TUBATULAflAL GRAMMAR . . . .~B CHA LE F. VOE EL. UNR13RSI OF CALIFOR;NIA PUBLICATIONS 1:N . . . . . AMERIasN AsfazAlsotocz -AND ENOLOC . Yolume 34, No.-2, pp. 5S190, 1 figure in teX . . . . . . . . . . . . . J , . . , . . . . . . . . . J . : .. . . . . , . : . , . J ,6 j ., , ' . . : . . . . , , . - , , , : . . s - . . . . . : v ' , * , , ' }: ' , . , . ,. . . . . i. ^ . > . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . .. ., ,, ; ! . S 1 , : . . . , _ . J, , . . \ ' , ' ' ' ' . . . . .. : ' - ; . . . . . . ; ;! . ' , , . : L . . ' .: ' , ' ' ' ' J ., . ! J . ' ' s *- . l / D .,, ''' ' C - , . . . . . . ., i , . : ' : . . _ , . . _ . _ . . . , '+ ., . . . _: UNIVERSITY: OF CALIFORNIA;PREDSS . . . - -X - \ B}ELEY, CALIPORNIA . .. . . . . - - 1-935 - * 0 TUBATULABAL GRAMMAR BY CHARLES F. VOEGELIN UNIVERSrrY OF CALIFORNIA PUIBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Volume 34, No. 2, pp. 55-190, 1 figure in text Issued April 16, 1935 Price, $1.25 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSrrY PRESS LONDON, ENGLAND PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA CONTENTS PAGE PREFACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii SECUION 1-7. PHONOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 1. Phonemes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55 2. Qualitative vocalic change . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 3. Quantitative vocalic change . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . 65 4. Stress and the syllable . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 5. Secondary development of consonants . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 6. Contraction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84 7. Metathesis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 86 840. MORPHOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 8. Grammatical processes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 88 9. Classification of words . . . . j . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 10-21. VERB MORPHOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 10. Obligatory verbal categories . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 94 11. Formation of the telic and atelic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 12. Order of verbal suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 96 13. The vowel increments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 14. Voice .98 15. Optional aspects .105 16. Modal suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 17. Suffixes of movement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118 18. Tense suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 19. Subordinating suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 20. Auxiliary verbs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127 21. Verbalizing suffixes and particles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129 22-24. PERSONAL PRONOUNS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134 22. Categories expressed by personal pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . 134 23. Subject pronouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 24. Object and possessive pronouns .137 25-38. NOUN MORPHOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 25. Categories expressed by nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 26. Classes of nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 140 27. Formation of syntactic cases .144 28. Use of syntactic cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 29. Secondary cases . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151 30. Derivational nominal suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 31. Nominalizing suffixes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 32. The diminutive suffix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 33. The death of kin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 154 34. Number . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 156 35. Nouns of instrumentality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157 36. Nouns of agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 159 37. Tense in nouns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164 38. The nominalized base . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165 3940. PARTICLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 39. Conjunctive particles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171 40. Independent particles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 TEXT WITH ANALYSIS-The Power of Jimsonweed . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Text and interlinear translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183 Free translation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 188 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS USED .189 [iii] PREFACE THE ThBATULABAL LANGUAGE is spoken at present by about a hundred Indians living, as their ancestors lived, in the southern part of the Sierra Nevada, in an area slightly larger than a triangle would inclose if lines were drawn between the present towns of Onyx, as the apex of the triangle, and Kernville and Isa- bella, all in Kern County, California. An area delimited in this way includes the North and South forks of the Kern River. The linguistic material in this paper is from South Fork informants, Mrs. Legora Tungate (42 years), John Tungate (14 years), Joe Wells (16 years), Steban Miranda (87 years), and my chief informant, Mike Miranda (46 years), all living near Weldon, between Onyx and Isabella. According to these inform- ants, there is a slight dialectic difference between their speech and North Fork speech, but the two dialects are said to be mutually intelligible. Tiubatulabal belongs to the Uto-Aztecan stock, and more specifically is one of the Shoshonean languages. Kroeber's classification of Shoshonean languages gives Tubatulabal the distinction of being one of the main Shoshonean branches, the other three groups being the Plateau Shoshonean (the most wide- spread group, ranging from languages spoken by the Comanche Indians to those spoken by the Bannock, including Southern Paiute); Hopi; and the Southern California Shoshonean languages (Serrano dialects, San Luisefio- Cahuilla dialects, Gabrielino dialects). My field work with the Tulbatulabal was done during the summers of 1931, 1932, and 1933. The University of California, through its Board of Research, provided funds for field expenses. Finding myself unable to give an account of any of the historical develop- ments of the language, I was obliged to write a grammar concerned only with the language as spoken at the time when I heard it. The resulting grammatical sketch was submitted as a doctorate thesis in November, 1932. The grammat- ical sketch which follows is a somewhat revised form of the thesis. Tiubatulabal differs from other Shoshonean languages in many respects, but in no respect more strikingly than in the fact that Tilbatulabal stems frequently end in con- sonants. In Southern Paiute, all stems end in vowels, and this would seem to be typical for Shoshonean languages in general. The explanation of the final stem consonant in Tilbatulabal may possibly be found in the phenomena concerned with vowel increments (see ?13). I trust that future study of Shoshonean lan- guages will throw light on such points as this, and hope that the Tulbatulabal material here presented may prove useful in the comparative study of Sho- shonean languages. The work was done under the direction of Professor A. L. Kroeber, of the University of California, and I owe him a debt of gratitude which this work does not well discharge. While spending a semester at Columbia University, I had the advantage of constructive criticism from Professor Franz Boas and [v] vi PREFACE from Professor Louis H. Gray. Later, Professor Gray generously gave me more of his time and made extensive marginal criticisms in a copy of the thesis. Whatever I have learned of phonetic transcription is due to the gifted peda- gogy of Mr. H. J. Uldall. Professor Sapir's Southern Paiute proved to be an ideal in the way of an exhaustively analyzed Shoshonean language.' University of California, C. F. VOEGELIN. Berkeley, California, June 17, 1933. ' Edward Sapir, The Southern Paiute Language: Southern Paiute, a Shoshonean Lan- guage; Texts of the Kaibab Paiutes and Uintah Utes: Southern Paiute Dictionary, Pro- ceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 65:1-730 (nos. 1, 2, 3), 1930, 1931. This volume is hereafter referred to as "Sapir." In addition to the published Shoshonean material referred to by Sapir, p. 6, I have consulted Gifford's excellent paper, Ttibatu- labal and Kawaiisu Kinship Terms, UC-PAAE 12:219-248. ABBREVIATIONS abl., ablative abs., absolute form of noun (cf. ??25-27) all., allative asp., aspect aux., auxiliary caus., causative cf., compare cond., conditional conj., conjunctive d., dual d. excl., dual exclusive d. incl., dual inclusive demon., demonstrative dep., dependent dim., diminutive dir., direct disc., discourse distr., distributive, distrib- utively exhort., exhortative fut., future tense gen., genitive case imp., imperative impers., impersonal incr., increment ind., independent, indepen- dence, independently indir., indirect iness., inessive case instr., instrumental, instru- ment inter., interrogative interj., interjection intr., intransitive iter., iterative lit., literally loc., locative postposition (inessive, ablative, or al- lative) morph., morphologically mov., movement n., noun, nominal neg., negative obj., object case opt., optative part., particle pass., passive perm., permissive pers., personal pl., plural poss., possessive post., postposition pres., present tense prog., progressive pron., pronoun qt., quotative redup., reduplicated rel., relative form of noun (cf. ??25-27) sing., singular st., stem sub., subordinate subj., subject case suff., suffix tr., transitive, transitivizes transl., translation vb., verb voc., vocative 1, first person 2, second person 3, third person [ Vii ] ??1-7. PHONOLOGY ?1. PHONEMES 1. Vowel Phonemes There are six vowel phonemes in Tiubatulabal, i, e, a, 6, u, t. The position of the principal member of each phoneme is shown in the following ideal diagram of the mouth2; the positions of some of the subsidiary members of each pho- neme are also indicated and explained below. (Close) Front Central Back (')~~~~~~~~~~0 (a) \ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~(o) Front Back (Open) Fig. 1. Ideal diagram of the mouth, showing the position of the principal member of each of the six vowel phonemes in Tubatulabal. The vowel symbols in the accompanying chart are so placed that they rep- resent the position of the tongue when a given vowel is produced. All the vowels are unrounded, except u, ,I, o, d. The symbols inclosed in parentheses in the vowel chart are subsidiary vowels and are related to the fundamental vowels to which an arrow points. A special explanation is needed for the subsidiary vowel 6 (somewhat like the vowel in English "up") which is related either to the fun- damental vowel 6 or a. From hearing a single word which contains 5, it is im- possible to tell to which phoneme the vowel belongs; but when hearing the word under different accentual conditions, the phonemic affiliation becomes clear. Thus, the subsidiary vowel, 6, is frequently heard when stressed and 2 The vowel diagram is one of the admirable pedagogic devices offered by the Inter- national Phonetic Association. The phonetic symbols employed in this paper conform as far as possible with the current American usage in transcribing American Indian lan- guages. This current usage is described in the report of the Phonetic Committee of the American Anthropological Association, published in SI-MC 66 (no. 6), 1916. [551 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. when preceding -w, as in 6 'b6'wika'-q he has strength. But when not stressed, the characteristic quality of the 6 phoneme is apparent, as in 6 'b6wi't the strength. The a phoneme is occasionally heard as 6 when stressed and preceding a plosive or nasal consonant, as in pihi-'in6't he is breaking it. But when in unstressed position, the characteristic quality of the a phoneme is apparent, as in pihi-'naki' I am breaking it. This shows that the 6 in pihi-'in6't belongs to the a phoneme, and that the 6 in 6-'b6'wika'ti belongs to the 6 phoneme. The fundamental vowel, e, has related vowels which range be- tween the adjacent parallel lines shown in the vowel chart; no special sub- sidiary symbols are needed, however, because this family of sounds is suffi- ciently isolated from other vowels to avoid confusion. The symbol, e, indicates a vowel produced when the tongue is at rest, completely relaxed; this vowel is heard chiefly as an optional glide breaking up what is theoretically a conso- nantal cluster. Thus, the word for BEING INTERRUPTED IN EATING has been heard as ti'kakca' and also as ti'kakeca' and also as tVka'keca'. The vowel, e, seems to be merely a glide without mora value in tV'kakeca', but in tika'keca' it appears to have mora value (?4, 2). -i- phoneme The i vowel, whenever it is long, and often when short, has the position shown in the vowel chart. pi 'l the breast. pi 'wi 'l the breast feathers. ma 'wic,I'l the pine nut pole. pirlgi't he says. piga't the stone knife. In short stressed position, the more open related variant, t, is used. altaxk&'n he slept. Cf. ta'xkina't he is sleeping. m&'lh'mihla't it tastes good. t'ct coyote. Quite sporadically, this variant, t, is used in short, unstressed position. tcki't he is getting water. ptcki' l77gt'm then I came. pLgi 'intct the shirt. But the l preceding -71- and -g- is somewhat closer than the l preceding -c-, though not so close as i. -e- phoneme The e vowel is shown on the vowel chart by a single symbol, with adjacent parallel lines to show the extent of its range. The variant members of the e phoneme are not transcribed in this paper, because the variants are formed under regular conditions. 56 Voegelin: Ttibatulabal Grammar When short and stressed and preceding a consonant, the e is closer than the position indicated on the vowel chart (shown in the examples below by the circumflex diacritic placed over the close vowel). met already. wg'le'i't he is crawling. When both long and rearticulated (see ?2, below), the e is more open than the position indicated on the vowel chart (shown in the examples below by the period diacritic placed under the open vowel). we-'eha't he is licking it. elf' .gi't he is looking out. we 'elt't the open place. In all other circumstances, the position of the e vowel is as shown in the vowel chart. e 'ye 'u he became ashamed. e 'ne ''n he depended on him. -a- phoneme The a vowel, whenever it is long, or short and unstressed, and frequently when short and stressed, has the position shown on the vowel chart. to'haki' I am hunting. toha't he is hunting. patsa 'aht'l the blackened pine nuts. tsa 'ya"'u he yelled. Quite inexplicably, a more central variant of the a phoneme, 6, is sometimes but not always heard when the vowel is stressed and precedes a plosive or nasal consonant. cxko'wa'6't the wind is blowing. ya'la'6't it is warm. wi-'la'6'1q your skirt feathers. -6- phoneme The 6 vowel, and its closer variant, o, are used almost interchangeably, with positions as shown on the vowel chart. No rules have been found to show when 6 will be used, or when o will be used; the most that can be said is that 6 is used more frequently, and that o tends to be used in medial position, but not to the exclusion of 6. A more central and less rounded variant of the 6 phoneme, indicated on the vowel chart by 6, is sometimes heard in stressed position, especially when pre- ceding -w. &b5'wika'tq he has strength. 0'w6h6'nt the digger pine nuts in one place. 5'w6mrg6'1 the many shoes in one place. 5'w6pli'l the many gooseberries in one place. 57 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. -u- phoneme The u vowel, whenever it is long, and often when short, has the position shown in the vowel chart. u'wuba't he is whipping him. uyu-'k he fell. In short stressed position, when preceding a consonant (except the semi- vowels), the more central variant, ,u, is used; sometimes Iu is also used in un- stressed position. k,'kt the mescal. (-,u- is also used in this word when unstressed, k,ukta'.) ka"'adz,u'l the clay pot. (But -u- is used in this word when not stressed, ka-'dzula'.) A'mbuwa'l the cradle. ts,uj.g,u't he is afraid. (But the ,u preceding the -vI- is less central than the stressed , preceding -t.) 4- phoneme The i vowel is completely unrounded, and formed with the position of the tongue midway between the position for forming the i and u vowels, as shown in the vowel chart. While the lips are always unrounded, there is a slight differ- ence in the articulation of the short i, when the lips are merely neutral; and in the articulation of long i>, when the lips are well spread. The acoustic effect of this vowel is rather confusing to ears which have not heard a Shoshonean language spoken. On first acquaintance, the vowel tends to be incorrectly heard: when in short unstressed position, * sounds faintly like &; in short stressed position, * is somewhat suggestive of ,u. However, once one has mastered the production of this vowel, it becomes apparent that the slight acoustic differences are not caused by shifting the po- sition of the tongue. The tongue is always held close to the roof of the mouth and in central position. The phoneme, i, has no conspicuous variants. citdi 'iga't he is restless. tiba'tulaba'l the Tuibatulabal Indians. pi'tita't he is turning over. ICill the root of umu 'ubY 'l yucca. ctmVtnt the rattlesnake. 2. Vocalic Length Tflbatulabal vowels may be organically short or organically long. Short vowels have the value of one mora, and are transcribed without a length dia- critic (u, 6, etc.); long vowels have the value of two morae, and are transcribed with the length diacritic * placed after the vowel (u , 6 , etc.). 58 Voegelin: Tuibatulabal Grammar Long vowels preceding a syllable containing a stressed vowel are generally rearticulated. ka 'adu'l the clay pot. a 'ama" ka'dzula' he touched the clay pot. This is merely a stylistic characteristic of Tuibatulabal, having no organic sig- nificance; the long rearticulated vowel, like the ordinary long vowel, has the value of two morae. Diphthongs may have the value of one mora (ai, au, etc.), or two morae (a-i, a-u, etc.). In two-morae diphthongs, the first member of the glide is long; the second member of the glide is never long (a-i, but never *ai.; a-u, but never *au, etc.). 3. Diphthongs Beginning with any vowel, the tongue may move in a glide to i or u. In other words, the possible diphthongs are: ai au 6i 6u ui iu ei (rare) eu *i (rare) *iu (rare) There is no difference in phonological treatment between the single vowels (i.e., static vowels) and diphthongs (i.e., kinetic vowels). For example, in the peculiar process termed "initial reduplication," where the first vowel of the stem is repeated initially, the first vowel may be static or kinetic (diphthong). If the first vowel of the stem is kinetic, only the beginning of the glide is re- peated initially (the first member of the glide). u 'i'a't it is smoking. u "u 'i'ica' it will smoke. i 'i'a 'ana't he is meat-fasting. . " 'i'a 'nica' he will meat-fast. uin,u'l the sucker fish. u"uin,u'l the many suckers in one place. ha'i'ila't it is smelling. aha'i'ila' it smelled. ye'u'wa't it is getting daylight. eye'u'wa' it became daylight. 4. Nasalization Nasalization of vowels appears to be characteristically inorganic, and due to the assimilatory influence of a nasal consonant on a juxtaposed vowel which usually precedes a glottal stop, or less frequently the consonant, h. Nasaliza- tion of vowels is indicated by the diacritic - placed over the vowel nasalized. mC" hello. ta'naha'ts ti ' no'h would he were roasting it in the ground. 59 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 5. Opening of Semivowels w>u w opens to u when in final position and preceded by a vowel (?5, 3, i). l mnL 'wamt'n e'pele 'wamt'n i'tsUlti'wamln ti'kiwa't he spilled it here. he opened it here. it flowed over here. it is being eaten. i'min~i-'u e'pele*'u i'tsili 'u i'tiki'u he spilled it. he opened it. it flowed over. it got eaten. y>i y opens to i when in final position (see ?7). e 'yamt'n u 'gu'yumL'n a 'ha'yamt'n he won it here. he hid it here. he stirred it here. 6. Primary Consonants The following consonants have approximately the value of English conso- nants, except the voiceless plosives, which are not aspirated, and the glottal stop. Bilabial Alveolar Palveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Plosives ............... p, b t, d k, g Aifricates ts, dz tc, di Nasals ................ m n Lateral . Fricative c h Semivowels ............... w y Consonants have no mora value, with the exception of the organic glottal stop, which has the value of one mora theoretically (?4, 2, iv); intrusive glottal stops have no mora value. Secondary developments of consonants are treated in ?5. These secondary developments are semantically more significant than the variant forms of vowel phonemes. If, through a slip of the tongue, one does not use the proper variant form of a vowel phoneme, but instead, the principal member of the phoneme (i'td instead of i'ct for coyote), one is nevertheless understood. But a slip of the tongue in which the primary consonant is substituted for the secondary development of the consonant is apt to result in unintelligibility. e 'i ul guti a 'ha'i he won it. he hid it. he stirred it. 60 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar However, one secondary development, gemination, appears to be quite com- parable to variant forms of vowel phonemes in point of semantic insignificance, and may be treated here. 7. Gemination of Consonants In medial position. i. Voiceless plosives (except ') and affricates, nasal consonants, and I are always geminated after vowels having the value of one mora. ii. Fricatives and semivowels are likewise geminated, but this is a theoretical ideal. In actual practice, fricatives and semivowels are most consistently gemi- nated after vowels which are stressed. iii. In consonantal clusters (-77w-, etc.), neither consonant of the cluster is geminated, unless the second consonant of the cluster is a voiceless plosive or affricate, in which circumstance the plosive or affricate is geminated; or unless the first member of the cluster is h and the second member of the cluster is a nasal consonant or a semivowel, in which circumstance h is geminated as usual. Whenever h is geminated, it has a velar fricative on-glide (for other cir- cumstances in which h is velarized, cf. ?5, 3, iv). In final position. iv. Voiceless and unvoiced plosives and affricates are always geminated in final position. This rule holds when the plosive or affricate is preceded by a two-morae vowel as well as when preceded by a one-mora vowel. v. No consonant other than a plosive or affricate is ever geminated in final position. Gemination is indicated by a special diacritic symbol only in the very nar- row transcription of the text with interlinear translation, The Power of Jim- sonweed (at end). ?2. QUALITATIVE VOCALIC CHANGE 1. Qualitative Effect of Verbal Stem on -a- Increment The a vowel increment precedes certain verbal suffixes, while another vowel increment, i, precedes other verbal suffixes (see ?13). The i increment never changes its quality; the a increment may become i, or 6, or u, under the in- fluence of a preceding suffix or of a preceding verbal stem. Only the latter in- fluence is considered here. The qualitative influence of a verbal stem on a juxtaposed increment is always the same for both the basic form and the initially reduplicated form of the verbal stem. The a increment, when associated with the benefactive suffix, -(a)n, does not tolerate a qualitative change. When associated with other suf- fixes, the a increment shows no resistance to qualitative change. i. Verbal stems ending in a consonant. By far the majority of verbal stems ending in a consonant do not change the primary quality of the a increment. Two or three score of exceptional stems, however, do have a qualitative influ- 61 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ence on the juxtaposed a increment. In the following examples, the verbal stem is given, and then the stem with the present tense suffix, -(a)t, attached. The a preceding t is the vowel increment. a-ba'iw-, a-ba'iwit ele-g-, ele-eg't ibi'-, ibi'it pai'idz-, pai'idfit patiTi-, paitiglt tala-w-c-, tala uclit fib-) tibit ci'097, ci77itt ha'ibi'-, ha'ibi'it ha-idzib@rb', ha-idzi-bit heu'he-w-, heu'he-ewit mtck-, mick it cid6'd6-'-, cid6'd6 '6t noh-, njh6t wO'6ts6'-, w6'Ots'66t p,A1Ogu,-, p,uOgu',At ma ntsu'-, ma ntsu' ,t k,utug-, k,utug,ut kuy-, kuy,ut mu-hy-, mu hy,ut ,ukjuc-, ,lkuc,ut it is showing. (Not *a.ba'iwat.) he is looking out. (Not *ele egat.) it is hot. it is blooming. he is swimmig. he is turning around. he is going around. he is putting it (here). (Not *tibat, but cf. the n. st., t-ba-, and -t abs. suff.: tfbat pine nuts.) he is blowing his nose. he is joking. he is chewing his cud. he is trotting. he is leading. a>6 he is slipping. (Not *cdj'1i6'at.) he is roasting it in the ground. (Not *nohat.) he is kneeling. a>u he is domesticating him. (Not *p,.r,gu'at.) he is tame. (Not *maMntsu'at.) he is gathering firewood. (Not *kj4ugat, which does, however, occur as a noun: k,uuga- n. st.; -t abs. suff.; k,tugat firewood. Cf. k,-t the fire.) he is hiding it. he is giving a fiesta. he is crowing. The change from a to 6 and from a to u may be made in order to secure vocalic harmony. In such a change the verbal stem preceding the juxtaposed increment contains a medial vowel, separated from the increment by the final stem consonant. The change of the increment to the quality of the medial vowel may be assimilatory. If so, such assimilation is peculiarly limited. It operates after the stem cid6'd6 '-, cid6'd68'6t he is slipping. -(a)t changes to -(6)t. but not, for example, after the stem t6g6g6 '-, t6g6g6 'at it is popping. -(a)t remains -(a)t. 62 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar The change from a to i occurs after many verbal stems whose medial vowel is not *i, so that the hypothesis of vocalic harmony is quite ruled out here. It will be necessary, in the dictionary, to indicate the qualitative influence of verbal stems on the juxtaposed a increment by means of a superscript vowel. For example, cid6'd68'-0. When no superscript follows a stem, the stem has no qualitative influence. For example, t6g6g6 '-. ii. Verbal stems ending in a vowel. The majority of verbal stems ending in a vowel have a final a vowel. When, however, the final stem vowel is of a differ- ent quality, the juxtaposed a increment contracts with and assumes the quality of the final stem vowel. For example, -?+a = pa-abi-, pa abit he is tired. (Not *pa-abat.) p6*6o-, p66dcit it is white. (Not *p6.6cat.) kahi-, kahit he is lazy. (Not *kahat.) c6.ol8-, c6616t he is digging a hole. (Not *c6o61at.) 2. Qualitative Effect of Suffixes on -a- Increment Just as certain verbal stems exert a qualitative influence on the juxtaposed -a- increment (see 1, above), so do certain medial suffixes (see ?12) exert a pro- gressive influence on the immediately following -a- increment. a> i after the collective-intensive suffix, -(i)wi>t. tik- TO EAT. (ikiwY d- TO EAT LIKE A WOLF. tikiwiVidLt (the wolves) are eating. (Not *tikiwi>jdat.) a>6 after the suffix, -(i)16k PRETENDING TO.... anat7 TO CRY. anargi l16g- TO PRETEND TO CRY. anarqi l166g6t he is pretending he is crying. (Not *anaqi.l6.6gat.) a>u after the distributive suffix, -(i)ninim. tik- TO EAT. tikini-nFm- TO GRAZE. tikini nfm/dt he is grazing. (Not *tkinijnimat.) S. Qualitative Changes in Noun Endings Noun endings are subject to certain qualitative changes which are more clearly of an assimilatory nature than the qualitative changes already cited. Curiously enough, only the i vowel in noun endings is subject to qualitative change, while the i vowel resists all qualitative change after verbal stems and verbal suffixes (cf. 1 and 2, above). 63 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. i>a i. In conjunctive pronouns beginning with an -i- when the pronoun is at- tached to nominal stems ending in long -a--. wi"la- (n. st.) wi-'la'6'77 SKIRT FEATHERS. your skirt feathers. (The subsidiary member of the a phoneme, 6, is used, cf. ?1, 1; for quantitative change, see ?3.) ii. In conjunctive pronouns beginning with an -i- when the pronoun is attached to the relative suffix, -a-. na 'adi'"a'a'r your cat. hicti'ha'6'7t your unit of money. Wi. In case suffixes beginning with an -i- and followed by a nasal consonant when the case suffix is attached to a nominal stem ending in a short vowel. mane 'da'a"q mane 'da'a'n of the nightshade berry. of his own nightshade berry. i>u i. The objective relative case suffix, yi, becomes yu when followed by a con- junctive pronoun beginning with -u- (regressive assimilation). tca-'miyu"ulu' your (pl.) acorn gravy. (The glottal stop is intrusive, cf. ?4, 2, iv.) na'adV"ayu"ulu' your (pl.) cat. ii. In case suffixes beginning with an -i- and followed by a nasal consonant when the case suffix is attached to nouns ending in -e'p, or -o, or -6-h. le"'uce 'eb,u'- tc6'no',u'-q ts6 'OhM'17 m6-'6m68'hMA'n of the female water-spirit. of the twins. of the gray fish. of his own jimsonweed. iii. In conjunctive pronouns beginning with an -i- when the pronoun is at- tached to a nominal stem ending in -6h. m6-'6m6 'h,u'iq your jimsonweed. ts6-'hu',u'-q your gray fish. (The -u'- following the stem is intrusive, cf. ?4, 2, iv.) The changes noted for ii and iii, above, take place when the case suffix or the pronoun is attached to nouns ending in long -a-- or -u'-, when the nouns are of the type which have zero absolute suffix (see ?26). k,u'mu',uI'r kiA'mu' Ain a 'na 'wicz'wa',u'-q a 'na 'wici'wa',u'n your father. of his own father. your stepdaughter. of his own stepdaughter. 64 Voegelin: Tuibatulabal Grammar i. In conjunctive pronouns beginning with -i- when the pronoun is attached to the relative objective suffix, -yi-, which has itself changed to -yi- for some inexplicable reason. tca"'mi'yi7iY your acorn gravy (obj.). ii. In case suffixes beginning with an -i- and followed by a nasal consonant when the suffix is attached to a nominal stem ending in -W. p6'nihwi'-q of the skunk. p6'nihwi'n of his own skunk. The changes of both i and ii, above, take place when the case suffix or pro- noun is attached to nominal stems ending in a nasal consonant or the vowel, -C-; or to other suffixes ending in a nasal consonant, except after the objective suffix, -nmn-, in which the l of the suffix appears to cancel the effect of the nasal consonant. to'hanVfrB your uncle. p6mni'Vq your egg. c,u'l,uni'77 your fingernail. ci 'gawi'yami'n of the Koso Indians. tici"didn of his own robe. t. 'mi. L i1 your mother. tsmtm'lnVti your mouse (obj.). But compare: cul,u'ntnntl7 your fingernail (obj.). i>y The relative objective suffix, -i-, changes to -y- when it is attached to a nominal stem ending in a sibilant and when the objective suffix is followed by a conjunctive pronoun beginning with a vowel; but the objective suffix remains -i- when followed by a conjunctive pronoun beginning with a consonant. mul'cyt.tr your fish spear (obj.). mu 'cyulu' your (pl.) fish spear (obj.). But compare: mu 'cILIp their fish spear (obj.). ?3. QUANTITATIVE VOCALIC CHANGE 1. Quantitative Effect of Verbal Stem on Vowel Increments Either the a or i vowel increment precedes every verbal suffix (see ?13). These increments have the primary value of one mora, but may be given an additional mora under various circumstances. One circumstance will be con- sidered here, the effect of a verbal stem on a juxtaposed increment. 