yavapai, and had assembled from three to four hundred men. After the battle the Yavapai and their allies returned home, harassed by pursuing Walapai. They took the wife of Wachumorma with them. After arriving home, they paraded her about the country for a day. Then they assembled the people, killed the woman, and cooked and ate her. Each man, woman, and child was given a piece of the flesh. Many ate it; some pretended to and then threw it away. 4. IBATYUSKWINA'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE WALAPAI Camping a little north of Churikayalva were the three younger brothers of A'akasusa- Ibatyuskwina, Isayu, and Yalahaya. All were bamulva, "high men."-`0 Their home place was Humboldt. Ibatyuskwina, a tall man, made a war dance, helped by his brothers. Messengers went to Verde valley, Granite Peak region, and Crown King (Black mountain) region. The Verde Valley messenger notified the Jerome people on his way. The gathering of food started while the messengers were gone and continued after their return. After two or three days the people assembled at Churikayalva. As usual, houses were built for the visitors. The people rested until the night of the fourth day. Then the dance started. Many girls and women came because this was to be a big dog dance. Food was distributed. The dog dance started just before sunset. After dark, Ibatyusk- wina said: "I want you men to gather here, so tomorrow morning we can go to fight the Walapai at Walakisemdjastha. You men and girls go over there and dance." Some men were ashamed to go near strange girls. All the people, including the married women, danced when the speech was finished. About midnight Ibatyuskwina sent a messenger to stop the singing and drumming. Then he stood up and talked again. "You menl You must not go back to sleep or lie with your wives. At sunrise we start north. This may be the last time we have a good time, for you and I may die. Tomorrow at sunrise we go north and pass through Hakinyur [petroglyph water; a spring with flowers around it at the western base of Mingus mountain] and Matinyacheki- yor [black earth piling; a place in the same vicinity]. We shall camp at Hakamata. On the way hunt deer, antelope, and other meat and take it there." At sunup the warriors set out. Some got deer in the hills and mountains, others hunted antelope on the plains. They had plenty of meat at the first camp. The warriors carried dried mescal slabs which they piled in one spot when fighting began. The older men did not hunt but marched straight through. When the leader (bamulva) saw all the game brought in, he said: "We are lucky, in good luck." Fires were built and cut-up meat was cooked in an earth oven until about 8 or 9 o'clock in the evening. Then the warriors selected the oldest man to apportion the meat. Some was saved for morning. It was piled up and covered with grass. The warriors set out before daylight and camped the second night at the headwaters of Verde river. There they cooked venison, prairie dog, antelope, etc. The following morning the young men got meat on the way. The next camp was to be at Yokiyo (west of Drake near Rock Butte, probably in Limestone canyon). The warriors went through Djokawi (Cedar Rock) to reach Yokiyo. They had brought along some ground seed but collected no seed on the way. At 11 A.M. the next day they passed through Ashfork. They camped that evening at the west base of Walakisemdjastha (few pines there) in Walapai country. This was a dry camp, but they had brought water in pitched basketry ollas from a place en route. Four or five men '"They were paternal uncles of Jim Stacey. 329 330 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. carried water for the party. That same evening scouts were sent toward Kwara' (red paint on face), eight or nine miles farther on, to look for Walapai encampments. They found Walapai on a creek between Kwara' and their own camp, somewhat east of Kwara'. The head man said they would attack in the early morning. He told one detachment to go past the Walapai camp and turn north, to prevent the enemy from escaping to the south and east. The main body was to attack from the west. There were cliffs on the north which blocked escape there. Following orders, a detachment encircled the enemy camp on the south and east, the line of warriors going right up to cliff wall on the north. The west-enders gave an owl call to inform the east-enders that they were ready for the assault. With axe and club, they killed all inhabitants of the 18 or 19 huts. None escaped. One man took a dead Wala- pai's boots, which were made differently from Yavapai boots. No scalps were taken. There were no Yavapai losses. The Yavapai started home at once, following the route by which they had come. Some fast travelers went ahead to tell the people at Churikayalva of the victory. In late forenoon the party arrived. At once the people began to danee in a circle. Their warriors rested; they did not dance. Those who had slain observed taboo. In the evening all the warriors danced. Kill- ers of Walapai painted their faces either white or black. They wore no shirts, but with their hands smeared red and black paint, mixed with deer fat, on their bodies. The next day, all Verde Valley, Jerome, Crown King, and Prescott people went home. The Verde Valley people went to Cornville. The people there assembled food, then invited the mountain people to come down and dance in celebration of victory over the Walapai. Differ- ent sorts of dances were performed. 5. A RAID BY THE WALAPAI' About five hundred (sic) Walapai entered Lonesome valley from the north. In the evening they sang for an omen with eagle feathers on the ends of a crossbar on top of a ten-foot pole. The feather representing the Yavapai fell and hung pendent. The Walapai said: "We've got good luck." Then their own feather fell. They said: "Not good. Let's go home." But the young men said: "We don't want to go home after coming so far. Let's go over there and see." The older men answered: "All right, you young people can go, but we tell you that is a bad sign." They spent part of the night at the place of the singing. Early next morning they climbed Mingus mountain, arriving at the top before sunrise. Then they went down the east side to Wildcat canyon. Many Walkeyanyanyepa (Northeast- ern Yavapai) were at Churkewiya, a place about one mile by highway above Verde Central mine. One Churkewiya man, a Walapai captive reared as a Yavapai,m" went deer hunting very early that morning. In those days there were many trees which since have been killed by smelter fumes. This man saw no one, but was shot from behind a tree by a Walapai. The arrow entered his chest, but he ran back to Churkewiya, shouting: "Enemy have come and I'm killed already." He fell face down on the ground. The Churkewiya people got up in time to see the Walapai rushing into camp. One Chur- kewiya man shouted: "Stand and fight. Don't run away." The people obeyed. Not even women ran away. They picked up Walapai arrows and gave them to their men to shoot back. The two groups fought. About 2 or 3 P.M. the Yavapai, getting the worst of it, took refuge in the canyon below Verde Central mine, where there is a vertical rock wall. There they lined up behind rocks and stood their ground against the Walapai. Wikinya, a frightened Yavapai, climbed over a dangerous trail, fell into a pool and got out of it, and then made his way to a camp place on the south side of canyon at Jerome. There he dried himself. "Told to Jim Stacey by his sister's husband, a Verde Valley man named Sepiyurka. '2Spier's account (1928, 368) calls this man a Yavapai. He was married to a Yavapai woman. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai The Walapai and Yavapai fought stubbornly. The Yavapai women and children were hidden behind rocks. About 5 P.M., the Walapai withdrew because the Yavapai had the advantage of rock protection. Many people had been killed. The Walapai party, reduced to about twenty men, went home. The feather omens were bad for both groups because both lost heavily. The Yavapai burned their dead, but left the Walapai corpses for coyotes and vultures. No scalps were taken by either side. 6. SAKALOKA'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE WALAPAIn On the west side of Skull valley, Sakaloka called an assembly of Wikutepa (Northeastern Yavapai) and Tolkepaya for an incitement dance against the Walapai. A messenger went west to Salome, and returned via Wickenburg and Peeple's valley, asking people to come. Men, women, and children attended the dance, but only men went on the war party. For several days the people waited for the distant Tolkepaya to arrive. The people hunted and gathered mescal and many other foods for the visitors. (Later all gathered at Skull valley.) Only men came from Salome and Wickenburg because the trip was too long for women. The people got ready to dance. First food was distributed by the leader (bamulva) and his assistant. About 2 or 3 P.m. the bamulva talked: "All you people are taking part in a big dance tonight. All go down to the creek to bathe, both men and women." In the evening two large fires were built in a big open level space. On the edge of the space were small fires about which people sat. The bamulva stood between the two big fires and talked: "We are having our dance here on a good day. This is a war dance [literally, convincing]. All you men gather over here. I want to go to the north to fight the Walapai. They are our enemies. They come here, kill our people, and steal our women. We'll go over there and do the same way now. You men who don't care to go to war, stay at home. We are having the dance over here. Don't quarrel, don't argue with one another. Don't say any bad words. All you people have a good time and enjoy yourselves. In the morning the fighters will leave this place and go to the north." Then the people danced with their clothes on, wearing no feathers. With their fingers they put red paint on their faces, sometimes in a vertical zigzag design. Their buckskin shirts were also red, especially the fringes; their leggings were painted brown. Some wore Navaho blankets over their shoulders. The women painted their cheeks and vertieally lined tattooed chins. Old warriors blackened their faces, and some wore black bands across their eyes. In the morning after the all-night dance, the bamulva said: "You are my relatives and friends. Get even for me over there with the Walapai. The old people have lost sons and grandsons by the Walapai." The party went along the west side of Granite peak, the men scattering to hunt deer. The first night's camp was on the south side of Walkerima (pine pass). Next morning, scouts went ahead. The warriors followed to Walkerima and camped the second night at Walkame. The bamulva told his scouts to go out about midnight and return before dawn. One scout reported no sign of the enemy. The warriors passed through the next mountains, Walkawidikwida. They camped on the edge of a narrow canyon bordered with black rocks, WinyaLkachav (black rock canyon), and carried water up from the bottom. The bamiulva said: "Tomorrow morning you scouts go first toward the mountain Sauva- kalavlava." The scouts followed directions. One came back and reported no enemies. The warriors went on slowly, reaching the base of Sauvakalavlava about noon. They climbed the moun- tain and descended it toward evening. Beyond was the hill Sauvakitakoisa. The sun was going down. The scouts were ahead on top of the hill, and one called, "Ku'ku'ku'ku'ku'," like a bird. The warriors paused and l2 Told to Jim Stacey by Tuunava, father of Gilbert Davis of Camp McDowell. Tuunava, then a boy, accompanied his father, a Wikutepa man, on this campaign. 331 332 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. looked up. The scout motioned them back with his hand. They stopped south of the hill, and the scout ran down to them. On the north hillside he had seen many Walapai huts. The Yava- pai camped where they were. The bamulva said: "Wait until midnight, then I'll go and see." About 11 P.m. he took five good strong men and went to look at the enemy camp. He and his men hid behind bushes near the camp. There was no moon, but they could see campfires over a large area. They heard a man going around telling the people to move to the next camp. The bamulva thought it was a war party on its way to Yavapai country. He and his men returned, and he told the people: "In the morning before dawn we'll attack them. There are four or five hundred men." The Yavapai numbered about five hundred (sic). There were women and children in the Walapai camp which, as the huts under tall oaks (sinikarahara) indicated, was semipermanent. Before dawn the Yavapai attacked. A Wala- pai shouted: "Good thing you people came; we were going over after you." Yavapai rushed into houses, using their clubs. Some Walapai moved back to use bows and arrows, but the Yavapai seized other Walapai and held them as shields. One Walapai had a horse. He mounted, put his wife behind him, and escaped. All day the warriors fought; in the after- noon they used bows and arrows. Then again, at the order of the bamulva, the Yavapai rushed in and used clubs. The bamulva fought, too. The Walapai retreated, shooting as they went. The bamulva said: "Don't let them go. Go around and cut off their retreat." Some Yava- pai obeyed. By late afternoon most of the Walapai were killed-men, women, children. Only the man and wife on horseback escaped. Tuunava (see footnote, p. 331), riding around the camp, discovered a Walapai woman and her little son lying belly down under some bushes, hiding. Tuunava told the warriors, who got the woman and boy and killed the woman. The boy was kept by Akwakwa (deer- horns), a Peeple's Valley Tolkepaya, who adopted and reared him. Four of Deerhorn's brothers were in the war party. The warriors stopped at the same camping places on the way back. When they arrived at Skull valley they had a dance (imachi) of victory. They had taken no scalps. At the victory dance, old people cried for relatives who earlier had been killed by Wala- pai. An old person would go to a returned warrior and say: "I thank you very much for kill- ing Walapai on my behalf," and present him with seed or other food. An old woman might say to a returned warrior: "I thank you for avenging my relatives." Then she would whoop, slapping her hand back and forth against her mouth. The warrior might reciprocate by get- ting a buckskin and putting it over her shoulders. The bamulva talked: "All you people listen. Stay two or three days or go home now, as you like. We have finished the fighting. We are even for the Walapai coming over here and killing our relatives. We killed many people over there." Some people stayed a day or so before returning home. Others left at once. 7. TIKUMTA'S SECOND CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE WALAPAItm Tikumta, a bamulva, summoned people to Mata,whatakio (red ground piled up), Dooksie, about thirty miles east of Mayer and east of Ash creek. People came from Mayer, Churika- yalva, and Pauwiwo on Agua Fria river, east of Mayer. Tikumta's messenger went to Pres- cott, Skull valley, Peeple's valley, Crown King mountain, and home again. These people were asked to assemble food. The next day a fast-running messenger went to Verde valley and the Redrock country. A few days later the people assembled at Matawhatakio. Six or seven huge baskets and pots of wild seeds were distributed, together with inescal, meat, etc. in the same types of container. Visitors also were given dried mescal, etc. In the afternoon some young people gathered wood for the two night fires, which were built in the center of a clear space three hundred feet in diameter. That evening the bamulva '"Told to Jim Stacey when he was 12 or 13 years old by his sister's husband, who had been in the war party. Jim's father, not feeling well, had stayed at home at A'akwa. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai stood between the fires and made his speech. The home people had built huts for the guests around the edge of the elear space, close together. Sometimes these huts were built in two lines. The bamulva said to the people: "I want you people to come over here and have a good time. This evening we'll dance all night. This is the big day for warriors. In the morning the warriors will leave this place and go north to a place in the Walapai country called Kwara'. When they arrive there, they'll see Walapai." Finishing his discourse, the bamulva began to sing with other old men. They eireled clockwise inside the row of huts and the spectators, the bamulva remaining in the middle. Now two rings of marchers formed, each eircling a different fire and passing close to the ring of huts; men and women, dancing sidewise, mov- ing along with shoulders touching, some holding hands in front with their elbows at right angles. Women were together in one half of the circle and men in the other. Sometimes men and women alternated in the circle, holding hands, a man and his wife not necessarily together. The warriors started before daylight. Ikaharaka (cat's-elaw bushes), the present site of the ranger station on the west side of Mingus mountain, was the place of the first night's camp. Next morning the party went north through Lonesome valley and that night camped at Del Rio. The men got meat, some of which probably was antelope. The next day they passed through Ashfork and went northward to Mount Sauvakiyeliyela, camping there the third night. Early next morning, two scouts were sent out. Both saw the enemy and returned. The bamulva sent six or seven men far ahead, and ordered the main body to follow them. The party reached Walkidjemdjespa (broken pines) and camped there. Scouts went ahead. From a hilltop they saw seven huts on the east side of Kwara'. They reported this to the bamulva, who said: "We'll go tonight; we'll travel fast." The warriors started about midnight, and arrived before dawn at the east side of Kwara', one or two miles from the Walapai camp. They surrounded the camp and clubbed all the people (about twenty) except one woman whom they took alive. They asked her the name of a certain dead Walapai man. She replied: "Watarama'." This name was given to Jim Stacey, then a small child. The warriors brought the woman to the Redrock country. They took no scalps. Coming home, the Redrock and Verde Valley people swung eastward at Drake, keeping to the east and northeast of Verde river. The Mayer and Prescott people went on toward the south along the east side of Chino valley. Later the Prescott people swung off to their coun- try. When Tikumta arrived home he had a little danee, but the Verde Valley and Redrock people had a big dance at Cornville. 8. ICHASAYU'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE WALAPAItz After his brother A'akasusa returned from the Havasupai campaign, Ichasayu made a war dance at Churikayalva. He was aided by A'akasusa and his two other brothers, Ipachsk"- skwina and Yalahaya. All had been made bamulva because they were distinguished warriors. Ichasayu sent one messenger to Verde valley and another to Prescott, Peeple's valley, Wal- nut Grove, and Crown King. The messengers returned to Churikayalva. There the people hunted and gathered foods for their guests. They cleared a flat place to dance, and around its edge built huts close to- gether for the visitors. Food was distributed to the visitors as they arrived. Men, women, and children came from places near by; from distant places only men came. Two big fires were built in the dance area. In the evening Ichasayu spoke: "We go north to make war on the Walapai. Tomorrow morning we shall start. All you people make a good time this one night, all night. This is the only time we'll have a big dance. Tomorrow we go north." They danced all night, the same dance as that described for other war parties, and left before daylight. a6Told to Jim Stacey by his father. 333 334 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Passing Granite Dells, they camped the first night at Kiriiva (knolls in a row) close to Granite peak. A woman named Vasichrapva lived there. The warriors had arranged for her to guide them. They were on foot. They left late the next day when the sun was high, hunting on the way, and went through the middle of Williamson valley. Near Walkerima they camped for the second night. Next morning Ichasayu sent out scouts. He was in command; his brothers gave no orders. The warriors went on without hunting, because north of Walkerima was Walapai country. They went north of Walkame and made the third night's camp at Hatitakwiva (water holes in row). Before daylight a few scouts set out to the west. One reported nothing. The war- riors followed the scouts and, about fifteen miles beyond Hatitakwiva, they halted at an open desert place. A little peak suggesting Granite peak in shape was near by. The woman guide said: "Behind this hill is the plaee from which I escaped. On the other side is a wide desert stretch." The leader sent scouts to the top of the peak. At sundown they reported: "On the north side of this hill is a camp, but not many people. There are about thirty huts." The leader said: "Wait until morning." About 4 A.Mr. they advanced on the sleeping Walapai. There were nearly five hundred (sic) Yavapai. They surrounded the eamp and killed all the people (about fifty) mostly with clubs and stone axes. Those who tried to escape were shot with bows and arrows. No scalps were taken. No Yavapai were killed. The Yavapai started home at once, following the same route by which they came, taking no plunder. As they passed Granite peak, the Prescott people left the party. The Verde Val- ley and Wichenapa people went to Churikayalva, where they had a little dance for one night. The leader talked to them, then sent them home. Two days later a big victory dance was held at Cornville. Warriors who had slain Walapai danced, but observed taboos. Women rushed to dance with the distinguished warriors, scrambling to reach them. Only two women at a time could dance with each man. Both mar- ried and single women danced. 9. MIKAMDJAK'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE WALAPAI Mikamdjak lived at Akwaikyahunyahunya on Kirkland creek in Thompson's valley, in Tolkepaya territory. He made a little dance (kasarrima, dog dance) for two nights, inviting Tolkepaya and Wikutepa. He talked about war against the Walapai. Then he sent a mes- senger to the many Northeastern Yavapai in Verde valley (Cornville) and invited them to a war dance. The messenger did not go to the bamulva first; instead, he talked to each household. After a while the old man (bamulva) got up and spoke to the people. On his way home the messenger went to Churikayalva. He also visited Crown King mountain, Walnut Grove, and the Tolkepaya at Congress Junction. Then he returned to Akwaikyahunyahunya. After a few days the people gathered there. Verde Valley people came, some taking the route of the present highway over Mingus mountain. Another trail, which followed Cherry creek on the south side of Mingus mountain, is also the route of a modern road. The third trail went from Verde valley through canyon Esinyakahavava to Agua Fria river, south of the Cherry Creek route. The home people had gathered food which they gave to the visitors. They had made little houses around the dance ground, and collected plenty of firewood. In