65 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. i. Verbal stems ending in a consonant. Most verbal stems which end in a consonant do not change the one-mora value of a juxtaposed increment. In the examples below, the increment is inclosed in parentheses. ala-w- TO TALK. ala-w-(a)n- to talk for him. puck- TO BLOW. puck-(a)n- to blow for him. tar7- IT RAINS. tati-(a)n- it rains for himn. kami-dz- TO CATdH. kami-dz-(a)n- to catch for him. naxpa'ad- TO MAKE A NOISE. naxpa'ad-(a)n- to make a noise for him. ii. Verbal stems ending in a vowel. All verbal stems ending in a vowel cause the juxtaposed increment to add one mora, both when the increment is an i vowel and when the increment is an a vowel. Oxta- TO ASK. 6xt(a-)n- to ask for him. ela- TO JUMP. el(i-)n- to make him jump. This would seem to be the result of contraction; the examples cited may be analyzed as: -a final stem vowel + -a- vowel increment = a-; -a final stem vowel + -i- vowel increment = i. However, when the vowel increment is associated with certain suffixes (see ?13 and ??14-19), such lengthening is resisted; an example is the present tense suffix, -(a)t. Oxta- TO ASK. Oxtat he is asking him. The formula for the contraction here is: -a final stem vowel + -a- vowel in- crement = a. iii. Verbal stems ending in a consonant which have lengthening effect. Stems of this type are not typical (see i, above). ob- TO DIVE. ob-(a )n- to dive for him. ixtsaw- TO HELP. ixtsaw-(i-)ba'- to want to help. LW- TO TRAP. iw-(a-)n- to trap for him. pin- TO BRING IT. pin-(a-)n- to bring it for him. 66 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar pic- pic-(i )n- tikigu-i'- fikigu-i'-(a-)n- k,Atug- k,utug-(a )n- TO GO OUT. to cause him to go out. TO COOK. to cook for him. TO GATHER FIREWOOD. to gather firewood for him. The quantitative influence of verbal stems cited above (i, ii, iii) applies equally to the basic verbal stem and to the initially reduplicated form of the verbal stem. The following verbal stems show one quantitative influence for the basic verbal stem and another influence for the initially reduplicated form of the stem. iv. Verbal stems having the basic form end in a consonant and the initially reduplicated form in a vowel. In such stems, as might be expected, the vowel increment juxtaposed to the basic form is not changed quantitatively, while the vowel increment juxtaposed to the initially reduplicated form receives an extra mora of length as a result of contraction (see ii, above). Initially Reduplicated Form e-eba- (<*e.be'a-) e-eb(a-)n 686ba- (<*6.b6.'a-) 686b(a-)n opha- (< *opoha-) oph(a-)n VC'igi (cf. ?2, 1) -ig(a) .- l Fca (<*l cl a) lNc(a.)n u'uca (<*uwcu.'a) u'uc(a-)n 6-no 6-n(i-)n u-una (<*u.nu.'a) u-un(a )n a'awa a-aw(a-)n e-weha e-weh(a-)n o'woha o-wolh(a-)n TO HIT. to hit for him. TO KINDLE FIRE. to put on extra wood. TO SMEAR. to smear for him. TO BITE. to bite for him. TO DRIVE. to drive for him. TO DRY. to dry for him. TO TURN BACK. to turn back, tr. TO CLEAN. to clean for him. TO BROIL. to broil for him. TO LICK. to lick for him. TO BURY. to bury for him. Bauic Form pe '- pe '-(a)n- p0.'- po '-(a)n- po-h- po-h-(a)n- ki-'-(a)n- ., P CL"- cd '-(a)n- cu - cu '-(a)n- no.,- no '-(i)n- nu - nu '-(a)n- wa '- wa '-(a)n- we-h- we-h-(a)n- wo'h- wo-h-(a)n- 67 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. v. Verbal stems whose basic form has no lengthening effect, but whose ini- tially reduplicated form has. Basic Form Initially Reduplicated Form a,w- a'aw- TO GOSSIP. aw-(i)n- a'aw-(i )n to tell him. a,c- a'ac TO BATHE (intr.). a'c-(i)n- a'ac-(i )n to bathe (tr.). pam- ambam TO MAKE INTO A BALL. pa-m-(a)n- ambam-(a)n tomakeintoaballforhim. pa-n- amban TO CLOSE IT. pa-n-(a)n amban-(a-)n to close it for him. P8v-1- 6mb6ti TO CUT HAIR. p6-,-(a)n- 6mb6n-(a-)n to cut hair for him. pu-n- ;imbMn TO TIE. pu-n-(a)n- ,mb,un-(a )n to tie for him. ma g- amak TO KNOW. ma g-(a)n- amag-(a-)n to remember. wa g- awak IT IS DRY. (impers.) wa g-(i)n awag-(i )n to dry it. (tr.) vi. Verbal stems whose initially reduplicated form has no lengthening effect, but whose basic form has. Basic Form Initially Reduplicated Forn, p6l16t- 6p616. r TO HIT IT. p616--(a-)n- 6p616 l6-(a)n to hit it for him. tawig- a dawi k TO SEE. ta wig-(a )n a-dawi-g-(a)n to see for him. tLcib- ltlC?Vp TO SCRAPE. ticib-(a')n ticPib-(a)n to scrape for him. mu-gin- u mugivn TO HURT HIM. mu-gin-(a-)n- u'mugi-n-(a)n to hurt him for him. y6-lin- 6y68li-n TO PLOW. y681in-(a-)n- 6-y61li-n-(a)n to plow for him. In the examples cited under v and vi, above, the medial vowel of either the basic form or the initially reduplicated form loses a mora of length. Such a loss of mora within a form of the stem itself would appear to be compensated for by an additional mora given to the vowel increment juxtaposed to the form from which the mora was lost. This is a type of alternation of length (see below, 2, ii). Most quantitative influences of the verbal stem on a juxtaposed increment may be explained as resulting from either contraction or alternation of length. Still a certain few verbal stems remain which exert an inexplicable quantitative 68 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar influence. It is therefore necessary, in listing verbs in the dictionary, to place after verbal stems the superscript numeral "2" when an increment juxtaposed to a stem has the value of two morae; e.g.: ob-2 (basic form), 6'6p2 (init. redup.) TO DIVE. ma g- (basic form), amak2 (init. redup.) TO KNOW. y6 lin-2 (basic form), 6-y6-li-n (init. redup.) TO PLOW. When the form of a verbal stem is listed in the dictionary without the numeral "2" after it, that form does not exert a lengthening effect on the juxtaposed increment. Finally, it must be remembered that the quantitative influence of forms marked with a superscript "2" operates only when the juxtaposed vowel incre- ment is associated with a suffix which tolerates lengthening. As each verbal suffix is treated in the Verb Morphology (??14-21), it is mentioned whether the vowel increment associated with the suffix tolerates or resists quantitative change. 2. Alternation of Length of Vowel Increments The alternation of length of vowel increments is a very simple matter. Typically, the suffix juxtaposed to a naked verbal stem (which we may term the first suffix) is preceded by a vowel increment having the value of one mora; then in a series of successive suffixes, the second suffix is preceded by a vowel increment having the value of two morae, the third suffix is preceded by a vowel increment having the value of one mora again, and so on, the length of vowel increments associated with successive suffixes alternating in value be- tween one mora, two morae, one mora, two morae, and so on. Alternation of length is somewhat complicated in certain verbal themes when the increment juxtaposed to the naked verb receives an additional mora through the influence of the verbal stem (see 1, above); when the vowel incre- ment is associated with a suffix which resists lengthening; and when a medial vowel of the suffix proper enters into the alternation of length pattern. i. Simple alternation. The suffix juxtaposed to the verbal stem (first suffix) is preceded by a vowel increment having the value of one mora, the second suffix is preceded by a vowel increment having the value of two morae, the third suffix is preceded by a vowel increment having the value of one mora again, and so on. In the examples below, vowel increments preceding suffixes are inclosed in parentheses, and suffixes are set off from the verbal stem and from each other by dashes; such separation does not indicate syllabification. tik- (vb. st.) TO EAT. tk-(a)n-(i-)w-(a)t "he is being fed." 1 2 1 noh- (vb. st.) TO ROAST IN THE GROUND. noh-(a)n-(a )n-(a)t "she is always roasting it for him in the ground." 1 2 1 a-dza-ya-w- (vb. st.) TO YELL. a-dza-ya-w-(i)n-(i-)ba'-(a)t "he wants to yell at him." 1 2 1 69 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ii. Alternation of vowel increments, beginning with a two-morae vowel. After certain naked verbs (see 1, above), the suffix juxtaposed to the verbal stem (first suffix) is preceded by a vowel increment having the value of two morae, the sec- ond suffix is preceded by a vowel increment having the value of one mora, the third suffix is preceded bya vowel increment having the value of two morae, and so on. This differs from simple alternation (i, above) merely in that the pattern of mora lengths is two-one-two-one, etc., instead of one-two-one-two, etc. anar-2 (vb. st.) TO CRY. anatq-(i )n-(a)l-(i )ba'-(a)t "he wants to make him go along crying." 2 1 2 1 iii. Resistance to alternation of length. Alternation of length (as i and ii, above) operates only when the vowel increment is associated with a suffix which tolerates lengthening. Certain suffixes resist lengthening of the vowel in- crement preceding them (see ?13). In the following examples, the same verbal stems are employed as were cited to illustrate alternation of length, but the suffixes appended resist lengthening. tik-(a)puw-(a)t "he appears to be eating." 1 1 njh-(6)puw-(a)t "he appears to be roasting it in the ground." adzaya-w-(a)puw-(a)t "he seems to be yelling." anan-(a)puw-(a)t "he seems to be crying." Suffixes which appear first in the order of verbal suffixes tend to be associated with vowel increments which tolerate lengthening; suffixes which appear last in the order of verbal suffixes tend to be associated with vowel increments which resist lengthening. As a result, alternation of length may be partly operative in a verbal theme, as when suffixes associated with vowel increments which tolerate lengthening are followed by suffixes associated with vowel incre- ments which resist lengthening. tik-(a)n-(a )l-(a)puw-(a)t "he seems to be going along feeding him." 1 2 1 1 anar-(i )n-(a)l-(i )ba'-(a)puw-(a)t "he seems to want to make him go along 2 1 2 1 1 crying." iv. When a medial vowel of the suffix proper enters into the alternation of length. Vowels within the suffix proper (as opposed to the vowel increment preceding the suffix) generally resist quantitative change. However, a few suf- fixes tolerate such change. As these suffixes are treated (??14-19), it is specified that the medial vowel of the suffix proper tolerates quantitative change. Prac- tically, such vowels are not to be distinguished from vowel increments in the alternation of length pattern. It is even possible that some suffixes with var- iable medial vowels may be examples of syncretism and represent an archaic fusion of two suffixes into one, so that the variable vowel is, historically, an old vowel increment. However, in view of the general limitations of all quantity rules, this hypothesis of syncretism must not be pressed too hard. 70 Voegelin: Tiibatulabal Grammar Besides the medial vowels of suffixes which appear long or short, depending on the alternation of length of the verbal theme, other medial vowels of other suffixes have a constant quantity-value, but are included in the alternation of length system of the verbal theme. In the following examples, true vowel-increments are inclosed in parentheses, as in the examples cited above, while medial vowels of suffixes which enter into the alternation of length of the verbal theme are underscored. tik-(a)ma'la "let us eat." 1 2 t(k-(a)l-(a )mala "let us go eat." 1 2 1 The vowel of the suffix proper, -ma-, appears both long and short, depending on the alternation of length in the verbal theme. tik-(i)l6-g-(6)maila "let us go and pretend to eat." 1 2 1 2 The vowel of the suffix proper, -16-g-, has a constant value of two morae, but enters into the alternation of length pattern of the verbal theme. anar7-(i )L68g-(i)ba'-(a)t "he wants to pretend he is crying." 2 2 1 1 The vowel increment juxtaposed to the verbal stem has a value of two morae, thanks to the quantitative influence of the verbal stem (ana,7-2). The medial vowel of the first suffix, -16 g-, has a constant value of two morae, and cannot therefore alternate in length with the preceding vowel increment, but does suc- cessfully cause the following vowel increment, associated with the suffix, -ba', to have the value of one mora. The final suffix, 4, causes the vowel increment associated with it to resist lengthening which would be necessary for an alter- nation of length here. All alternation of length is thwarted, therefore, except that between the medial vowel of the first suffix (two morae) and the vowel increment preceding the second suffix (one mora). anarq-(a )l-(i)L68g-(i)ba'-(a)t "he wants to go pretending to cry." 2 1 2 1 1 This example differs from the one previously cited merely in that the vowel in- crement preceding the first suffix (two morae) alternates in length with the vowel increment preceding the second suffix (one mora). Yet in this example alternation of length is given free play, with one exception when the final suffix, -t, causes the vowel increment preceding it to resist lengthening. S. Alternation of Length in Other Circumstances In addition to the alternation of length which operates in a manner which can be described by giving regular rules (see 2, above), there is a tendency toward alternation of length in all classes of words in Tuibatulabal, but this tendency manifests itself in an arbitrary way, so that it is not possible to give any generally applicable rules. Instances of this arbitrary alternation are: 71 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. i. Addition of one mora to the absolute objective case suffix, -la-, when the suffix is attached to a vowel counting for only one mora, and when the suffix is followed by the locative postposition, -p, or -batsu (cf. ??26-29). tca-'mila-'batsu away from the acorn gravy. tca 'mila 'p in the acorn gravy. ta"'ha'wila 'p in the sunumer. But compare: tca-'mila' the acorn gravy (obj.). ta-'ha'wila' the summer (obj.). ii. Addition of one mora to the locative postpositions when the postpositions are attached to a vowel counting for only one mora, and when the postposi- tions are followed by a conjunctive pronoun beginning with a consonant. J.'kuba 'n on its peak. tca-'mi'batsu-'n away from his acorn gravy. iii. Addition of one mora to the one-mora final (or last) vowel of "contracted" forms of certain particles (cf. ?40), when the particle is "expanded." ,und,u'k that. ,undu 'uga'l that. welt oh! (exclamation). we,'edu' oh, so! miya' the mile (Sp. loan word). miya 'agi i 'mi' I went a mile. iv. Addition of one mora to the one-mora vowel of certain suffixes and con- junctive particles which usually stand in final position when they are followed by an element containing a short vowel. i"'mica' he will take leave. i 'mica 'agL'l we shall take leave. ma'abi' where are you? ma 'abi 'ig'tt "where are you?" he is saying. v. The a vowel increment, which is regularly associated with verbal suffixes (see ?13), may optionally be placed before a conjunctive particle to maintain the alternation of length. Incidentally, such an intrusive vowel-increment also maintains the alternation of stress (see ?4). a'taxk&'n wa'h he slept there. altaxk'rngi', a'taxk&'na-'agi' wath I slept there. The intrusive a increment seems to fulfill the tendency toward alternation of length, primarily because the a increment has the value of two morae; an in- trusive a increment having the value of one mora would be sufficient to main- tain the alternation of stress. But the optional form is a'taxk'na-'agi', never *a'taxkt'nagi'. The intrusive -a- increment, however, may have the value of two morae under the influence of the verbal stem (see 1, iii, and 2, ii, above). 72 Voegelin: Ti2batulabal Grammar 4. Loss of Mora When a vowel receives an additional mora, the effect is generally to main- tain alternation of length (see especially 3, above). But when a vowel loses a mora, alternation of length does not characteristically result. Loss of mora is quite arbitrary and peculiarly limited. Examples are: i. Loss of mora in stem compounding. Such loss occurs both in the com- pounding of nominal and verbal stems (?8, 4) and in the fusion of particle stems. The latter is more a matter of syncretism than of true compounding (see ?40). A stem may also receive an additional mora when compounded. pa -'ta ta l pa' qata'l hani'- (n. st.) hali't hani'hali't up. the sun. the god (lit., "above the sun"). HOUSE. he is sitting. he is visiting (lit., "he is house-sitting"). ii. Loss or addition of mora in stem reduplication (?15, 4). The first redupli- cated stem frequently has one less mora than the stem it precedes. pitiltpittt 'dalt pica't pica 'bica "a't he is turning over repeatedly. he is going out. he is going out repeatedly. Sometimes the vowel of the repeated stem loses a mora, but a glottal stop, having the value of one mora, is given to the deprived stem by way of com- pensation. tulu-'uma't tuliA'm'tulu 'umalt 16h6O'6ma't l6ho'm'l6ho 'omalt m6'n'm68'6n6't it is rolling up. it is tangled. he is entering. he is going in and out. it is boiling. iii. Loss of one mora from the final two-morae vowel of certain nominal stems when the diminutive suffix is attached; other stems, in like circumstance, do not lose a mora. tu-mu-- (n. st.) tur'm/pLt'n But compare: pa'dzii- (n. st.) pa 'dzi 'ibltn OFFSPRING. his little offspring. OLDER BROTHER. his little (short) older brother. 73 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. iv. Loss of one mora from the final two-morae vowel of nominal stems when a conjunctive pronoun beginning with a vowel, or a case suffix beginning with a vowel and followed by a nasal consonant, is attached. hani-- (n. st.) hani"ulu' ha'ni't'tr ha'ni't'n a-na-- (n. st.) a, na)?l t a 'na" ulu' a, na)tfn HOUSE. your (pl.) house. (The glottal stop is intrusive.) your house. of his own house. FATHER. your father. your (pl.) father. of his own father. v. Loss of mora in diphthongization. When a one- or two-morae vowel is followed by a vowel of different quality, without an intrusive glottal stop intervening, the resulting diphthong counts for one mora less than the arith- metical sum of the juxtaposed vowels. ama, a 'na 'i 7t9g- (n. st.) .. ....i FATHER; -i (suus obj. suff.) his own father (obj.); the final diphthong counts for two, not three, morae. FOOT; -i (suus obj. suff.) his own foot (obj.); the final diphthong counts for one, not two, morae. vi. Loss of mora in contraction. Cf. ?6. 5. Quantitative Change in Initial Reduplication In the peculiar process termed "initial reduplication," the first vowel of the basic form of the stem is repeated initially. If the stem of the basic form begins with a consonant, the repeated vowel is placed before the first consonant (which assumes a secondarily developed form; see ?5); if the stem of the basic form begins with a vowel, the repeated vowel is placed before this vowel, and an intrusive glottal stop keeps the repeated vowel apart from the first vowel of the stem proper. Usually there is no quantitative change in either the first vowel or the repeated vowel, but quantitative change is characteristic of the initially reduplicated form of certain stems. Since this type of quantitative change follows no regular rule, it will be necessary, in the dictionary, to list both the basic form and the initially reduplicated forms of stems. i. Stems in which the repeated vowel has a mora value different from that of the first vowel of the stem proper. ta 'twa'l the man. ata"'twa'l the men in one place. h-b- (basic form), ihY.b- TO MASSAGE. ciug- (basic form), i ciug- TO COMB. ma'- (basic form), a-ma'- TO TOUCH. 74 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar If, in this instance, the organic glottal stop, having the value of one mora, is assumed to "belong" to the second syllable (cf. ?4, 7), then the repeated syllable has the same morae value as the stem syllable (a + ' = two morae). i>dzimi'- (basic form), Fi'idzimi'- TO STAY. ii. Stems in which the repeated vowel has the same value as the first vowel of the initially reduplicated form of the stem, but in which the first vowel of the basic form of the stem has a value different from that of the first vowel of the initially reduplicated form of the stem. ma'g- (basic form), amag- TO KNOW. wi c- (basic form), iwic- TO CAPTURE. ac- (basic form), a'ac- TO BATHE. pa-m- (basic form), ambam TO MAKE INTO A BALL. pu-n- (basic form), umbun- TO TIE A KNOT. ?4. STRESS AND THE SYLLABLE Tuibatulabal employs a free word-stress which expresses no systematic mean- ing: words are never distinguished by a difference in accentuation. The stress given to an element is not fixed, but may be changed according to a rhythmical pattern, the alternation of stress. This rhythmical pattern is modified in re- spect to a few elements which require a certain vowel to be stressed in all circumstances. Such a vowel is said to have fixed stress. Alternation of stress in general is oriented from the main stress, which is not acoustically more prominent than other stressed vowels, but merely serves as a convenient point of departure in describing the rhythmical pattern. 1. The Main Stress With very few exceptions (cf. 3, 4, below), the main stress falls on the final vowel of the stem; or if suffixes are appended, on the final vowel of the last suffix. Thus the word, in Tiubatulabal, is a phonetic entity delimited by the position of the main stress. Conjunctive particles which follow the main stress are either atonic or accented independently (cf. 3, below). Accordingly, conjunctive par- ticles are not, strictly speaking, part of the word to which they are attached. ti'kana'tni he is feeding me. (-ni, conj. part. 1 sing. obj. pron.) ta'twa'lgi' I am the man. (N. predication, -gi, conj. part. 1 sing. subj. pron.) Since the alternation of stress is oriented from the main stress, a change in the position of the main stress brought about by the addition of a suffix may alter the accentuation of the entire word. tci'rliya'l the red thistle. titqi'yala 'p on the red thistle. wtta'-qhata'l the Tejon Indians. wL'ta-qha'ta1a 'batsu' away from the Tejon Indians. ta'naha'ts ti ' analtr I wish he would cry. alna-qa '1il6'g6pV'gana'n he is the one who was going along pretending to cry. 75 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 2. Alternation of Stress Counting backward from the main stress, every second mora is stressed where possible. This is not always possible because stress falls on the beginning of the accented vowel, so that an alternate stress will fall on the third mora when the series long vowel (two morae) - short vowel (one mora) is followed by a stressed vowel. Where the vowel receiving the main stress is preceded by short vowels (having a value of one mora each), or long vowels (having the value of two morae each), it is possible to stress every second mora. i. Alternate stress falling on the second mora. 'mbit7wi'ba'a't he is wanting to roll string on his thigh. C B A yu.'uduw'yu 'uda't the fruit is mashing. D C B A In both examples: A = main stress; B = first alternate stress, counting two morae backward from A; C = second alternate stress, counting two morae backward from B; D =third alternate stress, counting two morae backward from C. ii. Alternate stress falling on the third mora. When a stressed vowel is pre- ceded by a short vowel (one mora), which is in turn preceded by a long vowel (two morae), the alternate accent falls on the third mora counting backward from the stressed vowel. na 'wic,u'l the pine-nut pole. B A u 'gibi 'l the bunch grass. B A ibi 'miya 'l the flower-month. B A pitV'tpittt'dina't he is turning it over repeatedly. C B A In these examples: A = main stress; B = first alternate stress, falling on third mora, counting backward from A; C = second alternate stress, falling on second mora, counting backward from B. iii. Two vowels employed as an accentual unit. Two short vowels of the same phoneme which are kept separated by a glottal stop are treated in alternation of stress as a single accentual unit; but only if both belong to the same gram- matical element-that is, if both belong to the same stem (the vowel repeated in initial reduplication is external) or if both belong to the same suffix. Exam- ples are: ku"udzubt'l the little one. (Not *ku'u'dz'ub'l.) uyu" ,uJm it got word out. (Not *uIyu',um.) 76 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar But compare: 'mbKr/wi'ba'a't. (The -a'a- is not treated as a single accentual unit because the vowels concerned belong to different grammatical elements: the first-a'- belongs to the desiderative suffix, -(i)ba', while the second -a- is the vowel increment associated with the present tense suffix. Vowels in certain stems which meet these formal requirements are nevertheless not treated as a single accentual unit.) wa'a'nt the acorns (n. st., wa'an-). iv. Glottal stop with mora value. na,'adi"i' the cat (obj.). C BA k6l"ci"i' the minnow fish (obj.). C BA In the examples cited: A= main stress, falling on -i, the objective case suffix; B =first alternate stress, falling on the second mora counting backward from A (the final glottal stop counts for one mora; the vowel preceding the glottal stop counts for the second mora); C =second alternate stress, falling on the second or third mora counting backward from B. The nominal stem, k6'Oci'-, always appears with two glottal stops; both glottal stops are therefore organic and each has theoretically the value of one mora. The part of the stem, -6'6-, is a single accentual unit, which means that stress must always fall on the first -6-; theoretically, -6'6- counts for three morae (-6-, one mora; -'-, one mora; -6-, one mora), but, acoustically, the duration of -6'6- is no longer than the duration of a long rearticulated vowel, which has the value of two morae. v. Consonants in alternation of stress. Neither the intrusive glottal stop, nor any other consonant except the organic glottal stop has mora value; accord- ingly, consonants in general do not affect alternation of stress. S. Elements other than Stems and Suffixes Which Are Included in the Alternation of Stress i. Conjunctive particles, subject pronouns (?23), and the conjunctive quota- tive particle may be fused with the present tense suffix, and then function like true suffixes in point of alternation of stress (see ?18, 1). The plosives of the resulting syncretism are peculiar in that they are not always heard to be gemi- nated as they ought to be according to the rules for geminating consonants (?1, 7). ii. The conjunctive particle possessive pronouns (?24) are generally included in the alternation of stress of the word to which they are attached; this is in- evitable, practically, for with the exception of the second person, possessive pronouns consist of consonants without vowels, and accordingly could not be stressed independently, since only vowels may receive an accent. For second person possessive nouns, see ?3, 4, iv. 77 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. iii. There is a certain tendency in fast speech to include conjunctive particles in the alternation of stress of the main word. This is accomplished chiefly by means of an intrusive vowel. i'hgi't t'higi't "Here," he says (slow speech). "Here," he says (fast speech). Numerous examples of this phenomenon will be found in a text to be published later, Autobiography, which was transcribed from fast speech. 4. Fixed Stress Alternation of stress is modified in certain elements which contain vowels that are stressed in all circumstances. The vowel having such fixed stress serves as a point of departure for alternation of stress in the word, counting backward. Examples of nominal stems having a fixed stress on the final vowel of the nominal stem are: k,utuga'- (n. st.) k,g'tuga't k,utuga'ta' (obj.) tsambaha'- (n. st.) tsa'mbaha'l tsambaha'tla (obj.) tugumba'- (n. st.) t,'gumba'l t4'gumba'la (obj.) tuguwa'- (n. st.) tu'guwa'n tu'guwa'y&'n (obj.) FIREWOOD. the firewood. (In this example the main stress coincides with the fixed stress; when suffixes are added, the main stress is shifted but the fixed stress remains on the final vowel of the nominal stem.) not *kiAtu'gata'. CARRYING NET. the carrying net. not *tsamba'hala'. BEADS. the beads. not *tugj/.mbala'. MEAT. his meat. not *tugu'way&'n. The suffix, -pigana'-, has fixed stress on the final vowel. (?36, 4.) ti'kapi'gana'n i ' bi 'l the one who was eating arrived. a 'dawi 'k ti'kapi'gana'yt'n he saw the one who was eating. (Not *tika'piga'tayL'n.) The obscurely compounded noun, tiba'tulaba'l, has fixed stress on the final vowel and on the second vowel (which is the final vowel of the n. st., tiba'-, PINE NUTS; but when tiba- is used as an ind. st., it is without fixed stress). the Tutbatulabal Indians. he went to the Tubatulabal Indians. tiba'tulaba'l tfba'tulaba'la 'p i -'mi' 78 Voegelin: Ti2batulabal Grammar While fixed stress plays but an insignificant r6le in the language as spoken today, it is nevertheless interesting because it stands in such complete contra- diction to the general phonetic pattern. Stems having fixed stress are generally trisyllabic (with each syllable counting for one mora), whereas stems of the language as a whole are fundamentally dissyllabic. Trisyllabic stems (whether having fixed stress or not) may possibly represent archaic compounds (see ?8,4). 6. Syllabic Boundaries A syllable consists of a short vowel, or a long or long rearticulated vowel, or two short vowels of the same phoneme treated in alternation of stress as a single accentual unit; a consonant may or may not begin a syllable; a conso- nant may or may not close a syllable. The syllable appears to be built around the vowel. Single consonants are always stressed as though beginning a syllable (except, of course, where the single consonant is the final sound of a word). Geminated consonants (?1, 7) give the acoustic impression of being split up in a division of syllables. For example, the imperative verb, tikka'h eat!, may be split up into two syllables: tik- (in which the -k is unreleased), first syllable, -kah (in which the k- is released), second syllable. 6. Variations of Syllabic Length Which Have No Mora Value The most prominent of these variations are: i. When vowel lengths in two syllables have the same mora value, a closed syllable is acoustically longer than a syllable ending in a vowel. hani-'la'p in the house. hani 'la' the house (obj.). The syllable, -lap, is acoustically longer than the syllable, -la, though both have the value of one mora. ii. A short stressed closed syllable is acoustically longer than a short un- stressed closed syllable. An acoustically discernible pause without mora value occurs at the geminated consonant (?1, 7), which in this circumstance gives the impression of a very long consonant; however, the length of the pause varies with different individuals speaking, and is at least partly rhetorical. 6't6g6'lka'n he kissed her. The syllable, -6't-, being stressed, gives the acoustic impression of being longer than the unstressed syllable, -16k-, though both have the value of one mora. iii. A syllable containing a long vowel has the same mora value as a syllable containing a long rearticulated vowel, although the latter gives an acoustic impression of being longer. (See ?1, 2.) 79 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 7. The Organic Glottal Stop The organic glottal stop "belongs" to a syllable in the sense that the syllable is in a way a unit of length when a glottal stop replaces a vocalic mora. u 'ug,ul' he played. When this stem is followed by suffixes, the organic glottal stop, having the value of one mora, is replaced by an additional mora given to the vowel of the syllable to which the glottal stop "belongs." ul'gu'lamt'n 6'1Oho'm' 6'16ho 'mamLt'n he played here. he entered. he entered here. In stem reduplication, an organic glottal stop commnonly replaces a vocalic mora (cf. ?3, 4, ii). m6'n'm6 '6n6't 6m6'n'm6'n' tul,u'm'tulu 'uma't l6ho'm'16ho 'oma't nL'u'nLf'winat he'u'he 'ewi't cid6"d68"ina't it is boiling. it boiled. it is tangled. he is going in and out repeatedly. he is shaking hands. (In the first syllable of this instance, * > > niu'-.) he is trotting. (In the first syllable, *he.w-> *he u- >heu'-.) he is making him slide. (In the second syllable of this instance, *d6.->d6'-.) ?5. SECONDARY DEVELOPMENT OF CONSONANTS Not every consonant may be secondarily developed. Blank spaces opposite a given consonant in the table on page 81 indicate that the consonant is not changed from its primary form. With certain exceptions the primary conso- nants (cf. ?1, 6) may occur in any position. The exceptions are -ti-, which never appears in initial position but only in medial or final position, and the voiced plosives and affricates, which appear only in medial position, never in initial or final position. 1. Voicing Plosives and affricates which are voiceless in initial position become voiced when in medial position and preceded by a two-morae vowel. pa-'wtli-'iga'nt the goose. a 'ba 'w&li 'iga'nt the many geese in one place. tu 'kt the mountain quail. u 'udu 'kt the many mountain quail in one place. ku 'h,Api'l the elderberry. u 'gu 'hjupi'l the many elderberries in one place. tsa-'iyina 'ana't he is making lace. 80 Voegelin: Tibatulabal Grammar a'dza 'iyina 'nica' tci'inadl i 'dSii'ina'l he will make lace. the hailstones. the many hailstones in one place. TABLE OF SECONDARY DEVELOPMENTS Prtmary Voiced Nasalized Assimilated Geminated consonant I I I I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ b mb b t d nd td d td k D g9 g ts dz ndz tc, tdz dz tdz tc di h . C S 1 ii n n, m, I7 m m, mm, mm, mi7, mn w w,u See ?1, 7 i 2. Nasalization When a plosive or affricate is the first consonant of a syllable which is closed by a nasal consonant, and when this syllable (plosive-vowel-nasal consonant) p y 81 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. is the first syllable of a stem, the plosive or affricate is nasalized in the initially reduplicated form of the stem (for a description of initial reduplication, see ?3, 5). ptl1g- (basic form), &rnbtqg- (initially redup. form) TO SAY p6tiga't the basket cap, 6'mb6-qga't the many basket caps in one place. tanq- (basic form), anda7l- (init. redup. form) IT RAINS. ts,u7g- (basic form), LAndz,u7fg- (imit. redup. form) TO BE AFRAID. k&m- (basic form), &7g&m- (init. redup. form) TO COME. ktn- (basic form), ,tqgLn- (init. redup. form) TO BRING. Two forms have been found in which a plosive is not nasalized, but they may have been incorrectly given. kamidz- (basic form), akami'dz- (init. redup. form) TO CATCH. komi-la- (basic form), okomi-la- (imit. redup. form) TO BE CRAMPED. Resistance to nasalization of the affricate, ts-, is shown in some words having a partly reduplicated stem. In the following examples, tsi- may possibly repre- sent an archaic stem compound or prefix (cf. ?8, 4). tsininri'- (basic form), itsCnfnin'- (init. redup. form) TO SHAKE. tsimimi '- (basic form), itsimim'i'- (init. redup. form) IT SHINES. No example has been found in which the affricate, tc-, is nasalized. S. Assimilatory Changes i. Unvoicing. n, m are unvoiced when in final position and preceded by a voiceless consonant. The unvoicing of these consonants (and of -1- and -w-) is indicated by placing the diacritic, 0, under the consonant. muWcn his fish spear. Compare: mu 'c&'n his fish spear (obj.). ka-'wt'cm the Kawaiisu Indians. Compare: ka-'wtcmi' the Kawaiisu In- dians (obj.). -w- is unvoiced when in final position and preceded by a consonant, not neces- sarily a voiceless consonant. pVi'7qW he rolled string on his thigh. Compare: p-wa'n he rolled string on his thigh for him. When semivowels are in final position, but preceded by a vowel, they open to the homorganic vowel (see ?1, 5). Plosives and affricates are always voiceless when geminated (?1, 7). ii. Partial unvoicing. When -m- is in medial position, but followed by a voiceless consonant, it has a voiceless off-glide; when in medial position and preceded by a voiceless consonant, it has a voiceless on-glide. p6'mimt the egg. This word has also been heard as p6'mnt. yu'hm'yuhrmma't he is smiling. Medial -hl- > *-lh- > U in final position (cf. ?7). a" ana 'll he fasted. 0 82 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar Alveolar plosives and affricates have been found with a voiceless on-glide and a voiced off-glide (transcribed -td- and -tdz-). Usually it is obvious that these consonants represent gemination, and as such are theoretically voiceless (see ?1, 7). However, since it is not always certain that these consonants are geminated, they have been transcribed as heard, -td- and -tdz-. patdza-'aha't he is shelling it. ta'tdaha't it is bursting open. The stem, pitita-, has been heard reduplicated both as pitdi'tpitdi>'dina't and piti'tpiti-'dina't he is turning it over repeatedly. iii. Alveolar and palato-alveolar consonants. It is curious that while affri- cates occur in both alveolar (ts) and palato-alveolar (tc) series as primary con- sonants, the homorganic fricative (c) occurs only in palato-alveolar position as a primary consonant. -c- becomes alveolarized when juxtaposed to the alveolar affricate, -ts-. c a'ni'a'c the soldier. cV'ni'a'sts our soldier. A form has been found in which the alveolar affricate, -ts-, is drawn back, presumably under the assimilatory influence of the -1- in the stem. a li- (n. st.) Bow; -ts, (suus obj. suff.) a 'h'tc his own bow (obj.). iv. Velarization of -h-.--h- usually becomes a velar fricative when preceding a consonant; always when the consonant is a plosive or affricate and the -h- is preceded by a stressed one-mora vowel. ta'xkina't he is sleeping. Less frequently when the -h- follows a two-morae vowel. m6-'6m68'ht the jimsonweed. Also heard mr6'6m68xt. Sometimes when the -h- is in final position (cf. ?7). 6"n6V'6la' 6m6'ix he went back himself. v. Development of nasal consonants. n and vq are completely assimilated to the following plosive or affricate; m is only partly assimilated. n>rq before a velar plosive or -h-. wa a nt the acorns. wa'a'-1hayi't he is gathering acorns. ti'nt the rock. ti'7gi0' the rock ledge. tn- particle, "empty word." (Cf. ?23, 1.) tr-gi'la'a',q we. n>m before a labial plosive. tmbi' you. c,ul,un- (n. st.) FINGERNAIL. c,l,mp their fingernail. 83 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. -q > n before an alveolar plosive or affricate. hackt'la'a'77 ala 'wina't not we are talking to him. hack&'la'a'nd&'77 ala'wina't not we you are talking to. ("We are not talk- ing to you.") No example has been found of ti >m, although the possibility of such a develop- ment before a labial plosive is not improbable. m>m77 before a velar plosive. d 'y6ma't he is copulating. 8 'y6m1g9i't he is pulsating as in copulation. m >mn before an alveolar plosive or affricate. p6m- (n. st.) EGG. p6mnda' the egg (obj.). p6mndzt'p their egg (obj.). 4. Gemination. See ?1, 7 ?6. CONTRACTION 1. Contraction in Verbal Endings V+i=i The final vowel of verbal stems contracts with the vowel increment preced- ing verbal suffixes; if the vowel increment is -i-, the vowel resulting from the contraction is -i-. 6p6l6'Oma- (vb. st.) IT IS BENDING; -(i)n, (suff.). 6'p6l6"6rmi'n he caused it to bend. wi>di- (vb. st.) TO BE ANGRY; -(i)ba'at (suffixes). wi 'idi 'ba'a't he wants to be angry. V+a=V If the vowel increment is -a-, the vowel resulting from the contraction is usually of the quality of the final vowel of the stem. wi di- (vb. st.) -(a)t (pres. suff.). Iwi-'idi't he is angry. tiwili- (vb. st.) TO FIX. ti'wili't he is fixing it. V+a=a- But when the -a- increment is associated with the voice suffix, -(a)n, then the vowel resulting from the contraction is -a--. wi>'da 'ana't he is angry with him. tf'wila-'ana't he is fixing it for him. The quantitative results of such contraction are treated in ?3, 1, ii. 84 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar 2. Contraction in Noun Endings i+V=V The final -i of the objective relative suffixes, -yi-, -tsi-, -ni-, -n&ni- (cf. ?27), contracts with the initial vowel of conjunctive pronouns; the vowel resulting from the contraction has the quality of the initial vowel of the conjunctive pronoun. hani 'yt&', your house (obj.). hani'yulu' your (pl.) house (obj.). ts6-'hi'yulu' your (pl.) fish (obj.). ma-'ca'tsulu' your (pl.) sack (obj.). tsimt'lnulu' your (pl.) mouse (obj.). c,A'lMAnt'nulu' your (pl.) fingernail (obj.). S. Elision of Medial Vowels Medial -i-, having the value of one mora, is sometimes elided in fast speech; the alternation of stress operates as though the vowel were not elided. i 'mica' he will take leave (careful speech); i 'mca' (fast speech). ta'p&ci&'l the bread (careful speech); ta'pci 'l (fast speech). A few forms have been found in which the short vowel, -i-, is elided when a juxtaposed semivowel is opened to a homorganic vowel in medial position. The significance of this elision is not understood; the opening of a semivowel in medial position is most exceptional. inihyi- (vb. st.) TO BE SICK; -(a)t (pres. suff.). i'nThya't he is sick. ta 'la' the sun (obj.). ta 'wigi 'ibi 'l the looker, the one who looks. ta 'lata-'ugibi 'l the sunflower (lit., "the looker at the sun"). tala wic- (basic form), a'talai'uc (init. redup. form) he went around it. 4. Elision of Final Vowels The final vowels of certain elements are elided more or less optionally. Final vowels which are dispensable in this way appear to be stylistic ornaments bearing no distinctive meaning; no general rules can be given for their elision. In certain constructions, they are always retained; in other constructions, always elided. The final vowels of personal pronoun conjunctive particles are good examples of this type of dispensable final vowel (see ??22-24). 85 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 6. Contraction of Consonants n+n=n in nouns ending in -n to which the conjunctive pronoun, -n, is juxtaposed. c,ul,un- (n. st.) FINGERNAIL. cll,t'n his fingernail. t+g = k; t+b = p; t+d=t (cf. ?18, 1). 6. Syncope The imperative suffix, -h, is retained in final position, but syncopated when not in final position. (Cf. ?16, 1.) ?7. METATHESIS Metathesis is a process which expresses no grammatical category; it receives systematic expression in only one type of syllable. 1. Regular Metathesis When -h- begins a medial syllable, which is given final position, the -h- is transposed so that it closes the syllable. i. -hw-, medially, becomes *.wh in final position. p6'nihwi'tq of the skunk. p6ni'wh the skunk. (-hw-> *wh >-wh). ii. -hy-, medially, becomes *-yh in final position. h- 'imi 'hyi' the childless couple (obj.). hi 'imi ix the childless couple (subj.). -hy-> *-yh > *-ih>-ix. In forms like those cited under i and ii, above, semivowels open to the homorganic vowels just as they do in absolute final position (cf. ?1, 5); in the second instance above, the -h- becomes velarized, as it may in any final position. iii. -hl-, medially, becomes *-lh in final position. ha"ayahli' the trout (obj.). ha"aya'll the trout (subj.). -hl->*-lh>-ll because the tongue is not re- leased from the position assumed in articulating the -1, so that the final voiceless -h is heard with lateral friction, trans- scribed -l.0 86 Voegelin: TuZbatulabal Grammar iv. -hn-, medially, becomes *-nh in final position. ts6 'hni'i'7 my gray fish. ts6 'nn his gray fish. -hn-> *-nh >-ntn, because the tongue is not re- leased from the position taken in articulating the -n, so that the aspiration for the final -h goes through the nose instead of through the mouth; this nasal aspiration is transcribed -n. 2. Metathesis of Grammatical Elements Certain grammatical elements are transposed without change of meaning. Examples are: Lnf>fnt ?nda' they. n&k I (cf. ?23, 1). bi > *ib an (inter. part.). an+bi=anbi are you? Compare the optional form: ant'p are you? (-b> *-ib> &p, because voiced plosives never appear in final position). tan (cond. part.). tant'p if you .... gi > *4g anm'k am I? (-gi> *ig > -&k, because voiced plo- sives never appear in final position). tanmlk if I .... wi -d > *-d, -w Cf. ?15, 2. -hyt- > *-hiy The metathesis in the following stem is the only occurrence found of trans- position of sounds in stems, except the regular metathesis noted under 1, above. i"inihyimt'n he became sick here. i'itnihiVi he got sick. -hyi-> *-h.y >-hti, because the semivowel opens to the homorganic vowel (see ?1, 5). 87 ? ?840. MORPHOLOGY ?8. GRAMMATICAL PROCESSES The four grammatical processes in Tiubatulabal are reduplication, suffixa- tion, conjunctive affixation of particles, which is a loose type of suffixation, and stem compounding. With these processes are involved certain incidental changes in vowels and consonants which do not directly express any gram- matical notions, and are, accordingly, treated in the phonology with mechanical processes in general (??1-7). 1. Reduplication Stem reduplication may be complete or partial. Complete reduplication of verbal stems expresses the iterative aspect (?15, 4); reduplication of the final syllable of some nominal stems expresses an unusual notion termed "plural allegiance" (?34, 3). The term, "initial reduplication," is reserved for a pecu- liar type of partial reduplication in which only the first vowel of the stem is re- peated initially; this extraordinary device is more freely used than any other kind of reduplication (??11 and 34, 2). In addition to stems, two affixed elements are subject to reduplication, a vowel increment which is primarily associated with verbal suffixes, and the benefactive suffix (?15, 5, 6). 2. Suffixation Suffixation is the most freely used grammatical process in the language. There is a fixed order of suffixes: for nouns, the derivative suffixes (??30, 31) follow the nominal stem (?38, 4), and are in turn followed by the absolute or relative suffix (?26) and by the case suffix (?27); for verbs, there are medial suffixes which have a fixed order among themselves but as a type precede one of many possible final-position suffixes (?12). Nouns never appear with a profusion of derivative suffixes; it is rare to find a noun with more than one derivative suffix appended. The verbal theme, on the contrary, may contain a whole string of derivative suffixes. A verb which contains several suffixes is something of a problem to translate. It is as though the proposition as stated by the naked verb were delimited by the first suffix, somewhat revised by the second suffix, made passive by the third suffix, further delimited and contradicted by the fourth suffix, and so on. Such constructions are described as "high language" characteristic of old-time speech-making in which the desideratum was eloquence rather than transparent intelligibility. In contrast, the use of an auxiliary verb followed by a naked verbal stem is characterized as "strong talk" (?20). Whether a stem is followed by one or many suffixes, the resulting word is a very firm phonetic unit. Superimposed upon this unit, and, as it were, binding it together is the ever present alternation of stress (?4, 2) and the occasionally operative alternation of length (?3). [88] Voegelin: Tiubatulabal Grammar S. Conjunctive Affixation of Particles Conjunctive particles may be distinguished from true suffixes in more than one way. In point of position, conjunctive particles always follow suffixes. Formally, the conjunctive particle does not necessarily form a meaningful unit with the word to which it is attached, but may refer primarily to a following word (see, e.g., ??22-24). Phonetically, the conjunctive particle is characteris- tically, but not always, kept outside of the alternation of stress which extends over the stem and suffixes. Whether the conjunctive particle is atonic, which it is infrequently, or stressed independently of the word upon which it leans, does not depend upon the particle itself. Every conjunctive particle may be stressed in some circumstance; accordingly, conjunctive particles are not enclitics, but appear to maintain an absolute final position and function formally like en- citics in other Shoshonean languages. 4. Stem-compounding Stem-compounding is the most limited process in Tiubatulabal; it might almost be said to be nonexistent as a grammatical process, for those compounds which have been found either give the feeling of being an inflexible unit of two stems, entirely closed to new combinations with other stems; or, in the forms where a stem is freely compounded, the stem has become for all practical pur- poses a stereotyped suffix (??17, 4; 19, 3, 4; 16). i. Nominal stem+verbal stem compound. hani-- (n. st.) HOUSE. hal- (vb. st.) TO SIT. hanihal-(vb. st.) TO VISIT ("to house-sit"). hani'hali't he is visiting. pAindzi- (n. st.) SEED, EYE. ka-dza- (vb. st.) TO BOIL. purundziga dza- (vb. st.) TO BOIL MUSH. pA 'ndziga 'adza't he is boiling the mush. In the following examples, the verbal stem, mu g-, TO DIE, TO BE UNCONSCIOUS, is used as the second member of the compound; the stems suggested as the first members of the compounds do occur independently but it is not entirely cer- tain that it is these stems which are etymologically compounded. The mean- ings of the resulting words are only vaguely suggested by the members of the compound. yaxta- (n. st.) EVENING PRIMROSE. yaxtamu-g- (vb. st.) TO BE SLEEPY. ya'xtamu 'ug,A't he is sleepy. ta - (n. st.) SUN. ta-mu-g- (vb. st.) TO BE THIRSTY. 89 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ta 'mu 'ugAutt ana-- (n. st.) a'na'mu-g- (vb. st.) a 'na'muf 'ug,Itt ii. Verbal stem+verbal stem. ikwi- (vb. st.) ikw6mu g- (vb. st.) i'kw(muv'ub st) u i'- (vb. st.) u-imu-g- (vb. st.) u 'imul 'ug,itt he is thirsty. FATHER. TO BE HUNGRY. he is hungry. TO MENSTRUATE. TO MENSTRUATE FOR THE FIRST TIME. she is menstruating for the first time. IT SMOKES (impers.). TO DROWN, TO SUFFOCATE. he is drowning. iii. Nominal stem + nominal stem. pa-lap ta l pa"'la'bata'l in the water (iness. case). the sun (subj. case). the Yokuts ("sun in the water."-The Yo- kuts live to the west, where the sun goes into the water). iv. Obscure compounding. Compounds in which verbal stems and nominal stems enter are not common (see i-iii, above). This shows that compounding is no longer a live process in the present-day Tiubatulabal; there is, however, much evidence of archaic compounding. A stem which may be used indepen- dently is frequently found to occur with an element which is no longer used independently. The dependent element may just as possibly represent an ar- chaic prefix or suffix as an archaic stem in composition. mat - (indn. n st.) ts6-- (dep. element) ma 'ats6 '1 -la-w- (dep. element) ma*'la 'awat t8Xq8-- (ind. n. st.) -bi-d- (dep. element) tWrqVbi-lidlilt ku- (ind. n. st.) -tuga- (dep. element) k,g'tuga't ta-wi- (ind. vb. st.) -g- (dep. element) ta 'wLgl't ci'- (ind. vb. st.) -mi- (dep. element) ci"'im&l HAND. the forearm. he is raising his hand. KNEE. he is kneeling. FIRE. the kindling. TO BE BLIND. he sees it. TO URINATE. the penis. 90 Voegelin: Tiubatulabal Grammar tik- (ind. vb. st.) -igu'i'- (dep. element) ti'kigu"'i'a't mi'ig- (ind. vb. st.) nim'- (dep. element) nF'm'mVi"ga't kuya- (ind. n. st.) -dibi>- (dep. element) kuya'dibi>'l a-nn- (ind. n. st.) p- (dep. element) pa"'ani'nt tuha- (ind. n. st.) -awa- (dep. element) tuha 'awa'l pa'- (ind. n. st.) -'iwi- (dep. element) pa "iwi't -dzi-wa- (dep. element) pa''dzi "wa't -tsu'a'- (dep. element) pa'tsu'a 't -cktc- (dep. element) packL'ct -nugtc- (dep. element) pa 'nug!'c -lab- (dep. element) pa-'labi't TO EAT. he is cooking it. TO KILL. he is killing a human being, he is murdering. YUCOA PLANT. the central stalk of a yucca plant. RED ANT. the ant (generic). WATER SNAKE. the earthworm. WATER. the ocean. the lake. the pond. the well, the spring. the water-spirit. he is soaking it in water. In addition to being compounded with a half-dozen obscure elements, the independent nominal stem, pa'-, WATER, may also be compounded with inde- pendent nominal stems. waya- pa 'waya"'l mar7i-- (ind. n. st.) -'u'- (dep. element) mar/i"ui 'l ci'bi'- (ind. n. st.) -'i'- (dep. element) ci"'bi "i 'l takwa- (ind. n. st.) -adzi- (dep. element) takwa 'adzt'l STEEP SIDE OF A MOUNTAIN. the cut made by water in the steep side of a mountain. ACORN. the acorn tree. ACORN. the acorn tree. ACORN. the acorn tree. 91 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ca'- (ind. vb. st.) pawu-- (dep. element) pawu 'ca'a't cu 'i- (ind. n. st.) kawiu- (dep. element) kawi 'cu "lYt ciga-- (ind. n. st.) tu- (dep. element) t,u'ciga1'l tin- (ind. n. st.) -gi- (dep. element) ti>qgi 'l tiba- (ind. vb. st.) -im- (dep. element) t-ipi 'imalt na-oha- (ind. n. st.) -bi-- (dep. element) na'77habi 'l u'- (ind. vb. st.) hu- (dep. element) hu-"a't TO DEFECATE. he is diarrhceic. JACKRABBIT. the snowshoe rabbit. CRACK IN A ROCK. the grave. ROCK, STONE. the rock ledge. TO GAMBLE. he is playing hand-game. EARS. the leaves. WATER IS LEAKING (impers.). it (grain, sand) is leaking (impers.). v. Particles in stem-compounding. See ?40. ?9. CLASSIFICATION OF WORDS Three types of words (parts of speech) may be clearly distinguished. 1. Verbs The verb, as a part of speech, includes words having verbal stems and words having nominal stems which are verbalized (see ?21). Only a limited number of nominal stems may be verbalized. 2. Nouns The noun, as a part of speech, includes words having nominal stems and words having verbal stems which are nominalized (see ??31 and 38). Nothing is more common in Tubatulabal than the nominalization of verbal stems. S. Particles The particle, as a part of speech, includes all words, whether used independ- ently (see ??20; 23, 1; 40) or in conjunctive affixation (see ??21, 4, 5; 22-24; 39), which are neither verbs nor nouns. Particles are comparatively uninflected words which appear only in syntactic collocation with nouns and verbs. And just as nominal stems may be generally distinguished from verbal stems (?38, 4), so particle stems may be generally distinguished from both nominal and verbal stems (?40). 92 Voegelin: Tilbatulabal Grammar As between nouns and verbs, there is not much choice in priority of treat- ment. The sections on Verb Morphology (??10-21) treat of the derivational and relational categories expressed by the verb, and the processes involved in their expression which apply to verbalized bases no less than to regular verbal stems. The resulting verb must always express both aspect and voice, the obli- gatory verbal categories. The formation of nouns gives a superficial appearance of being complex, but this is only because nouns fall into classes comparable to the well-known "declensions" in Greek and Latin. The forms used to express the obligatory nominal categories depend on the class of noun used. Actually, there are only three main noun classes. The Noun Morphology (??25-38) would be extremely simple if it were not for the fact that verbal stems are nomi- nalized with extraordinary frequency. The resulting noun, no less than a noun with nominal stem, must express a syntactic case (subject, object, or genitive), and be either an absolute noun (with nonspecification of possessor) or a relative noun (with possessor specified). The case distinctions and the absolutive-rela- tive specifications are the obligatory nominal categories. The distinction between nouns and verbs is, therefore, clear-cut. A verb is a word which expresses at least the obligatory verbal categories (aspect and voice); a noun is a word which expresses at least the obligatory nominal cate- gories (syntactic case and absolute-relative specification). 93 ??10-21. VERB MORPHOLOGY ?10. OBLIGATORY VERBAL CATEGORIES 1. Aspect Every verbal stem (and verbalized base) has two forms, which may be termed the telic (comparable to the momentaneous form in Southern Paiute), and the atelic (roughly comparable to the durative form in Southern Paiute). It is of utmost importance to be aware of the two forms, not merely because a slight difference in aspect is expressed, but mainly because a considerable variety of suffixes may follow the atelic and not the telic form, while a smaller group of suffixes may be attached to either form. Some suffixes of the latter group bear a different meaning when following the telic form than when follow- ing the atelic form. Thus, -(i)ba'- bears a desiderative meaning after the atelic form, but a kind of inceptive meaning after the telic form. The formation of the two forms is on the whole quite regular in Tiibatulabal.8 The telic form is generally an initially reduplicated form of the atelic. The telic form (initially reduplicated) is found both naked and with suffixes attached, while the atelic form (presumably the primary form) is found only with suffixes or an auxiliary verb accompanying it. The telic is used for an action (e.g., TO TAKE A BITE) or condition (e.g., it got green) performed or arrived at in an instant (perfective without tense commit- ment), and for this reason the action or condition is generally, though not neces- sarily, felt to be completed at the time of talking. The atelic is sometimes used when an action requires some duration for its performance (TO EAT), but fre- quently the atelic is quite vague in respect to aspectual meaning. Since the telic and atelic are the only basic forms of the verb, verbal notions regarding these aspects must be first of all squeezed into one category or the other (telic or ateIic) before the meaning of the verb is further defined by the optional cate- gories of tense, mode, or even other aspects, as the habituative, distributive, or iterative. 2. Voice Both the telic and the atelic form of a verbal stem share the same inherent voice and the same possible voice suffixes. Inherently, a verb is transitive or intransitive or impersonal. Some inherently transitive verbs may be used in an intransitive context, though this is not typical. Very rarely an impersonal verb (e.g., IT IS HOT) may be used intransitively (HE IS EROTIC). But the inherent distinctions in voice cannot be left to context for most verbs. The verb TO TALK iS a characteristic example of an intransitive verb. If the need arises to use this verb transitively, a special transitivizing suffix must be appended to the verbal stem. 3 But the Southern Paiute correlative aspects yield a much clearer contrast in meaning than the Tuabatulabal telic and atelic. Cf. Sapir, 149. [94] Voegelin: Tiibatulabal Grammar S. Other Obligatory Categories While the aspects (telic, atelic) and voice (tr., intr., impers.) already men- tioned are, strictly speaking, the only obligatory verbal categories, the fact that an atelic form cannot stand in entire independence makes the elements accompanying the atelic form (suff. or aux. vb.) in a sense obligatory. These elements express a wide range of tense and modal notions (see ??11 and 12). ?11. FORMATION OF THE TELIC AND ATELIC 1. Regular Formation As already mentioned, the telic form is generally an initially reduplicated form of the atelic. The process involved is a peculiar type of reduplication, which for want of a better term is called "initial reduplication" to draw atten- tion to the fact that only the first vowel is repeated. ela- (atelic form), e'ela (telic form) TO JUMP. t-k- (atelic form), itik (telic form) TO EAT. tana- (atelic form), andana (telic form) TO GET DOWN. paabi>- (atelic form), a-ba-abi (telic form) TO BE TIRED. Initial reduplication is concerned only with repeating a single vowel, the first of the basic form. Incidental mechanical effects of initial reduplication are treated in the phonology. These include the intrusion of a glottal stop (e'ela), quantitative and accentual change, gemination of the first consonant which assumes a medial position in the initially reduplicated form; if the first conso- nant is a plosive or affricate, it may be voiced (a ba abi) or nasalized (andana). 2. Reversed Formation Curiously enough, the basic form of certain exceptional verbal stems is the telic form which is initially reduplicated for the atelic form. The following list pretty well exhausts verbal stems behaving in this way. (atelic) (telic) a-dza-ya-w- tsa,ya-u TO YELL. apatsa-h- patsa-h TO SHELL NUTS. anai7- na7l TO CRY. anab- nap TO THROW. a-na-yuw- na yuw TO FIGHT. a'ay- ai TO PICK UP. a-ya-n ya-n TO SING. acag- ca-k TO ROAST. andar7- ta77 TO KICK. aha-idz- ha itc TO CHEW. imbi7w- TO ROLL STRING ON THIGH. 95 University of California Pubtications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. (atelic) itsixk- Li -CLy- lndtdcwa- Lcib- i cilu'b i-ciug- 6t6lo8h- 6c6l6,vq 6.y6m- ,uk,uc- ,uwuba- MyugI" - ,und,umu ga- ,und,uma w- ,t,uc- ,un,uj- (telic) nfll -t tsixk hi-p hYlt c-ii ttrlwa cz p cilu p ciuk t6lo-h c6106 * y6om ku c wuba yug,'' t,umu ga t,lma u tu c ni,u TO SCOLD. TO PRICK. TO MASSAGE. TO PLUCK FEATHERS. TO ROCK A CRADLE. TO SUMMON. TO WHITTLE. TO SPLIT WOOD. TO COMB. TO GROAN. TO SNORE. TO COPULATE. TO GROW. TO WHIP. TO CUT. TO DREAM. TO FAIL. TO GRIND. TO POUND. S. Zero Formation In another, but even smaller group of exceptional verbal stems, there is no outward difference between the telic and the atelic form. When dealing with such verbal stems, one infers that a given form is the telic, for example, because it stands in entire independence; or that a given form is the atelic, because a suffix is attached which never occurs with the telic form. The following list pretty well exhausts verbal stems in which there is no outward difference between the telic and the atelic form; each verbal stem, that is, is used for both telic and atelic. a.hy(-) i Y(-) tn(-) 661(-) 8.y6mrog(-) d Y(-) TO QUIT. TO STEAL. TO GATHER. TO GET UP. TO PULSATE. TO PASS BY. 6?yo?g(-) Ayu g(-) wahti'ac(-) ta-qdarq(-) TO MOVE. TO FALL. IT LEAKS. TO BE BEHIND. TO STAMP. ?12. ORDER OF VERBAL SUFFIXES 1. Final-position Suffixes The following suffixes are used only after the atelic form, never after the telic form. 1. All nominalizing suffixes (?31). 2. All subordinating suffixes (?19). 3. All imperative suffixes (?16, 1, 2). 96 Voegelitn: Tuibatulabal Grammar 4. -(a)t, present tense suffix (?18, 1). 5. -(a)ma, exhortative suffix (?16, 5). 6. -(a)ha, permissive suffix (?16, 6). 7. -(i)ukaq, past habituative suffix (?15, 3). 8. -(a-)haiwit, irrealis suffix (?16, 3). 9. -(a)xtayat, adversative suffix (?16, 4). Those suffixes which form verbs (2-9, above) always stand last in the order of verbal suffixes. Obviously, only one of these final-position suffixes may be attached to a given atelic form. 2. Medial Suffixes The order of verbal suffixes resolves itself essentially into the order of medial suffixes; suffixes not appearing exclusively in final position may be termed medial suffixes. Medial suffixes, listed in order of position, are: 1. -(i)n, causative suffix (?14, 2). 2. -(a)n, benefactive suffix (?14, 3). 3. -(a)la, or -(a)gi-m, or -(a)ktn, or -(a)m&n, suffixes of movement (?17). 4. -(i)ni nin, distributive suffix (?15, 1). 5. -(i)16Ik, PRETENDING TO.... (?16). 6. -(i)ba', desiderative suffix (?16, 7). 7. -(i)ca, future tense suffix (?18, 2). 8. -(i)w-, passive suffix (?14, 1). 9. -(i)wi-t, collective-intensive suffix (?15, 2). 10. -(a)puw-, similative suffix (?16, 8). All these suffixes may follow either the telic form or the atelic form, except the future tense suffix, -(i)ca, which is appended only to the telic form. Not all the positions in the order given above are filled in any one verb, but the relative order in any given pair or trio of medial suffixes is adhered to. How the medial suffixes are oriented in reference to the verb as a whole can be conveniently shown by establishing three main positions of verbal elements. A. Naked verb: consists of either the telic or the atelic form without suffixes; the naked verb is either a single stem or a compound stem, or a verbalized base (?21). B. Medial suffixes: see order of position above. C. Final-position suffix: may be used only after the atelic form. The first main position (A) must always be filled. If the first position (A) consists of a telic form, then a verb results when the first two positions are filled (A +B) or when only the first position is filled (A). If the first position (A) consists of an atelic form, then a verb results when the first and last positions are filled (A+C) or when all three positions are filled (A+B+C); the third position (C) must be filled or the resulting verb becomes an atelic form (A, or A +B) used in annexation with an auxiliary verb (?20). 97 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ?13. THE VOWEL INCREMENTS It will have been noted that in the list of final-position and medial suffixes (?12), each suffix was preceded by an i or a vowel, enclosed in parentheses. These are the vowel increments. The i and a never alternate for a given suffix, unless the causative suffix -(i)n and the benefactive suffix -(a)n are regarded as one suffix, with an alternation of i and a to express differences in meaning. This does not seem probable because no generally discernible meaning can be other- wise assigned to the vowel increments.4 1. Relation of Vowel Increment to Verbal Suffixes The vowel increments are primarily associated with verbal suffixes. A given verbal suffix is always preceded by an i or a increment, both when the suffix is juxtaposed to a naked verb, and when the suffix follows another (medial) suffix. Conversely, however, the vowel increments do not always precede verbal suf- fixes. The a increment may be reduplicated independently of the suffix with which it is primarily associated. Also, the vowel increments may appear with- out a verbal suffix, as when a is used before certain particles (?3, 3, v), and when i is used in nominalized bases (?38). 2. Relation of Vowel Increment to Verbal Stem The verbal stem may influence both the a or i increment quantitatively (?3, 1), and the a increment qualitatively (?2, 1). Such influence is exerted on the increment juxtaposed to the naked verb; the resulting change expresses no grammatical notion. The sections referred to in the Phonology (??2; 3; 6) ex- plain a certain fraction of this influence as a result of contraction, vocalic harmnony, and alternation of length. But by no simple rule can this quantita- tive and qualitative influence be learned. It is necessary to know arbitrarily that the stem tik-, for example, does not exert any qualitative influence on a juxtaposed increment (e.g., a primarily associated with the pres. suff. -t, tikat he is eating it) but that the stem wik-, for example, does exert the influence of changing a juxtaposed a to i (the pres. suff. -(a)t becomes -(i)t in wikit he is grabbing it). ?14. VOICE A given verbal stem will have no morphological feature to point out whether it is inherently transitive, intransitive, or impersonal (see ?10, 2). But the in- herent voice of a naked verb may be changed by appending specific voice suf- fixes. For example, when the passive suffix is attached to an inherently transi- tive verb (e.g. TO KICK HIM), the resulting verb is passive (TO BE KICKED); when the passive suffix is attached to an inherently intransitive verb (e.g., TO 4 In Southern Paiute a bewildering variety of meanings may be expressed by the curious device of alternating the final vowel stem from a (a-, 0, u) to i. Cf. Sapir, 237-240. 