the evening the people danced. Mikamdjak stood and talked: "I want to go a long way to fight. I want you people to make a good dance for us, so we can remember the good time we had before we left this place. Tomorrow morning before sunrise, we'll leave this place. On the way you'll kill deer, etc., to cook at camp at night." In the morning the party went toward the northwest, camping that night on the west side of Sauvuwi (gray mountain) in Tolkepaya country, west of Granite peak. Next day the people hunted as they traveled. They camped on the edge of a black rocky canyon, and brought water up in pitched baskets from the canyon bottom. They did not carry water on Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai the march because it was plentiful in the region. Some people carried clay pots for boiling food. Early next morning scouts were sent out and the main force followed from three to flve miles behind them. They went slowly. On the west. side of Sauvkalavlava mountain, the party camped for the night. The leader sent out scouts in the early morning. They were to report back before he moved the main force. One returned before sunup; he had seen noth- ing. The leader sent him back to tell the others to go on to the west side of Kahowala. (There Wachumorma later was killed. He was young at this time.) The company followed the scouts and camped at the west side of Kahowala, where there was water. That evening the commander sent scouts to the next mountain to the northwest, Winu- wisa. Returning, they reported a Walapai camp of 24 huts on the north side of Winuwisa. The leader said: "We will start tonight, so as to be at the Walapai camp before daybreak." When darkness came the Yavapai traveled to Winuwisa. There were about four hundred of them. The leader wanted to see the Walapai camp that night. He took four men and looked the camp over from a distance. When he returned, he instructed the warriors to attack in the early morning. Before daybreak they quietly surrounded the camp, some to the right, some to the left, and a third group in the middle. Then they rushed on the houses, killing the inmates with clubs and stone axes. Some Walapai attempted to leave the houses, but were knocked over the head by Yavapai outside. The Yavapai killed all their enemies-men, women, and children. On the same morning the Yavapai started back, taking nothing with them, not even a scalp. They had not lost a man. They marched together toward home, camping at the same places as on the outward march. In four days they arrived at Akwaikyahunyahunya. That evening the people danced a circular dance (ima). The next day the Verde Valley people started home to make a big dance. Some Wikutepa and Tolkepaya went with them. 10. A RAID BY THE PIMA= It was summer, and the Northeastern and Southeastern Yavapai were at Tinikaloka in Southeastern Yavapai territory, gathering saguaro fruit. The Northeastern Yavapai there were Djokayanyanyepa; the Southeastern Yavapai were Kasarikulokapa (dogs-elimbing- up people). Not far away was Siskichinakwa (sis, white rough rock; kichinakwa, saddle or depression in ridge) in Kewevikopaya country, close to Djokayanyanye and to Mount Wikitauha (mountain or rock with overhanging rock shelter) which is on the west side of Verde river and southeast of Black canyon. The Pima camped twenty miles southeast of Wikitauha, then came to kill Yavapai. About forty Yavapai went to fight the Pima. In addition, ten fast runners wearing only breechelouts started ahead toward the Pima camp. The Pima saw them and followed. The Pima were on horseback and the Yavapai afoot. The forty Yavapai took refuge behind rocks in the saddleback Siskichinakwa, and shot at their pursuers as they approached. On horseback the Pima were easy targets; the Yavapai aimed for their bellies. The Pima turned back, some falling. The ten Yavapai runners joined their fellows. The Pima attacked six or seven times but could not force their way through. The Yavapai continually reenforced the men in the saddleback. The Pima tried to get behind the saddle- back, but encountered Yavapai reenforcements coming up. There were about two hundred Pima. Mat-haupapaya from Mayer and southward, who had been fighting Walapai in the north and were ambitious to kill off the Pima, were helping the Kewevikopaya. The Pima stopped a short distance from the Yavapai line in the saddleback. Their leader rode around and around, discussing the situation with his men. He shouted in Yavapai: "You are my cousins [ichikai], but by the time the sun moves a little way you will be dead." He meant that when his men advanced, the Yavapai would be Told to Jim Stacey by Tuunava, father of Gilbert Davis, who with some other Yavapai watehed the battle from a neighboring hillside. Tuunava was on horseback. 335 336 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. mowed down. Using bqws and clubs, the Pima tried to rush the line but lost heavily and re- tired. They tightened their saddles and tried again. Yavapai re8nforeements were approaching from two sides, one group firing trees as it came. Many Yavapai in the gap were killed or injured. The others used the arrows the Pima shot at them as well as their own arrows. In early afternoon the Pima broke through and clubbed the few remaining defenders. The Yavapai reenforcements came on foot from the Mayer region. Their leader wore a red buckskin cap and carried a spear. He shouted to the Pima: "I'd like to play with you. That's why I came over here. I wanted to see you. It's a good thing the people told me you were here, so I could come and see you." The Pima leader spoke to his own people, saying, "E, e." The Yavapai thought he was saying "yes." Yavapai entered the gap, where there were many dead Pima, and began fighting. The Pima assembled in the same position. "You people, when the sun gets over here a little way, you will say, 'Unh, unh,"' the Pima leader shouted. He meant that they would be ghosts by that time because he would have killed them. Yavapai veterans of Walapai campaigns laughed loudly at his words. The Pima rode around in a circle, smoking clay pipes. They repeatedly charged through the gap, attempting to kill the Yavapai with clubs. The Yavapai dragged many from their horses and killed both horses and riders. In the northwest smoke appeared as Yavapai reenforcements arrived, burning trees as they came. The Pima had lost many men but still were aggressive. They circled in the same place. Smoke from the opposite side indicated the approach of more Yavapai. Fighting continued as Yavapai reenforcements came up from the northwest. There also were Yavapai approaching from the northeast, but they still were far off and did not arrive in time to fight. The Pima rode around and around, gradually retiring. The Yavapai in the gap shouted not to let the Pima escape but to kill them all. Yavapai on foot followed the circling Pima, trying to drag them from their horses. Wounded horses were left behind, and most of the Pima retired on foot. Yavapai reenforcements from one side followed the Pima into a wash where there were many bushes, and killed some Pima. Others were chased to the slope of a hill about one mile south of the saddleback but close to the wash. Twenty or more Pima hid behind bushes in the wash. A few who climbed the hill at sundown were followed and killed. Johnson Stacey's maternal grandfather killed two Pima. He saw two others hiding in the wash but did not attack them. He was afraid there were more near by who might catch him. The Yavapai retired to their home country, taking no scalps and no plunder. They threw away the Pima clubs which they had picked up. The following is the Pima version of the battle, related by one of the two Pima who hid in the wash. He told it to a collateral maternal grandfather of Johnson Stacey's at