98 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar CRY), the resulting verb is impersonal (THERE IS CRYING); and the passive suffix is never attached to an inherently impersonal verb. There are three voice-suffixes, which may be termed the passive, the causa- tive, and the benefactive, although the actual meaning which a given suffix bears depends upon the voice of the verbal stem or verbal theme when the suffix is appended. It is sometimes possible to append two, or even all three, voice suffixes to a given verbal stem. 1. Passive Sufix, -(i)w- -(i)- vowel increment, tolerates lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -w- suffix proper, opens to -u in final position (?1, 5). i. Passive suffix attached to transitive verb. When the passive suffix is attached to a transitive stem or a transitivized theme, a passive verb results. In the examples below, the present tense suffix -(a)t completes the verb when the voice suffixes are attached to the atelic form of a verb (see ??11 and 12). we-h- (atelic), e weha2 (telic) we'hiwa't e 'wehi-'u wi h- (atelic), i w&hM2 (telic) wiu'hiwa't i 'wLhi 'u anab-2 (atelic), nap2 (telic) a'nabi 'wa't nabi 'u a,c- a ctn- a 'cini 'wa't TO LIdO. he is being licked (e.g., kitten by mother cat). he got licked. TO LOOK AFTER HIM. he is being looked after (e.g., by the sheriff). he got looked after. TO THROW. he is being thrown. he got thrown. TO BATHE (inherently intr.). TO BATHE HIM (tr.). he is being bathed. ii. Passive suffix attached to an intransitive verb. When the passive suffix is attached to an intransitive verb, an impersonal verb results. Such imperson- alized verbs must be accompanied by one or the other of the primary tense suffixes, -(a)t, present tense suffix, or -(i)cam, future tense suffix (?18). anaxw-2 (atelic), naax2 (telic) atna-wi 'wa't na'xi'cami 'u imbNr7w- (atelic), pirqw (telic) imbi't7wiwdtt kataxwa-2 (atelic), akataxwa 2(telic) ka'taxw-'wa't aka'taxu7i'cami 'u TO CRY. there is crying. there will be a cry (a ceremonial affair). TO ROLL STRING ON THIGH. there is rolling of string on thighs. there will be string manufacture. TO BE SICK, DIE. there is dying off. there will be an epidemic. 99 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. When an inherently transitive verb is also used in an intransitive context (see ?10, 2), the suffix appended yields either a true passive verb (see i, above), or an impersonal verb, according to context. tfika't he is eating it (tr.). ttka't he is eating (intr. context). ti'kiwa't it is being eaten (pass.). ti'kiwa't there is eating (impers. context). iii. Passive suffix and impersonal verbs. The passive suffix is not directly attached to an inherently impersonal verbal stem. But if the impersonal stem is first transitivized, the passive suffix may be appended. piha-2 (atelic), tpiha2 (telic) IT BREAKS. piha't it (e.g.,rope) isbreaking (fromtautness,impers.) pihirn- TO BREAK IT (tr.). pihi-'in6't he is breaking it (while pulling). pihi-'niwa't it (e.g., rope) is breaking (when he pulls it). 'pihi 'ni'u it got broke (from pulling, pers.). 2. Causative Suffix, -(i)n -(i)- vowel increment, tolerates lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -n suffix proper. i. Limitations in the use of the causative suffix. The causative suffix is rarely used with transitive verbs; in addition, the causative suffix is somewhat arbi- trarily limited in its use with intransitive and impersonal verbs. For example, while the causative suffix may be appended to most verbal stems, inherently intransitive, as n6 '- (atelic) TO TURN BACK, it may not be appended to the intransitive stem wele'- (atelic) TO CRAWL. n6 "6't he is turning back. n6d"ina't he is returning it (-=causing it to be turned back). we'le'i't he is crawling. But not *wele"ina't. Also while the causative suffix may be attached to most impersonal stems, as tsupa-2 IT (FIRE) IS OUT, it may not be attached to the impersonal verb IT IS HOT. tsupa't the fire is out. tsupi 'ina't he is putting out the fire. 'di"iTt it (fire, water, weather) is hot. But not *i-'di-"ina't. Such a construction makes sense; it is understood to mean "He is mak- ing it hot," but is regarded as a barbarism in Tubatulabal. 100 Voegelin: Tiibatulabal Grammar Generally speaking, when the causative suffix is not tolerated after a given verbal stem, the benefactive suffix is; some verbal stems tolerate the direct suffixation of both the causative and benefactive suffixes (see 4, below); other verbal stems tolerate neither the causative nor benefactive suffix. Examples of the last are: t6m6tska-2 (atelic), 6c6l6 6 6yY6m?79- U- ,unduma w- ixtaw- Ot6m6tska2 (telic) c6l6 q 6 -y6m-qk U, tuma,u i'Lxtau TO STUMBLE. TO SNORE. TO PULSATE. IT LEAKS. TO FAIL. TO HELP. ii. Causative suffix attached to transitive verbs. One rarely finds a causative suffix attached to a transitive verbal stem. hatda-w- (atelic), a-hatda-u (telic) TO CROSS. hatda 'wina't he is helping him to cross it (river, bridge). a,'hatda-'awt'n he helped him (i.e., caused him) to cross it. iii. Causative suffix attached to intransitive verbs. When the causative suffix is attached to an intransitive verbal stem, a transitive verb results, frequently in the sense of the actor causing the object to do the action. piteta-2 (atelic), epttxma2 (telic) piltttaft pilttti 'inalt ..p..t.ti* . e'ltexmi n pihtka-i (atelic), apichka' (telic) Ipa'cki'ina't texma-wl (atelic), etexma2 (telic) texmih'ina't e'texmi 'n halai'- (atelic), a-halai' (telic) hala'i'ina't a 'ha'laiYln h6-h- (atelic), 6h6-h (telic) h6-'hina't 6h6-'ht'n uyu g- (atelic), uyu-k (telic) uyu 'ugetn TO TURN OVER. he is turning over. he is making him turn over. he turned him over. TO SLIP. he is slipping (through the agency of a person or something impersonal, like ice). he made him slip. TO BE SILENT. he is silencing him. he made him keep quiet. TO BE WET. he is wetting him. he made him wet. TO COUGH. he is coughing (through the agency of a crumb). it made him cough. TO FALL. he dropped it (i.e., caused it to fall). The verb may be merely transitivized, without any suggestion of the actor's causing the object to do the action. ma-la-w- (atelic), a-matla-u (telic) TO RAISE ONE'S HAND. mal'latwina't he is waving his hand at him. 101 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. a 'ma '1a 'aw&'n he waved his hand at him. wini-g- (atelic), iwini k (telic) TO LOOK BAOK. wini 'gina't he is looking back at him. V'wini 'igt'n he looked back at him. cawh'ca hw- (atelic), acawh'cawh' (telic) TO WHISPER. ca'wh'ca-'hwina't he is whispering to him. aca'wh'ca-'ahw&'n he whispered to him. iv. Causative suffix attached to impersonal verbs. When the causative suffix is attached to an impersonal verbal stem, the resulting verb is transitive, and the subject of the impersonal verb becomes the object of the transitive verb whenever the context permits. w-ic--2 (atelic), 'iuic; (telic) wici 'ina't yu'um- (atelic), uyu'um (telic) yu"uma't yu' umina't yu'udz- (atelic), uyu'uts (telic) yu"udza't yu"udzina't apa'ana2 (telic) apa"ani 'n IT IS RIPE. he is causing it to ripen, he is cooking it. IT WEARS OUT. it is wearing out. he is filing it. IT FADES. it is fading. he is washing it. IT IS PLUGGED UP. he plugged it up. 3. Benefactive Suffix, -(a)n -(a)- vowel increment, tolerates lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2), but resists qualitative change (??2, 2; 6, 1). -n suffix proper, formally identical but etymo- logically distinct from the causative suffix, if association with the a increment instead of the i increment may be regarded as evidence of its etymological independence. i. Benefactive suffix attached to transitive verbs. When the benefactive suf- fix is attached to a transitive verbal stem or transitivized theme (see 2, iii and iv, above), a verb results with two objects, the normal direct object of the transitive verb, and an indirect object expressing the person or thing5 for whose benefit the verbal action is done. Formally, there is no distinction between the direct and indirect objects, for both are expressed by the objective case-forms of nouns or pronouns; in the examples, as usual, only third person singular is given, a person which is expressed by zero form both as actor and as object. apatsa-h- (atelic), patsa-h (telic) TO SHELL. a'patsa-'aha't ti'bata' he is shelling pine nuts. a'patsa-'hana't ti'bata' he is shelling pine nuts for him. patsa-'aha'n he shelled it for him. ha itc (telic) he chewed it. 6 In Southern Paiute an indirective suffix, -nqI-g, requires the indirect object to be ani- mate. Cf. Sapir, 144. But it is possible in Tubatulabal to have an inanimate indirect object. 102 Voegetin: Tiibatulabal Grammar ha 'idza'rn y6m (telic) y6 '6ma'n hala'i'ina't hala'i'ina-'ana't wici 'ina't wici-'nana't yu'umina't yu"umina 'ana't yu"udzina't yu"udzina-'ana't he chewed it for him. he copulated with her. he copulated with her for him (i.e., he com- mitted adultery). he is wetting him (tr. vb.). he is wetting him for her. he is cooking it (tr. vb.). he is cooking it for him. he is filing it (tr. vb.). he is filing it for the key. (The indir. obj. is inanimate.) he is washing it (tr. vb.). he is washing it for him. ii. Benefactive suffix attached to impersonal and intransitive verbs. When the benefactive suffix is attached to an impersonal or to an intransitive verbal stem, the resulting verb is always transitive in the sense that an indirect object (morphologically expressed by the same forms as the dir. obj.) is enough to make a verb transitive. Such transitive verbs may have only an indirect object, or only a direct object, or both an indirect and a direct object. The result de- pends upon the verbal stem to which the benefactive suffix is appended. yilah-2 (atelic), iyilah (telic) ta 'wigVic yi'laha 'ana't iyi'laha'n wi -'ina'-q we'le'lit wele"ana't k6 'imi' *t'di"@t't *i*'di-"ana't tYT'iba't ti 'iba 'ana't ha"ibi'V't ha'ibi"ana't p68'6ci't p6 'ca 'ana't 68'yata' l6.'g6'6't 10 'go"ana't wi 'ibV't wi-'bana't TO BE HAPPY. when he sees him, he is happy. he got happy when she gave it to him. he is crawling (intr.). he is crawling to the woman. (Perhaps this is in the sense of "he is crawling there for the erotic benefit of the woman.") it is hot (impers.). he is warming it. (Perhaps this is in the sense of "it is becoming hot for him.") he is gambling (intr.). he is gambling for money. he is joking (intr.). he is teasing him. it is white (impers.). he is making it white. (Perhaps in the sense of "it is becoming white for him.") he is crazy (intr.). (Cf. Sp. loco.) she makes him crazy. (Perhaps in the sense of "he is crazy for her.") he is becoming fat, he is fat (intr.). she is fattening him. (Perhaps in the sense of "he is becoming fat for her.") 103 ktti-'nicta' University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. i "'ift he is drinking (tr. which may be used in an intr. context). i "ana't he is giving him a drink. tika't he is eating (tr. which may be used in an intr. context). ti'kana't he is feeding him. Some verbal stems have a notional object included in the sense of the stem but are classified as intransitive because they never appear with a separate object noun or object pronoun, unless transitivized. Such stems may append the benefactive suffix. he is rolling string on his thigh (intr.). he is rolling string on his thigh for him. he is combing his own hair (intr.). he is combing her hair. he is measuring beads around his hand (intr.). he is measuring beads around his hand for him. In the following example, the verb has an impersonal subject when the bene- factive suffix is appended to the intransitive stem. pa-'abi't he is tired (intr.). pa-'aba'ana't it (e.g., hunting) makes him tired. (Perhaps in the sense of "he is tired because of the hunt.") 4. Relation of the Use of the Causative and Benefactive Suffixes It may be said that the benefactive suffix is used after virtually all transi- tive verbal stems or verbal themes which are transitivized by means of the causative suffix (see 3, i, above). It may be said, with less assurance, that the causative suffix is generally used after intransitive and after impersonal verbal stems (see 2, iii and iv, above). However, a certain number of intransitive and impersonal stems remain which do not tolerate the causative suffix, but which do tolerate the benefactive suffix (for examples, see 3, ii, above). In addition, there are a relatively small number of intransitive verbal stems to which either the causative or the benefactive suffix may be directly appended. The following list is not exhaustive. a-dza-yaw- (atelic), tsa-ya-u (telic) tsa 'ya 'awa'n tsa 'ya 'awL'n ts,ng- (atelic), undz,unk (telic) ts,u'-qgana't tsi'i71gina't wa'ad- (atelic), awa'at (telic) wa"adana't k8 'imi' wa" adina't TO YELL. he yelled for him. he yelled at him. TO BE FRIGHTENED. he is frightened for him (lest he get hurt). he is frightening him. TO RUN AWAY. he is running away with the woman. he is losing it (causing it to run away). Vmbi,qwV't imbi'11wandtt i 'ciuga't i 'cifugana't wi-'lah6't wi-'la'hana't 104 Voegelin: Tabatulabal Grammar ma-ig- (atelic), amaik (telic) TO GO AHEAD. ma'igana't he is going ahead for him (as guide). ma`igina't he is making him go ahead. hal-2 (atelic), a-hal2 (telic) TO SIT, TO LIVE. hala-'ana't he is sitting for her (waiting for her). hali-'ina't he is seating her (giving her a chair). ala-w- (atelic), a'ala-u (telic) TO TALK. ala'wana't he is talking for him (acting as agent). ala"'wina't he is talking to him. Finally, it must be said that these generalizations are only suggestive. To dis- cover the absolute limits of the use of the causative and benefactive suffixes would require more textual material than I possess. Such limits cannot be es- tablished through direct questioning of informants, since it is impossible for an informant to say categorically that the causative suffix is never used with a given intransitive stem, for example; all he can say is that a construction which I may offer him does not sound idiomatic; but at a later time he may use the censored construction in a context which satisfies his feeling for correct idiom. ?15. OPTIONAL ASPECTS Every verbal stem has two forms; one form expresses a telic aspect, the other an atelic aspect (see ??10; 11; 18). In addition to these obligatory aspects (telic and atelic), certain other aspects may be optionally expressed. The optional aspects are true "aspects," concerned with the extensity of action, as whether the action requires a moment or several repeated moments or a continuous duration, in distinction to "tense" which is concerned with the time of the action (whatever its extensity) in relation to the time of speaking, as before speaking (past), while speaking (pres.), after speaking (fut.). The optional aspects are clearly enough distinguished from tense (but see 2, below), yet are not so clearly distinguished from the expression of plurality. Sometimes, as might be expected, an optional aspect will express number as well as aspect, as when the extensity of the action is short and jerky (asp.), but the short and jerky actions are repeated a number of times (number). That is to say, num- ber6 and aspect are involved in the expression of the optional aspects. 1. Distributive Suffix, -(i)nirnim -(i)- vowel increment, tolerates lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -ni-nim suffix proper; the first medial vowel of this suffix, i, has the value of either one or two morae, depending on the alternation of length in the verbal theme (cf. ?3, 2, iv); the suffix also exerts a progressive qualitative influence, changing the quality of a juxtaposed a increment from a to u (cf. ?2, 2). 6 Number has no inherent expression in verbal stems. A rather curious exception to this is found in one intransitive verbal stem, which is used only with a plural subject: kataxwa-2 (atelic), akataxwa2 (telic) TO BE SICK, TO DIE. 105 University of California Publication8 in Am. Arch. and Ethn. wac- (atelic), awac (telic) wa'cini-'nim/.t cuwa'la' awa cini-'iniim anat7-2 (atelic), na,72 (telic) a'narm n&'imm't natji-'iif'mm TO DIG. he is digging the ground here and there. he dug first here, then there (distr.). TO CRY. he is crying wherever he goes (distr.). he cried out first here, then there. The distributive suffix is never attached to an impersonal verbal stem. 2. Collective-Intensive Suffix, -(i)wi>t -(i)- vowel increment, tolerates lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -wv t suffix proper; this suffix exerts a progressive qualitative influence, changing the quality of a juxtaposed a increment from a to I (cf. ?2, 2). i. Collective meaning. When following some verbal stems, the suffix -(i)wi>t bears merely a collective meaning, a group of actors (pl. subj.) performing the action of the verb. paxkan- (atelic), apaxkan (telic) paxka'niw-'idV't a'paxka'niwi>'dica' TO SPEAK TtBATULABAL. they are speaking Tiibatulabal. they will speak Tubatulabal. ii. Intensive meaning. When following some verbal stems, the suffix -(i)wi>t bears an intensive meaning; the actor does the action of the verb intensively, which means that the extensity of action is short and sharp. ixk- (atelic), i'ixk (telic) ?'xkiwi 'iLd't i't'xkiwi 't TO BREATHE. he is taking short, sharp breaths, as in sexual intercourse. he took a sharp breath. iii. Collective-intensive meaning. When attached to most verbal stems, the suffix -(i)wit bears both a collective and an intensive meaning, usually with emphasis on the collective side (pl. subj.). Intensive action seems to result because a group of actors perform the verbal action. ukuc-2 (atelic) ,u'kuci 'wi 'dita' TO CROW. they are crowing. Compare the sense of a singular subject: he is crying (in a way which suggests a whole group of mourners). he is eating it (in a way which suggests a whole pack of wolves). The collective-intensive meaning is preserved after the verb TO RUN, ma igla- (d- to -duw-. This appears to be a case of metathesis: -wL d-> *-di Lw- > -d,uw. 106 a'na?7i-'wi-7dVt ti'kiwi-'idi't Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar ma,'igi't ma 'ig'1a't ma 'igili'd,uwa't a 'ma 'igili 'idu'w he is going ahead. he is running. he is racing. he raced. The collective-intensive suffix is never used after an impersonal verbal stem. S. Past Habituative Suffix, -(i)ukatl -(i)- vowel increment, resists lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -ukar7 suffix proper. The past habituative suffix bears a meaning of continued action of consider- able extensity, repeated in an habitual way; in addition, the action referred to takes place entirely in the past and is no longer performed habitually at the time of speaking. ne ,'&n-2 (atelic) ne f&'niuka'n tsa-iyina-n- (atelic, "a'hadza' it might run. waca-'aga'hadza' it might flame up. yU "uma'hadza' it might wear out. 116 Voegelin: Tuibatulabal Grammar 7. Desiderative Suffix, -(i)ba' - (i)-vowel increment, tolerates lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -ba' suffix proper. When the desiderative suffix is attached to the atelic form of a verbal stem, the actor of the resulting verb desires, but does not actually perform the verbal action at the moment of speaking. When the desiderative suffix is attached to the telic form of the verbal stem, the suffix bears a kind of inceptive meaning. The notion to be expressed is that the actor "got ready to. . . " do the action of the verb; here again the actor does not actually perform the verbal action at the moment of speaking, but when a verb is used in the inceptive sense, the subsequent performance of the verbal action is a foregone conclusion. wa-hay- (atelic), a-wa-hai (telic) wa 'hayi'ba'a't a 'wa,'ha'yiba" ma g- (atelic), amak2 (telic) ma 'gi'ba'a't a'magi-'iba" 681- (atelic), 6-1 (telic) 6 'li'ba'a't 6 'liba" anda-q- (atelic), ta-q2 (telic) a'ndarli 'ba'a't targi 'iba" a'nda-qi"'ba"iwa't tardi 'ba'i'u a'nda-qi *'ba'a'puwa't tan)i 'iba"a u'w TO WORK. he wants to work. he got ready to work. TO KNOW. he wants to know it. he is on the verge of learning about it. TO GET UP. he wants to get up. he got ready to get up. TO KICK. he wants to kick him. he got ready to kick him. he wants to be kicked. he got ready to be kicked. he looks as though he were wanting to kick him. he looked as though he got ready to kick him. The desiderative suffix may be attached to impersonal verbs. IT BLOSSOMS. it wants to blossom (said of plants in spring). it is just about to blossom. WIND BLOWS. the wind wants to blow (said when little breezes begin to blow). ibi '- (atelic), i'ibi ' (telic) ibi-"i'ba'a't i"ibi-l'iba" *xkowa'- (atelic), i'ixkowa' (telic) i'xko,wa"i'ba'a't 8. Similative Suffix, -(a)puw- -(a)- vowel increment, resists lengthening. -puw- suffix proper. When the similative suffix is attached to a verbal theme, the actor of the re- sulting verb gives the impression of performing the verbal action. Whether or not the verbal action is actually performed depends entirely upon context. 117 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. c6l16 r (telic) TO SNORE. c616'rR6pu'uw he seemed to snore. tik- (atelic), ittk (telic) TO EAT. t-ka'puwa't he looks as though he were eating it. iti'kapu'w he looked as though he ate it. p6hOla-2 (atelic) TO GET BLISTERS. p6'h6la'puwa't he looks as though he were getting blisters. The similative suffix may be attached to impersonal stems. ibiq"i'puwa't it seems to be blossoming. wa agfi'puwa't it seems to be drying. wici'puwa't it seems to be ripening. waca 'ga'puwa't it seems to be flaming up. ?17. SUFFIXES OF MOVEMENT There are four suffixes of movement. In some contexts, the actor of the re- sulting verb may be moving along in a certain direction while performing the action described by the verbal stem; he may, in another context, have arrived before verbal action takes place or he may have moved away in a certain direc- tion after the action described by the verbal stem. The essential notion ex- pressed is direction of movement relative to the person speaking. In addition, the meaning which a suffix of movement bears depends to some extent upon whether the suffix follows the telic form or the atelic form of the verbal stem. 1. Suffix Expressing GOING. . . , -(a) la -(a)- vowel increment, tolerates lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -la suffix proper; the a vowel of this suffix has the value of either one or two morae, de- pending upon the alternation of length of the verbal theme (cf. ?3, 2, iv). After the atelic form, the notion expressed is usually that the actor is going away while performing the verbal action; after the telic form, the notion is often that the actor went away in order to perform the verbal action. In some of the texts no translation is given to the suffix. picika-2 (atelic), ipTcika2 (telic) TO SLIP. pi'cika'ala't he is going along slipping. ipV'cika 'ala' he went and slipped. Ci' (atelic), ict2 (telic) TO DRIVE. ci-"ala't he is going along driving it. i 'ca 'ala' he went in order to drive it. ka-'adza-'ala't he is going there in order to boil it. a 'ga 'adza-'ala' he went in order to boil it. pa"agina-'ala't he is going along hitting him. pa"aginac'li'ba'a't he wants to go there in order to hit him. This suffix is rarely attached to impersonal stems. wi>"ala't water is running that way. 118 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar 2. Suffix Expressing TO ... HERE AND AWAY, -(a)min -(a)- vowel increment, resists lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -min suffix proper. This suffix is freely used after the telic form of verbal stems, frequently with no more meaning than that the action was done near the person speaking; the suffix is not often used after the atelic form of the verbal stem, but when so used the full meaning of the suffix is emphasized. jtik (telic) TO EAT. itW'kamt'n he ate it here and went away. apawac (telic) TO PLAY SHINNY. a'pawa'camt'n he played shinny here. a'ac-2 (telic) TO BATHE. a'a cimt'n he bathed here. ca- (atelic), a-ca' (telic) TO DEFECATE. ca'a'mini-'ba'a't he wants to defecate here and go away. a 'ca"amitn he defecated here. ci'- (atelic), i ci' (telic) TO URINATE. ci'i'mini 'ba'a't he wants to urinate here and go away. i 'ici"mLt'n he urinated here. After some verbal stems, a very special meaning results. *i'ikwa' (telic) TO BLEED. i"ikwa"amt'n he bled a little (as from a scratch, a little blood comes out and then goes away). The suffix also generally bears a special meaning when attached to impersonal stems. kita-2 (atelic), ikita2 (telic) IT IS LOC1KED. ktta'mina't it always locks by itself. tkt'tamt'n it just locked by itself. iwic2 (telic) IT IS RIPE, IT IS COOKED. ma-n LwL'cimi'n his hand got burned (in the sense that he put his hand on the fire: it got burned here and went away). S. Suffix Expressing TO ... THERE AND OOME HERE, -(a)kin -(a)- vowel increment, resists lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -kin suffix proper, identical in form with the atelic form of the verbal stem TO BRING kin- (atelic) tr)gtn (telic). (See 4, below.) Like the suffix, -(a)min, this suffix enjoys a very free use after the telic form of the verbal stem, and is rarely used after the atelic form. The following ex- amples employ the same transitive and intransitive verbal stems that were used with the suffix -(a)min. ititkakt'n he ate it there and came here. a'pawa'cakt'n he played shinny there. 119 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. a'a'&kt'n ca'a'kini-'ba'a't a 'cal'akLt'n ci'i'kini 'ba'a1t i 'ici"ikt'n '"ikwa"akt'n he bathed there. he wants to defecate there and come here. he defecated there. he wants to urinate there and come here. he urinated there. he bled profusely (in the sense that blood came out all the way from there to here). Impersonal stems which will tolerate the suffix -(a)min wiRl not generally toler- ate the suffix -(a)kin. i?'waklt'n i"ibi "ik&'n water ran from there to here. it blossomed quickly again (in the sense that the blossoms were cut but came again from the cutting). 4. Suffix Expressing COMING . . ., -(a)gi'm -(a)- vowel increment, tolerates lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -gi-m suffix proper; the medial i vowel may have the value of one or two morae, depending on the alternation of length of the verbal theme (?3, 2, iv). When the medial vowel has the value of one mora, this suffix is formally identical with the atelic form of the verbal stem TO COME kim- (atelic), t-g&m (telic), except that the plosive in the suffix is always voiced. Since the meaning of the suffix and the verbal stem is also the same, there can be no question that we are dealing, strictly speaking, with a compound consisting of verbal stem (telic or atelic form) +verbal stem (atelic form). However, the fact that stem compounds are never freely used, as is this compound, and the fact that the vowel increment pre- ceding -gim operates in the same manner as for true suffixes shows that -gim is used as a stereotyped suffix. wiodi-2 (atelic), iowoha2 (telic) wi 'idi 'gima't wo-h- (atelic), o woha2 (telic) wo'hagi-'ima't o 'woha 'agt'm ya'awa-2 (atelic), a-yawa2 (telic) ya"awa 'gima't a 'yawa 'agt'm cu '- (atelic), u-ca2 (telic) cu "yagi 'ima't u 'uca 'agLt'm hamaca-2 (atelic), ahamaca2 (telic) ha'macav'gima't aha'macax'agitm TO BE ANGRY. he is angry as he comes along. he got angry as he came. TO BURY. he is coming in order to bury him. he came to bury him. TO FINISH. he is coming to finish it. he came to finish it. TO DRY. he is coming along drying it. he came to dry it. TO BE SAD. he is coming along being sad. he came and got sad. 120 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar Sometimes -gim bears a special meaning when attached to an impersonal stem. it is getting dry (half dry, half green). it is getting ripe. it just got ripe. water is running down this way. water ran down this way. ?18. TENSE SUFFIXES Tense is implied in a variety of ways, but is directly expressed in the verb by only two tense suffixes, the present tense suffix, -(a)t, which follows the atelic form of the verbal stem, and the future tense suffix, -(i)cam, which follows the telic form of the verbal stem. Curiously enough, a pure past tense, unmixed with other verbal notions of aspect or mode, is never expressed by the Tubatulabal verb, but may be ex- pressed by the noun (see ?37). The past tense translations which are given to the telic form of verbs are somewhat misleading but are resorted to to empha- size the fact that the action of the telic verb is accomplished (perfective) in contrast to the more transitional action of the atelic verb. But the relative time (tense) of the telic verb is never specifically in the past; often, indeed, an accompanying particle indicates that it cannot be in the past. w6"Oka'n "Pretty soon aka'taxwa 'gilu 'ts we get slaughtered." The fact that the future tense suffix is appended to the telic form indicates clearly enough that the telic form does not per se express past tense. 1. Present Tense Suffix, -(a)t -(a)- vowel increment, resists lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -t suffix proper. This suffix is peculiar in that it is syncopated when either the subject conjunc- tive personal pronouns or the conjunctive quotative particle is juxtaposed. Not only is the -t syncopated in this circumstance, but the juxtaposed particle is included in the alternation of stress of the verbal theme, instead of being stressed independently as conjunctive particles otherwise are. tik- (atelic) TO EAT. tika't he is eating. (3 pers. sing. expressed by zero form -(a)t, pres. suff.) ti'kapi' you are eating. (-bi 2 pers. sing. conj. part.; -t is syncopated in the example, and the plosive of the conj. part. unvoiced.) I am eating. (-gi 1 pers. sing. conj. part.) they are eating. (-da 3 pers. pl. conj. part.) he is eating, it is said. (-gidza, qt.; 3 pers. expressed by zero form.) wa, 'ggi 'ima't wici?'gima't &'wicligt 'm wi "agi 'ima't i-'wa 'agi'm ?'ct ki't Coyote says ti'kaki' ti'kata' tika'kidzva' 121 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. All this suggests a syncretism, which would be the fusion of the present tense suffix, -t, and -gi, for example (1 pers. sing. subj. conj. part.); the result of this fusion is -ki, an element which bears the meaning of both the present tense suffix and the personal pronoun particle, and is treated phonetically like a true suffix. Fusion of the present tense suffix with conjunctive particles is limited to the following: Pres. tense suff. Conj. part. Syncretism -t + -gi (1 sing.) = -ki -t + -giluts (1 pI.) = -kilu-ts -t + -gila'aq (d. excl.) = -kila'aq -t + -gila (d. incl.) = -kila -t + -bi (2 sing.) = -pi -t + -bu-mu (2 pl.) = -pu-mu -t + -da (3 pl.) = -ta -t + -gidza (qt.) = -kidza In contrast to this syncretism, when the object personal pronoun conjunc- tive particles are juxtaposed to the present tense suffix, the suffix, -t, is retained and the object pronouns are stressed independently of the verbal theme. Oxta-2 (atelic) TO ASK. Oxta'tni' he is asking me (-ni, 1 pers. sing. obj. conj.). 1. Durative present. The considerable extensity of the verbal action per- formed at the time of speaking is owing not to the present tense suffix, which merely expresses relative time, but rather to the atelic form of the verbal stem which the present tense suffix follows. Oxta't he is asking him (rather than, "he asks him"). tika't he is eating it (rather than, "he eats it"). Examples of this most common use of the present tense suffix are profusely scattered in the preceding sections. ii. Eternal present. When the need arises, the present tense in Tiibatulabal, as in English, may (to borrow an apt phrase) "be elongated fore and aft, so as to take in all eternity." cu l wini't tu'giAmba'la 'p the stars are in the sky. ku"udzubt'tcwana 'p pa-ala'p wi"t't wi"a't at South Fork at the water a river is running. iii. Historical present. The "historical present" is characteristically used in the narration of myths (ti"Tbt'nuga"adawa 'l) where it is clearly recognized that the time of action is in the distant past before Coyote and all his friends and relations gave way to the Tulbatulabal Indians. Coyote is living and also Wolf. 122 &let hali't kudi-' tiba'itc Voegelin: Titbatulabal Grammar 2. Future Tense Suffix, -(i)cam -(i)- vowel increment, resists lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2), but is sometimes elided (?6, 3). -cam suffix proper. The medial vowel of this suffix has the con- stant value of one mora when the final -m is retained; when the final -m is dropped, the medial vowel may have the value of two morae in alternation of length (cf. ?3, 2, iv). The status of the final -m of this suffix is puzzling. It is always retained when the future tense suffix is followed by the passive suffix. i'ttiki'cami 'u it will be eaten (cf. ?14, 1). It is rarely retained in final position. iti'kica'm, iti'kica' he will eat it. On one occasion I pressed my informant as to the difference in meaning be- tween pairs of future verbs, as in the example cited, and he attributed a vague meaning of "also" to the form which includes the final -m, but he recanted later. How pure a tense is formed by the future tense suffix, and how much of modal feeling, such as probability, is expressed, it is difficult to say. Direct translation of informants suggests a pure tense; hesitancy to admit certain verbs or verbs in certain contexts to a future tense suggests some vaguely felt modal requirement. Pi'ciwalu' (telic) TO DISRESPECT HIM. But the future verb, *N-W'walu"ica', while understood to mean "he will not respect him," is said never to be used. It is nevertheless safe to say that virtually every verbal stem will tolerate the future tense suffix. apa'ana-2 (telic) IT GOT PLUGGED. apa"anica' it will get plugged up. amban-2 (telic) TO CLOSE IT. amba'nica' he will close it. andambi ' (telic) TO LIE. a ndambi-"ica' he will lie. ?19. SUBORDINATING SUFFIXES Syntactically, two types of subordinate verbs result from suffixation. In the first and more common type, the subject of the verb in the main clause is iden- tical with the subject of the subordinate verb (see 1 to 3, below). In the second type, the subject of the subordinate verb is distinctly not identical with the subject of the verb in the main clause of the sentence. The nonidentical sub- ordinate verb has some extraordinary syntactic possibilities (see 4, below). Suffixes listed under 3 and 4, below, have correlative meanings, and differ only in that in one type (3), the subject of the main verb and the subordinate verb are identical; while in the other type (4), the subject of the main verb and the subordinate verb are not identical. 123 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 1. Identical-actor Subordinating Suffix, -(i)'ima -(i)- vowel increment, resists lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -'ima suffix proper. The action of a subordinate verb, formed by the suffix, -(i)'ima, extends be- fore and after the action of the main verb. In other words, the action of the main verb is accomplished during the action of the subordinate verb. kimi"ima' tika't while coming he is eating it. ("He is eating it while coming along.") ala'wi"ima tika't while talking he is eating. ("He is eating while talking.") a'na,qi"ima' tika't while crying he is eating. ("He is eating while crying.") tohi"ima'p tika'i hunting you eat after a while. ("You eat after a while, while you are hunting.") wele 'hani"ima' ala 'wina't o-'wani-'ila' while fishing he reads the book. ("He is reading the book while fishing.") 2. Identical-actor Subordinating Suffixes, -(i)b-yu and -(a)kibi>yu 1. -(i)bi-yu. -(i)- vowel increment, tolerates lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -bi>yu suffix proper. The final u of this suffix is usually dropped (with the pre- ceding y then opening to i) when a conjunctive particle is juxtaposed. The action of a subordinate verb, formed by the suffix, -(i)bi>yu, is men- tioned without being performed during the action of the main verb. The main verb which accompanies this subordinate verb employs the telic form of the verbal stem, to the exclusion of the atelic form. vqgitm ti'kibi"'iyu' he came without eating. a"ala'u a'naqi 'ibi 'yu' he spoke without crying. a 'na 'yuwi 'bi 'igi' i 'mi without fighting I went. ii. -(a)kibi-yu. -(a)- vowel increment, resists lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -kibi>yu suffix proper, obviously a fusion of the element *k- and the suffix, -(i)bi yu (see i, above). The action of a subordinate verb, formed by the suffix -(a)kibi yu, is scarcely completed before the action of the main verb begins. a'na,qa'kibi 'iyu' ji'tsuluw'm right after crying, he slept. a'na-qa'kibi 'igi' a"ala-'u right after crying, I talked. ("I talked when I had scarcely stopped crying.") tika'kibi>'igi' cogt'mica' after eating I will come. ("I will come almost before I finish eating.") 124 Voegelin: Tiibatulabal Grammar S. Identical-actor Subordinating Suffixes, -(a)c, -(i)ya'awac, and -(a)kca 1. -(a)c. -(a)- vowel increment, resists lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -c suffix proper. A subordinate verb, formed by the suffix, -(a)c, is used in two different senses which are not always clearly distinguished. In the first sense, the subordinate verb is an infinitive, and this sense is always used after the main verb, TO KNOW, and sometimes after other main verbs. maI 'aga't ala-'awa'c he knows how to talk. ma 'aga't a'dar7a'c he knows how to kick. ma, 'aga't pa'i'idzi'c he knows how to swim. wela-'hana'c wah ta 'twa'l hali't to fish there the man is sitting. ("The man is sitting there in order to fish.") In the second sense, the action of the subordinate verb gives much the same feeling as an English "when .. . " clause. ta 'wigi '11a'c hani-'la' uyu-'k when he went to see the house, he fell down. a 'dza 'ya-'awa't aa'c he yells when he is bathing. pt'ck&tc /Ct apa'laka'n pili 'ila'c then it is said Coyote threw it down when he arrived. apa'laka'nica' piliT'ila'c he will throw it down, when he arrives. p&'ckttc a'?7hani 'l awa"at t8AurgAuC then it is said the people ran away, being frightened. ii. -(i)ya'awac. -(i)- vowel increment, tolerates lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -ya'awac suffix proper, obviously a fusion of the atelic form of the verbal stem, ya'awa-2 TO FINISH, and the suffix -(a)c (see i, above). The stem ya'awa-2 appears as a stem compound only when fused with a subordinating suffix (see 4, ii, below). The action of a subordinate verb, formed by the suffix, -(i)ya'awac, is com- pleted before the action of the main verb begins. ta 'twa'l wa'ciya"awa'c 1g7 'm man having finished digging came. ("The man came when he had finished digging.") a'narqi 'ya"awa'c l71gL'm having finished crying, he came. 125 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. iii. -(a)kca. -(a)-vowel increment, resists lengthening (cf. ?3, land 2). -kca suf- fix proper, probably a fusion of the element *-k- and the suffix -(a)c (see i, above), with a transposition from ac to ca. That is, *-kac > -kca. Sometimes an indistinct vowel glide is heard between the two consonants, giving an effect of -keca. The action of a subordinate verb, formed by the suffix, -(a)kca, is interrupted by the action of the main verb. ?'ct 6w6'i'w6Ti'agtm tani 'ba"ak6cac' Coyote fell off when he wanted to get down. ("Coyote came and fell off when he wanted to get down"-his proper descent was interrupted by the fall.) anbi' hatda-'awa'c wi "ita' kuyu-'la &w&tC did you crossing the river fish catch. ("When crossing the river, did you catch fish?"-the crossing would be interrupted by the catching of fish.) 4. Non-identical-actor Subordinating Suffixes, -(a)ti, and -(i)ya'awa-q, and -(a)kaq i. -(a)tr. -(a)- vowel increment, resists lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -X suffix proper. A subordinate verb, formed by the suffix, -(a)ti, is used much like the second sense of the subordinate verb formed by the suffix, -(a)c (see ?3, i, above), except that the subject of the main verb is not identical with the subject of the subordinate verb. The notional subject of the -(a)-q subordinate verb is expressed by a personal pronoun or by a noun formally in the objective case. ta twa'l a-'dza-'ya-'awa't k6'imi' a 'aci'-q the man (notional and formal subj. of main vb.) is yelling (main vb.) when the woman (notional subj. of sub. vb.; formally in obj. case) is bathing (sub. vb.). k6'imi' a'na-oa'r ?l7g!m ta 'twa'l when woman (notional subj. of sub. vb. in obj. case) was crying (sub. vb.), came (main vb.) the man (no- tionally and formally the subj. of the main vb.). ta 'twa'l L7gt'm k6'imi' tsulu"'uma'-q man came woman sleeping. ("The man [notionally and formally the subj. of main vb.] came when the woman [subj. of sub. vb. in obj. case] was sleeping [sub. vb.].") ha'cpum ala 'awa'i tsulu 'uma'-qdzi.' not you (pl.) talk after a while sleep us. ("Do not talk [in future] when we [expressed by obj. pron.] are sleeping.") kP'imi' wele-'hana'7 wah ta 'twa'l hali't woman fishing there man sitting. ("When the woman [notional subj. of sub. vb. in obj. case] is fishing, the man is sitting there [not fishing].") 126 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar If the main verb is transitive, the object of the main verb (obj. case) is formally the subject of the subordinate verb. c6"tbN't a,/ha' mi'gitihi' ciku 'ka't7 old woman heard Migitih when he whistled. ("The old woman [formally and notionally the subj. of main vb.] heard Migitih [formally in the obj. case; notionally the obj. of the main vb. and the subj. of the sub. vb.] when he whistled [sub. vb.j.") ii. -(i)ya'awar7. -(i)- vowel increment, tolerates lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -ya'awarq suffix proper, obviously a fusion of the atelic form of the verbal stem, ya'awa-2 TO FINISH, and the suffix -(a) t (see 4, i, and 3, ii, above). The action of a subordinate verb, formed by the suffix, -(i)ya'awa-q, is com- pleted before the action of the main verb begins (cf. 3, ii, above). k8'imi' a'nar7i 'ya"awa'rq 079gl'm ta 'twa'l woman having finished crying, came man. ("When the woman [subj. of sub. vb. in obj. case] had stopped crying, the man [subj. of main vb. in subj. case] came.") ta 'twa'l kd 'imi' imi"k tsulu 'miya"awa'rq man (subj.) woman (obj.) killed when she finished sleeping. ("The man [subj. of main vb.] killed the woman [obj. of main vb., in obj. case, but notional subj. of sub. vb.], when the woman had finished sleeping.") iii. -(a)ka-q. -(a)- vowel increment, resists lengthening (cf. ?3, 1 and 2). -kaq suffix proper, obviously a fusion of the element *-k- and the suffix -(a)rq (see 4, i, and 3, iii, above). The action of a subordinate verb, formed by the suffix, -(a)kaq, is inter- rupted by the action of the main verb (cf. 3, iii, above). k6'imi' ti'kaka'q apa"agetn ta 'twa'l woman (obj.) eating hit (main vb.) man (subj.) ("The man [subj. of main vb.] hit the woman [obj. of main vb., in obj. case, but notional subj. of sub. vb.], when the woman was eating" [and as a result her eating was interrupted].) ta-'twa'l kP-imi' *m-F"-k tsulu-'uma'rq man (subj.) woman (obj.) killed sleeping. ("The man [subj. of main vb.] killed the woman [obj. of main vb., in obj. case, but notional subj. of sub. vb.], when the woman was sleeping" [and as a result her sleeping was interrupted].) ?20. AUXILIARY VERBS 1. Auxiliary Verbs in Annexation with Atelic Forms Auxiliary verbs are used in annexation with atelic forms of verbal stems or verbalized bases (?21). In its independent use, the atelic form always has a 127 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. final-position suffix attached (cf. ?12); when used in annexation with an auxil- iary verb, the atelic form may appear with a medial suffix attached (cf. ?12), or the atelic form may be used nakedly, but never with the final-position suffix attached. The reason for this is to be found in the formation of auxiliary verbs. 2. Formation of Auxiliary Verbs An auxiliary verb may be analyzed as a fusion of at least two elements: an independent particle (an-, inter. part.; hac-, neg. part.; tan-, cond. part., etc.) or more rarely a noun, plus a modal suffix, either the exhortative suffix, -ma- (?16, 5), or the permissive suffix, -ha- (?16, 6); both the exhortative and the permissive are final-position suffixes (cf. ?12). If the combination of auxiliary verb and atelic form of the verbal stem be regarded as a single unit, a verbal formula, then it may be said that without exception the atelic form of a verb is accompanied by a final-position suffix, either disjunctively in the verbal for- mula or actually suffixed when the atelic form is used without an auxiliary verb. S. Meaning Expressed by Auxiliary Verbs Since a modal suffix (either the exhort. or the perm.) always enters into the formation of auxiliary verbs, the auxiliary verb may be said to be a special de- vice for expressing modality. A considerable range of modal expression is pos- sible. The following list of auxiliary verbs is probably not exhaustive, but will illustrate the type of formation and characteristic range of meaning of aux- iliary verbs. tanaha- -ti- (expresses an opt. mode).-tan- (cond. part.); -(a)ha- (perm. suff.); -ti- (part. usually meaning "and, also"). Personal pronoun conjunctive particles (subj. pron. and obj. pron.) are placed between the elements -ha- and ti. ta'naha.'gilu'ts ti' t'k would we were eating. ta'naha'ts ti"' t i'k would he were eating. ta'naha'ts tipi'di"' tika'n would he were feeding them. anaha- -hac (asking permission).-an (inter. part.); -(a)ha- (pern. suff.); -hac (neg. part.). Personal pronoun conjunctive particles (subj. pron. and obj. pron.) are placed between the elements -ha- and -hac. a'naha-'gilu-'ts ha'c kLt'm may we come? a'naha'tsn&'n ha'c ala 'awt'n can he talk to me? a'naha'ts ha'c ti'k may he eat it? agi-mats (asking for volunteers).-agi- (rel. pron. "who"); -ma- (exhort. suff.); -ts (special 3 pers. sing. conj. part., here used in a neutral sense for any person). agi 'ima'ts k&'m who wants to come? agi 'ima'ts ti'k who wants to eat? -mats (answer to the above). 128 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar First element: absolute noun or independent personal pronoun. -ma- (exhort. suff.); -ts (special 3 pers. sing. conj. part., here used in a neutral sense for any person). ta-'twalma'ts kt'm let the man come. tctma'ts kt'm let Coyote come. '-gilu 'tsma'ts kW'm let us come. t'ndama'ts ti'k let them eat. thma- (exhort.).-th- (demon. part., "here"); -ma- (exhort. suff., followed by pers. prons.). Athmalu 'ts kt'm let us come here. ihma'ts ti'k let him eat here. atsuma- (exhort.).-atsu- (part. meaning "away from"); -ma- (exhort. suff., followed by pers. prons.). a'tsuma-'alu-ts ti'k let us eat away from here. a'tsuma'ts tsulu 'm let him sleep away from here. ats,t'm tsulu 'm let me sleep away from here. (1 pers. sing. is expressed by zero form pers. pron.; final vowel of the exhort. suff., -ma-, is elided.) haca- (neg. perm.).-hac- (neg. part.); -ha- (perm. suff., with initial h syn- copated; pers. prons. follow the perm. suff.). haca'ts d 1 he can't get up. haca'k a 'cina 'n na-'adi"i' I can't bathe the cat for him. ?21. VERBALIZING SUFFIXES AND PARTICLES It is possible to distinguish between verbalizing suffixes and verbalizing particles. Verbalizing suffixes, when attached to nouns, form a verbalized base which for all practical purposes may be treated like a true verbal stem (see 1 to 3, below). Like the verbal stem, the verbalized base appears in a telic form and in an atelic form, and the regular verbal suffixes may follow the verbalized base. Verbalizing particles, however, are not followed by verbal suffixes, nor is the combination, noun plus verbalizing particle, capable of appearing in telic and atelic form. This means that the combination, noun plus verbalizing particle (see 4 and 5, below), is not a true verb but rather a compound which gives a verbal feeling, yet does not meet the formal requirements of a verb (cf. ?9). Logically, such compounds ought perhaps to be treated with particle com- pounds, since they share the characteristic of particles in being uninflected. 129 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 1. Verbalizing Suffix, TO PREPARE . . ., -U'- The suffix, -u"'-, is attached to the absolute form of nouns belonging to class A2 (cf. ?26), and exerts a progressive qualitative influence, changing a juxta- posed a increment from a to u (cf. ?2, 2). tca 'mt'l The acorn gravy (final -1, abs. suff.). tca'milu"'- (atelic), a'dza'milu' (telic) TO PREPARE ACORN GRAVY. tca"'milu",'pt a-'dz'a-'mi1u-"ica' ka"'dz,u'l ka-dzulu'- (atelic), a'ga'dzulu' (telic) ka-'dzu1u ",'tt a''ga'dzulu"'ica' w6,6'l wOnqg6lu '- (atelic), 6w6-qg6lu ' (telic) w6'gO1u "j.4't 6w6'r)g61u "ica' After all other classes of nouns which balizing suffix, -u"'-, is reduced to -u. pa 'hu"'l pa hu lu--2 (atelic), a ba hu lua (telic) pa 'hu"'ulM't a'ba'hu"'ula-'n hani"'l hani 'lu-2 (atelic), ahani lu2 (telic) hani"ljt't hani 'la"'ana't nawi"'l nawi'lu-2 (atelic), anawi'lu2 (telic) nawi"Yil,u't nawi"'li 'ba'a't talu 'uma't talu'matu-2 (atelic), atalu'matu2 (telic) talu 'mat,'tt a'talu'matu' m6xka't m6xkatu-2 (atelic), Om6xkatu2 (telic) m6'xkat,u't 6m6'xkata-'n he is preparing acorn gravy. he will prepare acorn gravy. the clay pot (final -1, abs. suff.). TO MAKE CLAY POTS. he is making clay pots. he will make clay pots. the shoes (final -1, abs. suff.). TO MAKE SHOES. he is making shoes. he will make shoes. have an absolute suffx (-1 or -t), the ver- the arrow (final -1, abs. suff.). TO MAKE ARROWS. he is making arrows. he made an arrow for him. the house (final -1, abs. suff.). TO BUILD A HOUSE. he is building a house. he is building a house for him. the apron (final -1, abs. suff.). TO MAKE AN APRON. he is making an apron. he wants to make an apron. the breechclout (final -t, abs. suff.). TO MAKE A BREECHCLOUT. he is making a breechclout. he made a breechclout. the belt (final -t, abs. suff.). TO MAKE A BELT. he is making a belt. he made a belt for him. What form of the verbalizing suffix, -u"'-, would assume after class C nouns (cf. ?26), it is impossible to say, since the nouns of this class never denote things which may be prepared or manufactured. 130 Voegelin: Tabatulabal Grammar 2. Verbalizing Suffix, TO WEIAR ... TO PUT ON ..., -- The suffix, -'-, is attached to the nominal stems of nouns of all classes; if the nominal stem ends in a long vowel, this vowel loses one mora; if the nominal stem belongs to class B2 (cf. ?26), a parasitic -ad-, characteristic of class B2, follows the glottal stop. The suffix exerts a progressive qualitative influence, changing, usually, a juxtaposed a increment from a to i, or from a to 6 if the nominal stem ends in 6 (cf. ?2, 2). The atelic form of the resulting verbalized base bears the meaning, TO WEAR ... ; the telic form bears the meaning, TO PUT ON.... nawi 'l the apron (final -1, abs. suff.). nawi'- (atelic), anawi' (telic): na'wi'i't he is wearing an apron. a 'nani he put on an apron. w6,qg6'l the shoes (final -1, abs. suff.). w6,qg6y- (atelic), 6w68qg6' (telic): w6'77g6'6't he is wearing shoes. 6'w6?rg6"6la' he went there to put on shoes. ya 'ab&'l the skirt (final -1, abs. suff.). ya-bi'- (atelic), a-ya-bi' (telic): ya 'bi"ila't he is going along wearing a skirt. a 'ya 'bi"ica' he will put on a skirt. talu-'uma't the breechclout (final -t, abs. suff.). talu-ma'ad- (atelic), atalu-ma'at (telic): talu 'uma"adi't he is wearing a breechclout. a'talu-'ma''at he put on a breechclout. ele-'lina't the hat (final -t, abs. suff.). ele-lina'ad- (atelic), e'ele-lina'at (telic): ele"'lina"adTi't he is wearing a hat. e"ela-'lina"adica' he will put on a hat. m6xka't the belt (final -t, abs. suff.). m6xka'ad- (atelic), 6mOxka'at (telic): m6xka"ad-'t he is wearing a belt. m6xka"addla't he is going along wearing a belt. 6'm6xka"adila' he went there to put on a belt. ici't the blanket (final -t, abs. suff.). 167'd- (atelic), i'ici'it (telic): icilyidilt he is wearing a blanket. He is in between blankets (as when sleeping). *F"ici"idica' he will put on a blanket. In the following example, the suffix, -'-, is retained only in final position, and is otherwise syncopated. Perhaps the suffix, -'-, is always syncopated in this way when attached to nominal stems ending in a consonant. This is difficult to 131 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. check, since nouns denoting articles of clothing generally have nominal stems ending in a vowel. p&gi 'in&'ct the shirt (final -t, abs. suff.). ptgi nLc'- (atelic), tpigi ntc' (telic): ptgivnlci't he is wearing a shirt. &'pigi 'in&c' he put on a shirt. lepigi 'nt'cila' he went there to put on a shirt. S. Verbalizing Suffix, TO GATHER ... , -gay- This suffix is attached to the nominal stems of nouns of flora, including parts of plants (bulbs, seeds, etc.); the suffix is also attached to a few other nouns de- noting things which are gathered, as salt. The suffix, -gay-, exerts a progressive qualitative influence, changing a juxtaposed a increment from a to i (cf. ?2, 2). No simple rule will account for the quantitative effect of the suffix, which is felt in the final vowel of the nominal stem, change of mora value of the medial vowel of the suffix itself, and progressively; but all quantitative change seems determined by alternation of length (cf. ?3). A imuca't umutcaka'yUla't ma 'wic,ul ma'wl'cuga 'yi't mna 'ct ma'cka-'yla't ana'm'cka k'ln IA -qa -'l p7ra 'gayi't ,ur7a 'gayi 'gima't the arrow feather (final -t, abs. suff.). he is going along getting arrow feathers. the pine-nut pole (final -1, abs. suff.). he is gathering pine-nut poles. the wild oats (final -t, abs. suff.). he is going to gather wild oats. he gathered wild oats there and came here. the salt (final -1, abs. suff.). he is gathering salt. he is coming to gather salt. In the following example, the final -n of the nominal stem changes to -I under the assimilatory influence of the initial consonant of the suffix, which changes from g to h; the reason for the latter change is not understood.9 wa'a'nt wa"at7ha'yila't the acorns (final -t, abs. suff.). he is going to gather acorns. 4. Conjunctive Verbalizing Partidle, Expressing TO OWN . . ., -ka-J The particle, -ka-q, is attached to nominal stems and participates in the alter- nation of stress of the nominal stem (?4, 3, iii); the regular subject conjunctive personal pronouns may follow -ka-q. 9 "Tiibatulabal h seems always to go back to Shoshonean k, while Shoshonean h disap- pears."-Sapir, Southern Paiute and Nahuatl-A Study in Uto-Aztekan. Part 2. AA, n.s., 17:322, 1915. 132 Voegelin: Tuibatulabal Grammar the money (final -t, abs. suff.). he owns money. I own money. the sack (final -t, abs. suff.). he owns a sack. the facial hairs (final -1, abs. suff.). he has a beard. father. he owns a father (in the sense that his father is still livng). older brother. he owns an older brother (in the sense that he is not the oldest). 5. Hypothetical Conjunctive Particle, -gic The particle, -gic, is attached to the absolute form of nouns and does not participate in the alternation of stress of the noun (?4, 1). hac tif'k tca-'mila' mThma'lgi'c not ate acorn gravy poison supposing it. ("He did not eat the acorn gravy, supposing it to be poison.") Wfbaoitc teFc'k tu 'umu 'mu 'i tohi 'lgi'c Wolf ate his own children deer supposing them. ("Wolf ate his own children, supposing them to be deer.") 6d'6ya't 68'yaka'- 6d'yaka',qgi' ma 'aca't ma,'caka',q kar7a 'l kaRa-'aga',q a 'na ' a 'na' aga'tr pa-'adzi-' pa 'adzi 'iga',q 133 ??22-24. PERSONAL PRONOUNS ?22. CATEGORIES EXPRESSED BY PERSONAL PRONOUNS Personal pronouns are conjunctive particles which occur in three series, sub- ject, object, and possessive pronouns. These particles form more or less firm phonetic units with the preceding noun or verb or particle to which they are attached. The subject pronouns alone may be firmly fused with a meaningless particle, &n ("empty word"), and then be used in an independent series. Other than this, the subject pronouns are attached either to the verb with which they form a formal unit, as ti'kaki' ta'p&ci 'la' I am eating the bread. or-and this more commonly-they are attached to a word preceding the verb to which they have formal reference, as ta'p&ci 'la'gi' tika't the bread I am eating. Like the subject pronouns, the object pronouns may be used disjunctively, but this is not common practice for object pronouns. The possessive pronouns, except for the first person, are always attached to the word with which they form a formal unit. The first person singular may be used disjunctively, and a special independent particle may be used for first person plural. The pronoun conjunctive particles sometimes participate in the alternation of stress of the word to which they are attached; sometimes they are attached encitically to this word; but characteristically, subject and object conjunctive particles are stressed independently of the word to which they are attached, while possessive pronouns characteristically participate in the alternation of stress of the word proper. The possessive pronouns are without case significance, but the subject pro- nouns and object pronouns are used syntactically much as nouns in subjective and objective cases. Besides syntactic case and possession, the notions expressed by personal pronouns are limited to persons and number. No expression is possible for such categories as visible and invisible, animate or inanimate, nearness or remote- ness. The classification of person and number includes: 1 pers. sing. 2 pers. sing. 1 pers. d. incl. 2 pers. pl. 1 pers. d. excl. 3 pers. sing. 1 pers. pl. incl. 3 pers. pl. [134] Voegelin: Tuibatulabal Grammar ?23. SUBJECT PRONOUNS Independent Conjunctive seies series 1 pers. sing. ntk -gi d. incl. &v7gila -gila d. excl. tt7gila'aq -glila'a77 pl. incl. L7giluts -giluts 2 pers. sing. tmbi -bi pI. tmbu-mu -bu-mu 3 pers. sing. &n (-dza) pI. Lnda -da 1. Formation of the Independent Series The regular subject conjunctive pronouns are attached to the particle, tn, which apparently carries no meaning in itself. The resulting independent pro- nouns form firm phonetic units: the nasal consonant of the "empty word," &n, is assimilated to the initial plosive of the conjunctive pronoun, except for the first person, when tn+gi >nigi by metathesis, and nigi > n&k because the final vowel is lost. The final vowel of all conjunctive particles having final vowels is frequently elided. 2. Special Series When the subject pronouns occur with the exhortative suffix, -ma- (see ? ?16,5; and 20), the initial element of the first-person forms is syncopated as follows: 1 pers. sing., zero form d. incl., -la d. excl., -la'aq pl. incl., -lust8 The second person is not, of course, expressed by exhortative verbs. The third person is expressed by -dza, or, when the final vowel is elided, -ts. This form is used for the singular, to which the regular third person plural form, -da, must be added (-tsta) for the plural. The regular forms are employed with the permissive suffix, -ha- (see ??16, 6; and 20), except that the third person -dza or -ts is used as with the exhorta- tive suffix. S. Formation of First Person The essential first-person element is -g- (-k in final position). The vowel of -gi is frequently elided. a'naha'k ha'c k&'m may I not come? 135 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. The dual inclusive element appears to be -1; the final vowel in -la and -gila is freely elided. ang&'l itt'kica' shall we (d. incl.) eat? thma'l kutm let us (d. incl.) come. The dual exclusive element appears to be -'ati, but is always preceded by another pronominal element (-la or -gila, with subj. prons.). The plural inclusive element appears to be -u-ts, but is always preceded by another pronominal element (-4 or gil, in the case of subj. prons.). The first person singular may be expressed by a zero form when the exhor- tative suffix is used (see 2, above). 4. Formation of Second Person The essential second-person element is -b- (-p in final position.) The vowel of -bi is freely elided. ta'naha'p tii' kutm would you were coming. The second person plural element appears to be -u-m; when the final vowel of -u-mu is elided, the medial -u - loses a mora. a'naha 'b,M'm ha'c kLm may ye not come? 5. Formation of Third Person The third person singular is usually expressed by a zero form; that is, when the pronouns expressing other persons or number do not appear, third person singular is indicated. However, after exhortative and permissive suffixes, a special third person conjunctive particle is used (neutral as to number), namely, -dza, which is retained when the regular third person plural particle is attached. The final vowel of -dza is elided more often than not. a'naha'ts toha 'ala' may he go hunting? a'naha'Ista' ha'c kutm may they come? The sibilant of the aifricate, ts, may be transposed so that it precedes the alve- olar plosive before the third person plural form, -ta. a'naba 'hacta' they can throw it. (s>c, because s appears normally only in an affricate.) 6. Use of the Independen Series Independent pronouns are used when the person needs to be emphasized and, in answer to a question, predicatively. it is I. Etc. 136 ntk Voegelin: Ttibatulabal Grammar Ordinarily only conjunctive pronouns will be attached to particles or to other independent words, but with the interrogative particle, an-, the independent pronouns may also be attached when the person needs to be emphasized. anbi' tika't are you eating? (conj. pron., -bi, attached to an-). a'n&mbi' h6 'n6ka'77 have you a baby? (ind. pron., Lmbi, attached to an-). Etc. 7. Use of Conjunctive Series L. As subject of a verb. No special examples are needed for this normal use. ii. In nominal predication, whenever context permits. ta-'twa'lgi' the man I. ("I [am] the man.") ?24. OBJECT AND POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS While the object pronouns express a syntactic case, and the possessive pro- nouns express possession without reference to case, the two series are, never- theless, listed in parallel columns to show graphically certain morphological resemblances. Object Possessive pronouns pronouns 1 pers. sing. -ni (ntn) -nc'iti d. excl. -dziya a-q -tc pI. -dzi. -ts 2 pers. sing. -dt -t71 pI. -dulu -ulu 3 pers. sing. -n pI. -tipi -p The form, ntn, is probably pleonastic. In addition to the foregoing, the particle, a-yamu-ts, is used as an independent first person plural inclusive possessive pronoun. When this independent pronoun is used, or when the first person singular possessive pronoun, -nfi7V7, is used disjunctively, the noun which is possessed has the third singular element, -n, attached; -n is then used in a neutral sense, being a concordance device to indicate which noun is possessed. 1. Use of Possessive Pronouns i. Possession. The normal function of possessive pronouns is to express the person of the possessor. c8 'Oytn ala 'wina'tni' his wife is talking to me. ii. Nominal predication. Nominal predication is indicated when a possessive noun occurs without a verb. hani 'ni'i'lo house my. ("[It is] my house.") c6d'6yt'n wife his. ("[It is] his wife.") 137 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. iii. Internominal reference. The third person singular form, -n, is attached to nouns used in annexation with a genitive noun. ,tk,j'n hani 'l&% its edge of the house. ("The edge of the house.") hani 'n ta 'twa'la'a'tr his house of the man. ("The man's house.") 2. Use of Object Pronouns i. Object of transitive verbs. An object pronoun may serve as the object of a transitive verb, or a transitive verb which is nominalized. Verbs which are nominalized may yet retain certain verbal characteristics, as taking an object. taptpci 'la' ti'kibi-'l ainarla't the bread (obj.) the eater (subj.) is crying. ("The eater (of) the bread is crying.") ti'kani'bWt'lni' a'narqa't the feeder me is crying. ("The one who feeds me is crying.") ii. Indirect object. No formal distinction is made between direct and indi- rect objects. Both the object pronouns and nouns in objective case are used for the indirect object. a'naba-'ana'tni' he is throwing it for me. ti'kana't t(ipi' ta'pLci 'la' he feeds them the bread. iii. Notional subject. Object pronouns, as well as nouns in objective case, are used as notional subject of nonidentical-actor subordinate verbs (cf. ?19, 4). iv. Object of imperative verbs. There is one difference in the syntactic use of nominal and pronominal objects. The personal object of an imperative verb is expressed by an object pronoun, whereas the nominal object of an imperative verb is expressed by a noun which is formally in the subjective case. ti'kana'h tipi' feed them. ti'kana'h ta'pici 'l feed the bread. S. Combination of Subject and Object Pronouns Some combinations of subject and object pronouns are more or less firmly fused. tiya'aq + -a = tciya'anda tciya'a-q + -bi tciya'ambi bi + -ni = bLn bu-mu + -ni = bummn gi + -dtv = gilh2 hactci'ya'a'nda' ala 'u,ina't not us they are talking. ("They are not talking to us.") 138 Voegelin: Tiibatulabal Grammar 139 a'nhactci'ya'a'm' ala 'wina't not us you are talking. ("Are you not talking to us?") ha'ckilt'rR ala 'wina't not I you am talking. ("I am not talking to you.") hacpt'n alak'wina't not you-me are talking. ("You are not talking to me.") a'nbumn&'n ha'c ala 'winat ye me me not are talking ("Are ye not talking to me?") ? ?25-38. NOUN MORPHOLOGY ?25. CATEGORIES EXPRESSED BY NOUNS A noun must appear either as an absolute noun (nonspecification of posses- sor) or as a relative noun (with possesor or internominal reference specified). A noun must be in one of three fundamental syntactic cases: subject, object, or genitive case. The obligatory categories (abs.-rel. and subj.-obj.-gen. distinctions) hold for nominalized verbs as well as for nouns having nominal stems. In addition to these obligatory categories, four secondary cases (iness., abl., all., instr.) may be expressed by attaching postpositional suffixes to the object noun. Several derivational suffixes may be attached to nominal stems, express- ing a diminutive, augmentative, absentive, "last surviving relative," past tense, and plurality. Number may also be expressed by stem reduplication. Nominalizing suffixes yield an extraordinary variety of nouns of agency and instrumentality. ?26. CLASSES OF NOUNS Nouns fall into three main classes, with various subclasses, depending on the formation of the obligatory categories (syntactic cases and abs.