Camp McDowell. The narrator was called Matkak, which means in Yavapai, "ground splitting open." This may have been either a Yavapai or a Pima name. Matkak said he could easily have been killed in the wash because he was worn out and hungry. He came to the mountain with two hundred other Pima. In the evening before the battle, they sang at camp for an omen (bakana), using a vertical post with a feather on each side, one for themselves and one for the Yavapai. The Pima feather appeared bloody and the Yavapai feather remained white. The Pima leader said: "No good." He wished to return to Salt river, but the young men did not believe the sign. They still wanted to fight. "You already brought us so far. Why take us back? We'll go over and see with our eyes, then we'll believe it." Next day they went to fight, having overruled their leader. They met the Yavapai in the gap and fought hard. The young men still boasted of their prowess be- cause there were few Yavapai at the beginning of the fight. But Yavapai reenforeements kept coming; in the afternoon still more arrived. When the Pima retired and smoked, their leader said: "You people would not believe me and wanted to come. Now you see with your own eyes. Better we had gone home. But now we are here, we stay and die, going around and around." Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai At last the remaining Pima, unhorsed, sought escape. They were merely arrow scratched and not disabled. About twenty escaped aeross the desert, but some developed bad sores and died. Apparently the Yavapai arrows were poisoned. Only six Pima reached their home settlements. 11. A'AVUMKISIVOLVA'S CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE PIMA A'avumkisivolva, a bamulva, made a dance in autumn at Isteyachikame. He sent his male relatives to call the people together. One messenger went to Verde valley, Prescott, south to Crown King mountain, and then home. The inviters accumulated food supplies. After two or three days, people gathered at isteyachikame. Wood was collected, huts were built, and two big fires were set. The leader talked a little about the proposed campaign against the Pima, who frequently killed Yava- pai, especially women and children, when they were gathering cactus fruit in summer. While the leader spoke, a man stood near him wearing a red coat of Navaho cloth, hold- ing a red spear (bastoi), and wearing a red cap with two little horns of cloth and silver buttons. He had got his whole outfit from the Navaho. Ichiwatakiura (red-coat wearer) was his name. He was singer for A'avumkisivolva, and later led the singers in dancing. His songs referred to the enemy. The dancers, two opposing rows of men and women, also sang. A'avumkisivolva told the people that on the following day more people would come, that there would be games and wrestling, and that the war party would not start until the sec- ond day's festivities,were over. Next morning the women prepared saguaro seed for the men to take on the warpath. In the afternoon there were games. The strong man chosen to wrestle newcomers of that day was a Yavapai from the east side of '3teyachikame. The newcomers were from a mountain on the west side of Verde valley. Before the wrestling match, several newcomers ran around kicking over baskets, breaking pots, pulling down houses, etc. Their champion was sup- posed to be unbeatable. The visiting champion wrecked things--this custom people usually took good-naturedly-and the match began when the home champion interfered. People stood in a circle around the wrestlers, who forced each other to their knees, then struggled up again. The wrestler's object was to put his opponent flat on the ground, not necessarily on his back. Both men and women threw dirt on the vanquished wrestler, and laughed at his defeat. The match might be repeated. The wrestler could not shift grips. He had to keep his first hold. (Nowadays Indians change wrestling grips as whites do.) In the afternoon when the wrestling was over, A'avumkisivolva told his people to get more wood because there was to be another dance. That night the people did the dog dance in trios. At the beginning the men stood together, helping the singer. The women were in a separate group. Then two women started dancing. They went up to a man and touched his shoulder from behind with their fingers. Other pairs of women picked men to dance with. The people formed a big circle around the fire, doing the dog dance back and forth toward fire and then away from it. All night they danced. Before daylight the warriors started south. Each was given a rolled cake of saguaro seed in a buckskin sack, which he fastened at the right side of his belt together with a pitched basket cup. He did not need nor carry a canteen. A'avumkisivolva said they would camp for the night at Hapucha, New river, and told the men to hunt on the way for rabbits, jackrabbits, tortoises, deer, mountain sheep, and antelope. That night A'avumkisivolva told them the next camp would be at Djokadauwaha (young juniper water), a place northwest of Cave creek, and urged them to hunt while marching. They arrived at Djokadauwaha on the following evening. A'avumkisivolva said they would camp the next night at a spring north of Camelback mountain. About 4 A.M. he sent six or seven scouts ahead. The main body of warriors followed. They kept together for safety and did not hunt. They traveled slowly, getting to Camelback mountain at about evening. They made camp without fire. A'avumkisivolva sent from seven to ten scouts to Tempe butte (Wikitiera). They waded Salt river (Hachachikimi, wash with running water) and climbed a hill. The Pima discov- 337 338 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ered them before they saw the Pima. They started back, chased by mounted Pima but "run- ning faster than the horses." One scout, a great runner, was first to reach camp and give the alarm. A'avumkisivolva told his men to advance. The Pima and the Yavapai fought, but few were killed on either side. They did not fight long and all were good arrow dodgers. Both sides retired without victory. The leader's plan of a surprise attack on the following morn- ing was frustrated. No scalps were taken because of "killing each other." On the way home the Yavapai stopped at the same camps they had used in the advance. They arrived at Richinbar and had a little dance. A'avumkisivolva told the assemblage: "It was not good that the enemy saw us first. So we came back." Relatives of the slain did not dance. They stayed at home. Next morning the Verde Valley people, the Wikenichepa (Black Mountain or Crown King people), and the Wikutepa (Granite Peak people) went home. 12. A PIMA RAID This fight took place at Churikayalva, east of Agua Fria river. Many Northeastern Yavapai from the Prescott and Jerome regions were camped there to gather walnuts (churika). The Pima, armed with bows and potato-masher clubs, surprised them while they were eating and playing under the walnut trees. The Pima had come up Black canyon and then turned east- ward to Churikayalva. They killed all the Yavapai except Mivasukorkoror, a young man, who fled to Mayer and reported the raid. He went to other places and told people of the kill- ings, finally coming to 'Iteyachikame where many people were getting Opuntia fruit. Ban- yihaya was bamulva there. Banyihaya sent messengers to assemble the people at Isteyachikame. He said: "I know the enemy went along the steep trail on the west side down to Agua Fria river. The canyon there is very deep. I think they (will go back the same way." With this in mind, he assembled men on the west side of Agua Fria canyon where the trail led up from the canyon bottom. A few Yavapai stayed on the east side of the canyon to watch the trail, while the main body went on the west side where the trail ran. When the Pima were halfway down, the watchers signaled by waving their hands. The fires which the Pima set gave clues to their whereabouts; they burned houses, brush, trees, etc. as they went home after slaughtering all the Yavapai they could. As usual, they were mounted. The Yavapai at the edge of the canyon rolled rocks on the Pima horsemen below, then came down and clubbed the wounded Pima who had not been thrown with their horses from the narrow trail to the bottom of the canyon. Thirty or 35 Pima reached the canyon bottoum safely and camped. The Yavapai did not attack them; instead they went around by a cir- cuitous route to the east edge of the canyon and there held a dance. The Pima at the bottom of the canyon, wailing for their dead, could see the Yavapai dancing on the cliffs above and so wailed the louder. They had dragged their dead down the trail to the canyon bottom, and burned the corpses on two pyres. The Pima survivors were allowed to return home down Agua Fria canyon. The Yavapai took no scalps "because they were on the defensive." 