-rel. distinc- tions). Normally, a noun may be stated either in the absolute or in the relative. A few special terms, a few body parts, and all kinship terms are used only in the relative. A limited number of nouns are used only in the absolute; these include proper names and some specific terms, as names of animals or plants which would not usually be regarded as being possessed. The formation of the absolute and relative of a noun underlies the formation of the syntactic cases. For this reason, the absolute suffix may be taken as the criterion of the three main nominal clases. Class A = nouns having -1 for the absolute suffix. Class B = nouns having -t for the absolute suffix. Class C = nouns having a zero absolute suffix; that is, when a specific rela- tive suffix is not used, and when a possessive pronoun is not attached, these nouns are in absolute form. Each of these main classes has certain subclasses, with a very unequal dis- tribution of the nouns in the language. The significance of this unequal distri- bution is not apparent. Class A: nouns having -l for the absolute suffix. Al, with the noun ending in a long vowel. A2, with the noun ending in a short vowel. Al and A2 include more than half of the nouns in the language, but for sub- classes 1 and 2 there seems to be about an equal number of nouns. When verbs are directly nominalized and used as absolute nouns, the -l absolute suffix is most often used, so that such nominalized verbs belong to classes Al and A2. [140] Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar Examples, Al: a 'dzowa 'l a'nambi 'l u 'gibi 'l kaiqa 'l kiyi1'l mana 'l wt'xnibi 'l muwa 'a nawi 'l pa-'huw'l pa 'alu 'l pawa 'adzu 'l pi 'wi 'l cuwa 'l cu 'l the shaman. the feather headband. the bunch grass. the facial hair. the arrowhead. the metate. the rabbitskin blanket. the mountain. the apron. the arrow. the poison root. yellow seed. the breast feathers. the earth. the stars. A2: ici"ga'l the blue squirrel. u"funa'l the bear. u 'ucL'l the sticker cactus (Opuntia sp.). h6m'm6'l the cooking-basket. ku 'h,pi'l the elderberry. ma 'wic,I'l the pine-nut pole. p6ho"owa'l the pestle. cu 'na 'wa'l the sibling between the older and younger one. cu 'una'l the heart. tcil'iya'l the red thistle. u",pl ) JAPIA 1the cordage brush. ha 'awafl the wood-rat. ka 'adz,u'l the clay pot. ntta 'yL'l the roof rafters. cLk6'l the lizard. taba 'ya'l the chipmunk wa "a'l the big hawk. Class B: nouns having -t for the absolute suffix. Bi, with the noun ending in a long vowel. B2, with the noun ending in a short vowel. B3, with the noun ending in -n. B4, with the noun ending in -m. B5, with the noun ending in a voiceless consonant. 141 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. The sum of all class B nouns probably includes one-third of the nouns in the language. Most of these nouns belong to B2 and B3; B5 contains a considerable number of nouns; nouns are infrequently found to belong to Bi, and rarely to B4. It may be worth mentioning that in addition to specific names of plants and animals, which fall into most classes of nouns, a considerable portion of B2 nouns are concerned with objects of material culture, while B3 nouns conspicu- ously lack specific plant names. However, from the material in hand no signifi- cance can be attached to a semantic classification. Examples, Bi: ka"aw-'t the grasshopper. k'16y6't the turtle. wiu'la 't the skirt feathers. tci 'ut the lime. tu 't the salt grass. B2: h6-'Oya't the brush enclosure. 68'6ya't the money. wa,'ala't the basket seed-beater. ca 'an6't the pitch. p68rga't the basket cap. naha't the cane. B3: pi'a 'agi'nt the worm. p68'nt the hide, skin, body hair. pa-'wili-'iga'nt the goose. tahput'nt the cottontail hare. B4: p8mt the egg. B5: tsulMi'ct the woodpecker. ni 'xt the tule raft. Class C: nouns having a zero absolute suffix; i.e., when a specific relative suffix is not used, and when a possessive pronoun is not attached, these nouns are in absolute form. The method of forming relative cases determines the subclasses. Cl, nouns which form the relative by attaching possessive pronouns directly to the nominal stem or to the case suffixes. C2, nouns which form the relative by attaching a relative suffix to the nomi- nal stem before the possessive pronouns are attached. Examples, Cl: tsimt'l the mouse. ci'na'a'c the soldier. ts6-'h the white fish. (All kinship terms.) 142 Voegelin: Tiibatulabal Grammar C2: na 'adi" the cat. k6"6ci" the minnow fish. hicti'h the unit of money. tcono0" the twins. Kinship terms are never used as absolute nouns. Their method of forming the relative is the same as that of other nouns in class Cl. In contrast to other nouns of class Cl, the nominal stem of kinship terms, without suffixes and without possessive pronouns attached, instead of expressing the absolute sub- ject case, expresses the vocative, which is used as a relative. Thus, md" a 'ana ' hello father, means, of course, "hello, my father." When kinship is established by virtue of marriage, the terms for such kin (with the exception of "husband" and "wife") cannot be used vocatively, but must appear with possessive pronoun attached. a 'na 'wici 'iwa 'n his stepdaughter. aya 'wi'tdiwa 'n his stepson. wa'cumbL'cn his spouse's parent. tact'n her son's wife. w6 "L'cnf her co-wife (her husband's mistress); his co-husband (wife's lover). piya 'n his wife's brother. Comparative data may some day show that the absolute suffixes, -I and -t, go back historically to one absolute suffix, probably -l for the typical Sho- shonean stems ending in a vowel, with the absolute suffix -t as a special de- velopment for stems ending in a consonant; and with the zero absolute suffix as a special development for personal names. This prophecy is based on the inadequate evidence of Tubatulabal. In Tiibatulabal the -I absolute suffix is used only after nominal stems or suffixes ending in a vowel, while the -t abso- lute suffix is used after nominal stems or suffixes ending in either a consonant or a vowel. In the latter circumstance, when the -t absolute suffix is used after a vowel, there is some reason for wondering whether the nominal stem as it ap- pears at present may not represent a syncopated form, having an historical antecedent stem which ended in a consonant. In the following pair of nouns, the nominal stem is tu-.The first noun has -i for the absolute suffix, the second -t. tu 'l the embers. tu"'t the salt grass (after being pulled out). Semantically related to the second noun is tu 'ubu 'l the salt grass (as it grows, before being pulled out). It is just possible that tu 't may be derived from tu 'ubu 'l, with the absolute suffix changing from -I to -t when juxtaposed to a consonant: tu bu -l > *tu pt> 143 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. tuwt. Semantically related pairs of nouns do occur in which the -t absolute suffix appears after the nominal stem ending in a consonant, while the -l absolute suffix appears after the nominal stem ending in a vowel. tint the rock. tiigl the rock ledge. ?27. FORMATION OF SYNTACTIC CASES The formation of syntactic cases is fundamentally different for absolute and relative nouns. This causes the expression of syntactic cases and the relative- absolute distinctions to be inextricably bound up together. For example, in most nouns (clases A and B) the absolute is expressed primarily by a special suffix (-I or -t), but the absolute is again, though secondarily, expressed by the case suffixes (obj., -a; ge., -tn) which differ from the case suffixes used for the relative (obj., -yi-; gen., -&n). Accordingly, in the following tables, the "case suffix" is given in full, and then analyzed as consisting of the absolute (or rel.) suffix proper, and the case suffix proper. When dealing with relative nouns, it is necessary to distinguish between the ejus object or genitive noun, and the suus object or genitive noun, to borrow a pair of terms from Latin grammar. Relative nouns in the objective and genitive cases may express the possessor by means of a regular possessive pronoun, and the resulting noun is then termed the ejus object or ejus genitive. For example, a,'dawi-'k hani 'yt'n he saw her house (ejus obj.). The possessor of the ejus object or genitive noun is a different person from the actor of the verb. Or relative nouns in the objective and genitive cases may express the posses- sor by means of a zero possessive pronoun, and then the resulting noun is termed a suus object or suus genitive. For example, a,'dawi-'k hani-' he saw his own house (suus obj.). ntk a-dawi-'k hani-' I saw my own house (suus obj.). The possessor of the suus object or genitive noun is the same person as the actor of the verb. Synoptic Chart of Case Suffixes Class A nouns, absolute Subclass Case Suffix Analysis 1,2 SUBJ. -l -1, abs. suff. 1, 2 OBJ. -la -1, abs. suff. + a 1 GEN. -ltti -1, abs. suff. + L7l 2 GEN. -la'a-q -1, abs. suff. + a'a7l 14 Voegelin: Tiibatulabal Grammar Examples are: hani 'l tca 'm,'l a 'dawi>'k hani 'la' *rti'k tca -'mila' hani 'l&'" tca -'mn'la'a"q the house (subj., Al). the acorn gravy (subj., A2). he saw the house (obj., Al). he ate the acorn gravy (obj., A2). of the house (gen., Al). of the acorn gravy (gen., A2). Class A nouns, relative Subelas 1, 2 1, 2 1, 2 1, 2 Case SUBJ. EJUS OBJ. SUUS OBJ. GEN. Examples are: hani-'n tca 'mr'n a,'dawi-'k hani-'yt'p iti'k tca -'miyt'n a,'dawi>'k hani-' *iti'k tca-'mi' ha'ni't'n ,ukMA'n ha'niTnniT-q tca 'mi'&'n ma'a't ts6m6-'i ma'a't il7gi'i Subelass 1-5 2, 5 1, 3 4 2, 5 1, 3, 4 Case SUBJ. OBJ. OBJ. GEN. GEN. Suffix Zero -yi- Zero, -i- -tn Analysis Poss. pron. necessary. Poss. pron. necessary. Zero pron. Zero pron. for suus gen. Poss. pron. for ejus gen. his house (subj., Al). his acorn gravy (subj., A2). he saw their house (ejus obj., Al). he ate her acorn gravy (ejus obj., A2). he saw his own house (suus obj., Al). he ate his own acorn gravy (suus obj., A2). of his own house (suus gen., Al, with loss of mora from final st. vowel). its end of my house (ejus gen., Al, with loss of mora from final st. vowel). of his own acorn gravy (suus gen., A2, with- out loss of mora). he is touching his own hair (suus obj., Al; st. ends in 46). he is touching his own foot (suus obj., A2; st. ends in -4). Class B nouns, absolute Sufflx Analysis -t -t, abs. suff. -ta -t, abs. suff. + a -da -d, abs. suff. + a -tt-0 -t, abs. suff. + u 7 -dLv1 -d, abs. suff. + n 145 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Examples are: pL'tciti 't ma 'aca't c,ul,t'nt p6'mt mu 'ct iwi'k ma 'cata' iwi'k mu ''cta' a 'dawi 'k pt'tcili 'ida' a 'dawi'k c,u'lunda' *tV'k p6'mda' maU'catL'-1 mu 'ctL'L7 pt'tcili'idL'-q c,'lundL'7 p6mdt'v the squirrel (subj., Bl). the sack (subj., B2). the fingernail (subj., B3). the egg (subj., B4). the fish spear (subj., B5). he took the sack (obj., B2). he took the fish spear (obj., B5). he saw the squirrel (obj., B1). he saw the fingernail (obj., B3). he ate the egg (obj., B4). of the sack (gen., B2). of the fish spear (gen., B5). of the squirrel (gen., B1). of the fingernail (gen., B3). of the egg (gen., B4). Class B nouns, relative Subelas 1-5 1 2 3 4 5 1, 3, 4, (5) 2 (5) 1, 2, 3, 5 Case SUBJ. EJUS OBJ. EJUS OBJ. EJUS OBJ. EJUS OBJ. EJUS OBJ. SUUS OBJ. SUUS OBJ. SUUS OBJ. GEN. Suffix Zero -yi- -tsi- -nini- -dzi- -i-, -yi- -iyi- Zero -ts -i -Lfn Analysis Poss. pron. necessary. Poss. pron. necessary. Poss. pron. necessary. Poss. pron. necessary. Poss. pron. necessary. Poss. pron. necessary. (Form of suff. depends on whether st. ends in -c, -h, or plosive.) Poss. pron. not possible. Poss. pron. not possible. Poss. pron. not possible. Zero pron. for suus gen.; poss. pron. for ejus gen. Examples are: pt'tcili-'n his squirrel (subj., Bi), etc. All the possessive pronouns are at- tached regularly to nominal stems, except the second person, singular and plural, after class B2 nouns. The second person, in this class of nouns, is preceded by a parasitic, 'ad; this parasitic element is characteristic of class B2 nouns, and occurs in various circumstances (cf. ?21, 2), but with possessive pronouns only before the second person. his sack (subj., B2). their sack (subj., B2). your sack (subj., B2). ma 'acaln ma 'aca'p ma ca"adt'r 146 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar ma 'ca"adulu' a 'dawiY'k pt'tcili 'iyetp a 'dawi 'k ma 'catst'p a 'dawi 'k cdfluftnlItp 'iti'k p6mdzt'p a 'dawi 'k mu 'ct'p i"VTt m6 '6m6 'hyl'p *iti'k wt'piyt,p a 'dawi-'k pt'tcili ' a 'dawi 'k culjg'n iti'k p6'm a 'dawi>'k mu 'c iwi'k ma 'aca'ts i"iVt m6'86m6 'ix pLtcL'li'Lt'n ma 'ca"adLt'n cmu'n't'n mu 'cttn your (pl.) sack (subj., B2). he saw their squirrel (obj., B1). he saw their sack (obj., B2). he saw their fingernails (obj., B3). he ate their eggs (obj., B4). he saw their fish spear (obj., B5, st. ends in -c). he is drinking their jimsonweed (obj., B5, st. ends in -h). he ate their fat (obj., B5, st. ends in plosive). he saw his own squirrel (suus obj., B1). he saw his own fingernail (suus obj., B3). he ate his own egg (suus obj., B4). he saw his own fish spear (suus obj., B5, st. ends in -c). he took his own sack (suus obj., B2). he is drinking his own jimsonweed (suus obj., B5, st. ends in -h, plus suff. -, *m6.'6m6.'hi'. But final *hi is transposed to -ih or -ix [?7]). of his own squirrel (suus gen., Bi, with loss of one mora from final vowel of st.). of his own sack (suus gen., B2, with the parasitic -'ad-, characteristic of class B2, preceding suff. -Ln). of his own fingernail (suus gen., B3). of his own fish spear (suus gen., B5). No examples were found for the relative genitive of B4 nouns. All relative genitive nouns are made ejus genitives merely by adding possessive pronouns to the suus genitive forms. Class C nouns, absolute Suffix Zero -lv - t Examples are: ta'hambt'c na'adi" a"daw>'k taha'mbici' na'adi"i' taha'mbictLr na 'adi'V7 Analysis Expresses voc. in kinship terms. Zero abs. suff. + -i Zero abs. suff. + -tq the old man (subj., Cl). the cat (subj., C2). he saw the old man (obj., Cl) cat (obj. C2). of the old man (gen., Cl). of the cat (gen., C2). the Subelass 1, 2 1, 2 1, 2 Case SUBJ. OBJ. GEN. 147 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Class C nouns, relative Case SUBJ. SUBJ. Suffix Zero -a- EJUS OBJ. -i-, -ni-, -iyi- EJUS OBJ. -ayi- SUUS OBJ. 4 SUUS OBJ. -ai GEN. - ln GEN. Examples are: -a ln ta'hamb&'cp na 'adi"a'p taha'mbicL'p a-'dawi'k a 'dawi 'k tsim&'ln'n a 'dawi 'k ts6 'hiyL'n a 'dawi 'k na 'adi"ayt'n a,'dawYi'k a 'na 'i *itsi'k ts6 ' "t'h Analysis Poss. pron. necessary. Poss. pron. necessary. Zero subj. suff., a rel. suff. ni- or -iyi- if st. ends in -1, or -h. Poss. pron. necessary. Poss. pron. necessary. Zero poss. pron. Rel. a+obj. i, zero poss. pron. Zero pron. for suus gen.; poss. pron. for ejus gen. Rel. a+gen. 'Ln. their old man (subj., Cl). their cat (subj., C2). their old man he saw (obj., Cl, st. ends in -c). he saw her mouse (ejus obj., Cl, st. ends in -1). he saw her fish (ejus obj., Cl, st. ends in -h). he saw her cat (ejus obj., C2). he saw his own father (suus obj., Cl). he ate his own fish (suus obj., Cl, *ts6-'hi' be- comes ts6 'Lh by metathesis, cf. ?7). Nominal stems not ending in a vowel or -h, as in the two examples cited, have a zero suffix for the suus object, i.e., the naked nominal stem is used. This means that most nouns of class Cl express the absolute subject form by the naked nominal stem (zero abs. suff.), and also the suus object form by the naked nominal stem (zero suus suff.). a 'dawi 'k ta'hamb&'c he saw his own old man (suus obj., Cl). a 'dawi 'k tsimt'l he saw his own cat (suus obj., Cl). Actually, little confusion results, because words like ta'hambL'c (abs. subj. or suus obj.) are rarely used as relative nouns. a 'dawi>'k na 'adi"a'i he saw his own cat (suus obj., C2). ta'hamb&'c'L'n of his own old man (suus gen., Cl). na 'adi"a'&'n of his own cat (suus gen., C2). Genitive nouns are made ejus genitives merely by adding possessive pronouns to the suus genitive forms. Very infrequently a noun will be found with morphologically relative case in- flections which express a notionally absolute noun. Such nouns are incapable of expressing the relative notionally. y8'lapi>'n the buzzard (abs. subj., lit., "his baldness, past"). Subclass 1 2 1 2 1 2 1 2 148 Voegelin: TJbatulabal Grammar ?28. USE OF SYNTACTIC CASES 1. Use of Subject Case i. As actor. Nouns in the subject case are most commonly used as subjects of transitive or intransitive or impersonal verbs. yi'xpa'l the door leca't is opening. ta 'twanl lecispinagt the man (subj.) is opening ta 'twa'tl the man yi'pala' the door. ha'maca't is sad. The subject may at the same time be the subject of an identical-actor subordi- nate verb (cf. ?19, 1-3). tsulu-'uma'c k6'im ala 'awa't tci 'tcwa'na'a'c sleeping the woman is talking all the time. ("The woman talks whenever she sleeps.") ii. In a nominal sentence. When a noun is used without a verb, the noun is used predicatively. ta 'twa'lgil ta 'twa'l man I. man. ("I [am] the man.") ("He [is] the man.") iii. As notional object of an imperative verb. A noun in subjective case is used as the notional object of an imperative verb (see ?16, 1, iii). i"i'Th pa 'l drink the water! 2. Use of Object Case i. As object of verb. Nouns in the object case are most commonly used as objects of transitive verbs (except the imp. vb.; see 1, iii, above). he is drinking the water. ii. As object of a noun (n. vb.). A transitive verb which is nominalized (and is a true noun because it expresses the obligatory nominal categories) may still have as its own object a separate noun. Also, a nominalized verb, as well as a true nominal stem, may appear with a past tense suffix. pLcki' ama'gamt'n ,u'ndumu 'gapi ' then I remembered my own dream, past (suus obj.) ("Then I remembered my dream [about] the bear.") u'rnala' the bear (abs. obj. of suus obj.) 149 i-'Tt pa-'la' University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Compare the following construction, in which the verb, TO DREAM, is used transitively, with a direct object. ,'ndumu"'uga't u inala' he is dreaming the bear. ("He is dreaming [about] the bear.") iii. As object of a particle. Certain particles, comparable to English prepo- sitions, are followed by nouns in the object case. a'kadzi 'p 6'x6la-'la' across the canyon (obj.). i 'mi' ci 'gawi'yami' a 'maf 'yu' he went Koso Indians with. ("He went with the Koso Indians.") iv. As notional subject of a subordinate verb. A noun which is formally in the object case may serve as the notional subject of a nonidentical-actor subQrdi- nate verb (cf. ?19, 4). Ln7gt'm wa'h kP'imi' tsulu-'unw a7 he came there woman sleeping. ("He came there [when] the woman [formally in obj. case; notionally, the subj. of the sub. vb.] was sleeping [sub. vb.].") ta 'twa'l ala 'wina't kV'imi' t-sulu 'matrl the man is talking to the woman while sleeping (subj. main vb.) (main vb.) (obj. main vb., (sub. vb.). subj. sub. vb.) ("The man is talking to the woman while the woman is sleeping.") S. Use of the Genitive Case A noun in the genitive case is never used alone, but always in annexation with a relative noun to which the third person singular possessive pronoun, -n, has been attached. wi"'icLCn w6'h6mb63-'l'?7 its root (rel. n.) of the bull pine (gen. n.). ("The bull-pine root.") The genitive noun may be absolute, as in the example cited, or relative, as in the following example. a,'dawiY'k ,'kuyt'n wLhni'bL't'n he saw its edge of his own rabbitskin blanket. ("He saw the edge of his rabbitskin blanket.") 150 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar The relative noun used in annexation with a genitive may be in the subject case or in the object case (see the preceding examples), or in one of the secon- dary cases of local reference (see ?29.) miya't ,u'kuba 'n muwa 'lflq he goes on its top of the mountain. ("He is going on top of the mountain.") miya't uku-'mLni'igacn muwa"'ll'f2 he goes toward its top of the mountain. ("He is going toward the mountain top.") The preferred order is genitive noun followed by the relative noun, but this, like word order in general, is stylistic rather than obligatory. ptckL'l hali't wa'h hani 'lt'71 hawa-'aba'n then we are sitting there of the house in its neighborhood (abs. gen.) (rel. n.). ("Then we are sitting there next to the house.") No construction has been found in which a word is interposed between a geni- tive noun and the relative noun used in annexation with the genitive. It is difficult to define the limits of meaning expressed by the genitive-rela- tive noun annexation. Perhaps the partitive genitive notion is most commonly suggested, but sentences do occur in which the genitive noun "owns" the rela- tive noun. i 'mi' kV imi-q hani-fibatn he went of the woman in her house. ("He went in the woman's house.") ?29. SECONDARY CASES Secondary cases are formed by suffixing postpositions to nouns which are usually in the objective case before the postposition is suffixed. These post- positions may be related to particles of a prepositional nature which precede objective nouns as independent words (see ?28, 2, iii). However this may be, there are four postpositions which are firmly suffixed to the noun. Absolute form Relative form Absoute orm poss. pron. attached) Inessive -p -ba- TO, IN, ON Ablative -batsu -batsu- away from Allative -mi-k -m&ni ga- toward Instrumental -c with 151 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. The instrumental postposition, -c, is attached only to absolute nouns. The ablative postposition, -batsu, seems to be a fusion of the inessive, -p, and the independent particle, -atsu. A few examples have been found in which -atsu is compounded with the allative. a'kadzi*'mlni*'gatsu' away from here toward the other side. -atsu is sometimes attached to other particles. wana4'71 wanaI '7atsu' kima't far away. he is coming from far away. 1. Use of Postpositions with Absolute Nouns Postpositions are attached There are no exceptions. a 'dawi 'k hanila' i -'mi' hani 'la'p i -'mi' hani 'la'batsu' i 'mi' hani'lami'k a 'dawi'k ma 'wt'cula' *iti'p ma 'we'cula 'p iwi'k ma 'aw&'cula 'batsu' iti'p ma-'wic,u'lami 'k el'eba' ma 'w 'cula'c to the objective case suffix of absolute nouns. he saw the house (obj., Al). he went in the house (iness., Al). he went away from the house (abl., Al). he went toward the house (all., Al). he saw the pine-nut pole (obj., A2). he put it on the pole (iness., A2, obj. -a- re- ceives extra mora). he took it away from the pole (abl., A2, obj. -a- receives an extra mora of length). he put it toward the pole (all., A2). he hit him with the pole (instr., A2). Nouns in the instrumental case have a quite limited use; they are generally found in connection with verbs implying some destruction, as in the example cited. .. . . pt'tcili-'ida'p ma 'cata'p c,g'lunda'p p6mda'p mu 'ctap ts6 'ht'p na.tadi"Lp on the squirrel (iness., Bl). in the sack (iness., B2). on the fingernail (iness., B3). in the egg (iness., B4). on the fish spear (iness., B5). on the fish (iness., Cl). on the cat (iness., C2). 2. Use of Postpositions with Relative Nouns Locative postpositions (i.e., all the post. except the instr.) are attached di- rectly to the nominal stem, with the exception of nouns belonging to class C2, in which the postpositions are attached after the relative suffix. The locative cases may be ejus, when possessive pronouns are attached finally; or suus, without possessive pronouns, when the final -a of the inessive (-ba) and the 152 Voegelin: Titbatulabal Grammar allative (-mnni ga) postposition is dropped, and the final vowel of the ablative postposition (-batsu-) loses one mora. a'daw-'k hani ' hani-'p hani 'ibatsu'i'r hani 'batsu' hani-'batsu-'n hani 'mtni 'k hani 'mnit'iga'n pt'tcili 'p maw ca'p cul,g'mp mu cp ts6 'hp na'adi"a'p he saw his own house (suus obj., Al). in his own house (suus iness., Al). in my house (ejus iness., Al). away from his own house (suus abl., Al). away from his house (ejus abl., Al). toward his own house (suus all., Al). toward his house (ejus all., Al). on his own squirrel (suus iness., Bl). in his own sack (suus iness., B2). on his own fingernail (suus iness., B3). on his own fish spear (suus iness., B5). on his own fish (suus iness., Cl). on his own cat (suus iness., C2). ?30. DERIVATIONAL NOMINAL SUFFIXES The following derivative suffixes include all derivative suffixes which may be attached to nominal stems (except verbalizing suffixes, which are treated in ?21). 1. Plural suffix, -mi-. 2. Past tense suffix, -pi -. 3. Diminutive suffix, -bi-. 4. Kinship suffix, -bai'i-. 5. Augmentative suffix, -btcwt-. 6. Suffix expressing, ... OWNER, -gana-. 7. Absentative suffix, -bi--. Of these suffixes, 1 is treated in connection with number in general, ?34; 2 is treated in connection with tense in nouns, ?37; 3 is treated in ?32; 4 in ?33; 5-7 form nouns of agency, which are all treated together in ?36. It is of course unusual to treat a nominal stem plus a derivative suffix as an agentive noun. But in Tiubatulabal, the true agentive nouns, derived from verbs (TO HUNT>the hunter) differ neither in feeling nor usage from a nominal stem with agentive suffix attached (THE HOUSE>the house-owner, etc.). ?31. NOMINALIZING SUFFIXES The following list includes all suffixes which nominalize verbs. These suffixes do not, however, exhaust the possibilities of nominalizing verbs. In addition, a verbal stem may be changed into a nominal base by means of a vowel incre- ment (see ?38). 1. Agentive suffix, -(a)pi4l. 2. Agentive suffix, -(i)bi-l. 3. Past agentive suffix, -(a)pigana-. 153 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 4. Recent past agentive suffix, -(a)pina-. 5. Partner of action suffix, -(a)t8&,qwa-. 6. Inanimate instrument of action suffix, -(&)c-. 7. Animate instrument of action suffix, -(&)cka-. Of these nominalizing suffixes, 1-5 form nouns of agency which are treated in ?36; 6 and 7 are treated in ?35, concerned with nouns of instrumentality. ?32. THE DIMINUTIVE SUFFIX -bi- suffix proper; the diminutive noun belongs to class B2 (abs. suff., -t). The diminutive suffix is never used in verb forms, nor with nominalized verbs; it is found only with nouns having a nominal stem. tu 'umu-'n tu 'mupt'n pa-'adzi-'n pa 'dzi 'ib&'n his offspring. his little offspring. (The final vowel of the st. loses one mora for an inexplicable reason; b >p after a one-mora vowel.) his older brother. his little (in stature) older brother. In reciprocal kinship terms (e.g., aka-' father's father; son's son) the diminutive is used only for the younger generation. aka 'abW'nn'i'1 my little grandson. My chief informant used the diminutive sparingly, and only to indicate actual smallness. ptgi 'int'ct ptgi 'nicpt't ela-'lina't ele 'lt'napL't ela 'lt'nap&'n the shirt. the little shirt. the hat. the little hat. his little hat. Women employ the diminutive more freely, and, as applied to things which do not vary in size, presumably to express affection rather than smallness. the cooking-basket. the dear little cooking-basket (the basket referred to was of standard size). Smallness expressed by a separate stem is rare. muwa '1 the mountain. mu "&'ct the hill. ?33. THE DEATH OF KIN There is only one suffix used exclusively with kinship terms, -bai'i-; the past tense suffix, -pi--, is used with certain kinship terms in a special sense. h6m'm6'l hO'm'm6p&'t 154 Voegeltin: Tubatulabal Grammar 1. Kinship Suffix, -bai'i- -bai'i- suffix proper, always used in a relative noun. This suffix indicates that all the kin expressed by the noun to which the suffix is attached are dead, ex- cept the one referred to; and when used in the same generation, that all the connecting relatives are dead in addition. piya 'n his wife's brothers. piya 'bai't'n his wife's last surviving brother (all the other brothers are dead, as is his wife, the connecting relative). In reciprocal kinship terms, -bai'i- is used only for the younger generation. tsaga ' tsaga-'bai'rtn h8 '6gi 'bai'L'n ,utsu"'bai't'n a 'agt'cpai'/'n great-grandparent; great-grandchild. his last surving great-grandchild, all the others having died. his last surviving grandchild. her last surviving daughter's child. his last surviving daughter's child. 2. Past Tense, Special Sense The past tense suffix, -pi--, followed by a possessive pronoun, is used in a special sense when suffixed to kinship terms concerned with a relationship which has been established by virtue of marriage: then the suffixed term indi- cates that the connecting relative has died, but that the kin directly men- tioned is still living, as well as other people (his sibling, for example) referred to by the same term. piya "api 'n wa'cumbL'c'tpi 'n his wife's brother, used to be (used after his wife has died, when the brother is still living). his spouse's parent, used to be (used after the spouse has died, when the parent is still living). 3. Past Tense, Normal Sense The past tense suffix, -pi--, is used with other kinship terms in the same sense as with other nouns: that is, to express past existence of the noun suffixed. ku 'udzi "tpi7'n na lawi"tpi 'n his older sister, now dead. his younger brother, now dead. 4. Special Stems At the death of a child, the parent receives a new kinship term. a 'ana 'n his father (before the death of an offspring). kumu-'n his father (after the death of an offspring). a,'abu-'n his mother (before the death of an offspring). C 'imi 'n his mother (after the death of an offspring). 155 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. ?34. NUMBER Nouns appear to be esentially lacking the expression of number per se. Thus, ta 'twa l means "the man" or "the men" according to context or whether a quantifying adjective is found in the sentence. Number is specifically expressed in the noun very rarely, and then only when combined with some related concept. When the need arises to express a considerable quantity of possession, a plural suffix, -mi-, followed by a posses- sive pronoun, is attached to the nominal stem; when the need arises to express a collectivity, the nominal stem is initially reduplicated; final reduplication expresses plural allegiance. 1. Intensive Plural Plural suffix, -mi-, followed by a possessive pronoun; the vowel of the suffix, -mi-, is lengthened when the suffix follows a short stem-vowel. PlJ?7g1uIn pA-'flgumiL'n co 6yL'n cd 'yimi 'n ya 'ab&'l ya 'bimiL'n a-qga 'mu 'umr'n his horse, his pet. his very many horses. his wife. his very many wives. the skirt. her very many skirts. his very many relations. (The pl. suff. is insepar- ably attached to the n. st., *aflga.mu-., because one always has many relations.) 2. Collective Plurality Collective plurality is expressed by initial reduplication. Initial reduplica- tion is the term applied to the peculiar type of reduplication in which the first vowel of the stem is repeated initially. Usually, initial reduplication of nominal stems is very regular. k6-'6y6-'t 6 'g6'86y6 't k,ula 'ab&'ct ,u'kula 'abt'ct the turtle. the many turtles in one place. the duck. the many ducks in one place. Examples of irregular reduplication are: tac'twa'l the man. . ata 'twa'l the many men in one place. (Not *a 'da 'twadl.) ko'im the woman. 6'k6k6'im the many women in one place. (Not *6. 'g6 'm.) It is possible that certain nouns appear only in an initially reduplicated form. For example, i'tica'l the clothes (collective, generic). Neither the form *tica'l, nor the concept "an article of clothing," is ever actually used. 156 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar S. Plural Allegiance Plural allegiance is expressed by final reduplication. t&'miwa'l t&'miwawa 'l t&'miwawa 'p the chief. tt'miwa'p the chief who has many followers. their chief who has many followers. The final syllable, wa, of the nominal stem, t&miwa, is reduplicated; the addi- tional mora found in the repeated final syllable (-wa--) occurs because of an alternation of length; if -wa- is an archaic suffix, it is inseparably attached in the stem, tLmiwa-. My chief informant, who is very conservative, would not admit that nouns other than thmiwa- could express plural allegiance; other speakers of the lan- guage reduplicate -wa- whenever it occurs as the final syllable of a nominal stem, and even when it occurs as the final syllable of the suffix, -tstqwa-. toha'tet)rwa'n to'hat8t'rwawa"'n his hunting partner. his hunting partner (in the sense that the part- ner referred to, being very proficient, has many companions in hunting). ?35. NOUNS OF INSTRUMENTALITY The limited use of the instrumental case, formed by attaching the postposi- tion, -c, to an absolute object noun, has been described (?29, 1). With a much wider range of meaning and usage, two nominalizing suffixes form nouns of instrumentality when attached to verbal stems or verbal themes. 1. Inanimate In8trument of Action Suffix, -(&)c- -(i)- vowel increment, resists lengthening. -c- suffix proper; the resulting in- animate instrument noun belongs to class B5 (abs. suff., -t). yandz- (atelic) yandzi'ct kuwl- (atelie) ku 'ulL'ct tsa-yina-n- (atelic) tsa 'yina 'nL'ct kug- (atelic) kuw'ug&'cn aha 'idz'- (atehc) aha-'idz't'cn lu lu'- (atelic) lu 'lu'Lrtt lu-'lu'L'cn TO SIT DOWN. the chair (i.e., the instrument for sitting down). TO PLAY. the bullroarer (i.e., the instrument for playing; the bullroarer is used as a toy). TO MAKE LACE, NETS. the shuttle (i.e.,the instrument for making lace, nets). TO POINT. his finger (i.e., the instrument for pointing). TO CHEW. his molar tooth (i.e., the instrument for chewing). TO FLUTE, TO PLAY THE FLUTE. the flute. his flute. their chief. 