13. WALAPAI RAID AGAINST THE TOLKEPAYA The Walapai came to Skull valley and fought the Western and Northeastern Yavapai, after- ward returning home. Again, they came as far south as Peeple's valley (Wachinivo) and fought there. This was when Wachumorma, famous Walapai leader, was yet a boy. Follow- ing is a Northeastern Yavapai account"' of the battle in Peeple's valley. Two miles southwest of Camp Wachinivo in Peeple's valley, some Wikutepa were staying at the spring Hadjelka (dung water) on their way to the Wickenburg region for cactus fruit. There were five huts of people there. About two hundred Walapai came and killed all except one small boy who escaped in the bush. There were many other camps in Peeple's valley. The boy ran down to the creek and I" Told to Jim Stacey by Nyeraha. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai told the people at Ahakierieta (scattered group of cottonwoods): "Many Walapai came to Hadjelka and killed all my relatives. I ran away." The people at Ahakierieta were Western Yavapai. One of them, Yomatakwana, arose and shouted: "Let's follow the enemy over there. One of you people go and spread the word." A messenger traveled to Date creek to summon the many Tolkepaya who lived there. He went also to Congress, Congress Junction, and Wickenburg. The people came at once, assembling at Ahakierieta for the war party. Nyera- ha's father, a Tolkepaya, was with Yomatakwana. Yomatakwana said: "Let's go. Let's go right now." There was no preliminary dance. The people wanted to catch the Walapai before they left the country. No Mat-haupapaya were called except the Wikutepa, whose people had been slaughtered. The Walapai had camped at a stream in Peeple's valley. They left there shortly before the Tolkepaya arrived. The Tolkepaya, wearing a little red paint, followed the Walapai tracks to the northeast. About ten young men swung off to the high land on the left in order to overlook the valley. They saw the Walapai party. Yomatakwana and his main force went along the high land, while the Walapai followed the creek. Yomatakwana stopped and sent scouts ahead. They saw the Walapai in the valley below. The ten young men hid by a rock which the Walapai had to pass. The Walapai had a Wi- kutepa woman prisoner, and one of the young men motioned to her with his hand. She said to her captors: "I want to go over there by rocks to eat something first." The Walapai party stopped, and three armed warriors took the woman to the rock. They were seized and clubbed to death by the young men. The woman ran toward the main force of Tolkepaya on the tableland above. The Walapai streamed after her, and the Tolkepaya came down the slope. The two forces met and fought. Half the Walapai were killed. The Tolkepaya first used bows and arrows, then clubs at close quarters. Some were armed with stabbing lances which had hardwood points. Men of both parties ,were lying around like stones, said Nyeraha's father. He used a lance or thruster about twelve feet long with which he killed two Walapai. The Walapai survivors ran from the battleground on the hillside and lined up in a little valley. The Tolkepaya pulled their wounded back, and then formed a line facing the enemy. They shot arrows at the Walapai, who retaliated. Then the two forces fought with clubs. Seven Walapai escaped from the m8ele and climbed the hill. Yomatakwana saw them, and shouted: "Wait, wait, you people. I am going to tell you something. I don't want to kill you. Just go back into your own country. When you get home tell your people about their rela- tives' bodies over here. I am the one whose places are Ahakierieta and Astemilchinyapa (Congress Junction).m My people came from those places to kill your people. Go home and tell your people to send some more over to us right away. Go back over there and tell them to send many men." The seven Walapai were allowed to go home, and the Tolkepaya waited in vain for an- other Walapai attack. The Tolkepaya did not take scalps. They cremated their own dead, but left the Walapai bodies for coyotes, dogs, and vultures to eat. 8Aste, Opuntia. NE Yavapai for Congress Junction is 18temeldjikenapa (Opuntia chlo- rotica low-domed hill). 339 340 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. APPENDIX B: ADDITIONAL NOTES ON SOUTHEASTERN YAVAPAI Wikedjasa (180)1" is Four Peaks, Iwilamaya (brushy rolling hills) is North peak; both are in Mazatzal mts. Chia, Saivia columbariae, kithpilla. Seeds (181) knocked off with flat stick into conical burden basket, winnowed, parched in flat basket, ground on metate with forward-backward motion. Eaten mixed with water. Plant grows abundantly at Amanyika (180); one of chief attractions of that place. Before going to war (183), put 2 eagle feathers in hole in ground and sang. Any sound that issued from hole was portent. "Horse sound" meant good luck and capture of horses from Pima; erying meant defeat of Yavapai. Each warrior carried small stick (184) called his "life" which he buried near his sleeping place each night. One warrior found his reddish-colored in morning; others urged him to return home lest he be killed. He laughed at them, went on, was killed. Possibly stick is to be identified with scratching stick or drinking tube. Great SE Yavapai warrior named Mawhatayiwaye (bear heart) fought Maricopa on summit at head of Camp cr., helping NE Yavapai who sent for reenforcements while battle raged. He, descending mt. in very conspicuous red woolen shirt, shouted: "I am the Bear Heart coming." Maricopa started to flee. Yavapai pursued and killed many. Origin of warfare with the Pima (184): "About 200 years ago" SE Yavapai and Pima were living close together as friends. They exchanged visits, made dances, and intermarried. Many SE Yavapai lived in Pima communities where they had married and were cultivating land. At least for a time, some Pima lived in mts. of SE Yavapai territory. After many years of friendly relations, some Apache visited the SE Yavapai living in Pima land. They stayed, feasted on cultivated foods, then went home. Later in the same year, they came again. In mts. of SE Yavapai land old Pima man was felling timber for firewood by burn- ing trees (there were no axes) and cutting them into proper lengths. The Apache passed him and descended to Pima farms to feast with Yavapai-Pima mixed bloods. On their way back, laden with produce, they clubbed old man and threw his body aside. Old man's rela- tives found body and told Pima, who came to burn it. Pima saw tracks, decided that SE Yavapai living among them must be the murderers, returned home and killed them, includ- ing those married to Pima. However, some SE Yavapai escaped and told mountaineer breth- ren, whom Pima also attacked. Kwalasiseyala (red basket), red peak near south entrance to Camp McDowell reservation, was place where mixed Pima and SE Yavapai lived. After hostilities SE Yavapai retired to Mazatzal mts. and Pima withdrew farther into their country, making McDowell region no man's land. The 2 tribes became enemies. Before this, Pima had been in habit of bringing maize to mts. for SE Yavapai. Hostility of Pima later was directed against NE Yavapai of Mat-haupapaya group. Another version of SE Yavapai-Pima enmity: SE Yavapai, Pima, and Maricopa used to gather mesquite together in Verde valley. Tonto killed Pima woman. Pima blamed SE Yavapai and killed all intermarried with or living among Pima. Later, tribes met among cottonwoods along Salt river to make peace. There Tonto killed Pima man, and Pima again laid death to SE Yavapai. War resumed, continued till whites stopped it. Mastava (186) corrected to matathawa or matsava. Chepichu (200), "tortoise eyes," not "turtle eyes." Wachuulva, big man inside house: wa, house; chuulva, filling it full. Bavieha (202) was W, not NE Yavapai as listed. Women were housebuilders (203). 'This and other numbers in parentheses found in this appendix refer to pages in pub- lished paper, Gifford 1932a. Gifford: Northea8tern and We8tern Yavapai Jimsonweed root (213) given to some boys for good luck in hunting. Under influence thought ants were deer, etc. Became crazed; sometimes tied down because might leap off cliff or come to other harm. Iwilthautuwacha. Leaves of this plant boiled in pot to make tea for colds. Drunk warm. Possibly greasewood (213). Origin story of tobacco (213) being transformed woman, same as NE Yavapai version. Maize (214) reputed to come from Navaho via NE Yavapai. Burden basket (219) made of willow twigs gathered by women or girls. Conical; stood upright only when stones placed around it. Permanently attached pack strap of buckskin for passing over head. Scapula also used as hide scraper (222). Arrow (223) not grooved longitudinally to keep it straight, as was Pueblo arrow. Besides rawhide-encased club (225), potato-masher type used. Both reputed to be borrow- ings from Pima, who had 2 additional types: (1) stone axe like NE Yavapai's, (2) straight stick. All 4 Pima clubs were equipped with wrist straps. No juniper bark used for weaving blankets. Only willow bark so employed (226). Young man sometimes wore lupine flower in hair (228) over ear. In delousing hair (229) with mud, no covering placed over mud; it dried and hardened, thus remained in place. Shinny sticks (231) curved (not carved) at striking end. Foot-cast ball played (231). Hiding stone game (nohovi) played (231) as by NE Yavapai. Shamans said: "No one can see the body after death." (232.) No concept of stars as souls (233) of dead. Older shamans (233) helped train new shamans. God Amchitapuka (234) bestowed 4 types of necklaces. First 3, each more powerful than preceding, used for curing. Fourth, called waiaria, most powerful, used for war. Worn as bandolier (187). Maternal uncle of interpreter Johnson Stacey had waiaria of turquoise beads (242) with 2 eagle feathers and bullroarer attached; string and feathers were painted red. He wore this as bandolier on warpath. By swinging bullroarer, he could bring wind or rain in, for instance, hot Pima country. When traveling a long distance, he swung his bullroarer and made weather a little cloudy and cool. If enemy appeared in force, he swung bullroarer to bring rainstorm which would cause enemy to depart. Contents of shaman's song (234): Komwidapokuwia tells Amchitapuka that Sun is his father. Amehitapuka sings about Sun, of how he went to the east to meet Sun and finally returned to this world, swift as the wind. Amehitapuka reached Sun's house. Sun said: "Come with me; go around with me in the sky." Sun took Amchitapuka with him. At mid- day they met someone at the zenith. Something was heard shaking the entire sky. A man appeared. He was Cloud. Cloud said to Sun: "He is my son." Sun retorted: "No, he is my son. Let us make a sweat house and put Amehitapuka in it to test him. This will show you he is my son." They made a sweat house. Amehitapuka put heated stones in and entered. His body turned red. Four times the stones were put in the sweat house; four times he aweated. He did not die. Sun hauled him out each time. Sun said: "You see he is my son. He is going to be like me." Cloud stayed right there, saying: "See, this is my son." The clouds were tobacco (huuva) smoke. Cloud picked up his pottery pipe, filled the bowl, and gave it to Amehitapuka, who smoked it. He did not faint. He took more tobacco, filled the pipe, and smoked. Altogether he smoked four kinds of tobacco. He smoked all four without fainting. Cloud said to Sun: "See, this is my son, too." He had reference to the dripping water, which in part fertilized Amehitapuka's mother (244), as coming ultimately from clouds. Sun said: "All right. I see he is your son, too. He is the son of both of us. You take half his body, and I'll take half." His right side was Sun's, his left side was Cloud's. Sun said: "I brought him up here. Now you take him down to earth. I'll watch you take him down there right away." Cloud said: "Yes, I'll take him right away." Lightning flashed and took Amehitapuka down to earth again. Cloud said to Sun: "How did you like that? Now 341 342 University of California Publications in Aim. Arch. and Ethn. you see he is my son. He's your son and my son. He belongs to both of us." Amehitapuka went around the Redrock country after he came down on that lightning. A witch (239), asked why she used her power, said a "god" inside of her told her whom to bewitch. If she did not do it she would die. "Can iwe cure you in some way?" people asked. She told them to bring her an eagle feather. Thrusting it far down her throat, she vomited yellow and black stuff and was no longer a witch. Widapokwi (243) probably should be Komwidapokuwia. Komwidapokuwia (245) now lives in sky north of morning star. Formerly she lived in Redrock country. Eagle nests privately owned by some men. Example of polydactyly reported: a 6-toed man. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai 343 APPENDIX C: GHOST-DANCE RELIGION Yavapai shaman Ichawamuhu (enemy horn) saw Christ in dream, and was sent to tell peo- ple to move a little way off because land at San Carlos was going to burn and the govern- ment buildings were going to sink into the ground. People were to go to a certain place, make big dance, and then return to Yavapai homeland. Ichawamuhu wanted both Yavapai and Tonto Apaehe to move away; he regarded earthquake that year as a portent. San Carlos alone was to be destroyed because whites had put Yavapai there and had taken away their land. Following this preaching to Yavapai by one of their own people, an Apache preacher came with same idea. Most Yavapai went into hills on day set and watched. Nothing hap- pened. They camped out for 2 or 3 weeks and only came in for rations on Saturday; stole horses and cattle from farmers. San Carlos Apache acted in same way. There was no preach- ing about dead returning. Agent said: "Let them alone. They'll come back when they are starving." In 3 or 4 weeks he had to send soldiers to bring them back. This was probably about 1887. Country was hazy in summer; it looked as though prophecy might be coming true. There was great excitement. Yavapai scouts went out for the day but came back, as did informant Sam Ichesa, butcher for the reservation. Tolkepaya woman informant Kechi, born at San Carlos, was small girl when ghost dance was preached there following an earthquake (mataeni). Her family lived in hills for about one year. They thought whites would be swallowed up when earth cracked open. 344 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. BIBLIOGRAPHY CAMPBELL, ELIZABETH W. CROZER 1931. An Archaeological Survey of the Twenty Nine Palms Region. Southwest Museum Papers 7. CORBUSIER, WILLiAM F. 1886. The Apache-Yumas and Apache-Mojaves. American Antiquarian 8:276-284, 325- 339. ESSIG) E. 0. 1934. The Value of Insects to the California Indians. Scientific Monthly 38:181-186. FORDE, C. DARYm 1931. Ethnography of the Yuma Indians. UC-PAAE 28:83-278. GIFFORD, E. W. 1922. Californian Kinship Terminologies. UC-PAAE 18:1-285. 1926. Yuma Dreams and Omens. JAFL 39:58-69. 1931. The Kamia of Imperial Valley. BAE-B 97. 1932a. The Southeastern Yavapai. UC-PAAE 29:177-252. 1932b. The Northfork Mono. UC-PAAE 31:15-65. 1933a. The Cocopa. UC-PAAE 31:257-334. 1933b. Northeastern and Western Yavapai Myths. JAFL 46:347-415. GIFFORD, E. W., and LOWIE, R. H. 1928. Notes on the Akwa'ala Indians of Lower California. UC-PAAE 23:339-352. GODDARD, PLINY EARLE 1927. Indians of the Southwest. AMNH-Handbook 2 (3d ed.). GOODWIN, GRENVILLE 1933. Clans of the Western Apache. New Mexico Historical Review 8:176-182. HAEBERLIN, H. K. 1916. The Idea of Fertilization in the Culture of the Pueblo Indians. AAA-M 3:1-55. HODGE, FREDERICK WEBB, editor 1912. Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. BAE-B 30, pt. 2. JAMES, GEORGE WHARTON 1903. Basket Makers of the Palomas Apaches. Sunset Magazine 11: 146-153. KROEBER, A. L. 1909. Classificatory Systems of Relationship. JRAI 39:77-84. 1917. California Kinship Systems. UC-PAAE 12:339-396. 1923.- Anthropology. New York, Harcourt, Brace and Company. 1925. Handbook of the Indians of California. BAE-B 78. 1931. The Seri. S W Museum Papers 6. 1934. Native American Population. AA 36:1-25. LOWIE, ROBERT H. 1924. Notes on Shoshonean Ethnography. AMNH-AP 20:185-314. MINDELEFF, COSmoS 1896. Aboriginal Remains in Verde Valley, Arizona. BAE-R 13:179-261. MoRRis, EARL H. 1928. An Aboriginal Salt Mine at Camp Verde, Arizona. AMNH-AP 30:75-97. RADCLIFFE-BROWN, A. R. 1931. The Social Organization of Australian Tribes. Pt. 3. Oceania 1:426-456. 1932. The Present Position of Anthropological Studies. BAAS-Rep. of Centenary Meet- ing, London-1931, pp. 141-171. Gifford: Northeastern and Western Yavapai ROBERTS, HTELN H. 1929. Basketry of the San Carlos Apache. AMNH-AP 31:121-218. RUSSELL, FRANK 1908. The Pima Indians. BAE-R 26:3-389. SPICER, E. H., and CAYwOOD, L. R. 1934. Tuzigoot, a Prehistoric Pueblo of the Upper Verde. Museum of Northern Arizona, Museum Notes 6:43-46. SPIER, LESTLE 1923. Southern Dieguenlo Customs. UC-PAAE 20:297-358. 1928. Havasupai Ethnography. AMNH-AP 29:81-392. 1929. Problems Arising from the Cultural Position of the Havasupai. AA 31:213-222. 1933. Yuman Tribes of the Gila River. Univ. Chicago Press. WHIPPLE, A. W., EWBANK, THOMAS, and TuRNER, Wm. W. 1856. Reports of Explorations and Surveys to ascertain the most practicable and eco- nomical Route for a Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean. Made in 1853-54. Vol. 3, pts. 1, 3, Washington. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS USED AA AAA-M AMNH AMNH-AP BAAS BAE-B BAE-R JAFL JRAI UC-PAAE American Anthropologist American Anthropological Association-Memoirs American Museum of Natural History American Museum of Natural History-Anthropological Papers British Association for the Advancement of Science Bureau of American Ethnology-Bulletins Bureau of American Ethnology-(Annual) Reports Journal of American Folk-Lore Joumal of the Royal Anthropological Institute University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology 345 EXPLANATION OF PLATES Specimen numbers in University of California Museum of Anthropology PLATE 8 a, NE Yavapai eaves on Turkey creek; to right dwelling cave, to left storage cave. b, sweat-house frame at Prescott, used heating stones in fore- ground. PLATE 9 a, b, c, NE Yavapai women's boots (2-14172a, 2-14173b, 2-14173a). d, f, NE Yavapai men's boots (2-14171b, a). e, W Yavapai man's sandal (2-14354). Length of e, 252 mm.; other figures to scale. PLATE 10 NE Yavapai. a, tongs of wood for handling cactus fruits (2-14174). b, firedrill hearth of bear grass stalk (2-14330b). c, 3 model dice for game of tohovi (2-14170a, b, c). d, model flageolet of bamboo (2-14169). Length of b, 201 mm.; other figures to scale. PLATE 11 NE Yavapai models. a, b, d, cradles (2-14176, 2-14175, 2-14177). c, basket water bottle without pitch (2-14179). Height of c, 276 mm.; other figures to scale. PLATE 12 NE Yavapai burden basket (2-14183). Height 565 mm. PLATE 13 NE Yavapai coiled trays. a, 2-14182, diameter 229 mm. b, 2-14181, diameter 289 mm. PLATE 14 a, NE Yavapai coiled tray, 2-14180, diameter 298 mm. b, W Yavapai coiled tray, 2-10320 (McLeod Memorial Collec- tion), diameter 508 mm. [ 346 ] UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 34 CAVES AND SWEAT-IIOUSE FRAMIE [ 347 ] [G I FFO R D] P LAT E 8 'A F-01w, , b- 'o .? ? 1: ,,W. ?1, UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 34 i e BOOTS AND SANDAL [ 348 ] [GIFFORD] PLATE 9 I UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 34 '~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~: ~~ I w ' TONGS, FIREDRILL HEARTH, DICE, FLAGEOLET [ 349 ] [GIFFORD] PLATE 10 UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 34 J ldao=w4hlliv~~~~~~~~~~~~~ [GIFFORD] PLATE 11 T. a N d CRADLES AND WATER BOTTLIE [ 350 ] UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 34 BURDEN BASKET [ 351 ] [GIFFORD] PLATE 12 UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 34 //,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~_ _ COLD RY [> 5 [ G IFFORD ] PLATE 1 3 UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 34 COILED TRAYS [ 353 ] [GIFFORD] PLATE 14 MAP 1. THE YAVAPAI GROUPS Places Indicated by Numbers CANYONS AND VALLEYS Black canyoni (2 7) Hell canyo-n (2) Limestone canyon (4) Bill Williams (1) Black mesa (5) Black mountain (31) Brad,shawv mountains (3)) Camelback (62) Date Creek moun ta ins (39) Dripping Spring (77) Eagle Tail mountains (529) Four Peaks (65) Agua Caliente (48) Arlington (46 ) Aztec (50) Buckeye (45) Bumble Bee (28) ('amp McDowell (72) Camp Verde (18) (-'astle Dome (54) Castle Hot Springs (34) Cherry (1 7) Clarkdale (1 3) Cleator or Turkey (26) ('ongreiss (42) Congress Junction (43) Montezuma Castle (20) Montezuma Well (191) Lonesome valley (21) Mescal gulch (16) P'eeple's valley (37.) MOUNTAINS Laguna mountains (55) L.a Paz mountain (56) Mazataal Peak (64) Mingus mountain (14) North Peak (63) Palomas mountains (51) Picacho (6) Pinal Peak (70) Red Buttes (11) TOWNS AWD VILLAGES Cordes (25) Cornville (12) Crow,n King (29) Date Creek (40) Del Rio (8) Dewey (22) Drake (7) Globe (76) Goldfield (68) Hayden (75) Hillside (41) Humboldt (23) Kingman (59) Laveen (61) OTHER FEATURIES Tonto National Monu- nment (7-1) Skull valley (35) Thompison's valley (36) Rock Butte (3) Sierra Ancha (73) Superstition (66) Tempe Butte (67) Tonto mountain (10) Weaver mountains (38) Woolsey Peak (47) Mayer (24) Miami (69) Mohawk (60) Palomas (49) Parker (58) Payson (74) Quartzite (5 7) Rice (78) Richinbar (30) Salome (53) San CarIe,s (79) Superior (69) Walnut Grove (33) Wickenburg (44) Tonto Spring (9) Walnut Spring (15) (7'~~~~~~V ,-4~~~~~~~~~~~~./,( /~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Z z ~ ~ ~~~W L P I San %, r L-' cl&S!~4 % Is~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~2 6s\! ' I * / AjA YAVAPAI '%$ ( ~~~~~ r 4>.z; taff4 53 e L ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~,'t~~~.0/ s~~~~~~@ 1 01 1 \ 6 7 \ Rie yr,34 \ ) l 4% n 31t RIVr ~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~69)76~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~..... e.g. ~~~~7A PA-C 0, PA ~ ~ ~ ~ s0,- 55~~~~~~~~~~ / t.. 60 de~~~~N Al %1111~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~1-'. 0 0 or r 4w ar~~~~ r \% ~~~~~~~ / K.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~o Cr.A Hk 001,~~~* APACHEJ*\ (I 1APACH I I