157 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. In one verb the suffix, -(i)c-, was found to follow the telic instead of the atelic form of the verbal stem. i ciug- (atelic), ciuk (telic) TO COMB HAIR. ciug&'ct the comb (i.e., the instrument for combing hair). When the instrument of action is designated by a special nominal stem, the verb describing the activity may not usually suffix -(i)c-. A 'njIA7a't pa'hala 'p he is pounding in the mortar. *p,Anpql&'ct, which would mean "the instrument for pounding, the pestle," is not possible, because a separate nominal stem is used for this instrument: p6h6 '6wa'l the pestle. Since there is no special nominal stem for "the muller, the instrument for grinding," the verbal stem, TO GRIND, may be nominalized with -(i)c-. ut1i'c- (atelic) TO GRIND. s'tuct'ct the muler. Sometimes, but not frequently, the "instrument of action" is used so loosely that "the place of action" would express the notion more exactly. noh- (atelic) TO ROAST IN THE GROUND. nohL'ct the roasting pit. tik- (atelic) TO EAT. tik&'ct the restaurant. A noun formed by the suffix, -(i)c-, may still have a direct object, in common with nominalized transitive verbs in general. ki-g- (atelic) TO PLACE IN A RECEPTACLE. ki 'igt'ct c6"6g6ntnta' the instrument for sacking tobacco. ("The tobacco box." [A mountain sheep horn].) 2. Animate Instrument of Action Suffix, -(i)cka- -(i)- vowel increment, resists lengthening. -cka- suffix proper, possibly a fusion of the instrumental element, *-c-, and the element, *l. 2. Agentive suffix, -(a)piUl. 3. Partner of action suffix, -(a)tst-qwa-. 4. Past agentive suffix, -(a)pigana-. 5. Recent past agentive suffix, -(a)pLna-. 6. Suffix expressing, ... OWNER, -gana-. 7. Augmentative suffix, -bwcwt-. 8. Absentative suffix, -bi--. Of these suffixes, 1-5 follow only after verbal themes or verbal stems, which are then nominalized; 6 and 7 follow nominalized bases (see ?38) as often as nominal stems; 8 follows only after nominal stems. 159 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 1. Agentive Suffix, -(i)bU -(i)- vowel increment, tolerates lengthening. -bit- suffix proper; the plosive of this suffix is never unvoiced. -l absolute suffix. The resulting noun belongs to class Al, and is used only as an absolute noun. Agentive nouns formed by this suffix correspond in meaning and usage to the agentive nouns in English ending in -er, "the hunter," "the fighter," etc. 6c616 ,q- (atelic) TO SNORE. 6'c6l6d'qibi 'l i 'mica' ye 'ewa"rq the snorer willtake leave tomorrow. Ot6lo hin-2 (atelic) TO CAUSE HIM TO GROAN. 6't61o'hini 'ibi>'l the one who causes him to groan. tsadyinaan- (atelic) a 'daw'i 'k tsa 'yina 'nibi la' toha'-r TO MAKE LACE. she saw the lace-maker when he was hunting. 2. Agentive Suffix, -(a)pHt -(a)- vowel increment, resists lengthening. -pi>- suffix proper, corresponds in form to the past tense suffix (see ?37), but is probably etymologically distinct; the plosive of this suffix is never voiced. -l absolute suffix. The resulting noun belongs to class Al, and is used only as an absolute noun. Agentive nouns formed by this suffix give much the same feeling as agentive nouns in English ending in -er ("the hunter," etc.) but are applied only during the time that the agent is concerned with the action described. Thus, one says, "The hunter is coming," when a man is returning from a hunting trip; or, "The hunter is sleeping," when the sleeper is on a hunting trip, but not if a man who occasionally hunts or has hunted is sleeping at home (for this situation, one must use the agentive suff., -(i)bi-l; see 1, above). Agentive nouns concerning an action which is performed occasionally will be formed by the suffix -(a)pi>l. no '- (atelic) no ypiL'l TO TURN BACK. the turner back. 16g6'- (atelic) TO BE CRAZY. I6d'g6"6pi 't the crazy one. ("Crazy" in the sense of turbulent rather than insane.) Compare the following examples with those cited under 1, above. ili 'gina 'ala't 8'c618 'vqdpi '1a' he is going there to wake up the snorer. 6't6lo"'h&'napi 'l taha'mbici' kima't the causer of groaning the old man (obj.) is coming. ("The one who causes the old man to groan is coming.") a*'dawi*'k tsa*'yina*'napi*'la' tsa*'yina*'ana't7 she saw the lace maker when he was making lace. 160 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar S. Partner of Action Suffix, -(a)t8&,qwa- -(a) vowel increment, resists lengthening. -tstqwa- suffix proper. The result- ing noun belongs to class A2, and is always used as a relative noun. no '- (atelic) TO TURN BACK. no "a'tsti7wa'n his partner in turning back. kab8ba 'in-2 (atelic) TO RATTLE. ka'b6ba "ina't8tsqwa n his partner in rattling (split-stick rattle). anbi' a 'dawi>'k ka'b6ba "ina 'nats&'77wayt'ntL' '- did you see my partner in rattling for it? (the dance). tsulum- (atelic) TO SLEEP. tsulu 'uma't8&tqwa'n his partner in sleeping (i.e., his mistress). 4. Past Agentive Suffix, -(a)pigana- 5. Recent Past Agentive Suffix, -(a)pina- -(a)- vowel increment, resists lengthening before both suffixes. -pigana- and -pina-, suffixes proper; the former is probably a fusion of the past tense suffix, -pi>- (see ?37) and *'gana'n a'maha't the leaf-owner is falling (impers. vb.). ("The tree having leaves is falling down.") 162 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar hani 'l hani-'gana'n naha 'l naha-'gana'n the house. the house-owner. the lice. the lice-owner, the louse-infested man. iii. -gana- used in nominal sentences. hani-'gana'ngi house-owner I. ("I [am] the house-owner.") na'rqhab1i'gana'n Mu'tuh,I'l the leaf-owner the cottonwood tree. ("The cottonwood tree [is] the leaf-owner" [in the sense that the tree is covered with leaves].) The element -wa- is attached to certain nominal stems before -gana-, with no additional meaning. yu 'mu 'ug,u'l the oak tree. yu"'mu 'guwa 'gana'n muwa-l the oak tree owner the mountain. ("The mountain [is] the oak tree owner" [in the sense that the mountain is forested with oak trees].) mact'l the grass. ma'ciwa 'gana'n mu "l'ct the grass-owner the hill. ("The hill [is] the grass-owner" [in the sense that the hill is covered with grass].) 7. Augmentative Suffix, -bu,wv- -btcwL- suffix proper, possibly a fusion of the dirninutive suffix, -b-, and the element,*-cwL-. The augmentative noun belongs to class B2 (with -t, abs. suff.). The initial plosive of the suffix is sometimes unvoiced, and the final stem vowel preceding the suffix is shortened in a sporadic fashion-that is, not all preced- ing vowels are shortened. i. Augmentative suffix attached to nominal stems. naha 'l the lice. naha'pwewt't kima't the very lousy one is coming. p,pndzL'l the eyes. Oxta't p,A'ndzibt'cwtta' he is asking big-eyes (the one having big eyes). ii. Augmentative suffix attached to nominalized base (cf. ?38). tLk- (atelic) TO EAT. tfiki- (n. base) THE FOOD. tiki'ptcwt't tsulu 'uma't the one having much food is sleeping. tsulu-m- (atelic) TO SLEEP. tsulu 'mi'btcw&'t itka't the one who sleeps too much is eating. 8. Absentative Suffix, -bi- -bi-- suffix proper; the initial plosive of this suffix is unvoiced after a vowel of one mora. The absentative noun belongs to class B1 (with -t abs. suff.), and is used only as an absolute noun. 163 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. the nose. the wildcat (the one who is without a nose). the facial hair. he is asking the beardless youth (the one who is without facial hair). The element, -wa-, is attached to certain nominal stems before X-bi- is suffixed, with no additional meaning. mact'l the grass. i mi' ma'ciwa 'bi-'ida'p he went on the grassless one (hill, mountain, valley, depending on context). ?37. TENSE IN NOUNS Nouns of agency express past tense, recent past, and, by implication, present tense (see ?36, 2, 4, 5). A noun of instrumentality may express futurity, if the context demands it (see ?35, 2). But the only direct grammatical expression of tense in nouns, not primarily involved with other concepts, is by means of the past tense suffix, -pi--. It happens that this is the only pure past tense expressed in the language, Tulbatulabal verbs being unable to express an unmixed past tense (see ?18). -pi- past tense suffix. The past tense noun belongs to class Al (with -1 abs. suff.). i. Past tense suffix used with nominal stems. The past tense suffix following a nominal stem expresses the past existence of the noun. hani 'l the house. hani 'pi>'l the house (past; the house which used to be, now in ruins). i 'mi' hani"tpi 'lami 'k he went toward the house, now in ruins. a,'dawi>'k hani pi>'yt'ni'V'-7 he saw what used to be my house (the ruins of my former house). t&'miwa'l the chief. t&mi'wapi>'l the former chief, now dead. na 'lawt'n his younger brother. na 'la'wLpi 'n his younger brother, now dead. ii. Past tense suffix with nominalized base (cf. ?38). The past tense suffix following a nominalized base generally expresses the place at which the action occurred in the past. a 'dawi>'kki' to'hapi>'y&'n I saw the place of his past hunting (ejus obj.). a'dawi-'kki' to'hapiV'la' I saw the place of the past hunting (abs. obj.). w'ne't1a b ag'uba' tothap c 'p he went back again to the place of his own past hunting (suus ines.). m/.pL't m,u'ptpi 't katqa 'l 8xta't karna -'bi -'ida' 164 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar iii. Past tense nouns in nominal sentences. The past tense suffix following a nominalized base is very rarely used in a nominal sentence. Only one such use has been found, and in this an interrogative particle, ha 'ica, must be included in the sentence. Possibly the negative particle, ha '&c, is a contracted form of the interrogative particle, ha 'ica. pO'6dz- (atelic) TO TARGET-PRACTICE. p6'Odza- (n. base) THE TARGET-PRACTICE. ha "ica' p6"6dzapiY'n not (question) his target-practice past. ("How long ago has he been target-practicing?") ?38. THE NOMINALIZED BASE Verbs may be changed into nouns by means of two distinct devices. Verbal stems or verbal themes may be nominalized by appending suffixes which not only nominalize but also bear a derivative meaning (cf. ?31). In the second type of nominalization, the verbal stem or verbal theme is changed into a nomi- nalized base without the addition of a derivative notion. This direct nominali- zation appears to be brought about by attaching to the verbal stem or to the verbal theme a vowel increment, generally -i-, but for some stems and in spe- cial circumstances, -a-; the verbal stem or verbal theme, with the vowel incre- ment attached, is termed the nominalized base.'0 The nominalized base is treated in general like a true nominal stem; it may be inflected for all the obli- gatory nominal categories (abs. rel. distinctions and the syntactic cases, subj., obj., gen.); the secondary case postpositions (?29), and some of the deriva- tional nominal suffixes (?30), may follow the nominalized base just as they may follow the nominal stem. 1. Nominalized Base in -i-, Forming Class A Nouns Transitive and intransitive verbs, and impersonal verbal stems which have been transitivized, are very freely nominalized by appending the -i- increment to the atelic form of the verbal stem or verbal theme (see ?11). The nominalized base is then inflected like other nouns in class Al (if the -i- incr. in the n. base has the value of two morae) or class A2 (if the -i- incr. has the value of one mora). 10 The vowel increment, as it is employed in Verb Morphology (??10-21), precedes each verbal suffix (the suffix juxtaposed to the verbal stem and also each successive suffix); but the vowel increment in the nominalized base is only juxtaposed to the verbal stem or verbal theme and does not seem to be associated with any particular suffix. Just as the nominal stem may be used nakedly, so the nominalized base may be used nakedly. The vowel increments (i and a) in association with verbal suffixes bear no discernible meaning (cf. ?13, 1); the vowel increments (i and a) in the nominalized base bear no derivational meaning, but at least express nominalization. This function might tempt one to regard the vowel increment in the nominalized base as etymologically distinct from the vowel increments associated with verbal suffixes. The present interpretation does not incline in this direction, but assumes that the phonetic identity of the vowel increments in both circumstances is evidence that the same elements are being put to different uses. 165 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. mu luw-2 (atelic) mul luwi 'l tkg'lm mu 'luwi 'ila'p tik- (atelic) tfkt'l t-ka't ti'kila' tika't t-iki' TO DANCE. the dance (n. base, mu-luwi--, plus the abs. suff., -1). he came to the dance (abs. iness. case, Al n.). TO EAT IT the food (n. base, tiki-, plus abs. suff., -1). he is eating the food (abs. obj. case, A2 n.). he is eating his own food (suus obj. case, A2 n.). In the following examples, the absolute suffix, -1, is attached to the nominalized base; the resulting nouns are therefore given in absolute form, subject case (??26 and 27). . The meaning of transitive verbs directly nominalized. In general it may be said that in direct nominalization of transitive verbs (see ??10, 2; and 14), the object of the transitive verb becomes the denominating substantive. 6xta-2 (atelic) 6xti 'l wac- (atelic) wac&'l wele h- (atelic) wele 'hL'l ya l - (atelic) ya 'alh'l anab-2 (atelic) a'nabi 'l andaij-2 (atelic) a'ndaoqih'l no;h- (atelic) noht'l TO ASK (tr.). the person asked. TO DIG (tr.). the hole, the thing dug. TO SWALLOW (tr.). the thing swallowed. TO THRESH (tr.). the grain threshed. TO THROW (tr.). the thing thrown. TO KICK (tr.). the person or thing kicked. TO ROAST IN THE GROUND (tr.). the thing roasted. All except a few impersonal verbal stems (see 2, below) must be transitivized (see ?14) before they may be directly nominalized. wa-g- (atelic) wa gin-2 (atelic) wa 'gini1'l wacag- (atelic) waca gin-2 (atelic) waca 'gini 'l yu'udz- (atelic) yu'udzin-2 (atelic) yu"udzini 'l IT IS DRY (impers.). TO DRY (tr.). the thing dried. IT FLAMES, IT SMOKES (impers.). TO SMOKE (tr.). the thing smoked (cigar, pipe, cigarette). IT FADES (impers.). TO WASH (tr.). the washed clothes. 166 Voegelin: Ttibatulabal Grammar When a few transitive verbs are directly nominalized, the general place of action, rather than the object of the verb, becomes the denominating substantive. wi g- (atelic) Wiv igL'l hada'w- (atelic) hada 'aw&'l TO DISCARD (tr.). the dump, the place of discarding. TO CROSS (tr.). the bridge, the crossing place. ii. The meaning of intransitive verbs directly nominalized. In direct nomi- nalization of intransitive verbs (see ??10, 2; and 14), a more or less abstract concept of the action of the intransitive verb becomes the denominating sub- stantive. It is sometimes difficult to give an appropriate English translation to the resulting noun. ac- (atelic) a 'ac&'l 6t61o h- (atelic) 6't61o'hL'1 6c61l -,q- (atelic) 6'c6l6'4q'7l' tsR1.LfgL'l & b- (atelic) CL. 'tb&'l w6 -'tc- (atelic) W6."ict'l *h*L-b- (atelic) *ihi-'ibt'l 6 1- (atelic) 6 y6m7g- (atelic) 6 'y6miqg&'l mu -g- (atelic) mul 'ugLl' hal-2 (atelic) hali 'l wa-hay- (atelic) wa 'hayt'l ha'ibi'- (atelic) ha"ibi'L'l yew- (atelic) ye 'ew&'l yaxtamuwg- (atelic) ya'xtamu-'ug&'l kataxwa-2 (atelic) ka'taxwi'l TO BATHE (intr.). the bathing, the bath. TO GROAN (intr.). the groaning. TO SNORE (intr.). the snoring. TO BE FRIGHTENED (intr.). the fear. TO BE COLD (intr.). the shivering. TO BE JEALOUS (intr.). the jealousy. TO MASSAGE (intr.). the massage. TO GET UP (intr.). the arising. TO PULSATE (intr.). the pulsation. TO DIE, TO BE UNCONSCIOUS (intr.). the sickness. TO SIT (intr.). Sunday (the sitting day). TO WORK (intr.). the work. TO JOKE (intr.). the joke. TO BE ASHAMED (intr.). the shame. TO BE SLEEPY (intr.). the sleepiness. TO BE SLAUGHTERED (intr.). the epidemic. 167 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. When verbal stems which are classified as intransitive have a notional object included in the sense of the verb, this notional object becomes the denominat- ing concept of the substance. paxkan- (atelic) TO SPEAK TtBATULABAL (intr.). pa'xkan&'l the Thbatulabal language. i ciug- (atelic) TO COMB ONE S HAIR (intr.). i 'ciuga'l the combed hair. imbir1w- (atelic) TO ROLL STRING ON ONE'S THIGH. i'mbi7qwl'l the rolled string. iii. The meaning of directly nominalized verbs with optional inherent voice (cf. ??10, 2; 14). Some inherently transitive verbs may be used in an intransi- tive context without an object. When such verbs are directly nominalized, the resulting noun also enjoys two meanings (following i, or ii, above). tik- (atelic) TO EAT (tr. or intr.). tikL'l the food, or the eating. ma-g- (atelic) TO K?NOW (tr. or intr.). ma 'agt'l the thing known, or the knowledge. The impersonal verbal stem, id-'- (atelic) IT IS HOT, may be used in an in- transitive context, meaning, TO BE EROTIC. Only the intransitive sense may be' directly nominalized: i'dti"t'lY1 the passion. iv. Nominalization of verbal stems with reversed formation (cf. ?11, 2). For some exceptional verbal stems, the atelic form represents an initial reduplica- tion of the telic form. E.g.: anar7-2 (atelic), na772 (telic) TO CRY (intr.). When- ever this type of reversed formation occurs, it is not entirely certain that the atelic form will be used in nominalization. Informants are rather inconsistent when dealing with these verbs. For the verbal stem cited, the directly nominal- ized form is theoretically: a'narli 'l the crying. This form is generally given by informants, but occasionally the telic form (which is the basic form in re- versed formation verbs) is given instead: na-qi 'l the crying. When the inform- ant's attention is drawn to the two nominalizations, the latter (based on the telic form) is pronounced incorrect, with the significant information, however, that some people use the incorrect form (nat7i 'l). One of the agentive suffixes, the augmentative, -b&cwt- (?36, 7), is attached either to nominal stems or to nominalized bases. When attached to a nominal- ized base, the basic form of the verbal stem (which means the telic form for re- versed formation stems, and the atelic form for all other stems) is used for the nominalized base. Examples are: na77i- (n. base). na7t'pLcwt't the cry-baby. (The vowel preceding the suff. loses one mora, and the initial plosive of the suff. is unvoiced.) 168 Voegelin: Tiibatulabal Grammar 6-y6m-2 (atelic), y6-m (telic) TO COPULATE (tr. or intr.). y6omi- (n. base) copulation. y6 'mi'bucwt't the one who copulates too much, the Don Juan. Also one of the nominalizing suffixes (?35, 1) follows the telic instead of the atelic form of the reversed formation verb: i ciug- (atelic), ciug- (telic) TO COMB ONE'S HAIR. ci'ugi'ct the comb, the instrument for combing. 2. Nominalized Base in -i-, Forming Class B2 Nouns A few impersonal verbal stems are directly nominalized by appending the -i- increment to the atelic form of the verbal stem; the resulting noun belongs to class B2 (with -t, abs. suff.) and not to class A (cf. 1, above). w' '- (atelic) WATER RUNS (impers.). wY 'i- (n. base). wFi "'tt the river. papulu'- (atelic) IT IS WHIRLWINDING (impers.). pap,.'lu't't the whirlwind. S. Nominalized Base in -a- i. Forming class B2 nouns. Very rarely a verb is found which is nominalized by appending the -a- increment to the atelic form of the verb. pa-qham- (atelic) TO HIDE IN THE WILLOW BLIND (intr.). parqhama- (n. base). pa'trhama't the willow blind. p687g- (atelic) TO HAVE ONE 'S HEAD COVERED WITH A CAP (intr.). p6qga- (n. base). p68rga't the basket cap. ii. With nominal suffix following. Only one nominal suffix, the past tense suffix, -pi-- (?37, ii), requires the atelic form of the verbal stem to be nominal- ized by the -a- increment; other nominal suffixes follow the nominalized base in -i- (cf. 1, above). tsulu m- (atelic) TO SLEEP (intr.). tsulu-ma- (n. base). a 'dawi-'k tsulu'mapi>'i he saw the place of his own past sleeping (suus obj., Al). 4. Distinction Between Nominal Stems and Verbal Stems On the whole, verbal stems and nominal stems are quite distinct. In a lim- ited way, nominal stems may be verbalized (?21). Verbal stems, however, may be nominalized very freely, either by appending nominalizing suffixes (?31) or by appending the -i- increment'to the verbal stem or verbal theme (see 1, above). 169 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. The verbal stem is not often nominalized by appending the -a- increment to the verbal stem (see 3, above). This nominalized base in -a- should not be sharply distinguished from a small group of stems for which the most that can be said is that the nominal stem is related to the verbal stem. For this small group of stems, there is little formal distinction between the verbal stem and the nominal stem; in one or two occurrences, the verbal stem has the same form as the nominal stem. Examples are: yixpa- (n. st.). yixpa'l yixpa-2 (atelic), iyixpa2 (telic) ma - (n. st.). ma n ma'- (atelic), a ma' (telic) tatwa- (n. st.). ta"'twa'l ta twi-2~ (atelic), ata twi2 (telic) ka-dzu- (n. st.). ka 'adz,u'l ka dza-2 (atelic), a-ga'dza2 (telic) ku--na- (n. st.). ku 'urqa'l ku-q1u-2 (atelic), u gu vutO (telic) 616n- (n. st.). 616'nt 616n- (atelic), 6'616n (telic) ma-ca- (n. st.). ma,'aca't maca-2 (atelic), amaca2 (telic) *xko,wa-- (n. st.). i'xkowa"'l ixkowa'- (atelic), i'pxkowa' (tetc) wtp (n. st.). W&Ipt wi b- (atelic), iwJi-p (telic) the door. TO SHUT IT (tr.). his hand. TO TOUCH (tr.). the man. TO SOBER UP (intr.). the clay pot. TO BOIL (tr.). the husband. TO MARRY (tr.). the staff. TO POKE (tr.). the bag. TO COVER (tr.). the wind. IT BLOWS (impers.). the fat. TO BE FAT (intr.). 170 ??3940. PARTICLES ?39. CONJUNCTIVE PARTICLES Particles are comparatively uninflected words which appear in syntactic collocation with nouns and verbs, but themselves do not meet the formal re- quirements of either nouns or verbs (see ?9). The formal characteristic of par- ticles is their lack of inflection, or their sparing use of inflection as compared to nouns and verbs. Concerning particle stems, a distinction can generally be made between particles which are i. Stereotyped case- or verb-formns (see especially 2 and 4, below; and ?40, 2, 4, 5). ii. Words showing no indication of having been case- or verb-forms. Conjunctive particles differ from independent particles merely in that they always follow an independent word: a noun or verb or independent particle (see ?8, 3). 1. Indirect Discourse Sentences in indirect discourse differ from normal narrative sentences only in that the quotative conjunctive particle, -gidza, is attached to some word in the sentence for indirect discourse. pt'c i.'mi' then he went (dir. disc.). p&'ckL'tc i 'mi' then it is said that he went (indir. disc.). ku-'gidza' Lflgt'm hani-'p and, it is said, he came to his own house (indir. disc.). The quotative particle behaves phonetically like some conjunctive personal pronouns (see ?23): the final -a of -gidza is frequently elided, and the initial consonant of the quotative particle may be fused with the present tense suffix (see ?18, 1). hani 'p kima't he is coming home (dir. disc.). hani-'p kima'kidza' it is said he is coming home (indir. disc.). 2. Direct Quotation Sentences, phrases, or words directly quoted are usually preceded by a kind of orientation sentence in which it is stated that someone is talking, or asking, or writing. The words directly quoted will, nevertheless, have the conjunctive particle, -glt HE IS SAYING, attached with a frequency which gives a peculiar stylistic effect; generally every third word, sometimes every word or every second word directly quoted, has this particle attached. -git is a stereotyped verb-form, a contraction or the second element of the regular verb, pLlqgi't HE IS SPEAKING; -git may be analyzed as: -g-I (atelic) plus the present-tense suffix, -(a)t (see ??2, 1, i; and 11). The form, -git, is rarely inflected when used as a conjunctive particle; the present-tense suffix behaves normally (see ?18, 1). [171] University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Examples of the typical use of this particle are: pt'c tci 'tc tac'twa'l Lmb'271k wa"awi'rin ' yuka-'ya'higi't ti'wigVit wa'lgi ku 'yV'a'tki't then one man spoke "That is Yukaya," he is saying. "Good," (the shaman) is saying, "that I am desiring," he is saying. wiVkigi9'ma'kil&t'g'i't pt'c ma ' a 'li"idt'qgNt t'h cu'naba 'ngi'ki "I am coming to get you," he is saying; then, "Where (is) your gun?" he is saying. "Here inside," I am saying. pt'c wa" k6'im 68'6wa'n wa" 6g6'n tVw'* kima'h ci 'uba"igigt then that woman wrote "That (is) good come back again," she is saying. An exception to the uninflected nature of this particle is found in an instance when the telic form, presumably, is followed by the suffix of movement, -nun (see ?17, 2), which is in turn followed by the quotative particle (see 1, above). ka.k iki'mlna 'gidza' "caw," said (the bird) going from here to there, it is said. When used with certain independent negative particles, the conjunctive par- ticle, -git, will give the feeling of indirect discourse in rare instances. ha'c-ki-ha'c-k-igVit not-I-not-I-am saying. ("I am saying nothing.") haca'tcagi't ha 'inda' k6-'im "nothing" saying "nothing" woman. ("The woman is saying nothing.") S. Modal Particles There are three common modal conjunctive particles: -bi c IMMEDIATELY; -be- AFTER AWHILE, FIRST; -ni> "empty word," that is, no additional mean- ing results when this particle is attached to a word. pl'ckini ' i'lVi' i 'mi' then I in the evening went. a'tsumni ' ti'k let me eat it. -ni is more limited than the other modal particles; it is generally used in connection with a first person singular notion. wica' later on. wica-'abe-' later on after a while. a'nip,t'mbe ' ala 'wi'ba'a't do ye after a while want to talk? ti'kabe-' eat after a while! ti'kabi 'c eat immediately! tVkama'tspe ' let him eat first. -bi c and -be- are used most frequently after imperative verbs; the former almost exclusively so, the latter in connection with other modal verbs, desider- ative, exhortative, permissive, and auxiliary verbs. 172 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar 4. Formative Particles There are no clear-cut instances of formative particles. The verbalizing con- junctive particles, -kayq and -g9Cc, give some feeling of suffixes (see ?21, 4, 5). The former may possibly be a stereotyped verb-form: *-ka- TO OWN (a stem which does not occur in an independent verb) and the subordinating suffix, -q (see ?19, 4); the latter appears to be a stereotyped verb-form: *-g- (see 2, above) and the subordinating suffix, -(a)c (see ?19, 3). The element, -wa-, should possibly be counted as a conjunctive particle when used with independent particles, but not when used with absentative nouns, an etymologically identical element being assumed (see ?36, 8). It is not certain whether -wa- is a contracted form of -twa-, or whether it is related to the independent demonstrative particle stem, -wa'- (?40, 9). At any rate the element -wa- is always followed by the third person singular possessive con- junctive pronoun (see ?24); as a subject form the element is -wan or -twan; as an object form, -waytn or -twayLn. The meaning of an independent particle is usually not changed when -wa- is attached; sometimes it is used in a special sense, the independent particle being used as an adjective or adverb without -wa-, but only as an adjective when -wa- is attached. ti'wi good, well. ti'wiwa'n good. ma, where. matwa'n (subj. form) what kind. ma'twayL'n (obj. form) what kind. tabu",4pL'l SHORT. tabu",IpLlwa'n (subj. form) tabu"MpL'lwayL'n (obj. form) tabu",4pL'tc SHORT. tabu"upLtcvwa'n (subj. form) tabu",.p&'tcwayL'n (obj. form) ti'Wiplt' PRETTY. ti'wLpL'lwa'n (subj. form) tV'wipl'lwayL'n (obj. form) pod6 'yibL'tc SOFT, TENDER. pod6-'yi'bUtcwa'n (subj. form) pod6 'yibL'tcwayL'n (obj. form) ku"udzubLt'l LITTLE. ku"udzubLlwa'n (subj. form) ku"udzubL'lwayL'n (obj. form) ku"ud zubL'tc LITTLE. ku"udzubLtcwa'n (subj. form) ku"udzubL'tcwayL'n (obj. form) 173 Univer8ity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. -wa- is most frequently attached to particles ending in -pdl and -pttc. These endings may possibly be diminutive and augmentative suffixes; according to all informants, however, these endings bear no meaning. 5. Personal Pronoun Conjunctive Particles. See ??22-24 ?40. INDEPENDENT PARTICLES Independent particles differ from conjunctive particles (see ?39) in that they are not dependent upon a preceding word for their position. A sentence may begin with an independent particle; again, several independent particles may be bunched together with conjunctive particles in a way which suggests an elaborate compound (see 10, below). Independent particles generally occur in one form only. Sometimes a special subject and object form is found; one particle, at least, has a genitive form in addition. In some circumstances, not easy to delimit, particles will appear in "contracted" and "expanded" forms. The "contracted" form may result from fast speech. Examples are: we"edu so (careful speech). welt so (fast speech). ha? 'c no, not (careful speech). ha'c no, not (fast speech). mi "'i 'm right here (careful speech). mi 'm right here (fast speech). It is difficult to account for the "contracted" form in occurrences like the following. undu-'uga'l that. und,u'k that (contracted form). tiyu and. ti and (contracted form). pA t"uma'n its edge. p,'umapa'n on its edge. 1. Attributive Devices Adjectival notions are most commonly expressed in Tubatulabal by means of impersonal and intransitive verbs. Examples are: titnt pM '6ci't the rock is white. ta 'twa'l ha'maca't the man is sad. If the noun needs to be the subject of another verb, the descriptive impersonal or intransitive verb is nominalized by means of the agentive suffix (see ?36, 2), and then the resulting noun is used in apposition with the subject noun. p6 'dpi>'l ti'nt *'dY."i't the white one = the rock is hot. hama'capH l ta 'twa'l tika't the sad one = the man is eating it. 174 Voegelin: Ttibatulabal Grammar In the same way attributive particles appear to be used in apposition with nouns. When two nouns appear together, or when a particle and noun appear together, the two words convey an identity. When context permits, attributive particles are used in this way as adjectives, and also as adverbs. Examples are: yo 'wi' ta 'twa'l the many = the men. ("The many men.") ma'pita'l w6qg6'1 the new ones = the shoes. ("The new shoes.") *it'k 1 'ib&'l he ate it slowly. Y/ib&'l ta 'twa'l the slow one = the man. ("the slow man.") ewe 'wibL'l ta 'twa'l the light one = the man. ("The light man.") miya't ewe -'wibt'l he is going lightly. Some attributive particles have a subject form and an object form. Such par- ticles will be in the same case as the appositional noun. However, no attribu- tive particle has a genitive form, and most particles are without an object form; the one form of most particles will fit all circumstances. iwi'k pCl" tohi-'la' he took the heavy one = the deer. ("He took the heavy deer.") pilV" tohi 'l a 'ac't the heavy one = the deer is bath- ing. ("The heavy deer is bathing. ") tabu"updlwa'n ti 'mi'a't p6'6di't the short one = the rope is white. ("The short rope is white.") a 'dawi 'k tabu"upL'lway&'n tfi'mi"ata' he saw the short one = the rope. ("He saw the short rope.") 2. Attributive Devices in Comparison The attributive devices in Tubatulabal (see 1, above) normally indicate a positive degree, without any suggestion of comparison. Thus, "The rock is white," not more or less white; or, "The heavy deer is bathing," without any suggestion as to the degree of heaviness of the deer. A comparative and superlative degree may be expressed in Tubatulabal, but a special nominal sentence must be spoken for such an expression. It would be impossible to say directly, "The heaviest deer is bathing." It would be neces- sary to say, "The deer is heavier than others," and only then, "He is bathing." A special independent particle, 68yanac, is used in nominal sentences (i.e., sen- tences without a verb) to express the comparative degree. 6-yanac may possibly be a stereotyped verb-form, 6y- (atelic) TO PASS BY, pluS the benefactive suf- fix (?14, 3), followed by the subordinating suffix, -(a)c (?19, 3). The noun pre- ceding 8yanac is in the subject case; the noun following 6-yanac is in the object 175 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. case. A special particle, tambil, is used in annexation with a noun which needs to be described superlatively. piril tohi 'l 6 'yana'c pa 'immi theheavyone = the deer than some. ("The deer [is] heavier than some.") pili" tohi 'l tambL'l 6dyana'c pa 'imm the heavy one = the deer most than some. ("The deer [is] the heaviest of all.") yo 'wi ta 'twa'l 6o'yana'c k6-'imi' the many = the men than the women. ("[There are] more men than women.") ma'pita'l w6Wg6'n 6d'yana'c w6'8g6yt'q the new ones = his shoes than your shoes. ("His shoes [are] newer than your shoes.") When verbs are involved in the positive degree of description, the verbs must be directly nominalized (see ?38, 1) and then treated morphologically like other nouns; that is, in the subject case when preceding 68yanac, and in the object case when following 68yanac. Examples are: tikiWni'V7 i?'ibt'l 6o'yana'c tW'kiyL'n my eating slowly than his eating. ("I am eating more slowly than he is eating.") w6"6ka'n miy&t'v 6-'yana'c mi'yiyt'n pretty soon your going than his going. ("You are leaving sooner than he.") S. Particles of a Prepositional Nature Certain particles govern the object case of nouns; other particles govern a locative case. Examples are: miya't a 'ma 'yu k8'imi' he is going with the woman. na 'wida'm w68' hani-'la' i 'winV't between two houses he is standing. miya't tc6-'6mi-'k yi'tami-'k he is going down toward the valley. miya't wahki-'k kampu-'i he is going toward his own valley. 4. Stereotyped Case-forms used in Annexation with Genitive Nouns Particles used in this manner differ from the normal relative noun used in annexation with a genitive noun (see ?28, 3) only in that the particle is used exclusively as a relative noun, and has no other inflection. Sometimes the geni- tive noun is not used in annexation with such particles. pA "uma'n pa 'lt/i its edge of the water. ("The edge of the water.") pA 'mapa'n pa 'l71 on its edge of the water. ("On the edge of the water.") wa'taia-'aba'n hani-'l&'t1 on its top of the house. ("On the top of the house.") wa'tatia 'n hani-l&'71 its top of the house. ("The top of the house.") 176 Voegelin: TObatulabal Grammar .uk,J'n muwa 6'mh661'6ga'n cuwa 'lI&', 6'mh6lo8'gaba-'n pa 'lt',q 6'6'p 6'mh616'k i-mi t6 'g&'n hani 'lt'rq hawa 'aba -'n ta 'twa'la'a'7 cuI'naba'n i 'mi cul naba'n hani 'lt'7 its point of the mountain. ("The point of the mountain.") its under side of the ground. ("Under- neath the ground.") in its under side of the water he dived. ("He dived under the water.") under he went. ("He went under.") its corner of the house. ("The corner of the house.") in its neighborhood of the man. ("Next to the man.") inside he went. ("He went inside" [with- out gen.].) in its heart of the house. ("Inside the house" [with gen.].) cu-naban bears the special meaning of inside when used as a relative poten- tially capable of being used in annexation with a genitive noun. In other forms, the nominal stem, cu na-, signifies HEART. Doubtless the stereotyped case- forms are all etymologically nominal stems which are at present limited to the relative form used in annexation with genitive nouns. 5. Stereotyped Verb-forms Probably many of the attributive particles (see 1, above) are stereotyped verb-forms which are at present no longer inflected like the regular intransitive and impersonal verbs. In a few forms, the atelic formn of a verbal stem is used as an attributive particle and is also inflected like a regular verb. Ipili"ta 'twa'l p-i'lli'L'tt y6 "ta 'twa'l y6-"6la't ma 'ntsu"pa,rg,u'l ma 'nts,u"ana't the heavy man. he is heavy. the lame man. he is going along limping. the tame pet. he is taming him. 6. Nexus and Modal Particles The particles of this group are characterized by a vague meaning; when no translation is possible, the particle is termed an "empty word." Examples are: yo 'b&ni' well, then. (Frequently said in disgust after ex- hort. or imp. vbs.) tan (cond. part.) an (inter. part.) tu 'ai' (contr. form) tu'cip'tl if. straight, straightaway; also used in sentences as an "empty word." 177 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. 6m6'k in vain; also used as an "empty word." a,'ma,'ab&'tc merely. map&'l now, today. na'atc just. imbi' again. p&'ga'a'c perhaps. mina' too. wetcu' next. yets or. ku, kudi, ti, tiyu and. yah now. ha- yes. w6 'gami' yet. wica' later. plC then. hac, halpt"c, ha'yi, ha-'yiha-'n, ha 'int, ha-'inda, ha-"ica' no, not, nothing. A single particle does not bear a single meaning; it is most difficult to delimit the range of meaning of these negative particles. The most that can be said is that all negative particles bear some sort of negative meaning. 7. Numeral Particles 1. Numerals. The numerals, one to ten, are: tci 'tc w68" pa 'i na 'na'u ma 'ha'idztroa' one. two. three. four. five. napa 'i n6mndzt'n na 'b,u'ndzLfla' la-'agi-'h amha'idz't&a' ii. Formation of ordinals. When the suffix, -ami, is attached to numeral par- ticles, the resulting word is used in an adverbial sense. In forming the decades (twenty, thirty, and so on), the adverbial suffix, -ami, is contracted to -am after numeral particles ending in a consonant, and to -m after numeral par- ticles ending in a vowel; and an intrusive glottal stop precedes the multipli- cand (ten). . Cy4 11%"^^ ccz,-~ azamv- w6-"ami' pa 'i'ami' na 'na 'u'ami ma*'ha'idz'ooa"ami' napa 'i'ami' n6mndzLt'nami' na 'bjAindz&,a"ami' lam'agia'hami' amha'idz'&-oa"ami' once. twice. thrice. four times. five times. six times. seven times. eight times. nine times. ten times. six. seven. eight. nine. ten. 178 Voegelin: Tibatulabal Grammar almhaidzvt', tit tci tc wO -m 'amha'idzv&ya' nO'mndztna'm 'amha'idza' ten and twice ten seven times one = eleven. = twenty. ten = seventy. iii. Hours of the day. In forming hours of the day, the conjunctive particle, -twanap, or -wanap (see ?39, 4), is attached to the numeral particle. tci 'tcwana'p w6 'twana'p pa"'twana'p na 'na 'wa'twana'p ma*'ha'idzi,oa'twana'p napa 'twana'p n6mndzt'nwana'p na*'b,u'ndz&Xa'twana'p la 'agi 'hwana'p amha'idz'&ta'twana'p one o'clock (lit., "on the one"). two o'clock (lit., "on the two"). three o'clock. (The -i- of the part. st. is elided.) four o'clock. (An additional vowel, -a-, is given to the part. st.) five o'clock. six o'clock. (The -i- of the part. st. is elided.) seven o'clock. eight o'clock. nine o'clock. ten o'clock. iv. Days of the week. In forming days of the week, the subordinating suffix, -(a)ti (see ?19, 4), is attached to the numeral particles, two, three, four, five; Monday and Saturday are designated by Spanish loan-words; Sunday is de- scriptively known as "The sitting (day)." hali 'l Sunday. lu 'una'c Monday (Sp.). w8 "8'71 Tuesday (lit., "It being two [days]"). pa 'i/ti Wednesday (lit., "It being three [days]"). na'na 'u'uA Thursday (lit., "It being four [days]"). ma 'haidWt'7ta'a'/t Friday (lit., "It being five [days]"). sa 'varu' Saturday (Sp.). v. Other formations with the numeral particles, one, two, three, four. Ex- amples are: the one-star constellation. the two-star constellation. the three-star constellation. No one counts more than three stars in a constellation, on pain of death. Three happens to be the pattern or ceremonial number for the Tu- batulabal. alone. all the time. each one. sometimes. nearly. wO 'twa'n pa 'itwa'n tci'tcu' tci 'tck 179 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. w6 "t'cn w6 '6y6't w6'ba-'ana't p.a-'ats,'tt a'paba 'i'ani'gana'n na 'na 'watsIA't a'nanac* 'u' ni'gana'n his co-wife (her husband's mistress), her co- husband (his wife's lover). he is jealous. both. he is halving it. three alone. the three-year-old deer (lit., "The one hav- ing three [points]"). four alone. the four-year-old deer (lit., "The one having four [points]"). 8. Exclamatory Particles Only a few exclamations are commonly used in everyday speech. These in- clude: I we Iedu so, oh. ma" hello. t6 ' I don't know; search me! A few other exclamatory particles have been gleaned from mythical texts. 'Tni"y Tbu', ibi'h yu., L'cehe' *idi'h a-i t'ne'bi i ha-'lala' tse"etsum,I'k help! (an exclamation of old women when frightened). horrors! (said when an improper remark is made). oh, well! go on! (exclamation of listeners when the narrator of a myth pauses). ouch! oh! oh bother! (<*inbijc, possibly a compound of the particles tn and -bi c). bravo! (a favorite exclamation of Coyote's). do as you please! (usually with reference to amor- ous behavior). 9. Pronominal Particles i. Personal pronouns. Personal pronouns occur in subject, object, and pos- sessive series as conjunctive particles (see ??22-24). The pronouns of the sub- ject series may be firmly attached to the independent particle, tn, forming an independent series of personal pronouns. In addition, other independent par- ticles express personal relations of a pronominal nature. Examples are: ki"'ma-' somebody. pa 'immr some, others. t'ndama ' someone, something (subj. form). &'ndama-"i (obj. form). 180 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar p&'niyu everyone, everything (subj. forn). peni"ik (obj. form). agi' who (subj. and obj. form). a'gid&'? who (gen. form). 6m6'ix himself. 6m6'ixp by himself. O'm6h&'ts each other. wanda' those. wa' that one, that thing (subj. form). wal that one, that thing (obj. form). wa"adt'n of that one, of that thing (gen. forn). The demonstrative particle, wa', is unique among particles in that it has three forms to express formally all the syntactic cases; but no formal distinction is made between the absolute and the relative (see ?25). ii. Demonstrative particles. Demonstrative particles are less specffic than the stereotyped case-forms used in annexation with genitive nouns (see 4, above). Other than this they generally indicate a direction, without a genitive noun for internominal reference. They are characteristically vague in all re- spects, and are often left untranslated in the texts. Examples are: tsu "a-qa wa'h eh Lh waha'mina'c waha-'i wandzL'l ama' R ig68'6ci-'k Lki-'k back there. there (related to the demon. st., wa'). right there. here. downward. from there. that. that. any place, some place. away, outside. this way. 10. Particles in Composition Very rarely particle stems appear to be in a compound word with a verbal stem or a nominal stem. a'pala'k he threw it (telic form of the vb. st.). &ki-'k this way (part. st.). ?ki 'ga'pala'k ci'tts he threw off his own blanket. pa 'rqa up (part. st.). ta 'l the sun, the day (ta--, nom. st.). pa'77ata'l the god (lit., "above the sun"). tu-'uga'l the night, the dark (tu-ga-, nom. st.). na 'wi'dami' between, the middle (part. st.). tu-'gana-'wi'dami' in the middle of the night. 181 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. Just as numeral particles may designate the days of the week by suffixg -(a)>q (see 7, iv, above), so the nominal stem, ta -, DAY, may suffix -(a)tq when appearing in a compound with a numeral particle or the particle, ti'wi. nac'na 'uda'6'7 after four days (lit., "it being four days"). ti'wida "aya"awa't the afternoon (lit., "the day being well fin- ished"). Very commonly particle stems appear in composition with other particle stems. There is doubtless a stylistic order in such composition, but other than the fact that the first stem in the compound needs to be an independent par- ticle, no obligatory requirements have been observed. Independent particles are compounded with conjunctive particles into elaborate words consisting of two, three, or even more stems. That the succession of particles is a compound word is inferred because alternation of stress binds together such groups of stems just as it binds together verbal themes and nominal themes (see ?4, 2). Examples are: waha 'i-gL-me 'eda'k i 'mi' from there I in the morning went. ("I went from there in the morning.") w6 '6-pa 'i ta 'twa'l tqgL'm two-three men came. ("Two or three men came.") tax7-ki 'ma"a-d&'ti ku 'yi7a't if-somebody-you wants. ("If somebody wants you.") p&'c-ki-wa'l ta'twala' a 'dawi>'k then-I-that man saw. ("Then I saw that man.") ku-ha'c-kL-ni'-wandz&'l ma 'aga't and-not-I-?-that am knowing. ("And I did not know that.") 182 TEXT WITH ANALYSIS THE POWER OF JIMSONWEED Text and Interlinear Tranmlation pt&'ckil tumrunuuga'2 wa'118 a,'dzowa-'ka.4 'b'l< ilaa15 then I dreamed that (obj.) shaman (obj.). She arrived (mov.) wa'h.16 pt'cnon'7 al-av'uinia'tt.'8 macp i'l hal'tt20 'hcgi't .21 there. Then me she is talking. "Why you are sitting here?" she says. maci 'nP pundzi'2'4 W't8 t'a'c2 her thing covered (subj.) her own eyes (suus obj.) with 11 Ind. part., p&c, followed by conj. pron. 1 sing. subj. (?23). The voiceless medial plosive is geminated. Gemination is indicated by a superior dot (k-) in the very narrow transcrip- tion of this text alone. In the grammar, however (??1-40), in the footnotes which follow, and in the accompanying texts, gemination is not specifically indicated in the transcrip- tion because the rules for geminating consonants are few and simple (see ?1, 7). The dia- critic specifically indicating gemination in this single text (k, t, etc.) is somewhat mis- leading, because geminated consonants have no mora value (see ?4, 2, v), while long vowels, indicated by the same diacritic (a-, 8-, etc.), have the value of two morae. 12 Telic form of tr. vb. TO DREAM (?11, 2). For want of convenient asp. expressions in English, the past tense transl. is given to this and other telic verbs} but only asp. is ex- pressed, not tense (?18). The long vowel is rearticulated in this and m other words (u 'u) because it precedes a stressed vowel; such rearticulation is not organic, and has the same mora value as a long vowel not rearticulated (u '). 1 Ind. part. obj. form. The subj. form would be wa' (?40). 14 a'dzowa-, n. st., -1, abs. suff., -a, obj. suff. (?27). The n. is obj. of the tr. vb. preceding (footnote 12). 15 i.b-i1, telic form of intr. vb. TO ARRIVE (?11, 1), -(a)la, suff. of mov. (?17, 1); the vb. st. exerts a prog. qualitative (?2,1) and quantitative (?3,1) influence on the a incr. associated with the suff. (?13, 1), changing-(a)lato-(Zi)la. 16 Ind. part. 17 Ind. part. followed by conj. pron. 1 sing. obj. The pleonastic form is used here (?24), obj. of the tr. vb. (footnote 18). 18 ala'w-, atelic form of intr. vb. TO TALK (?11, 1), -(i)n, caus. suff., tr. the vb. st. (?14, 2, iii), -(a)t, pres. suff. (?18, 1). 19 Inter. part. followed by conj. pron. 2 sing. subj. (?23) with plosive unvoiced because juxtaposed to a voiceless consonant (?5, 3, 4). 20 hal-, atelic form of intr. vb. To srr (?11,1), -(a)t, pres. suff. (?18, 1); the vb. st. exerts a prog. qualitative influence on the a incr., changing -(a)t to -(I)t (?2, 1), but the suff. resists lengthening (?2, 1, iii). 21 Ind. part., ,h, followed by conj. part. The vowel preceding the conj. part. is intrusive (?4, 3, iii). -g- is a conj. part. related to the vb. st., pt77g- TO SAY, with the same meaning, but the conj. part. -g- never occurs ind. Both the vb. st. and the conj. part. exert a prog. qualitative influence on the following a incr., changing the a to 1 (?2, 1). The conj. part. - is always followed by the pres. suit., either as in this circumstance or with the -t of the suff. fused with the initial plosive of a subj. pron. or qt. part. (?18, 1), as happens below. 22 maca2, atelieform of tr. vb.rToCOVER (?11k 1), maci, n. basein-i- (?38,1, i), -n, conj.poss. pron. 3 sing. (?24). The resulting n. is rel. subj. innominal sentence (?28, 1, ii). N. which are nominalized may still take a direct obj., and the obj. of this n. is ppndzi- (cf. footnote 24). I' Ind. part. related to wa'tl (see footnote 13). 24 ptndzi-, n. st. belongs to class A2 (?26), suus obj. zero suff. (?27); the n. is morph. obj. of nominalized vb. (cf. footnote 22) and since the obj. of a directly nominalizedtr. vb. becomes the denominating substantive (?38, 1, i), the n., plAndzi, is the notionally denomi- nating substantive, as well as the morph. obj. of maci 'n. 25 Ind. part. of a prepositional nature, followed by a n. in the obj. case (?28, 2, iii). [183] University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. TEXT AND INTERLINEAR TRANSLATION-(Continued) ts6m 8 i.11 pltfe7 mi")ip '128 i "i 'wn i 'Ygltm." her own head hair (suus obj.). Then close she stood (mov.). p&'97 ha'y i80 w6Xg6'n8l wa"adt'tq2 k6 'imt't.>" p&'ck ill wa'h28 Then no her shoes of that of woman. Then I there h l i /tt 34 p C lt 3 it a 6 *vgi3 ifyig tn 3 am sitting about. Then me with her own foot she swung up at. pL'c7 Ath38 aha'tapa-'aglm39 p6-'Cip'-1.40 Pt C27 Then here stuck (mov.) the white thing (subj.). Then waha. 'i4l i 'Mi'. 42 pt'ck i'43 *i"'il-'ik 44 tu-'gan-a'wi'dam-i'.41 from there she took leave. Then I woke up in the middle of the night. 26 ts6m6 -, n. st. belongs to class Al (?26), -i, suus obj. suff. (?27). The n. is obj. of wi'ts i'a'c (footnote 25). 27 Ind. part. 28 Ind. part. Another form of this part., mi"ip&'tc, means "very close." (?40). 29 . >', Wjn2, telic form of intr. vb. TO STAND, -(a)gi-m, suff. of mov. (?17, 4); the vb. exerts a prog. qualitative (?2, 1) and quantitative (?3, 1) influence, and the medial vowel of the suff. has the value of one mora in alternation of length (?3, 2, iv) so that the suff. -(a)gi-m becomes -(Z )g&m. '0 Neg. part. sometimes heard, hayi. 31 w6,g6-, n. st. belongs to class A2 (?26), -n, conj. part. 3 sing. poss. pron. (?24). The n. is rel. subj. used in nominal sentence (?28, 1, ii) and used in annexation with the following gen. n. (?28, 3). 32 Ind. part. gen. form. The subj. form is wa', the obj. form, wal. These forms are used in apposition with the n. to which they refer (?40). 33 k6-im, n. st. belongs to class Cl (?26), -ti7, gen. suff. (?27). The gen. n. is used in annexa- tion with the preceding rel. n. (cf. footnote 31 and ?28, 3). 34 4hl-2 (cf. footnote 20). The vowel incr. associated with the pres. suff. is redup. to ex- press the iter. asp. (?15, 5). The qualitative and quantitative influence of the vb. st. ex- tends only to the incr. juxtaposed to the vb. st. This incr. is delimited by the intrusive glottal stop (?4, 2, iv). 35 Cf. footnote 17. In this form both the ind. part. and the conj. part. are stressed (?4, 3, iii). The pron. is obj. of tr. vb. (footnote 37). 36 qi-gi-, n. st. belongs to class A2 (?26), -i, suus obj. suff. (?27). The n. is obj. of the pre- ceding part. 37 Telic form of tr. vb. TO SWING ONE'S FOOT UP, (?11, 1). 38 Cf. footnote 21. 39 ahatap2, telic form of impers. vb. TO STICK, -(a)giim, suff. of mov. (?17, 4); the vb. st. exerts a prog. quantitative effect (?3, 1), and the medial vowel of the suff. has the value of one mora in alternation of length (?3, 2, iv) so that the suff. -(a)gi-m becomes -(a )g&m. 4 0 p6'cd-2, atelic form of the impers. vb. r T IS wHrrE (?11, 1), -(a)pi I, agentive suff. (?36, 2); the vb. st. exerts a prog. qualitative influence (?2, 1), s0 that -(a)p! l becomes ((i)pi>pl 41 Ind. part. 42 Telic form of the intr. vb. TO GO (?11, 1). It is a matter of polite usage to say, when making one's departure, me'tki i 'mi already I take leave. In recounting one's own adventures, or the adventures of others, the telic form of the vb. i-'mi, is always used when the character of the account moves from one place to another. 43 Cf. footnote 11. In this occurrence both the ind. part. and the conj. part. are stressed. 44 Telic form of the intr. vb. TO WAKE UP (?11, 2). 5 ttga-, n. St. THE, DARK, compounded with the part. narwidami; lit., "in the middle of the dark." The combination always has the meaning "in the middle of the night." (?40). 184 Voegelin: Tiibatulabal Grammar TEXT AND INTERLINEAR TRANSLATION-(Continued) P&,617 *'ts 5 ixk -a%fniT-L 46 t6n-Vn 41 *it-'iga'77ni'.48 pt'Ck-ll Then is pricking my knee (subj.) waking up me. Then I ci-'uba'49 i'Vn ihi'i.0 pick i'51 imbi '62 m6 '6m6 'ht a'53 i."fyi'.54 back again got sick. Then I again jimsonweed (obj.) drank. pt'ck ill wa'l66 pt'n i"ik .56 a 'dzowa la'67 wuba 's8 wi'ts i'a'c5 Then I those (obj.) all shamans (obj.) whipped with wa'113 a@tl1&tc 59 pt'ck-ill wa' 113 tu'hat.a'60 pltn-i"ik.61 that my own bow. Then I those water snakes (obj.) all 46 its-Lxk-, atelic form of the tr. vb. TO PRICK (?11, 2). Normally, a tr. vb. will have an animate subj., but the subj. of this vb. is "my knee" (cf. footnote 47). -(a)t, pres. suff. (?18, 1), -nViq, conj. part. 1 sing. poss. pron. (?24) used disjunctively. This pron. does not form a meaningful unit with the vb. to which it is attached, but refers formally to the following n. 47 t68j67-, n. st. KNEE, belongs to class Al (?26), -n, conj. part. 3 sing. poss. pron., here used in a neutral sense as a concordance device to show that this is the n. which is poss. by the person of the poss. pron. disjunctively attached to the preceding vb. (footnote 46; ?24). The resulting meaning, "my knee," is subj. of the tr. vb. Utsixkat, which is the main vb. of the sentence. 48 VWI g-, atelic form of the vb. st. TO WAKE UP (?11, 2), -(a) -, nonidentical actor sub. suff. (?19, 4, i). This means that the resulting sub. vb., Mhgaq, must have a different subj. than the subj. of the main vb. of the sentence (cf. footnote 47), and that the notional subj. of the sub. vb. must be a morph. obj. n. or pron. -ni, morph. conj. part. 1 obj. pron. (?24); no- tionally the obj. of the main vb. ("my knee is pricking me") and at the same time the subj. of the sub. vb. ("when I am waking up"). 49 Ind. part. 50 i'Znlhyi-2, telic form of the intr. vb. TO BE SICK (?11, 1). The syllable, -hy--, is possible only in medial position. The vb. is given in the text without suffixes attached, so that, because of its final position, -hyi-> *-hiy- by metathesis (?7), and the final -Y opens to -z (?1, 5). 51 Cf. footnote 11. In this the conj. pron. is stressed. 52 Ind. part. Cf. footnote 49, in which the meaning is that a very recent action or con- dition is repeated; imbi-, however, merely means that something is done "again" irrespec- tive of whether it had been done a long time ago or recently. 53 m6om6h-, n. st. JIMSONWEED (Datura meteloides), belongs to class B5 (?26). The same name is applied to the plant, and to the liquid decoction made from the roots of the plant, and to the supernatural being sometimes visited in dreams. -t, abs. suff., -a, obj. suff. (?27). The n. is obj. of the following tr. vb. (cf. footnote 54). 4 Telic form of the tr. vb. TO DRINK (?11, 3). 5 Cf. footnote 13. Here the part. is used in a pl. sense in apposition with "many shamans." 56 Ind. part. obj. form. The subj. form would be p&'niyu'. 7 Cf. footnote 14. Here the n. is used in a pl. sense because it follows a quantifying word (?34). In addition, initial redup. to show that the pl. is collective (?34, 2) is optional. 58 WUp2, telic form of the tr. vb. TO WHIP, -a-, redup. a incr. to express pl. obj. (?15, 5). Since the vb. is used nakedly, there is no suffix with which an a incr. can be associated, but the construction is based on the analogy of vb. st. plus vb. suff. formations. Analogical formations of this type are rare. 19 a li-, n. st. belongs to class B2 (?26), -ts, suus obj. suff. (?27). The suff. -ts>-tc, pre- sumably under the assimilatory influence of the -1- in the st. The n. is an obj. of the preceding part. 60 tuha-, n. st. belongs to class B2 (?26), -t, abs. suff., -a, obj. suff. (?27). The n. is used in a pl. sense because it is followed by a quantifying part. (?34); the n. is the obj. of the fol- lowing tr. vb. 61 Cf. footnote 56. In this case thepart. follows thenoun. Word-order in general is stylistic rather than obligatory. 185 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. TEXT AND INTERLINEAR TRANSLATION-(Continued) iw&'k 62 tu'hat a'63 yo 'wis.64 p&'ck ill waha'i66 at"a 'twi'.66 threw out water snakes (obj.) many. Then I from there got sober. p&'ck ill waha 'i41 taha'mbdl i'67 a"awiv n.68 pt'n i"ik-66 wa'169 Then I from there old man (obj.) told. "All those a'a 'dzowa 'la'67 wuba-'gUki'70 wi'ts 'a'c26 wa'lls shamans (obj.) whipped," I am saying, "with that a ''h'tck iki'7l ti72 wa'l'8 tu'hat a'gi'73 6 'no 'oba'nt74 my own bow," I am saying, "and those water snakes I outside iwt'kk iki'71 p&Vc2 twii'wr9tt.71 ta'hamb&'177 threw away," I am saying. Then, "Good," is saying old man (subj.). waha 'igi'78 6g6'n79 wi'n80 e 'diwY/.8' ha'ck i52 imbi'62 ha 'yica88 From there I am better. Not I again never 62 Telic form of tr. vb. (?11, 1). 63 Pleonastic mention of the same n. as in footnote 60. The second mention of "water snakes" gives the opportunity to add the quantifying part. "many" (cf. footnote 64) to "all" (cf. footnote 61). 64 Ind. part. No occurrence has been found where more than one quantifying part. is used for a single n. When it is desired to describe quantity in more than one way, it is necessary to mention the n. twice, employing a different part. with each mention of the n. 65 Cf. footnote 41. In this case the final diphthong seems to have the value of one mora. The value may have been incorrectly heard. It is difficult to determine the length of final vowels in open syllables. 66 Telic form of the intr. vb. TO SOBER UP (?11, 1). This vb. st. is related to the n. st. ta-twa- MAN (?38, 4). 67 tahambil, n. st. belongs to class Cl (?26), -i abs. obj. suff. (?27). This n. is always used for an old man who is a relative of the speaker; in this anecdote, he is the father of the speaker. Another related n. st., ta'hambt'c, also means "old man" but is less frequently applied to a relative. 68 a'aw-2, telic form of the intr. vb. TO TELL, TO GOSSIP (?11, 1), -(i)n, caus. suff. which tr. the vb. (?14, 2, iii)i the i incr. associated with the suff. receives an additional mora of length through the mfluence of the st. (?3, 1). 69 Cf. footnote 55. Here the ind. part. follows the quantifying part. 70 wuba-- (cf. footnote 58) followed by the conj. part., -gt, and the conj. part. 1 sing. subj. pron. (cf. footnote 21). 71 a lhtc- (cf. footnote 59) followed by the same conj. part. as in footnote 70. The initial plosive of the part., -g-it, is unvoiced because it is juxtaposed to a voiceless consonant. 72 Ind. part. 73 tuhata- (cf. footnote 60) gi 1 sing. subj. pron., which does not form a meaningful unit with tuhata- nor enter into the alternation of stress of this word (?8, 3), but is the subj. of the following tr. vb. (cf. footnote 75). 74 6rn6-, n. st. belongs to class Al (?26). The same term is used for the body part, back, or the back part of an impers. substantive. -ba-, rel. loc. post., -n, conj. part. 3 sing. poss. pron. (?24). The n. is in the iness. rel. case, and means lit., "in its back" but when not used in annexation with a gen. n. (?28, 3), the n. assumes the special meanmg of "outside." 75 iwdk (cf. footnote 62) followed by the conj. part. as in footnote 71. 76 tLiW, ind. part. followed by the conj. part., -git (cf. footnote 21). 77 Cf. footnote 67. The n. is here used as subj. of the sentence. 78 waha-i (cf. footnote 41) followed by conj. part. 1 sing. subj. pron. (?23). 79 Ind. part. "empty word" not transl. Probably expresses some vague modal feeling. 186 Voegelin: Tubatulabal Grammar TEXT AND INTERLINEAR TRANSLATION-(Continued) i''tnihF'i.50 m6"'6m6"'ht'84 ti'w"iwa'n85 ti"'bo'h&'ctd.86 ha' 7 wa'l88 get sick. Jimsonweed good medicine. Not that (obj.) a 'dzowa 'l8 *i't"ictip .90 ti'w ii i 'iba"ak&'tct a'9'l Om 6'k 92 shamans (subj.) spoil. To tamper it, want (qt.) they in vain kuha'ck'itdta'93 mun u" gin-a't % mO "OmO 'htk l6'tC 6 db6'wika'ti96 and not (qt.) they are able to do it. Jimsonweed (qt.) has power 6 'yan'a'c97 a 'dzowa "la'.98 pt'n'i"ikk &tct'a'99 t'ndam a'i00 ict'tid ip .90 more than the shamans. All (qt.) they sometimes spoil 80 Atelic form of intr. vb. TO BE. This vb. is the only exception to the rule that the atelic form of a vb. st. cannot stand in entire ind. (?12, 20). 81 Ind. part. comparative form of the ind. part., tiw' (cf. footnote 76). 82 Neg. ind. part. followed by conj. part. 1 sing. subj. pron. (?23) with initial plosive unvoiced because in juxtaposition to a voiceless consonant. 88 Ind. neg. part. related to the form given in footnote 82. 84 Cf. footnote 53. The n. is here used as subj. in a nominal sentence (?28, 1, ii). 86 t'wi (cf. footnote 76) followed by the element, -wa- (?39), and by -n, conj. part. 3 sing. poss. pron. (?24) here used in a neutral sense. The form, t-w-wan, is generally used as an attributive word when the n. described accompanies it (cf. footnote 86); otherwise, the form, tiwi, is more commonly employed. 86 ti'boh/c-, n. belongs to class B5 (?26), -t, abs. suff. (?27). Then. is in subj. case and is used as a predicate in the n. sentence. The noun itself is nominalized from the atelic form of the vb. st., ti bo h-To DOCTOR (tr.) (?11, 1), - ()c-, inanimate instr. of action suff. (?35, 1). The resulting n. is lit., "the instrument for doctoring." 87 Neg. ind. part. (cf. footnote 82). 88 Cf. footnote 13. Thepart. is here used as the obj. of the following tr. vb. (cf. footnote 90). 89 Cf. footnote 14. The n. is here used as the subj. of the following tr. vb. The context of the anecdote presumes a pl. sense. 90 Telic form of the tr. vb. TO SPOIL (?11, 1). 91 tiw&lh-2, atelic form of the tr. vb. TO TAMPER WITH, TO FIX, TO PLANT (?11, 1). The vb. st. has a quantitative effect on the incr. juxtaposed (?3, 1), changing -(i)ba' to (-i')ba', be- cause the incr. is associated with the desiderative suff. (-ba', ?16, 7), -(a)t, pres. suff., with the -t fused with the initial plosive of the juxtaposed conj. part (?18, 1). -gidia, qt. conj. part. -(a)t+gid1a=-akidka, and the final vowel is elided before the conj. part. -da. When the vowel is elided, the affricate is placed in final position and therefore unvoiced. -da, conj. part. 3 pl. subj. pron. (?23). The initial plosive of the pron. is unvoiced because it is in juxtaposition to the unvoiced affricate (?5, 3, 4). 92 Ind. part. with vague modal feeling. 93 A combination of two ind. part. followed by two conj. part. (?40). Perhaps the pre- ceding part. (cf. footnote 92) should also be included in the group, which gives an appear- ance of unity because alternation of stress is operative (?4, 2). ku-, ind. part. with vague meaning of "and" or "but," -hac-, ind. neg. part. (cf. footnote 82), -k&tc-, qt. conj. part., -ta, conj. part. 3 pl. subj. pron. (cf. footnote 91). The initial plosive of the qt. part. is un- voiced because it is juxtaposed to a voiceless consonant. 94 munu'g-, atelic form of exceptional tr. vb. (?11, 1) which appears only in sentences with neg. part. (cf. footnote 93), -(i)n, caus. suff. (?14, 2), -(a)t, pres. suff. (?18, 1). 91 Cf. footnote 53. The n. is here used as subj. of the following verbalized n., -kLtc conj. qt. part. (cf. footnote 91). 986 6'b6w-, n. st. belongs to class B2 (?26), -kaq, verbalizing part. (?21, 4). 97 Ind. part. used in comparisons. The n. preceding the part. is in the subj. case, while the n. following the part. is in the obj. case. The part. itself may possibly be a formation of tr. vb. st., d y- TO PASS BY (?11, 3), -(a)n, benefactive suff. (?14, 3), identical-actor sub. suff., -(a)c (?19, 3, i), used in a special sense. 98 Cf. footnote 14. Here used as obj. after the preceding comparative part. (cf. footnote 97). 187 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. TEXT AND INTERLINEAR TRANSLATION-(Concluded) ti 'bo 'htta"0l m '6m6 -'ht a'102 ha "'c.10" m8 W m &'ht 104 wi'n80 medicines (obj.) jimsonweed (obj.) not. Jimsonweed is map &/1105 (Vw-iwaW58 ti -'bo -'h&,ct106 now good medicine. I9 nd. part. (cf. footnote 56), followed by conj. qt. part. and conj. 3 sing. subj. pron. (cf. footnote 93). 100 Ind. part. 101 Cf. footnote 86. -a, obj. suff. (?27). The n. is here used as the obj. of the preceding tr. vb., and in a pl. sense because a quantifying part. is included in the sentence (cf. foot- note 99). 102 Cf. footnote 53. The n. is here used as an obj. of the preceding tr. vb. This vb. has two direct objects (cf. footnote 101), but the quantifying part. (footnote 99) applies only to the first direct obj., "all the medicines," while the neg. part. (footnote 103) applies only to the second direct obj., "not the jimsonweed." 103 Neg. ind. part., related to other neg. part. The slight differences in form of the var- ious neg. part. do not seem to correspond with any consistent differences in meaning. (?40.) 104 Cf. footnote 84, in which the same n. was used as the subj. of a nominal sentence. This sentence differs from the former sentence merely in that the vb. TO BE is included. 105 Ind. part. 106 Cf. footnote 86. Free Translation Well, I had a dream about a doctor. She arrived and went over there. Then she is talking to me. "Why are you sitting here?" she says. The hair of her head hangs forward, concealing her eyes. Then she came in order to stand close to me. Well, that woman had no shoes on. So I am shifting about in my posi- tion there. Then she swung her foot up at me. And a white thing came and fastened itself on my knee. Then she took leave, after that. Then I woke up in the middle of the night. And my knee is pricking me when I am waking up. And I became sick again. So I took another drink of the jim- sonweed medicine. Then, while under the influence of jimsonweed, I whipped all those doctors with my bow. And I threw out all those water snakes-very many water snakes. Then, after that, I came out of the jimsonweed trance. And later I told Old Man about it. "I whipped all those doctors," I am say- ing, "with my bow," I am saying, "and I threw those water snakes outside," I am saying. Then Old Man says, "Good." I am better after that. I never got sick again. Jimsonweed is good medicine. Doctors do not spoil that medicine. They desire to tamper with it in vain, it is said, and they are, it is said, not able to do it. Jimsonweed, it is said, has more power than the doctors. Sometimes they spoil all the other medicines, it is said, but not jimsonweed. Jimsonweed remains today a good medicine. 188 Voegelin: Tilbatulabal Grammar 189 BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS USED AA . . . . . . . American Anthropologist. SI-MC .. Smithsonian Institution, Miscellaneous Collections. UC-PAAE . . . . University of California, Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology.