ETHNOGRAPHY .OF -THE OENSi, VAL LEY P`AIUTE, JULIAN' H.p STEWAR-D UNI1VESity'' -OF C'ATU*oRNI.UUBLICATIONS IN AimFSiCAv. ARCHAEOLOY AND E1T.NOLOGY Voue 33, No. 3, pp 3 -50,'plates -1-10 2h) 'Ine ntxt as chartt UNItVER,SITY- OF-- CALJFQIRNIA PRESS BERKE.LEYs, CALIFORNIA l'A., fAA AES-? '' AGW-M- - .AJPA; . Am . : -M 0 -MA. -MJ BAB. . -.vM . . P A B , I A Nl 'V . -CG -IN4 . PM. - Lo-M -: -PN - SIX U P BA . A P ,, USNM. -PL U WI-P A : "' ''''ABB ZVDONB U-D Anthropos. L'Anthropologie. American Anthropologist. American. :Anthropological Association, Memoirs. Archiv fr Anthropologe. - : American Ethnological Society,- P ubliatios. Aithropoloiche Geellait in: Wie, M l American Journal of Physi-callAnt: op: g- ericani Museuru of Natural, History- Anthropological Papers.." :B ulletin. 'ji ' , ,,,, , . ,,,,_,,, ,,,, ,. ...... . Memoirs. Memoirs, Anthropological Series. Mmi rs, Jesup Expedition. Bureau of ameican Ethnology-7 ---lNuletins.-. (Annua l) ROPorts.: Contributions to North: Amican Eth-ofogy. Columbia university, Contribitions to Athropolo. Folk-tore. Field Mus of Natural Histor ^Memoirs : ixblibations, A;nthropogal Series. Internationales Archiv tilr Eth raphie...- In' lternatioal Co,ngrss -of! Americanss(omptes Redus,' : PrLoceedings)l ........i, ....:,i -.. International Journal' of Aicaan Lin s. Journal of Ameican Folk-Lore.,' JOUrnal 'f Athe oyalAnopogical Insiut usmei 'ofthe, AmeriCan Inian, Heye FO in- Contributos Indian Note. Iian 'NtlOt amd onographs. Peaobody,Museeum'- (o' Harvard 'Univer)- ^ Memoirs. Papers. , Reports;. Pubi-c Museum (of the itY) Of a e Bulletin. Sodi6te des Amcit de Parxs, JLoutnaL omithonian Institution- -Annua Reports -:Contributions to }nOW1edge. ';r ;,AE Miscellaneous Collectionus. ~: 0~ University of CalifornUi, Publictiozi "inA er A gY and Ethnology.- Unive it s a (Universt) Mus A united States National Museum- ;-: Univeity Of Wasington, -Publi0ations in Athrpolog. Zeitschiift fir Uthanologie. -- - ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE OWENS VALLEY PAIUTE BY JULIAN H. STEWARD UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AM1ERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Volume 33, No. 3, pp. 233-350, plates 1-10, 29 figures in text, 2 maps, 1 chart Issued September 6, 1933 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON, ENGLAND CONTENTS PAGE Preface.. . .... 233 Tribal distributions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . 235 Population status, and psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237 Seasonal occupations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 238 Seed gathering and preparation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 239 Pinenuts .. .... . 241 Other food plants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 242 Acorns . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 246 Irrigation.. . ...... 247 Salt........... 250 Fishing.. . ....... 250 Hunting.. . ...... 252 Domesticated animals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257 Trade and transportation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257 Weapons .......... 259 H ouses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263 Pottery.. . .... 266 Weaving .......... 269 Blankets, cords, mats . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 269 Basketry .......... . 270 Clothing .......... 274 Miscellaneous arts and industries . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 276 Fire m aking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 276 Paint. . . .. 276 Implements.. . .. 277 Glue . . .277 M usical instruments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 Songs ..... . 278 G am es . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 285 Astronomy and chronological divisions .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 288 Birth and childhood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289 Names. . . .. 292 Puberty.. . .. 293 Marriage ..... 294 Death. . . .. 296 Kinship term s . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . 299 Kinship usages . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 302 Political organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 304 Property ..... 305 Warfare.. .... 6 Religion.. .... 6 "Powers".. . .. 308 Shamans . . . . . 3. . . . . . . ..... ..... . . . 11 Shamanistic performances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 313 Other curing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 316 M edicinal plants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 317 Jimsonweed.. . .................... 318 Tobacco.. ....................... 319 D ances. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 320 Mythology .. Appendix 1. Place names and key to maps . Appendix 2. Passes and trails Appendix 3. Vocabulary . Appendix 4. Further botanical lore. Appendix 5. Archaeology .. Appendix 6. Genealogies. FIGURES IN TEXT Figure 1. Potsherds and mortar. Figure 2. Small-game trap. Figure 3. Arrowpoints, arrowshafts, knives Figure 4. Sweat-house. Figure 5. Clay pipe. Figure 6. Bow loom. Figure 7. Steatite pendants . Figure 8. Facial designs. Figure 9. Flute used in doctoring . Figure 10. Jack Stewart's map of Big Pine Figure 11. Sage matting . PLATES 1. Paiute Indians ........... 2. Habitat views and house ring. 3. Firedrill, bow, tule house. . . .. ............. . 341 .. ............. . 342 .. ............. . 343 4. Pipes, tinder, arrow-straighteners, mullers . 5. Pottery objects, arrowpoint being shaped, Mexican metate 6. Sweat-house, basket-making, cave objects, hand game play 7. Dance outfit. 8. Dance scenes and women carrying . . 9. Basketry ......................... 10. Basketry ......................... MAPS 1. Paiute subdivisions and boundaries. 2. Ethnogeographical map of Owens valley . . .. .... . 344 .. .... . 345 .. .... . 346 .. .... . 347 .. .... . 348 .. .... . 349 .. .... . 350 . . facing 325 . facing 327 PAGE . 323 . 325 . 329 .331 . 333 . 334 . 336 . 240 .254 .261 .265 .268 .272 .275 .275 .277 .326 .334 ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE OWENS VALLEY PAIUTE BY JULIAN H. STEWARD PREFACE The following account of the ethnography of the Owens Valley Paiute is based on two visits of about six weeks each to Owens valley and Mono lake during the summers of 1927 and 1928 and a short visit in Decem- ber, 1931. The first two trips were made under the auspices of the De- partment of Anthropology, University of California. I wish to express gratitude to Mr. W. A. Chalfant for access to the manuscript of a new edition of his The Story of Inyo, which contains much excellent ethnographic material on the Paiute; to Messrs. Frank Parcher and Charles Forbes for much information and for permission to examine the material in the Eastern California Museum at Independ- ence; to the Harry Mendenhall studio at Big Pine and the former Diet- rich studio at Bishop for many of the photographs herein reproduced; to Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, for permission to study some of its ethnographic material; to Dr. H. L. Mason of the Botany Department, University of California, for identifying the plant mate- rials collected; to Dr. Walter P. Cotton of the Botany Department of the University of Utah for identifying plant materials; to Dr. Ralph Chamberlin of the Department of Zoology, University of Utah, for iden- tifying some of the fauna; to Mr. Eickbaum, Stovepipe Wells, Death valley, for permission to study his excellent Shoshoni collection; to the proprietors of Furnace Creek Inn for permission to examine their ethnographic material; to the Century Company, New York, for permis- sion to quote from The Yosemite by John Muir; to Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston, for permission to quote My First Summer in the Sierra by John Muir; and to the Century Company, New York, for permission to quote The Mountains of California by John Muir. Abbreviations used herein are as follows: M.L., Mono lake; O.V., Owens valley; R.., Round valley; B.P., Big Pine; Bish., Bishop; L.P., Lone Pine; F.S., Fish Springs; B.R., Black Rock; D.S., Deep Springs. Mono Lake informants were: B.T., Bridgeport Tom, plate 5f, a shaman, about 60 years old, well informed and communicative; H.T., Harry Tom, B.T.'s son; [233] 2Univer8ity of California Publication8 in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 J.McB., Joe McBride, about 45 years old; B.M., Big Mike, about 60 years old, the least useful of these informants. Owens Valley informants were: A.G., Andrew Glenn (L.P.), about 45 years old, fairly reliable; B.M., Billy Murphy (R.V.), about 50 years old, a famous singer; E.L., Ed Lewis (F.S.), plate Id (center), about 40 years old, not well informed but cooperative and intelligent; G.C., George Collins (F.S.), plate lb, about 40 years old (died in 1930), well informed and cooperative; H.D., Harrison Diaz (Bish.), plate la (left), about 40 years old; J.S., Jack Stewart (B.P.), plates 3a, 8e, f, about 100 years old, now feeble, but formerly an excellent informant though requiring an interpreter; J.Sm., John Sumerville, about 45 years old, half-white, a willing informant though not well informed; M.W., Mose Weyland (Bish.), plate la (right), H.D.'s uncle, about 70 years old, an excellent informant but necessitating an interpreter; M.W., Mary Westerville (F.S.), about 80 (?) years old, said to know how to make pottery; T.S., Tom Stone (Bish.), plate lc, about 40 years old, very communicative and with an extraordinary memory for old customs described by his-grandfather; S.N., Sam Newland (Bish.), about 90 years old, a fair informant; M.H., Marry Harry, plate 5g; about 85 years old. Shoshoni informants were: M.S., Maggie Shaw (Fish Lake valley), plate 6b, about 40 years old, little used but probably good; I.H., Indian Harry (D.S.), M.H.'s husband, plate le, died 1920, age about 90 years; F.B., Frank Bellas (L.P.), about 50 years old, well informed but restrained. The following phonetic symbols are used in native terms: a, long as in far a, as in awe c, always with the value of sh d, made with the tip of the tongue farther back against the palate than in the English d, giving it a resemblance to r x, a voiceless fricative, resembling the German ch but farther forward &, the same voiced i, has its Continental value o, ii, somewhat like the German in effect, but less clear 0, u-, etc., nasalized -, ng as in sing v, bilabial, often resembles b (which probably does not occur) when carelessly pronounced Small, elevated letters, usually ending words, are whispered A written elevated is a glottal stop or catch Other letters are pronounced as in English. 234 Steward: Ethnography of Owen8s Valley Paiute TRIBAL DISTRIBUTIONS The Owens Valley Paiute are the southernmost of that widely dis- tributed Shoshonean group, the Northern Paiute, which occupies most of northern Nevada. They call themselves niumi, the "people," and were called by the Shoshoni, panavjwitii, "western place" people, which term they [Paiute] used for people west of the Sierra Nevada mountains. "Paiute," prob- ably derived from pa, water, and ute, has little meaning to the Owens Valley Paiute, though it is a name used in the region today. E.L. derived it from Payote, a "South Fork" (Tiibatiilabal ?) Indian with a remark- able character and a charmed life. G.C. thought it meant "fish-eater" in some other language. G.C. gave this designation for the Owens Valley people: niit'wa paya hiup ca'a' otiiiu'mu, we are water ditch coyote chil- dren.' Eastern Mono,2 a name now generally employed for these people, has no justification. The Indians never heard it; anthropologists cannot explain its origin. Paiute, rightly implying a cultural and linguistic relationship with the Great Basin people rather than with the Western Mono, is preferable. Paiute boundaries.-On the west, the boundary is the Sierra Nevada, the watershed between the Sacramento-San Joaquin rivers of California flowing west and those flowing east into Great Basin salt lakes. (See map 1.) Western neighbors are the Miwok, south to the Fresno river, and the Western Mono or Monachi south of them, called by the Paiute, pana-witu. Tiibatiilabal, south of the Monachi, probably abutted Paiute territory at Owens lake. Paiute intermarried and traded with all three, especially with the Western Mono, their cultural and linguistic kin.3 The San Joaquin valley Yokuts were called wa"avitc, "stranger." On the north of Yerington, Nevada, were Washo, traditional enemies of the Paiute. On the east and south were Shoshoni, called tavainua, "people who live beyond" (perhaps beyond the mountains), and differing in lan- 1 Mythologically, the Paiute are Coyote's children. Owens valley is the "water ditch." 2 A suggested origin is Mono, Spanish for monkey. A relatively unimportant Paiute food plant, mono, could hardly be the source. See Kroeber, Handbook of California Indians, BAE-B 78:584. 3 Although the Paiute said they were at peace with these people, Muir men- tions "Digger Indians" below Yosemite, probably Miwok, seeking protection from Paiute enemies who plundered their stores and stole their wives (My First Sum- mer in the Sierra, 31). 1933] 235 236 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 guage, somewhat in mythology,4 and slightly in culture from the Paiute. The Shoshoni-Paiute dividing line ran from the Pilot mountains, Ne- vada, south through Columbus salt marsh, through Fish Lake valley (occupied by both tribes), through Eureka valley (uninhabited and seldom visited by either), through the Inyo mountains, and around the south shore of Owens lake. Saline, Death, Panamint, and Koso valleys were occupied by Shoshoni groups differentiated by habitat. Although C.D., a Shoshoni, regarded the Panamint as distinct linguistically, A.G. and others said they did not differ from other Shoshoni. Paiute-Shoshoni relations were generally friendly, with occasional intermarriage. I.H., whose first wife was Shoshoni like himself, married M.H., a Deep Springs Valley Paiute. Paiute subdivisions.-Though fairly homogeneous culturally, the Pai- ute were differentiated by habitat and dialect. Owens valley even had differences of dialect, though all were mutually intelligible.5 Distinctive dialects occurred at: Owens lake and Lone Pine; Fish Springs; Inde- pendence; Big Pine; Deep Springs valley; Bishop, Laws, and Round valley. Benton, said by some to resemble Mono Lake, was difficult to Owens valley people. Mono lake speech, which Bridgeport resembled, was more difficult; Walker lake was scarcely intelligible. Groups north of Benton were designated by a characteristic, though not always important, food or by a geographical term. The suffix dika means "eater"; witii, place. North of Walker lake were the cuiyui dika, from a fish. Winnemuka,6 applied to people north of these, has doubtful significance. Walker Lake Paiute were agai dika, fish-eaters. East of them are the pahu mu with (some derivative of paya'a, water). The Soda Springs Valley Paiute, easternmost in this latitude, are ozav dika, alkali eaters. Mono Lake Paiute called themselves cutza dika, and Bishop called them cuzavi dika.7 G.C. at Fish Springs called their habitat tuniga witu, "around the foot of the mountain"-place. South of Mono lake, Paiute are designated by terms descriptive of their habitats. Benton was iitii'iitui witui, hot place. The following were districts of Owens valley and neighboring valleys, each with communis- tic hunting and seed rights, political unity, and a number of villages: Round valley, kwina patu, "north place"; Bishop, pitana patui, "south place,"8 extending from the volcanic tableland and Horton creek in the 4 Leonard, 166-167, found Shoshoni ("Sho-sho-coe") at Humboldt lake. 5 Compare the Mono Lake and Owens Valley vocabularies, pp. 331, 332. 6 Supposed by early explorers to be the chief of all Paiute. 7 Cutza, cuzavi, the larvae breeding in Mono lake. See p. 256. 8 Chalfant says these reciprocal terms, kwina patiu and pitana patui, were used between Mono lake and Owens valley also. Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute Sierra to a line running out into Owens valley from waucodayavi, the largest peak south of Rawson creek; iitii'iitii witu (also applied to Ben- ton), "hot place," from the warm springs, now Keough's, south to Shan- non creek; tovowahamatu, "natural mound place," centering at Big Pine, south to Big Pine creek in the mountains but with fishing and seed rights along Owens river nearly to Fish Springs; panatui, the Black Rock territory, south to Taboose creek; tunuhu witu, of uncertain'limits. Other Paiute districts extended to the south shore of Owens lake, east and south of which were Shoshoni. Deep Springs valley was ozamfwitii, "salt place," from the saline lake. Saline valley, ka'o witu, "very deep valley" place, was Shoshoni with a few intermarried Paiute, but was accessible to Paiute for salt. Habitat.-Owens valley falls within the geographical region of the Great basin, experiencing little rainfall, the few streams ending in salt lakes. Owens river ends in Owens lake. Hot summers and moderately cold winters are the rule. The aridity limits vegetation to hardy, drought- resisting plants, e.g., Artemisia, which is very common. Owens valley, however, had extensive marshes and grass lands watered by streams from the snow-capped Sierra Nevada mountains (pl. 2c). The arid Great Basin mountain ranges, always running north-south, supported junipers, pi-nons, and some pines above 6000 feet altitude (pl. 2d). POPULATION STATUS, AND PSYCHOLOGY Estimates have placed the Paiute population in and around Owens valley at near 1000. The following data were collected by Chalfant: In 1855 von Schmidt estimated the Owens Valley Paiute at 1000. In 1863, 906 Indians left Owens valley for Fort Tejon, and the commander thought twice as many remained. Indians had come from outside the valley for the war, however. Major H. C. Egbert, in 1870, estimated: Round valley, 150, Bishop creek, 150, Big Pine, 200, Independence, George's creek, and Lone Pine, 400 to 500, Cerro Gordo, 150, Koso and southeastern localities, 250, a total of 1350 approximately, or about 1000 for Owens valley proper. The United States census, somewhat unre- liable in early years, gave: 1880, 637; 1890, 850; 1900, 940; 1910, 792; 1920, 632; 1930, 736. But a 1930 Indian Service survey recorded 970. Thus the population has been maintained at close to 1000 with relatively little decrease-about 2.5 persons per square mile. The Owens Valley Paiute now live in "camps" at each of the towns. A living is made by ranch and highway labor, occasional hunting, pine- 1933] 237 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 nut excursions, and some seed gathering. Present native art products include: the summer willow house, baskets, some rabbitskin blankets, cradles, metates, and mullers. Doctoring by the shaman and use of herbs continues. The remainder of Paiute culture has practically disappeared. The Paiute are more reticent and repressed than most Indians, espe- cially before strangers. Once confidence is established, however, they are far more willing informants than the neighboring Shoshoni.9 Psychological abnormalities are rare. T.S. described a girl, about 16 years old, who was deaf and dumb but otherwise normal. She conversed by motions. Two brothers,10 (254) Buster and (255) Brady Goodale, were both dumb and died by 20 years of age. Their sister, (253) Lula, was normal but died at 30. Another sister, (256) Florence, is normal and living. A boy, 3 or 4 years old, wore diapers and could not talk. His family was normal. An old woman talked and wandered in the fields all night, becoming normal in the morning and returning home. T.S. attri- butes this to old age. Indians have no special explanation for abnormali- ties. Insanity: a middle-aged man, weighing about 200 pounds, would not work, was shy, and hid from visitors. Once at his mother's home he chopped up the stove with an axe. He was finally put in an institution. His family seemed normal. One or two instances of temporary insanity, evidently stirred by sex jealousy and leading to murder, were reported. Berdachism is called tiidayap', "dress like other sex." One such man dressed like a woman, associated with females, and did woman's work, washing for the white people, and did not marry; but he had no other abnormality. A young boy dressed like a girl, went to a girls' dormitory in a Nevada school, was put into the boys' dormitory, then put out of school, married a boy who was granted a divorce when the judge learned the facts. He is probably in Nevada now. Berdaches were not shamans. SEASONAL OCCUPATIONS Summer. People kept headquarters in valley villages, fishing, seed gathering in the valley or hills-sometimes traveling as far as Fish Lake valley from Big Pine, for certain seeds-or making trips north in small family groups for piliga. Fall. When seeds were gathered, people of large districts assembled at certain villages for a week or so of dancing and gambling and com- munal rabbit drives. These were the only communal endeavors, except occasional hunting and fishing parties. 9 Early explorers in the Great basin found the Shoshoni to be most hostile. 10 See appendix 6, Genealogy. 238 Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute2 Winter. Pinenut expeditions of small groups wintered in the moun- tains in the timber when crops were good. When pinenuts failed, they wintered at valley villages, eating stored seeds gathered in summer and fall. Spring. People wintering in mountains moved to valleys, bringing re- maining pinenuts. Hunting occurred at all seasons, communal hunting chiefly in the fall. Seasonal movements were within an average radius from the valley village of 15 or 20 miles, within prescribed bounds, the territory being owned by the district. Daily activities. People arose before daybreak. Hunters in bed after sunrise had bad luck. Two meals a day were eaten, one at early morning and one in the afternoon. Women gathered seeds and men hunted, when food could be had, to lay up supplies for future use. Leisure time was spent gambling. Winter evenings were devoted to relating myths. In valley villages, old and young men lived at sweat-houses, smoking, talk- ing, and gambling. SEED GATHERING AND PREPARATION Women, working in groups, gathered seeds by beating them from plants with seed beaters, tanugu (Bish.), tsigu (M.L.), into conical carrying baskets, cudusi. Mixed seeds were later separated by sifting through a twined basket. Heads of some plants were picked, carried home, threshed and winnowed-e.g., sunflowers. Tubers and roots were dug with sharp pointed sticks, tavodo, of a hard species of mountain mahogany, Cercocarpus, called tunap, or robbed from rodent stores. Seeds and roots, collected mostly in summer and fall, were stored in the ground in pits lined with grass and covered with grass and earth against future need. The California elevated cache was not used." For eating, seeds were ground on a metate, mata, a slab of rock about 12 by 18 inches and 2 to 5 inches thick,'2 with a muller or mano, tusu, a flattish, hard rock roughly rectangular and worn on both sides. To re- move husks they were then winnowed. Sometimes roasting in coals pre- ceded this, the meal being ground into a flour and eaten dry. Meal was 11 Simpson (482) found in Owens valley some water plants plaited together like onions for keeping. 12 E.g., U. C. spec. 1-27046. See pl. 4h, i. A 3-legged lava metate, of Mexican origin, was collected from M.H. (see pl. 5g). Two similar ones were observed in Death valley at Stovepipe Wells. 1933] 239 2Univeraity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 also boiled in pots in Owens valley to make mush, meat frequently being added. It was stirred with the looped stick. At Mono lake mush was made in baskets with hot rocks. Generally several species were mixed, pine- nuts being the base. In Death valley, the mortar and pestle replaced the metate. Mr. Eick- baum at Stovepipe Wells has a large collection of mortars, some being tree sections up to nearly 2 feet tall and 12 inches in diameter, others a b d ~~~~~~~~~~h _ ~~~~~~~~f I Fig. 1. a-i, potsherds; j, cross-section of mortar. spherical boulders about 10 inches in diameter with holes about 4 inches in diameter and 6 inches deep. Figure lj gives a typical cross-section. Pestles, worked and unworked, were of stone, about 12 inches long, 3 inches in diameter. One was said to be 3 feet long by 21/2 to 3 inches in diameter. Indians at Furnace creek were observed pounding screw beans in a tree section mortar, 12 inches tall, 10 inches in diameter with a hole about 4 by 6 inches. An iron bar served as pestle. Metates and mullers of the Paiute type though occurring in Death valley were rare. Furnace Creek Inn has several metates from the vicinity, one having a double depression, suggesting the Utah type found in Pueblo II mounds. 240 Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute The food plants listed below were identified in Owens valley by J.S., T.S., and several others. As names and uses assigned by different people were very similar, plant lore must have been known to all individuals. B.T. identified those at Mono lake. PINENUTS Pinenut or pinion, ti1v&/,a (Pinus monophylla Torr. & Frem.), occurred chiefly in the arid ranges east of the Sierra Nevada mountains, espe- cially in the Inyo and White mountains between 6000 and 9000 feet alti- tude. It is the most important Paiute food plant. Abundant crops lasted through the winter and into summer. Individuals gathered 30 to 40 bushels in the fall.'3 Good crops were irregular, coming every few years. Ownership.-Each district owned pinenut territory. Permission to gather nuts was sometimes granted others but trespass was resented and led to quarrels or rock throwing. This was the most frequent trouble between otherwise peaceful Paiute districts. Property rights were re- spected because of tradition and fear of magic. Muir says that white men were killed for felling pifions.14 Pitana patii people went north to tupi mada or, if that crop failed, east to Black canyon on the western slopes of the White mountains. Tovowahamatii people went into the White mountains. For other pinenut territories, see map 2. Harvest and storage.-The district head man decided when it was pinenut time, and organized and led the harvesters. Bob Riddle did this until recently at Big Pine. Large parties went, prepared to spend the fall or winter. Muir saw, about 1870, Mono Lake Paiute making ready long beating poles, bags, baskets, mats, and sacks; a large party went out, men, women and children taking part in the harvest.15 By means of wooden hooks tied with buckskin to long poles, men pulled from the trees cones containing nuts sealed in with pitch. Many ripe nuts fell from cones. Women gathered these from blankets and sacks spread on the ground under the trees and packed them to camp in conical carrying baskets, kui'dfis. The women wore basketry hats for protection against pitch and the tumpline. Men wore no hats. Small crops were 13 Muir found the nut pine, Pinus sabiana, growing up to 4000 feet altitude on the western slope of the Sierra Nevada. Indians climbed the trees and beat off the cones with sticks or cut-off branches, then roasted the nuts in the cones (The Mountains of California, 148). He asserts that pifions furnished the Mono, Carson, and Walker river Indians "more and better nuts than all other species taken to- gether .... the nut crop is perhaps greater than the California wheat crops." This was 1870 (ibid., 220-221). 14 Ibid. 15 Mountains of California, 221-222. 1933] 241 2University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 taken down to the valley by the women in conical baskets, by the men in buckskin bags slung over their shoulders. When crops were good, most Owens Valley people wintered in the mountains, living in "mountain houses"'16 scattered through the timber. Proximity to springs was preferred; but snow could provide water. Cones were stored on sunny hillsides in bins, finagunii'n, which were lined with rocks and covered with needles, boughs, and finally rocks. Nuts fallen from cones were kept in pits lined and covered with grass, hiiki'va.'7 These were opened as needed, the hiki'va first until the loose nuts were exhausted, then the -unagaunun. The cones were sun-dried (sometimes roasted) until open, threshed in a pit, and the nuts win- nowed from the dirt in a winnowing basket, patsa'. Nuts remaining when spring came were packed to the valley. Subsequent trips were made for any left behind. Cooking.-Cones and sometimes loose nuts were roasted over night, covered with coals, dirt, and boughs. The nuts, now all loose, were winnowed from the dirt. Nuts were also quickly roasted in a loose-twined basketry tray holding coals, the tray being shaken to avoid burning. Such a tray, only slightly charred, was collected from Fish Lake Val- ley Shoshoni. Rubbing on a metate loosened the shells and winnowing removed them. Nuts were eaten whole (boiled in water and called iinav-l'cizau'an); or dry, as flour (ground on a metate, then dumped into a tight basket and the hard particles picked out) ; or as a paste of water and flour called un&va'n (unava'n is sometimes frozen in cold weather) ; or as a soup or mush of varying water content (cooked in a clay pot, stirred with a looped stick), called untas'igan.18 The middle and index fingers were dipped into this soup and sucked. Other seeds, e.g., tupusi", wai, etc., and recently wheat, were often added to pinenut dishes. OTHER FOOD PLANTS The foods listed below were described or identified at Big Pine or Bishop, Owens valley, unless otherwise specified. The major occurrence of many of these is shown on map 2. Akii, M.L. (Wyethia ovata T. & G.) formerly abundant near Bridgeport. A'tsa, M.L. and O.V. (Radicula curvisiliqua Hook.), western yellow cress; small seeds. Irrigated land in O.V. A'vanava (Asclepias speciosa Torr.), milkweed. Occurred along creeks on west- ern side of Owens valley; only occasionally used. 16 See p. 263. 17 From huki (Stipa speciosa Trin. & Rupr.), porcupine grass. 18 "Stirring" or "stirred." 242 Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute C6'nu, a salty-tasting brush near alkaline water. Occasionally eaten. Cuyutsiva, a species of Paroseta, pea family, perhaps iron root, thorny shrub. Foothills of the Sierra south of pitana patiu. Hu'ki (Stipa speciosa Trin. & Rupr.), porcupine grass. Base of hills east of mouth of Bishop creek canyon; harvested in late spring. Very important; seeds favored for mush. Ko'do'ova (Oenothera hookeri T. & G.), evening primrose. Used in O.V.; use denied at M.L. Kosidava. Unidentified. K6'yo (Chenopodiuim fremontii Wats.), goosefoot or pigweed. Called koyo when tall, tuc when short. A specimen which may be C. fremontii was called wata'va wada'va at Big Pine. May be same as waidavi. Kiiha, F.S.; kii'ha, M.L., gathered at Bridgeport Tom's ranch, probably same. Has large yellow flower. Seed clusters gathered, dried on flat rocks, and then threshed. M6'n6 (Eragrostis secundiflora Presl.) love grass. Occurred: Owens river, north of Bishop, in a large patch southeast of Bishop, in irrigated land on Baker creek, and in most wet places. Very important. A specimen of E. secundiflora also called tsikava, and grew below the irrigated area at Bishop. 6'ka, an unidentified species, probably of Helianthus, resembling pWkii and pAk. Grew in mountains; seeds even larger than these two. Pakii, O.V. and M.L. (Helianthu bolanderi Grey), sunflower. Major importance; widely distributed, especially Baker creek near pazida witiu. Irrigated in some localities. Harvested about August; flowers dried in sun, threshed, and winnowed. Pak. G.C. said like pakii but larger seeds and grew in mountains and in Coyote valley. Pau'pfnlva, unidentified seed plant; very important. Occurred: below irrigated fields, Bishop, and in a large region just south of this. Now nearly exterminated. Pa'wai (Echinochloa crwsgalli L.), water grass, sometimes in irrigated land. PawalYa, unidentified tall grass, like wild oats. Pawatsiva, a species of Haploppapus. Pasilda, pazilda. Probably Salvia columbariae Benth., chia. Occurred: along sunny slopes where Coyote creek enters Bishop creek, and on Baker creek, at pasida witiu. Important; a favorite for mush. Whole plant gathered when dry and seeds threshed out. Used also by the Pomo as food.19 Posi'da, pozi'da (Trifolium tridentatum Lindl.), tomcat clover. Not same as last. Besides seeds, the entire plant used, without cooking, as greens. SAwA'va, B.P.; sAwA'vi, Bish.; sAwavilya, F.S.; sawapi, M.L. (Artemisia triden- tata Nutt.), common sage. Unimportant because bitter seeds. Used, generally mixed with other seeds, in times of food shortage. Seeds roasted, ground into flour, and eaten with water. Sigii'vii, an unidentified grass sometimes in irrigated land. Small seeds. Sina'va, F.S.; pawahApiThia, Bish. (Juncus balticus Willd.), wire rush. Both seeds and prairies of this grass called pawahava. Silyii, an unidentified grass much like mono, growing near Toll house on Deep Springs vallev road. Sfi'nii'ii, tsii'nii'ii, a species of Agropyron, wheat grass. A specimen of Agropyron was called waiya, B.P., but probably should have been sfilnii'ii. Common: Owens river, especially below and south of Bishop irrigated land. 19 Jepson, 869. 1933] 243 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 Sunuva, tiisi, Bish.; kai'apa, B.P.; ka'ava, F.S., a species of Atriplex, salt brush. Its relative, A. canescens James, shad-scale, called to'nova, not used. Ti&'kira?j'va, a species of Polygonum, knotweed. Tsia'va, M.L. and O.V., a species of Rosa, wild rose. Bishop specimen identified as Rosa pisocarpa Grey. Only occasionally used. Waha'gi, an unidentified mountain grass bearing seeds on its tops. Wai. Two specimens of this were Oryzopsis hymenoides (Roem. & Schult.) Ricker, sand bunch grass or Indian mountain rice, and 0. miliacea (L.) B. & H., rice grass. Very important, like pinenut. Wide distribution. Grew: about sloughs, with kuha; never irrigated. Pitana patil owned wai area on northern volcanic tableland with regular campsite at small lake in Fish slough. Occurred also: below Aft. Goodale; lower end Deep Springs valley, owned by onoqwitu; large area in Fish Lake valley, between Oasis McAfee ranch, accessible to all districts. Trips made to last even from Pig Pine. Wai in Eureka valley also open to all districts. Harvest, early summer; beaten from the grass or stolen from caches of kangaroo ( ?) rats, located by punching ground with digging stick. Very important at M.L., grew on flat warm land near the lake. Generally roasted, ground into flour. Waid'avi, an unidentified plant. Minor importance. See ko'yo. Wai'ya. This name given at Big Pine to specimen of Agropyron. Wai'ya, M.L. and O.V., probably applies to Elymus condensatus Presl., giant rye grass; called wad'odova at Fish Springs. Very important. Sources: Bishop creek, near its mouth; Oasis, Fish Lake valley. Muir, about 1870, saw M. L. Paiute gather it 5 miles below Moraine lake; grain was "six to eight feet high, bearing heads from six to twelve inches long"; seeds about % inch long. "Indian women were gather- ing it in baskets, bending down large handfuls, beating it out, and fanning it in the wind."120 WaSta, M.L. and O.V. (Chenopodium album L.), white pigweed; white goose- foot. Occurred: O.V. on irrigated land. Harvested late August. A'ta, Bish., may be the same. Wiitava (Asclepias mexicana Cav.), narrow-leaf milkweed. Occasionally eaten. kvAnhva (A. speciosa Torr.), another species of milkweed, said not to have been eaten. Wiyu'pi, M.L. (Eleagnus asgentae), a tree, 10 to 12 feet high, with edible seeds. Wocd'va, an unidentified grass, on irrigated land. Seeds very small; seldom gathered. Another seed plant was Bidens levis B.S.P., bur marigold. Paiute name unknown. The following plants were eaten uncooked as greens: Hupluhya, mfiza"wi, pagiiii and ii'zi, unidentified species, and paiduc', a wild onion, gathered by men; harvested from wet places in the spring and eaten green with salt. Po'tsidava, F.S. (Trifolium involucratum Ort., var. Fendlari MeDer.), cow clover. Posi'da (Trifolium tridentatum Lindl.), tomcat clover. Young, tender plants used. The roots, tubers, or bulbs of the following plants were dug with mountain mahogany or buckbrush (Ceanothus cuneattus Hook.) dig- ging sticks: Ica'diima, M.L., a species of Spiranthes. Masai'da M.L., Ma'sax7wita, Bish. (Lillium parvum Kell.), small tiger lily. 20 Mountains of California, 95. 244 Steward: Ethnography of Owen8 Valley Paiute Nah&vita, O.V.; m&!hAvaita, M.L., a species of Eleocharis, spike rush, having a number of bulbs. Very important. Irrigated at pitana patii and Freeman creek. Occurred also Baker creek, and mouth of Birch creek. Harvested and prepared like tupusi'i. Si'go, an unidentified mountain plant with small tubers. Tuipu'si'i, probably Brodiaea capitata Benth., grassnut or blue dicks. Very im- portant O.V.; none at M.L. Occurred: irrigated areas at Bishop and Black Rock; large natural plot mile north of Sunland; lower Tinnemaha creek. Harvested in fall; plants dug with stick, or rat or gopher caches robbed. Sometimes eaten raw when fresh; greater part dried and stored. Roasted, ground into flour. A number of berries were utilized, being boiled in pots in a small amount of water when they could not be eaten fresh. To be preserved they were spread on rocks and dried in the sun, then stored in buckskin bags and hung up for winter use. T.S. denied that any drinks were made; G.C. said that wild cherries were boiled into a drink. Pa'guibuxia, B.P., hfibfu'xia, M.L.; sailinoiya'a, sain6Ywiyu'u, Bish. (Sambucus mexicana), elderberry. Gathered in the Sierra or traded from the west. Evidently a confusion of names, for G.C. described hui"upuhia as a sweet berry, like the currant, growing on a bush, and said the same name applied to wild cherries. Paxwav&'hia (Ribes aureum Pursh.), golden currant, and p6g6pfi3hia (Rhamnnus californica Esch.), the coffee berry. The former usually cooked. The "buffalo berry" was, according to John Muir, eaten at M.L. where for weeks it constituted the chief food.21 P6'g6bic, an unidentified edible berry in O.V. Ap6s6'gwa, M.L.; apos6o'agwa, O.V., a species of Arctostaphylos, manzanita. Traded from the west. Mashed, soaked in water to make a non-fermented drink.22 Several drinks were prepared by boiling plants in pottery vessels. Kwananuva or wai'yanuva (Mentha arvensis L.), tule mint. Leaves boiled into refreshing drink. To'yatudu'va (toya'vi, mountain; tudu'va, tea), (Ephedra viridis Cov.), Mexican tea or joint pine. Found: moist places on mountain sides. Leafless needles boiled short time. Used also by whites. Similar species, E. californica Wats., ealled tudu'va and growing in valleys, not used. Sweets or candies were made from several plants: Hau've (Phragmites communis Trin.), cane or reed; most important. Common Bishop creek, at Irving school, and center of town. Sugar, called hauva-hauva, the dried sap brought to surface by small green insects, gathered by beating into baskets; many insects remained in sugar. Made into balls. Later softened by fire and eaten like sugar. Much less sweet than commercial cane sugar. Formerly popular. A.G., Lone Pine, gave this process: Green cane gathered in summer when leaves are thick. Entire plant cut up; dried until sap is on surface in lumps; cane piled on canvas, beaten with sticks to loosen sugar; sugar gathered up, cleaned 2lMy First Summer in the Sierra, 226-227. 22 A Paiute brush in the University of California Museum of Anthropology (1-19676) resembles three in Field Museum (E-71143, 71463, 71504) catalogued as cider soap brushes. 1933] 245 246 University of California Publications in Aim. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 by winnowing, and stored in shallow baskets, about sixteen inches diameter, made of tule. Tule preferred to willow, believing it preserves the sugar but does not give it taste nor change its color. Now ready to eat as candy. Pa'wahapu'hia, Bish.; sina'va, F.S., a species of Juncus, probably balticus. This rush, which furnished edible seeds, was a minor source of sweets. Sugar, forming along tops of plants, called pa'waha'vihavi, Bish., sinaha'vihavi, F.S., gathered, eaten as candy. Pi'tciniipiiva, a species of Castilleia. Not used M.L. O.V. sometimes sucked its sweet base. ACORNS Acorns, though of minor importance, were used according to the Cali- fornia "acorn complex." Acorns were -secured from the Western Mono or were gathered (two species) from small areas in Owens valley: a small grove of Quercus kelloggii Newb., tcakicavii'u (the acorns called tciginii), on Division creek, and Q. palmeri?, wiya, on Oak creek and near Fort Independence and the Fish hatchery. These were pounded in mortars (pa'ha), usually in bedrock occurring at several places,23 with pestles, pahawuqaniu. No basket hoppers were used. Metates served for other seeds. The acorns were placed in or on a sack in a crater in a small hill of clean sand, and hot water was poured through until they were mushy; then they were boiled into mush, stirred in pots-never in baskets-with the looped mush stirrer. Meat, especially rabbit, was usually added. A.G. said the Lone Pine treatment was similar, but the metate was used and the leeching pit was lined with bark. Mono lake stored acorns with shells removed in pits lined and covered with sage bark (like pinenut caches). When wintering in Yosemite, they stored them in the shell in elevated baskets, winuigulpi, like the Miwok. They ground, then leeched them in pits about four feet in diameter, gravel-lined, by pouring hot water through. The acorns were then put into a semi-spherical basket, wavoi', with water, one person heating rocks, then washing and placing them in the basket with two looped sticks, tanapa, about three rocks at a time, a second person stirring with a looped stick (tsa'nu) similar to the first and made of hard wood24 and removing cold rocks. 23 Chalfant said a wooden mortar found near Benton made from a tree knot had a bowl 15 inches deep by 15 inches in diameter. 24 Field Museum has a similar looped stick mush stirrer (spec. E-61491) from Pyramid Lake Paiute. Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute IRRIGATION25 Description.-Irrigation increased the natural yield of several wild seed plots in Owens valley. Tilling, planting, and cultivating were un- known. Plots were chosen for convenience of dam and ditch building, soil drainage, and seed yield. The greatest development was at pitana patii where natural facilities were best. A plot with tupus" and nahavita, on each side of Bishop creek, sloping gradually up the valley floor, was irrigated. The northern plot measured 4 by 1 to 11/2 miles; the southern comprised approximately 2 square miles. Map 2 shows plots, dams, ditches, etc. The system comprised a dam in Bishop creek canyon a mile below the mountains and a ditch to each plot. The northern ditch, used recently by ranchers and called "Paiute ditch," is still traceable from the dam up the canyon side and across the valley. Dam and ditch construction involved no problems but entailed considerable labor. At pitana patii the position of irrigator, tuvaijii'u (tiiva'Yad-lt, to irri- gate), was honorary. He was elected at a popular meeting each spring. Time to commence irrigation was then announced by the district head man and approved by the people. S.N.'s brother-in-law was once irri- gator. (The Big Pine district head man was irrigator, but had an assist- ant.) The dam of boulders, brush, sticks, and mud was built by the irrigator, assisted by about twenty-five men. After water was turned into the ditch, the irrigator alone was responsible, watering the plot by small ditches and dams of mud, sod, and brush. The water, once started, needed little attention. A pole, pavodo, 4 inches diameter, by 8 feet long, was the irrigating tool. Overflow water below the plots inadvertently irrigated land bearing: mono, sunu'u, pauponida, waiya, pak, and tsikava. I The northern and southern plots were annually alternated; "to pre- vent soil exhaustion" (T.S.), but probably really for natural seeding. Water was turned in spring to one plot (fish were gathered in the creek bed!); at harvest time the dam was destroyed and water flowed down the main channel (fish were gathered from the ditch). The following year the other plot was irrigated. Irrigation at pitana patti was communal. All men assisted in dam building. All women might harvest. This was probably true of other districts. 25 Steward, 1929. 1933] 247 248 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 ttii'iitii witii (Hot springs) dammed Freeman creek to irrigate nahavita. Baker creek below pasida witii was dammed for irrigation. Other Owens Valley settlements irrigated. Mono Lake did not. Theoretical aspects.-The Owens Valley Paiute were thus on the verge of horticulture but did not quite achieve it, for planting, tilling, and cultivating were unknown.28 There are three possible explanations of this unique and almost anomalous occurrence of irrigation without agri- culture, each of which has an important bearing on the origin of agri- culture in America. (1) An ancient practice of irrigation may actually have preceded the diffusion of cultivated plants in the Southwest and survived in eastern California. This hypothesis, however, is highly improbable, for there is not, so far as I know, a shred of evidence elsewhere to support it. (2) Irrigation may have diffused from a horticultural complex of the near or remote past in the Southwest. It is, however, unlikely that borrowing either from the south or east occurred in recent times. For although Owerns valley is less than two hundred miles from the Cheme- huevi, occasional tillers of the soil, and not more than three hundred miles from the truly horticultural Mohave,27 not a single cultivated plant of these people was known to the Paiute, while the Chemehuevi and Mo- have did not practice irrigation. It is indeed remarkable in view of the antiquity of horticulture in the Southwest28 and its wide distribution in the east that it should have gone but little beyond the Colorado river into California. But this halt in its diffusion, Kroeber suggests, may be explained by the adequacy of the natural food supply of California.29 The absence of horticulture is affirmed for all the Great Basin Shoshon- eans, except the Kaibab and Shivwits, Paiute of southern Utah who irri- gated corn and squash30 but could hardly have passed their knowledge across Nevada to the Owens Valley people. A diffusionistic explanation of Paiute irrigation is more plausible when the ancient Pueblo culture of the Southwest is considered. Har- rington's work at "Lost City," near Las Vegas, Nevada, showed the presence there of a horticultural people somewhere between the Basket Maker and Early Pueblo cultures.81 Further investigation in Nevada 26 Tobacco was pruned and the land was said to have been burned over in the spring. See p. 319. 27 Kroeber, 1925, 597, 735. 28 Kidder, 1924, 119, places the Basket Makers, the first agriculturalists of the Southwest, at between 2000 and 1500 B.C. 29 1925, 815. 30 Lowie, 1924, 200-201. 31 Harrington, 1927, 262-277. Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute yielded evidence in the form of pottery of a Pueblo culture, which pre- sumably included horticulture, as far west as Wellington, Beatty, and the eastern side of the Amargosa desert; that is, nearly to the boundary of California in the latitude of Owens valley.32 Influence of a Basket Maker culture, lacking domesticated plants, has been found as far west as Lovelock cave,33 west central Nevada, and in the Mohave sink region in southern California.34 The distribution of Shoshonean pottery in southern California and eastern California35 strengthens the hypothesis developed by Strong from social and ceremonial data that a strong con- nection between southern California and the Southwest once existed but was cut off at an early date by the intrusion of Shoshonean tribes of a low cultural status.36 Some early, widely distributed Southwestern cul- ture, most probably Pueblo ii, may have introduced the idea of irrigation which was taken over by the Owens Valley Paiute. If, however, diffusion explains Paiute irrigation, it did not operate in the conventional manner, for there was a differential borrowing in which a close-knit horticultural complex was broken down and the seemingly dependent or secondary element, irrigation, diffused without the carrier or raison d'etre of the complex-the nucleus of cultivated plants. Even if this apparently unreasonable, selective diffusion occurred, however, it indicates that irrigation was a part of early horticulture in the South- west, a contention now supported by much archaeological evidence. (3) Paiute irrigation may have had a local and independent origin, the original idea probably coming from the swampy lowlands of Owens valley where it is obvious that moist soil-a natural irrigation-pro- duces a very prolific plant growth. Irrigation, in this case, is simply an artificial reproduction of natural conditions. Although people are slow to take advantage of what seems "obvious" after its merits are known, the possibility of this origin must not be disregarded, for if the Owens Valley Paiute were among those intrusive tribes which cut off the con- nection between southern California and the Southwest, this explana- tion may be necessary. Whatever the source of irrigation among the Owens Valley Paiute, it supports Spinden's contention that irrigation in a semi-arid country, e.g., Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Peru, may be a "conception which accounts for the very origin of agriculture itself."37 32 Harrington, 1928, 235-240. 3 Loud and Harrington, 1929. 34 Rogers. 36 See p. 269. 36 1927. 371922, 47-49. This view is more fully expressed in Spinden, 1915, 269-276. 1933] 249 250 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 For if the Paiute came by irrigation through borrowing, the borrowing demonstrates that irrigation was present in an early phase of American agriculture, whereas if it were a local invention, it marks a people who were on the verge of horticulture and suggests the possibility of such an origin of horticulture elsewhere. SALT Salt, oia'vi, was scraped up with the hand from certain alkali flats (e.g., the south side of Big Pine lake), where a characteristic species of brush, tonavi, grew, then put with water in a basket and the paste moulded into flat cakes about 8 inches in diameter, for storage or trade. Balls, sometimes made, were preferred by Western Mono in trade. Salt was obtained in large quantities in Saline valley, and at Klondike lake, Silver peak, and Fish lake. Mono Lake Paiute traveled to Nevada to get salt, tul'vi ona'vi, in a manner similar to Owens Valley people. It occurred around a brush, tona'vi. This, being red and bitter, was only eaten with mush. FISHING Fish occurred in Owens river, fresh-water sloughs, and the Sierra Nevada streams. P&'-wi, generic term for fish. Ts6n!'ta, the native minnow. Huwa, 'adapii'i or atava, native sucker. Young were called pohivana or pohipana. Piugwi or pa-wi, golden trout, asserted not to be native by Chalfant.,8 J.Sm. said they were native in Birch creek. Po'tcigi or pui'tcigi, unidentified species. Young were called tsi-avaka. Occurred in Freeman creek, now gone. Aka pa-wi (aka, red), rainbow trout, probably introduced recently. Sections of rivers and sloughs were fished exclusively by districts owning them. Others were sometimes given permission to fish them. See map 2. Fishing was individual or communal. Villages or whole districts some- times fished, being organized and directed by the district head man, and the catch being divided equally among all participants. 38 MS. He says only suckers and minnows were native. Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute Live fish were kept in small-mouthed, open-twined baskets in streams; later baked, like jackrabbits, in a hole under hot ashes. G.C. said large catches were cleaned by people on the banks and smoked for storage. T.S. denied this. No fishing magic was known. Fishing methods.-(1) Stranding. Streams diverted in irrigating left stranded fish which were collected. (2) Stupefying. Tii'iiuwava or tiigwii'va (Smilacina sessilifolia Nutt.), slim solomon, was mashed with rocks, wrapped and sewed in worn-out baskets, and dipped into pools formed by dams39 and shaken. Five or six men swam with bundles of tU'ii,wava ahead of them in larger pools. Stupefied fish came to the surface or went to shallow water, the effect sometimes lasting 4 or 5 hours. Those strongly stupefied were gathered by men and women, wading with baskets. Active fish were shot with arrows or speared. Fish were piled on the bank. (3) Arrows. Fish were shot with bows and featherless arrows having double points of hard, sharp wood. (4) Spears. Short cane spears had two wooden prongs inserted into them. G.C. mentioned three bone prongs in a single plane, "like a pitch- fork." Prongs were recently wire or umbrella ribs. Leonard said that at Humboldt lake fish were speared from rush rafts with spears tipped with an 18-inch leg bone of the sandhill crane, the spears evidently being cast, not merely thrust.40 Field Museum has a two-prong fish spear with de- tachable bone points fastened harpoon-wise with string (spec. 71469), from the Western Mono of Hooker's cove, California. Chalfant says the spear was obsidian barbed (sometimes bone) ; and the spearing was done at night, the fish attracted by a light on the bank.4' (5) Hooks were of deer bone, G.C. T.S. said they were of a wildcat's foreleg or collar bone, the latter requiring little shaping. Leonard42 saw at Humboldt lake some fishhooks of small bone, ground down on sand- stone, a double "beard" or barb cut in them with flint, and a wild flax line attached nearest the barbed end. A pull on the line caused the sharp, barbed end to catch and turn the bone crosswise in the fish's mouth. These were often used. Grasshoppers and worms were bait, T.S. (6) Baskets. Open-twined baskets were dragged through the water. Conical carrying baskets, cudusi, were fastened below dams to catch fish coming over with the water. 39 Chalfant (MS) says a row of men formed a temporary breakwater for a sod and stone dam to be built. 40 166. Reny and Brenchley met an Indian on Carson river with a fish spear, 42. 41 MS. 42 P. 166. 1933] 251 252 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 (7) Nets of wiciviiva, described as like rabbit nets, 50 by 3 feet.43 Several people, holding a net, drove fish to the shallow end of a pool, there gathering them. Field Museum has a "gill net" (spec. E-71181), from the Western Mono of Big Sandy, California, which is set in streams for trout, etc.; it is made of milkweed and Indian hemp, Apocynum cannabinum L. T.S. described minnow fishing: Put a stick in tules to stand on. Stay quietly holding a three-foot line with a hook in a puddle made for the minnows. Sing and whistle: "Tsonita, come and take a bite. Never mind your little ones. Throw them away and come take a bite." This is for amusement, to keep awake. HUNTING Hunting was individual or communal. Individuals might hunt any- where; communal groups stayed within their district territory." Hunt- ers carried for large game a sinew-backed bow and obsidian-pointed arrows and fire outfits in their quivers. Continence was not required of hunters. Use of charms was not recorded. Individuals had no private hunting places. Deer, tihi'itna.45-Buck, tuhi'a; doe, tiuhi'na opia'va (female) ; faun, a'watsi". Individual hunters trailed, ambushed, or had barking dogs trained to round up deer. M.W. said some disguised themselves in deer skins and antlers, rubbing against rocks and brush, appearing angry, etc., to imitate deer, running away to make them curious, but keeping to their lee to keep the human odor from reaching them. If several hunted, some drove deer down trails where others hid. Nets and pitfalls were denied, but some kind of trap was affirmed for deer and mountain sheep. T.S. said a hunter left a killed deer in the mountains, went to the sweat-house that night saying, "Old men, light your pipe. We will smoke." After passing the pipe, they asked his luck. He told his experi- ences in detail. Next day they fetched home his deer. He kept the skin, neck and shoulders to the next to the last rib, giving away the remainder. This share falls to the one of a group of hunters who makes the kill. To carry, they tied the four legs together over the carrier's forehead and hung the body down his back.46 43 Simpson, 85, saw Carson Valley Paiute catching chub and mullet with seine4 then sun-drying them. 44 See p. 305. 45 Tihiid, Mono lake. 48 Muir, My First Summer in the Sierra, 205-206. Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute The deer drive was communal, directed by the district head man, whole families moving to the hunting country. Women and old men kept camp and cured the meat. Men, stationed 100 yards apart, hunted a large region, advancing with sage bark torches, 3 inches in diameter, 3 feet long, firing brush and closing in to drive deer into a great circle,47 then shooting them down. The kill was equally divided, the head man perhaps getting a double share, or a whole deer (more than the hunter's share). Some cured meat was left hanging in the mountains, theft being impossible as anyone in need was welcome to it. Shamanistic activities, driving over cliffs, and magic were unknown. Mountain sheep, koipa (M.L. and O.V.), and antelope wd'dzi or kwaha'du.-Usually hunted by large communal groups under the head man, supposedly a good hunter. Skilled hunters concealed themselves on trails while the others drove sheep and antelope up the mountain to them. J.McB. said sometimes brush corrals in narrow canyons caught sheep driven by hunters. On the top of nearly every Nevada mountain he visited, Muir found small stone enclosures where hunters hid while others frightened sheep, knowing they would run to the summit. On Mount Grant, west of Walker lake, was a high-walled stone corral with diverging wings into which sheep were driven by men, women, and chil- dren, aided by rows of dummy, rock "men" along ridge tops in and out of which several men moved. He pictures a sheep hunter witb a head gear suggesting an antelope.48 Owens Valley people hunted sheep and antelope mainly in the White and Inyo mountains, the precipitous Sierras affording protection to game unless heavy snows drove the animals down. Like deer, sheep and antelope were divided among hunters. No sha- manistic activities or magic were recorded. Bears, pahavitci'l.-Too much resembling humans and too much feared to be hunted. Occasional skins were traded from the Western Mono. Rabbit drives.-Rabbit, ka'mu. Large communal groups under dis- trict head men hunted many places in Owens valley. Old men placed their nets, 3 feet high and up to 50 feet long, end to end in a great arc and hid to club rabbits caught, which others, forming a long line, drove, 47 Muir saw Indians in the Sierra burning brush to facilitate deer hunting (The Mountains of California, 199). 48 The Mountains of California, 322. Reny (128) saw "Snake" Indians at the source of the Humboldt river using antelope head masks with red cloth attached to attract game. Simpson saw in Pah-hunupe valley, Nevada, brush barriers, con- verging to narrow passes where concealed hunters killed deer attracted at night by fires (p. 70), and, at Walker Lake, a large deer corral of sage and cedars (p. 481). 1933] 253 254 University of California Publications in An. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 shooting and clubbing as they closed in.49 The latter got most. Each kept his kill. Slain rabbits were carried by tucking their heads under belts of wicivi fiber around hunters' waists.50 T.S. denied participation of women and use of fire. Crescentic rabbit sticks were unknown. The last night of a successful drive the people held a celebration, tsoa wunut or tuwapait, in the sweat-house. Men put their rabbits in one pile; women put various seeds in another. Men took seeds they wanted, and the women whose seeds were taken took their share of rabbits. After a big feast, they entered the sweat-house, and paid singers sang special songs, tsoa huvia,5' the people joining. Communal deer drives, seed gathering, fishing, etc., and "fandangoes" were planned. Mono Lake held drives around the lake flats. Muir said men, women, and children participated, and brush fires helped frighten rabbits. Nets, clubs, and bows were used. cstick C%C $trin S- itckkA Fig. 2. A trap for small game. Drives occurred usually in the fall in connection with other communal undertakings. Traps.-Rabbits and wildcats52 were caught in unbaited loops tied to birch rods planted in the ground and bent over, on game trails.53 The animal kicked a willow trigger which allowed a string wrapped around a willow staple set into the ground to unwind releasing the bent birch and pulling up the loop. For wildcats these were larger. For smaller game, e.g., ground squirrels, tilted rocks supported by sticks dropped when bait underneath was gnawed. In figure 2, willow stick A tied with a string wrapped around upright B supporting horizontal stick c is re- leased, c and the rock giving way. Small string nooses for quail, like those of the Surprise Valley Paiute,54 those found in Lovelock cave,55 49 S.N. recounts a long rabbit drive, Steward, Autobiog. Simpson (54) saw rab- bit nets 3 feet long, draped on sage brush pulled up and piled with cedar boughs in a fence used by Goshutes near Salt desert. 50 Simpson (53) observed a Goshute carrying rats by this method. 51 See p. 279. 52 Tukuvitce. 53 Siupa (Distichlis spicata Greene), salt grass gum was chewed and put on hands and feet when setting traps to deodorize them. 54 Kelly, 89. 55 Harrington and Loud, 115. Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute and those in Field Mluseum from the Western Mono of Hooker's cove (spec. E-71460), were not recalled. Small game.-Also shot with wooden pointed arrows. Burrowing ani- mals were dug or smudged out of their holes. Twisting a stick into their skin was not known. Water fowl.-Killed in early morning by hunters concealed in blinds resembling wickiups or summer houses. Decoys,56 nets, and communal hunts were unknown. Meat preparation.-Large game was boiled in pots or, in the moun- tains, broiled on coals. To preserve, small strips were dried, perhaps over a fire, and left hanging or wrapped in buckskin. Purposeful smok- ing, grinding, and mixing with grease or berries were unknown. Intes- tines were split open, cleaned, hung to dry, and boiled to eat. Porcupines, miu'hu, ground squirrels, a'-wa, wood rats,57 cawa, mice, pu-a'ji (Bish.), po 1izi (F.S.), large mountain ground hogs, yaha, short- tailed ground squirrels, ku'pa, ki'vi, gophers, mii'iya, badgers, hil'na, chipmunks, tava'Ya, and possibly wildcats, tii'kuvitc', were roasted buried in coals after the entrails were removed and the skin was sewn up with a stick. Water fowl were boiled in pots. These included: geese, nii'giita, mal- lard, cu'davia, canvas back, sakwi'kwiu, brown head, yuha'da, pintail, wui"iiadji, spoon bill, ha'giva, teal, paga'w?hata'niyuwa, kuwa'natsi'", or kuwa'tcuwitci", and other ducks generically called pii'yii (O.V.), piihi' (M.L.). Quail, takna'ka, caught in traps or shot, were cleaned and broiled on coals or boiled in pots. Other animal foods.-Sage hens, ka'hu, grouse, hii'ja'a, and bluejays, tcai, but not swans, i-qa'datcoi'", were eaten. Although several denied eat- ing grasshoppers, 'ttakica9a, and crickets, tsil'nflt-lgi'", Muir saw Mono Lake Paiute, 1870, eating larvae of ants, wasps, bees, and other insects, and "Diggers," probably Miwok, eating ants after biting off their heads.58 Lizards, tiipo'dozo and mokidii'na (O.V.), tiivo'dza (M.L.), were eaten. Chalfant says Panamint Shoshoni59 and Parcher says Death Valley Shoshoni ate chuckwallas. Snakes were sometimes eaten, dogs rarely. Coy6'd6, a species of shellfish from Owens river, was boiled in the shell. 56 Simpson found Carson Lake Paiute using duck decoys "perfect in form and fabric" (p. 85), and at the mouth of Walker lake a skin stretched over a bullrush float (p. 480). 57 Simpson saw a Woodruff Valley (Nevada) Paiute with 27 rats for food (83). 58 My first Summer in the Sierra, 46, 206, 226-228. 59 MS. 1933] 255 256 University of California Publications in Aim. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 Coyotes, eagles, buzzards, and hawks were not eaten. Piuiga, the fleshy caterpillar of Coloradia pandora Blake, occurring on Pinus jeffreyi in the Sierra west of Mono lake, chiefly around Mono Mills, every other year, were gathered when descending to pupate.60 Communal trips, including whole families, were made in July. Trenches with vertical outer walls, 2 feet wide, 10 to 16 inches deep, encircled the trees. Though the caterpillars descended normally, J.Sm. said smoke helped to bring them down. They were gathered in special open-twined, round-bottom carrying baskets (pl. 10f), killed by smoking over or dumping into a fire. Aldrich says they were baked for an hour in a mound of earth which had previously been heated by a fire on top.6' Dirt is removed by sifting in a cone-shaped sieve or by winnowing; they are sun-dried, spread on the ground in bark for several days, sacked, and stored, preferably in the mountains until fall, as heat spoiled them. "Chief Jake Garrison" put up a ton and a half in 1920.62 For eating, they were boiled in pots or baskets. Piuiga were gathered by Owens Valley Paiute and probably Western Mono as Field Museum has a typical basket (spec. E-71294). They were traded widely. Cuiza'vi, O.V., cil'tza, cutzav1, M.L., the pupae of Ephydra hians Say., breeding abundantly in Mono lake.63 It is greasy and bitter like the lake water, but a favorite food and traded widely. Muir says "families and tribes" claim sections of the shore where the windrows of pupae wash up; disputes arise over encroachment on neighbor's territory.64 They are dried, and, Aldrich says, the shell is rubbed off by hand leaving a yellow- ish kernel.65 They are boiled one-half hour into mush and are important as food at Mono lake. I1ara or picawada, O.V. (E. hians Say.), in Owens lake,66 were used like cuzavi but less relished. Leonard says a small fly in Humboldt lake, probably the same, was gathered in baskets where blown up on the shore and dried with seeds and rabbits for winter food.67 Ephydra hians also occurred in Walker lake, called "koo'-tsabe," Pyra- mid lake and Soda lake, near Carson, Nevada, where they served as food.68 60 Aldrich, 1921, 36-38. 65 Aldrich, 1912, 90. 61 Ibid. 66 Aldrich, 1913, 200. 62 Aldrich, 1921. 67 166-167. 63 Aldrich, 1912, 85. 68 Aldrich, 1912, 90-93; 1913, 217-220. 64 Muir, My First Summer in the Sierra, 227. Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute DOMESTICATED ANIMALS Dogs.-Dogs, !'cavukii (ijc"a, coyote; vuki, tame ?), O.V., wi'civuk or togii (from "dog"), M.L., resembled coyotes in build and fur but had shorter ears and were marked black, white, brown, and tan. They were chiefly pets. They were eaten only during famine. Old and stupid dogs were killed. Horses.-Never of importance to Paiute; were got by Owens Valley from the south, by Mono Lake from the west, and were eaten prior to 1860. Pugu, M.L., means horse or any quadruped. Eagles.-Eagles, kwi'qa'a, O.V., kwi'na', M.L., and sometimes hawks, kini"', were captured on their nests when young and raised in small wickiups, hava toni, for feathers and eagle down, being fed raw rabbit meat. They were preferably in pairs or fours. T.S.'s grandfather raised an eagle which when grown, would fly away and return, being very tame. No other wild animals kept as pets were recorded. TRADE AND TRANSPORTATION Little trade was carried on in the Great basin, except in salt from Saline valley and pottery chiefly from Big Pine. Trading was done across the Sierra Nevada by Owens Valley Indians with Western Mono, Mono Lake with Miwok. Routes are shown on map 1; people crossed from both sides, making hurried trips.69 S.N.'s account pictured only men trading. Muir in 1870 saw women in a party, traveling barefoot, carrying the loads.70 Owens Valley carried salt, pinenuts, and other seeds, obsidian includ- ing the "poisonous" variety, rabbitskin blankets, balls of tobacco, baskets, and buckskins. They received principally shell money (later glass beads), acorns, manzanita berries, apasa', and baskets. Mono Lake traded pinenuts, piuiga, cuza'vi, baskets, red paint, pijapi, white paint, ivi, and salt7l for bead money, acorns, manzanita berries, apo'sogwa, sow berry, tama, and elderberries, hubu'xia. They often win- tered in Yosemite, especially when pinenuts were scarce, frequently 69 An account of a trading expedition is given in Steward, Autobiography. 70 The Mountains of California, 80-81. 71 Muir mentions salt as their most important trade article, My First Summer in the Sierra, 228. 1933] 257 258 UniverSity of California Publications in Aim. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 marrying Miwok. Muir says Miwok went to Mono lake to trade or attend dances.72 Strings of small, white shell discs, natsi'buhiidi, O.V., numu'kwa M.L. (white glass beads later had the same purpose and name) were money. One turn around the edge of the outstretched palm, starting and ending at the wrist bone, was called n'tsakwi'da.73 Two turns, tagiva, O.V., equalled $.25. Mono Lake also had long shell beads, perhaps dentalium, called pakuda (applied also to blue glass beads). Abalone, dentalium, and olivella shells were rare, if present, in Owens valley. Silver coins were called nau'aku. In gambling, the unit bet was the kiva,'21/2 turns around the hand, from the index finger, in front of the third and fourth fingers, behind the little finger, around the wrist, behind the thumb to the index finger. A borrower of money returned a little more than he received, but custom fixed no interest rate. For transportation, the dog was used in no way. Women used conical carrying baskets (pl. 10a, b, c, f ), supported on their backs by tumplines passing over their foreheads. Basketry hats protected their heads, espe- cially in pine-nutting. Men bundled their goods in buckskins, tied with knots slung over the shoulder or with carrying straps of braided wiciva (Amsonia brevifolia Gray) (one said three-ply twisted ropes) or buck- skin straps tied to the pack knot and this slung over the shoulder. Women sometimes use pack straps. Pieces of rabbit net sometimes served as carrying nets. One Field Museum buckskin carrying strap (E-71248) is from Western Mono of Jose basin; another (E-71377), braided of Fremontica californica Torr., is from Hooker's cove. A Western Mono carrying net (Field Museum spec. E-71373) is woven of Asclepias speciosa Torr., milkweed, and a species of Gomphorcarpus, milk plant. For duck hunting and some fishing a bundle of tules, saiva (Scirpus, probably acutus Muhl.), was bound with willows into a double-pointed bundle, 10 feet long, having, according to T.S., slight sides. Others de- scribed it as rather shapeless. 72 The Mountains of California, 80-81. 73 Chalfant's informant corroborates this (MS). 1Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute WEAPONS Spears were used little, if at all, except in fishing. Slings, made of leather in recent days, were of minor importance. Throwing clubs, armor, shields, and atlatls were unknown. Bow, ai'dukfu.-Bows were made by professionals (T.S. denied this). Juniper ("cedar"), Juniperas occidentalis ?, abundant over 6000 feet altitude, was preferred. "Water birch," kugujava (Betula fontanalis Sarg.), was good. Willow, sagap, B.P., sugupi, M.L. (Salix), and "pussy" willow, served for children's and small game bows. Wood was cured, trimmed with a flint knife, polished with a rough rock (pata, river, payavi, file) first ground smooth against another rock. Treating with fire and ashes in some way straightened and supposedly gave elasticity. G.C. said large game bows were sinew-backed; small game bows were simple, of black willow or oak. One said the sinew was wrapped wet, sticking without glue. No specimens seen had it wrapped. T.S. said sev- eral layers of sinew in strips were stuck with antler glue, running out from one end of the bow to be twisted into the sinew bow string, after a couple of turns around the bow. The other end of the bow was notched for a loop at the string end. Self bows had both ends notched. Chalfant mentions some mountain mahogany bows with reverse curves at the ends, about 3 feet long, shaped by steaming, the sinew glued on, and says self bows, 6 feet long, had a simple arc.74 T.S. said a string wrapped in some way around the hand and elbow gave the bow length, about 3 feet. Sinew came from deer backs. Specimens: Mrs. Black, Big Pine, has an old bow about 3 feet long with sinew on the back. U. C. spec. 1-26934, made by Pike, Big Pine, is about 5 feet 3 inches long, 3/4 inch thick, and 1'/2 inches wide at the grip, which is wrapped for 5 inches with cord; the inside of the arc is flattish, the outside rounded; the string, looped at each end, is caught in notches. A specimen made about 75 years ago, owned by Mr. Will McCrosky, is in the Independence museum. The center is 1/2 inch thick, 13/4 inches wide; the sinew backing, 1/8 inch thick, is brought around one end; the 3-ply string, twisted right, is wrapped many times around one end, looped over the other, but the end brought against the bow and held by 5 inches of buckskin-thong wrapping; 3 inches at each end and 4 inches in the center are painted red between which on the inside are three or l 259 1933] 260 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 four sets of crossbands, each having a red, blue, and red line; some daubing appears over the sinew; length, about 3 feet. One made by T.S. is 3A by 11/2 inches in the center, oval in cross-section; ends 1/2 inch wide. One made by Death Valley Shoshoni, owned by Mr. Eickbaum, Stove- pipe Wells, is 3 feet, 6 inches long; the center % by 13/4 inches, the ends, each notched, 3/4 inch wide. The sinew-backing is said to have been used there. Arrow, hauvilgd.-Of cane or willow. Chalfant adds arrow wood from Saline valley.75 Willow was heated over fire, bent by hand. Cane was straightened in grooves on stone straighteners. Several straighteners of obdurate steatite, with one to several transverse grooves, were found. Plate 4f and g are bun-shaped, scratched by a stone cutting tool. Field Museum has two (spec. E-71474 and E-71477) from the Western Mono of Hooker's cove, similar in form, one with one, the other two, grooves. Mr. Suhr of Deep Springs found at Deep Springs lake one of steatite, 4 inches square, 3/4 inch thick, having a groove on one side and another vertical to it on the reverse side. A Western Mono vesicular lava straight- ener (Field Museum spec. E-71479) has a single groove. Stone straight- eners were fire heated, and the arrow pressed and rubbed in the groove. Wooden straighteners were not mentioned in Owens valley.76 Feathers, usually three (Chalfant mentions two),77 were hawk or eagle,78 6 inches long, stopping 1 inch short of the butt, 1/2 inch wide. Cane shafts were sinew-wrapped under the feather to prevent splitting. One inch of feather quill was sinew-wrapped to the shaft as the arrow pointed the reverse of normal, then the feather was folded back and the rear end lashed (fig. 3e). Occasional feather spiraling seems accidental. Zigzags and other red designs were painted on the shaft and sometimes on the feathers. Sinew wrapping under the feathers prevented the butt from splitting. Cane arrows had willow foreshafts (fig. 3), 6 inches long, with heads varying in type. A plain, blunt greasewood, pa'tonova, foreshaft served for rabbits (fig. 3a). Duck arrows were similar, but the foreshaft was wrapped with sinew to form a bulge, making the arrow skip on the water (fig. 3d). For birds, the striking surface was enlarged with two pairs of sticks about 2 inches long, tied at right angles across the end (fig. 3c) this was called witsa'na. The fish arrow had a willow shaft, no feathers, 75 MS. 76 Field Museum has a manzanita straightener, flattish, eight inches long with an ovoid hole in the center, from the Western Mono, Hooker's cove (spec. E-71480). 77 MS. 78 Birds raised in captivity. Steward: Ethnography of Owenas Valley Paiute re l 1~g i-J Fig. 3. a, plain, blunt greasewood foreshaft, used in taking rabbits; b, wooden foreshaft with obsidian point, for game or war arrows; c, two pairs sticks tied at right angles across end of foreshaft, used in taking birds; d, sinew-wrapped fore- shaft, used in taking ducks; e, sinew-wrapping under the feather to prevent splitting of foreshaft; f, arrowpoint with projections at shoulders; g, arrowpoint with notches cut into the base; h, arrowpoint with notches cut into the sides; i, "skinning knife"; j, knife for general cutting. 1933] 261 University of California Publioations in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 and was tipped with two hard wooden points. Bone was not used. Game and war arrows were cane with wooden foreshafts and obsidian, ta'kapi, points (fig. 3b). Ninety-five per cent of the points are black obsidian, mostly from Glass mountain, between Bishop and Mono lake. Other sources of obsidian were: volcanic rock (bearing petroglyphs) at Fish Springs and probably lava south of Big Pine and near Bishop. A poison- ous obsidian, which people avoided touching, was said to occur at the Bertrand ranch, 60 miles northwest of Benton. Mono Lake obsidian, pijii"um, came from Glass mountain. B.T. says his father placed ob- sidian flakes in his left hand on buckskin and pried off flakes with a deer antler point held in his right79 (pl. 5f). Archaeological points in the re- gion are well worked, thin in cross-section, basically triangular, an inch to 11/2 inches in length, with two types of notching, both being found associated with pottery and therefore probably of Paiute make. Notches cut into the base leave a tang set into the arrowshaft and barbs project- ing back (fig. 3g) ; some are cut into the side (fig. 3h).80 Pike wanted to cut side notches into archaeological points of the first type. Unnotched triangles, perhaps unfinished points, also occur. Points were wrapped to the shaft with sinew and glued with a kind of shellac from sage infected by insects. The Eastern California Museum at Independence has several arrows about 2 feet 10 inches long; 3 feathers, each unpainted but with serrated edges; one-piece solid wood shafts, encircled by about 10 bands, 1/2 inch wide, of red; obsidian points about 1 inch long, distinctive in having projections at the shoulders, stuck to the shafts with a gummy substance (fig. 3f). Mr. Eickbaum has very long, recently made, Death Valley Shoshoni arrows. "Short flight" arrows are about 3 feet 4 inches long, %6 inch diameter; 4 inch wooden foreshafts fitted into cane, bound with sinew; two feathers spiraling to spin counterclockwise; gum and sinew under the feathers to prevent the bowstring splitting the butt. "Long flight" arrows are up to 3 feet 71/2 inches; 3 non-spiraled feathers, 5 inches long, 7/8 wide; foreshafts 51/2 inches long. 79 A mythological character splits a boulder in two with a flaking point. Mr. Don McGuire of Ogden, Utah, saw Indians in Round valley, 1878, flaking points held near the fire for a few seconds with tough cedar splinters covered with moist buckskin. Three to five minutes were required to finish a point. Iron points were also used. 80 This type, probably of Ute make, is common in northern Utah. Mr. Barnum Brown said points probably of Shoshoni origin found at an ancient buffalo kill in Yellowstone were of this type. It is probably typically Shoshonean, though notches were similarly cut in Basket Maker dart heads. 262 Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute Arrow poisoning. (1) A yellow mineral, mo'ata, from near Koso Springs was daubed on the point. (2) A decayed substance from a "sack" on the left side of a dead deer's or mountain sheep's stomach kept dried and moistened to smear on points. It was used in war and hunting, not rendering meat inedible. G.C. (3) Deer heart blood, salt, ashes, ground rock, and cactus-needle scrapings mixed and sewed in a cleaned section of intestine; this is suspended from a stick across a hole in the ground, covered and left to "ripen" several months in warm weather. Arrow points dipped in it are fatal, but do not make meat inedible. Quiver, huZgu"na.-For hunting, sack of tanned buckskin. For war, a sack of gray fox fur, padogo"na. It is slung over the left shoulder, the hunter reaching under his left arm for arrows. Shooting.-The bow is strung by placing one end against the outside of the left foot, the middle inside the left knee, and pushing out against the upper end, pulling the looped string over the end with the other hand. The bow is held diagonally in front of the body, the arrow between the thumb and forefinger in primary release, resting between the middle and index finger on the bow, and is pulled toward the shoulder (pl. 3b). After release, it is "cast" with the bow hand. No wrist guard is used. Spears of some kind may have been used for rabbits. (See Fishing.) Slings of buckskin straps were only used to hurl rocks in brawls over pinenut land. Other weapons.-A "disc" is thrown in warfare in a myth. The iden- tity is unknown. HOUSES Men did most of house building, but in divorce or separation women kept them. A single family, plus perhaps grandparents, occupied a house, though most living was done outside. Guests were feasted and seated opposite the door on a blanket. Houses varied with seasons and habitats. Mountain house (wogani).-This was used in the mountains above timber line, i.e., 6000 feet altitude, during the fall and winter after pine- nutting. Construction: two upright posts, 6 or 7 feet tall, set 15 feet apart in the ground with crotches supporting a ridge pole; side beams, all the way around, sloped from the ground to this pole, somewhat tent- shaped; the roofing was pine boughs; the smokehole was top, center; the door, east; no earth covering was added. Men occupied one-; women oc- cupied another and cooked in it. Proximity to springs was desired, but snow could serve for water. 1933] 263 264 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 Winter valley house (toni or siwanopi, "house of straw").-Used in valleys during winters without pinenuts. Construction: much like sweat- house; a cone of poles, 9 to 10 feet high and 15 to 20 feet in diameter, was built around a pit about 2 feet deep; smokehole in center; existence of center pole is uncertain. Woven wild rye, waiya, or willows were secured to the poles by willow withes. T.S. said mats of tule (Scirpus acutus (?) ) or waidava, a species of Chenopodium, measuring about 1 by 2 feet, were overlapped like shingles on the roof. Sometimes leaves, boughs, and a few inches of earth were added. T.S. denied but others affirmed earth covering. The sweat-house is earth-covered; so were Fish Lake valley dwellings. (Modern houses are cabins.) The doorway faced east; no ra- tionalization was offered for this; it was a rectangular hole in the wall, 3 to 4 feet high, 2 to 21/2 feet wide, an incline leading down to it from the ground level. The door was a 2-inch layer of waidava, running ver- tically, bound at each end by a pair of horizontal willows and tied, prob- ably twined, at intervals, and simply stood, not tied or hinged, in the doorway. The floor was earth, sometimes with blankets. Large houses accommodated one large or several very small families. People slept with their feet toward the fire, like wheel spokes. The place of honor was opposite the door. Cooking, eating, and sleeping, except in bad weather, was done outside behind a windbreak of willows planted vertically and close together, 4 feet high and 10 to 15 feet long, perhaps encircling the camp. The fire was on the floor center. The Mono lake winter house, tomogani,81 was a cone, 10 to 12 feet high and of equal diameter. The great height was "to get rid of smoke." Con- struction: a pit, 10 to 12 feet diameter, 2 feet deep; four poles were set up, their butts on the pit edge, their upper ends joined; smaller poles filled spaces between these, but leaving a smokehole; bundles of wild rye or oats, and pine or juniper needles, completed the covering. Earth was not used. The doorway extended eastward several feet. In deep snow, the smokehole served as doorway. Muir found Indians in the Sierra stripping bark from junipers (Juniperas occidentalis) for "tent mak- ing,"82 probably this kind of house. M.S. said her grandmother's house (Fish Lake Valley Shoshoni) was a cone of rough poles around a slight pit, with a 3-foot diameter smoke- hole in the center and the door east. She was certain that it was earth- covered. M.S.'s present cabin faces east. H.I.'s house in 1919 was semi- subterranean, but tent-shaped of boards. Recent Shoshoni houses at 81 Novi, house, M.L. 82 The Mountains of California, 206. Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute Oasis, Fish Lake valley, were earth-covered. Leonard in 1831 described Humboldt Lake houses as "a round hole dug in the ground, over which sticks are placed, giving it the shape of a potato hole-this is covered with grass and earth-the door at one side and the fire at the other." Cook house (hava toni, "grass house") .,The winter cook house lacked the pit and earth covering but was the same size as the toni. Construc- tion: a circle of poles converged at the top leaving a smokehole; bundles of waiya (Elyymus condensatus Presl.), giant rye grass, and probably of toiva (Typha latifolia L. or T. augustifolia L.), cat-tail, were placed, starting at the bottom, to overlap like shingles, and were held in place by horizontal poles. Tules (Scirpus) also served. Skin coverings were never used. Fig. 4. Sweat-house at Big Pine creek. Summer house.-Also called hava toni. These are dome-shaped, willow sun shades, 8 to 15 feet in diameter. Stout willows are set in the ground in a circle, then bent and lashed together, and other willows, boughs, and grass woven in horizontally. Today canvas, sacks, or tin sheets are placed over them for water-proofing. Another type of sun shade is a light roof of willows supported by four posts. Sweat-house (musa).-This was larger and more substantial than the toni. One now stands at Big Pine creek a mile west of town (pl. 6a; fig. 4). Construction: ground plan nearly circular, long diameter, 25 feet, running north-south; two stout posts in this diameter, 6 feet apart and 8 feet high, support ridge pole; pit is 2 feet deep; 3- to 4-inch diameter poles from gound to ridge pole and post tops form walls, being closely spaced and grass-covered (preferably wild rye grass) ; several inches of dirt covers this; smokehole is in center and fire, now a stove, below, between the center posts. Some claimed center posts to have been lacking formerly; this is doubtful. The doorway, about 4 feet high, is east and covered with a board door and entered by a dug way. Uses: (1) It was the men's house, a dormitory for old and young un- married men; the hand game was played inside, the hoop-and-pole 1933] 265 266 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 course was outside; men gathered in evenings to smoke, converse, relate myths, and sing. (2) Sometimes it was a community meeting-house, com- munal affairs being discussed. The pitana patii sweat-house, west of town, map 2, was community center. (3) Sudatory. Sweating was for cleansing and physiological benefits, not treatment of specific ailments ;8S was done in winter after hunting or strenuous work, about monthly; the fire, preferably of willow because-of the smoke odor, was built in the fore- noon; steam was unknown; men entered stripped and lay on blankets; then ran into the stream, always handy, cutting ice if necessary. Women did not sweat. (4) Ceremonial. G.C. said men prayed to "the Great Spirit." Probably individual prayer and communication with one's powers were practiced. The Lone Pine sweat-house resembled the foregoing in all respects. The Mono Lake sweat-house was small, poorly built, earth-covered, had a door only large enough to admit one, and a fire in the center. It was a sudatory only, not a men's club house, dormitory, or social hall. Beds.-Were rabbitskin blankets on the ground. When Indians slept outside in cold weather, the ground was heated by a fire, after which clean sand and grass were spread on it. POTTERY Pottery making, a special art formerly limited to a few women, is now nearly forgotten. Pots, wicur or tupin wicur (stone bowl), B.P., witur, Bish., witu'a, M.L., and pipes, pichimu,54 were made. Their chief source was Big Pine, being traded elsewhere for shell money, food, etc.; also Fish Springs and Lone Pine. Material.-Clay (winavi) was used; "reddish in color"; obtained from special places, e.g., naear Fish Springs. On Baker creek, 1/ mile above the Somerville ranch, was granite decomposed in situ near the stream leaving 1 to 2 feet of kaolin and small, hard crystals which furnished tempering, but necessitated grinding.85 A large boulder near- by with a smooth depression was used as a metate with a muller. Sifting through a winnowing basket followed. No other temper was added. Desert mallow (Sphaeralcea fremontii Torr., Jepson), widogo'va, abun- dant along Big Pine creek, was boiled into a thick syrup. J.S.'s daughter 8S Chalfant's informant claimed some sweating for skin rashes and other ail- ments (MS). 84 P. 319. 85 Mr. Don McGuire of Ogden, Utah, said that in Round valley the river clay was tempered with particles from sifted, decomposed granite. Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute moistened her clay and painted her vessel's exterior after drying with this, refusing to commence work without it. Construction.-J. S.'s daughter and J.Sm.'s mother-in-law proceeded alike, first laying on a board a clay pancake base, about 3 inches diameter, made in the palm of the hand, then adding long, narrow strips rolled between the palms, and pressing each strip to the one below it between the thumb and forefinger of the right hand in order to obliterate joints. The wall was smoothed, as it grew, with the fingers dipped in the mallow syrup, and the completed vessel smoothed with the fingers (pl. 5d). One specimen of too wet clay, which slumped when completed, was tied around the top with a string. The pots were sun-dried, painted with mallow syrup, and baked, covered with coals, in an open, sagebrush fire. Archaeological sherds.-These, from several sites, exhibited work- manship superior to these pots, being larger, round-bottomed, thinner- walled, smoother, and more regular. Colors were predominantly reddish or brownish gray with much uneven fire blackening. Parallel scratches, horizontal on the inside, vertical on the outside, indicate smoothing with sticks or stones. Specimens.-One owned by Mrs. Black, Big Pine, found among pinfons, White or Inyo mountains (p1. 5b): height, 20 cm.; round bot- tom; coils scarcely visible but walls irregular; inside caked with charred substance, probably food, but striations show in spots. One found north of Bishop and owned by Mr. William Sanford, associated with stone house rings and petroglyphs,86 site 84, map 2: partially restored; height about 37 cm.; thin, even wall; bottom rounded. Color of both is dark gray. A large sherd from the east side of Deep Springs lake, owned by Mr. 0. B. Suhr: height, probably 31 cm.; diameter, 25 to 30 cm. ; rounded bottom; coil joints show 3/4 inch apart on outside; inside scratched hori- zontally by smoothing instrument; outside better smoothed but not pol- ished, the scratches running from rim down to right, showing that pot was held in left hand, opening left, smoothed with right; rim rounded and irregular but not distinctive; no slip; color, mottled brownish gray. One in the Eastern California Museum (fig. 1) found by Mr. Charles T. Forbes, associated with stone house rings at "Bayonet Camp," 1 mile south of Chidago canyon, 14 miles north of Bishop: height, about 37 cm.; diameter rim, 32 by 341/2 cm.; bottom, semi-rounded, 10 cm. diameter; will not stand alone; wall, 9 mm. thick; bottom, 12-13 mm. thick; rim curves slightly inward; lip rounded; smoothing striations horizontal inside, vertical outside; well fired; color, dark gray; decoration, short 86 Steward, 1929a, 72-73. 1933] 267 268 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 row of fingernail indentations and zigzag below rim (fig. li). A sherd kept in water a year by Mr. Forbes is still hard. Similar sherds were found on the west side of Deep Springs valley in rock shelters, site 86, map 2, and at Keeler, near petroglyphs,87 site 35, map 1; and reported from Koso Springs, Little lake, and Fish Springs. All archaeological sherds were of the same type.88 Mono Lake Indians conflicted regarding their having made pots, called witur. A soapstone vessel, resembling a pot in shape and size, was found near Mammoth. Shoshoni pottery.-M.S. thought the Fish Lake Valley Shoshoni had made pottery. It occurs archaeologically there. Several specimens (fig. 1) owned by Mr. Eickbaum, Stovepipe Wells, Death valley, were made by an old Death Valley Shoshoni man, who recently revived the art com- Fig. 5. Pipe of unbaked elay. (In Eickbaum collection.) Length, 414 inches. mercially. Construction: coarse, micaceous clay; color, dark gray, un- evenly burned black; smoothing, inside horizontally with stick or fingers, outside with fingers leaving deep irregularities; walls, 9 to 13 mm. thick, more or less straight, tilting out like those made in Owens valley; bot- toms, 12 to 20 mm. thick, flat, except one (fig. le); decorations, some have rows of fingernail indentations under the rim (fig. lb) ; in all re- spects, exceedingly crude. Though this crudeness may be due to modern degeneration, a sherd of a similar vessel was reported found at an archae- ological site 8 miles north of Stovepipe Wells. A pot of the Owens Valley archaeological type (pl. 5a), found somewhere in Death valley, was ex- amined at Furnace Creek Inn. Pipes (pichimu).-Made by J.S.'s daughter. Potter's clay moulded around a stick of diameter equal to the pipe bore, 12 to 20 mm. Larger, better-shaped sticks were probably used for cores formerly. Sun-dried and fired like pots, the stick burning out. A similar pipe was noted in the Eickbaum collection (fig. 5). 89 87 Steward, 1929a, 75-77. 88 Leonard (167) describes pottery at Humboldt lake: "made of stiff mud which they lay upon the fire and burn; but from the sandy nature of the mud, after cooking a few times, it falls to pieces, when they make a new one." 89 Further description of pipes, p. 268. Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute Theoretical aspects.-Two kinds of pottery were made in Owens val- ley: (1) large, round-bottom vessels from archaeological sites, a similar vessel having been found in Death valley; (2) small, flat-bottom vessels made by informants, closely resembling in manufacture and form those made by Gayton's Yokuts and Western Mono informants90 and those of recent Death Valley Shoshoni make. It is assumed, though not proved, that these two wares belong to the same culture, that of the people now occupying the regions under discussion; that the small, flat-bottomed modern ware has resulted from copying somewhat similar basket forms. McGuire said Round Valley pots made in 1878 were round-bottomed. The Yokuts, Western Mono, Owens Valley, Death Valley, Humboldt Lake, and Tiibatulabal pottery forms an area within which distribution is continuous but not connected with southern California or the South- west, for the Kawaiisu lacked it,"' the Chemehuevi rarely made it ex- cept along the Colorado river,92 and its occurrence in southern Nevada, except among the Moapa and Shivwits, is doubtful.98 Pueblo sherds although found on the eastern side of the Amargosa desert,94 have not yet been found in or west of Death valley. A relationship of the pottery- making peoples under discussion to the Southwest-southern California pottery cultures is not yet certain. More complete knowledge of inter- mediate cultures may disclose it.96 WEAVING BLANKETS, CORDS, MATS Rabbitskin blanket,96 wigo (pijo, generic name for blankets), made by men, sometimes women assisting. The fur of 50 to 75 jackrabbits, killed in the fall, was slit inside the hind legs, peeled off inside out, and cut into a single strip. Two strips were twisted together into a fur rope by tying their ends to a stick rolled on the thigh, then were stretched outdoors to dry, and rolled into a ball. Strips were added end to end by inserting one through a hole in the other and twisting. Fish Lake and Death Valley Shoshoni and Mono Lake Paiute followed this procedure. 90 Gayton, 1929. 91 Gayton, 1929. 92 Kroeber, 1925, 597. 93 Lowie, 1924, 225-226; McGuire reports pottery made at Hiko Springs, Nevada. 94 Harrington, 1928. 95 The pottery described here and that seen by Leonard at Humboldt lake may ultimately connect that on the Columbia river (see Ray, 1932) with the Southwest. 96 Field Museum has a rabbitskin blanket (spec. E-61500) from the Lone Pine Paiute. Specimen 1-26982 in the Univ. Calif. Mus. .9nthr. is from Lone Pine. 1933] 269 270 University of California Publicationa in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 The Owens Valley weaving frame was two upright posts, 8 feet tall, 5 or 6 feet apart, with horizontal bars top and bottom, around which the furropewaswrappedvertically from one side to the other. Fish Lake and Death Valley Shoshoni informants said two poles laid on the ground, several feet apart, served as frames. Weaving began at the top, left, a pair of cords being twined around each vertical fur wrap with the fingers, across to the right and back, etc. The weft, formerly of buckskin or bark fiber cord, is now cloth strips. Mrs. Black's old blanket has a two- ply twine weft. Sizes varied from about 3 by 4 feet to 5 by 6 feet, smaller ones serving as cloaks, larger ones as bedding. A softer, lighter mudhen-pelt blanket was made like the rabbitskin blanket. Cord for twine, nets, etc., was two-ply of pounded, sometimes chewed, and twisted wicivi (Amsonia brevifolia Gray) fiber, secured especially at wici'vi wi'tii, site 24, map 1. Avanava (Asclepiaes speciosa and pos- sibly A. mexicana) were also used. Fiber was rolled between the hand and thigh to twist. Some kind of twined tule mat was used on house floors. BASKETRY Basket, shiihu, B.P., opo', M.L. Materials: Willow, siuhu'va (Saltix sessilifolia Nuttall), was most im- portant and was cut only in winter. M.H. refused to cut willows in July. Foundations or warps for coiled baskets were small scraped but unsplit stems; wefts were stems split into thin, flat strips, scraped formerly with obsidian knives, now with steel knives or glass, and kept pliable by moistening in the mouth while using. Black designs were willows with the brown inner bark remaining, then painted, after the basket was made, with a mixture of chewed willow roots and water. G.C. said a burned yellowish rock mixed with some root made this paint. Ohii'mi, probably fern roots, made a black weft when boiled with ashes. The roots of some water plant gave red. Red paint was sometimes applied to ex- teriors, especially of water jugs. Weaves: Small, tightly woven baskets were coiled or sewed, of fair workmanship but inferior to Washo or Shoshoni baskets. Crude speci- mens have a 2-rod foundation. Most have 3 rods and 50 to 200 stitches of the weft to a square inch. The stitches which are non-interlocking em- brace the 3 rods but pass through the upper rod of the bundle below. Two specimens in the Eastern California Museum at Independence, Steward: Ethnography of Owen8 Valley Paiute owned by Mr. Ralph Bell, have small grass bundle foundations. Coiled food containers, a pa, were roughly semi-spherical, flat-bottomed, and used for food and cooking. Plate 9e has a flattened top, g straight sides, and f is unusual in being oval. Occasionally, probably under Caucasian influence, lids with knob handles are added. A cactus needle, wl'nivep, from the Inyo mountains, formerly served as an awl. Feathers, e.g., quail, and Chalfant adds yellow meadowlark and other birds' feathers,97 were sometimes woven in. Mono Lake coiled containers, wavoi, were sometimes pitch-coated in- side for cooking, pottery not being made there. Field Museum has two similar Pyramid Lake food bowls (spec. E-61484 and E-61497). The making of angular designs of beads woven over completed baskets was probably invented at Mono lake but is occasionally used in Owens valley. Other coiled ware: T.S. described a small, cup-sized coiled dipper, tu'wiikidanu, with a handle woven on, and a tray, sa'ku, about 14 inches in diameter.98 M.S., Fish Lake Valley Shoshoni, used a 3-rod foundation for light baskets, 5-rod for heavy. When 3 rods were used, the weft passed over the top rod of the bundle encircled but through the top rod of the bundle below. The weft, willow gathered in winter (they were "too dry" in summer), was purchased from another Indian. Strips about 1/8 inch wide and 1/% to %2 inch thick were moistened in her mouth or by her fingers dipped in a pan of water as used, then drawn by her left hand across a knife edge against which the right thumb held it pressed. The strip was then passed through successively smaller holes, ranging from 1/4 to %2 inch in diameter, punched in a can top with a nail, to shave it down. For fine weaves, it was drawn through the smallest hole. A grass root from near Furnace creek, Death valley, made a dark brown design. The root (?) of Joshua trees-some occurred in Fish Lake Valley-also made brown. Chalfant, quoting Coville, says Panamint Shoshoni made black designs of devil horns and red of yucca.99 The coil ran clockwise as seen from the basket bottom, the basket being held open side up, in the left hand, the hole punched with a steel awl, right hand, and the weft pushed through from the outside. The edge ended above where the wall began, the rods being trimmed to a point first. 97 Chalfant, MS. 98 Field Museum has a Western Mono plaque (spec. E-71296) for casting acorn dice of a loose coil, the foundation being grass, Epicampes rigens Benth., the weft, 3 leaf sumach, Rhus trilobata Nutt., and sedge, Carex barbarae Dew., and the design, Pteris aquiliniumn L. 99 MS. 1933] 271 272 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 M.S.'s basket, plate 6b, is in brown designs of birds and brush. Death Valley Shoshoni baskets were made by the same technique including trimming weft elements by pulling through a tin. One represents quail and brush; another has three mountain sheep on each side and a chuck- walla on each end in brown, with yellow dots near the edge; it is oval, 123/4 inches long, 71/2 inches wide. Other baskets in Death valley had butterfly designs. This realism is a modern decorative feature. Death Valley baskets in the University of Utah Museum of Anthropology: specimen 10869 has 19 stitches to a horizontal linear inch or about 100 to a square inch; specimen 10865 has 24 stitches to a linear inch or 96 per square inch; specimen 10866 has 26 stitches to a linear inch or about 150 per square inch. A Lone Pine Shoshoni basket is oval, has 16 stitches to a linear inch and about 96 per square inch. Other Lone Pine Shoshoni baskets observed had 200 to 250 stitches per square inch. Three-rod foundation is the rule. Twined weaves utilized the same materials. Conical carrying baskets, cudu'si or wanii (large ones), kdv6'nu (small ones), vary in tightness. For wood and large articles, they are open twine, plate lla and b. Ver- tical willow stems form a cone, some being cut off part way down for even spacing. The bottom is either rounded and cloth-covered, plate 10c, or the warp brought to a point. The pairs of weft strands, spaced some- times two inches apart, are twisted over each warp. A bundle of small willows with one stout one on top are sewed to the rim to reinforce it. For carrying, a strap fastened to the side passes over the woman's fore- head (pl. 8b). Old baskets serve for fishing. Plate 10a is a tighter, diagonal twine for seed gathering. Plate 10b is the usual tightly-twined seed basket used for gathering, transporting being done in a large basket. The strap passes through the basket near the rim and around short sticks inside. Piuiga are gathered in a small, round-bottom open twine basket, plate 10f, called gi.ni.'00 The seed beater, tana'ku, O.V., tsi'gu, M.L., has a dish-shaped bowl of warp elements running back into a rounded handle. A stout willow is sewed around the rim. Plate 9d is open twine, the weft elements being twisted over 2 warps. Plate 9c is plain twine and of the usual shape, made by M.W. Winnowing basket or tray, patsd',101 O.V., nuvi'tuma, M.L. For parch- ing with coals and winnowing pinenuts and large seeds, these are larger, fan-shaped, open plain twine, plate 10e. Finer seeds require a tighter 100 Gifford, field notes. 101 Gifford gave ce-e-tu-wa. 1Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute weave, plate 10d, both of which are diagonal twine. The rims are rein- forced by a stout willow withe sewed around. Shoshoni trays are similar. M.S.'s open twine tray (Univ. of Utah spec. 10867) was woven from small end, left to right, then the tray inverted and the strands carried left to right, etc. Water olla, kadu o'sa (kadu"u, no; osa, sit; T.S. said osa meant bottle), B.P.; sflhiio'sa, L.P. These had spherical bodies, narrow necks with stoppers. Pitch lumps shaken inside with hot pebbles gave the tight twine a waterproof coat. Bottoms, usually rounded, were sometimes flat. Short horsehair handles were woven into the sides (pl. 9i) .102 Hat, tsopA"nfi. This was a tight, diagonal twine, semispherical, cover- ing the entire head, and decorated with black painted designs. One speci- men had 6 warps, 11 wefts to the inch (pl. 10g, h). Pig. 6. Bow loom for weaving bead belt. Cradle, hilpa. A small one served for infants, a larger one for babies from three months old until they walked. The back was horizontal willow rods twined together by pairs of weft one inch apart. Vertical rods, twined together at their ends which projected slightly beyond the hori- zontal rods, were fastened to the last by wrapping with yarn to form patterns. The baby, wrapped in buckskin and lashed to this (pl. 8d), was protected by a hood decorated with a zigzag for a girl, plate 9a, a row of inclined dashes for a boy, plate 9b.108 The grandmother made cradles. Those illustrated were made by Castro Baldwin. M.S. had a discarded cradle first used on her infant, now 18 months old, who will occupy a second cradle until it walks. Vertical willow rods are lashed to horizontal rods with cloth. The hood bears the same sex symbols as the Paiute. T.S. mentioned an oblong twined sifter, 18 inches long, used to sepa- rate seeds. 102 A Field Museum olla from Independence (spec. E-59002) is aryballos shape and has a plant fiber stopper and horsehair handle. 108 A boy's cradle from the Western Mono of Hooker's cove (Field Museum spec. E-71301), has a frame of Salix, willow, and Rhus trilobata Nutt. One from the Kaweah river for a girl (spee. E-71194) has a frame of chaparral bound with sedge. Of two similar cradles from Pyramid Lake Paiute (spec. E-61493 and 61494), one has a buckskin flap. 1933] 273 274 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 Graters were unknown. Special fishing baskets were not made, Women made their own baskets, taught by mothers or grandmothers. Tuwuci applied to all weaves. Beadwork, besides covering baskets, comprised belts, woven on bows (fig. 6), the thread warp corresponding with the bow string, two weft threads running through each row of beads, one over, one under the warp. Designs were formerly geometric in many colors, now floral and realistic. CLOTHING Women wore nothing above their waists, skirts, ukwa'ca or p&na'hmu, from knees to hips, sometimes painted with red stripes vertically and hung with deer hoofs or dew claws. Men wore buckskin breechelouts and short-sleeved buckskin shirts. A Pyramid Lake Paiute buckskin shirt in Field Museum (spec. E-61518) has long fringed sleeves, a square neck bordered on each side by a panel of angular, conventional designs in blue and white beads, with similar bead designs down the front. Men wore pants reaching their ankles, there tied for protection against snow when traveling. Sometimes a whole untrimmed buckskin was tied around the waist for protection. Separate leggings were not used. Men made their own clothes. (T.S.) When cold both sexes used rabbitskin capes over their shoulders, arms and hands inside. Leonard saw "Shoshocoes" at Humboldt lake nude but for "shields of grass around their loins."1104 Ordinarily, a minimum of clothing was worn. Moccasins, tapa'tsa, O.V., so'omaka, M.L., had separate soles, tongues, were ankle high and tied with string passed around through the upper edge. (T.S.) They were little-worn. Muir saw a trading party in the Sierra barefoot. Men made moccasins and their own shirts and pants. Sandals were disclaimed, but one, now in the Museum of the American Indian was reported found in an Owens valley cave. Lowie reports a crude sagebark sandal from the Paviotso.105 O.V. women sometimes wore sack-like, woven sagebark socks tied around their ankles for snow protection. Sewing awls were cactus needles. Bone awls were disclaimed. Hair dressing.-Women's hair hung loose from a part in the middle. The scalp in the part of a Lone Pine Paiute woman observed was painted 104 P. 166. 105 1924, 218. 13Steward: Ethnography of Owen8 Valley Paiute red. Hair was not braided. Sometimes it was bundled on top of the head under a basketry hat, siihiizida. T.S. said men had a braid hanging in front of each shoulder. Another said men bobbed it; another said it was knotted behind holding sticks bearing feathers. Men wore no hats. Plate 5f shows a hairnet. EII a b Fig. 7. Two steatite pendants. a, 4 inches long, has an incised design. (In Eastern California Museum, Inyo county.) Ornaments.-Both sexes wore necklaces of strings of shell beads, natsibuduidu (means also bead money, but the shells are different), traded from the west, and shell earrings with cords passing through holes in their ear lobes. Figure 7 shows two steatite pendants in the Eastern California museum found in Inyo county, one having an in- cised design and being 4 inches long.'06 A J \ i0 a b c d e Fig. 8. Facial designs. a, red, black, yellow lines, one to three lines on chin; b, red lines; ?, entire face red; d, red background, black lines; e, black lines. Paint was used on face and body for festivals. In addition to the facial designs in figure 8, a design of white dots over red was used. Tattoo- ing, mentioned for the Walker River and Yerington Paiute, was not practiced. 106 Two olivella shell beads were found near Bishop (U. C. spec. 1-26976). Field Museum has two abalone disc ornaments, each perforated with two holes in the center and tied with buckskin, from Pyramid lake (spec. E-61508). 1933] 275 276 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 Snowshoe (hu).-A wooden frame shaped like a tennis racket, the end projecting behind, was laced with a rawhide ( ?) network, denser in the center for the foot. Preparation of skins.-Women scraped hair from deer hides with a deer ulna or rib, sharpened with a stone tool. The hide was soaked (T.S. said boiled) in a basket with deer brains and water and stirred, then rinsed, worked with a deer brain paste, and staked out. While drying, it was worked soft. Smoking, though known in Nevada, was not practiced. MISCELLANEOUS ARTS AND INDUSTRIES FIRE MAKING The outfit, koso'va (ko'so, fire), has a hearth, tiinuhi'nu, B.P., tuitnuiwhiwu, L.P., of "black willow" or sage, sawava (Artemisia triden- tata Nutt.), about 12 inches long cut with holes for the drill and notches in the edge opposite them, and a drill, ha'uva (cane), of cane or hard- wood in one piece. J.E.'s outfit (pl. 3a) had a willow hearth and 3-foot, one-piece cane drill. Tinder is finely ground sagebark (pl. 4e). Special individuals with supernatural power made these; one without the power could not even make himself one which would work. Fine sand is placed under the drill point to make a powder to catch the spark, which drops onto a rock or bark slab underneath the hearth. J.S. put charcoal in his drill point, "because fire had already been there." The left knee holds the hearth. The palms of the hands starting at the top rotate the drill (pl. 3a), passing down when it is released and the hands raised. J.S. produced smoke after a few seconds but no spark.107 PAINT Red, pija'pi. O.V. used cinnabar secured near Last Chance mountain, Death valley (G.C. and J.Sm.), mixed with grease and ground, for the face, hair part, exteriors of water jugs, and other purposes. M.L. traded it from Nevada Paiute, mixed it with "grease" (aduhu, said to be mar- row from inside bones) and used it on baskets. Field Museum has hae- matite red paint from Walker River Paiute (spec. E-59047), used for face and arrow paint and poison. Yellow, hii'viivanagit, a lemon-yellow "chalk," was obtained from Shoshoni who got it somewhere east of Owens valley. 107 Simpson (83) describes a Woodruff Valley (Nevada) Paiute fire outfit: drill, single piece of greasewood, 2 feet long, % inch diameter; hearth, same wood, 6 inches long, 1 inch broad, % inch thick, several pits; fire came in a few seconds. Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute Black, yado'vi. Secured by O.V. from Nevada Paiute. M.L. black, yadu'vi, probably a manganese, was abundant around Mono lake. White, uivi, was a chalk from near Fish Springs dam, the eastern end of Poverty hills. M.L. white, ivi, came from Nevada. Gray paint was ground galena. Containers were small buckskin pouches. Field Museum specimen E-59047 is a small buckskin pouch from the Walker River Paiute. IMPLEMENTS Knives for general cutting, e.g., preparing willows for baskets, were obsidian or flint, and called taikag-xh (ta'kapi, obsidian). Figure 3j shows the manner of hafting; the blade, owned by J.S., is 41/2 inches long, and was fastened with sinew, tamovi. The "skinning knife" was obsidian, 8 inches long, one end pointed, the other concave, and unhafted (fig. 3i). Drills. T-shaped obsidian and flint points, 1 to 11/2 inches long, prob- ably hafted in the ends of shafts, are common at archaeological sites. Informants could not identify them. GLUE T.S. said deer antlers (not hoofs) were boiled in pots. Chalfant adds deer hoofs, and mountain sheep horns and hoofs; and, quoting from Coville, says the Panamint added ground rock, creosote bush resin, and pine pitch.'08 MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS Flutes.-Flutes (woina),M.L. and O.V., were elderberry, 8 or 9 inches long, end blown with several holes. Mono Lake said 4 holes, blown across the end. Three Western Mono flutes in Field Museum (specs. E-71446, 7, 8), from Hooker's cove, are this type with four holes each, made of Sambucus mexicana, elderberry. B.T.'s doctoring flute (fig. 9), sup- El *1 :I@@ @ @ 1 Fig. 9. Flute used in doctoring. Ca. % natural size. posedly made by hand, had 6 holes near the distal end, a seventh near the mouth end, and was end blown. No standards in flute making were known. 108 MS. 1933] 277 278 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 Rattles (tsavaiya).-Split-stick, hau (cane) tsavaiya: a 2-foot section of cane split lengthwise to within 6 inches of one end, the handle, and one split half cut 2 inches shorter than the other; grasped at the unsplit end and clapped for totsohoidu dance. Another is a deer's ear sewed into a sphere enclosing pebbles and dried, called simply tsavaiya and used only at feasts in the sweat-house after rabbit drives. Tuvovatsavaiya, a cocoon containing small pebbles fastened to a forked stick. Used like last and by doctors, never for dancing. Field Museum has three of these from Western Mono (specs. E-71228, 71485, and 71486). Drums.-Unknown in Owens valley. A Mono Lake drum seen was double-headed, 15 inches in diameter, 5 inches deep, the two heads cross- laced together; it was held in the left hand by a rope fastened to its side and beaten with a 12-inch stick with hide on the end. Its pre-Caucasian use was affirmed. Walker Lake Paiute were said to use drums. Musical bow (tugudagan) .-May or may not have been used in Owens Valley. Mono Lake: of elderberry, 5 feet long, strung with sinew plucked with the finger while one end was held in the teeth. A Field Museum specimen from Western Mono of Hooker's cove (spec. E-71449) is Acer macrophyllumn, Oregon maple, about 4 feet long, strung from one end to a key 6 inches from the other end which tightens it. Field Museum said it was also used among the Tepehuane, Cora, Maidu, Yokuts, and Mono. Bullroarer.-A small, round stick, 18 inches long, serves as handle; a 2-foot string fastened to a notch in one end of it passes through a hole in a board 12 by 1 by 1/4 inch, which is swung. A small boy's toy. T.S. and G.C. remember playing with them. Musical rasps.-Unknown in Owens valley and at Mono lake. Inform- ants thought Pyramid Lake Paiute used them. SONGS The following songs were recorded in the field and later transcribed in the laboratory. No claim is made to precision in the intervals. They appear, however, to be as near the intervals used in European music as people singing without standardized instruments are likely to come. Although many claim that primitive peoples do not even approximate European intervals, it is felt that this Paiute music may justly be rep- resented by European musical notation. (1) Doctor's song. Recorded by E.L., who learned it from a Shoshoni doctor near Darwin (probably a Panamint) who cured his [E.L.'s] brother. This introductory part has no words (a description of his "powers" follows). Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute 4' 96 ,f , , , ,A_ _. _.. n tsi tl iii wi dal no wi va tot wi tsl vi dai no wi va no ml no ml no.1 noml no ml no .1 no 1 no A doctor's song recorded by B.T., who used a flute in doctoring, is: My flute I sing you hear some-place. nugu woina nu huviuda mu du1hana inakagdua. (2) Bad dream song. Recorded by B.M. Sung to remove the spell from persons who have dreamed "evil." J- 168 Hino i hi hi y& ho yo yu I na ta yo ka too til Hi no i hi hi ya ho yo yn i na ta yo ks t8o t8i (3) Tsoa huvia. Recorded by T.S. Sung by people in gatherings. . 152 . ~ ~~~~~~ _ FS 3i J tsooya vi d ig niinuwuki taniijwii tso ygvi duiidai kwai duiTauvii tso yaLv idi.igiifriUviiki tafnlUVU tsoyavidiiidai kwa. dii nii vix tsoyavl du _g nu vu_ ki ta nu vu tso ya vi dii i dai kwal The words, in part, are: mountain old man big man toyavi jugu nuwa kida nuwa (Big in conversation is pava, in song, kida.) Another tsoa huvia is: "country" rattle small I-am ( ?) dance ?. tuvo tsavaiya tsi inuva nani nuga idunuva. 1933] 279 280 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 (4) Funeral song. Recorded by T.S. The syllables are meaningless. n I wa na hi wi yo ha na wa na hi wi yo ha na 11 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ o - S ;( F m J*i pj P.J NFN J i J .J gaffll~ yo ha na hi wi yo ha na yo ha na hi wi yo ha na f V . ~ P f I N I E ' f t.~ 1 / i _l / _l/J-2 wa na hi wi yo ha na wa na hi wi yo ha na (5) Funeral song. Recorded by B.M. The syllables are meaningless. 4= 106 Y Ni 1 L . k FT tV I I mN" ft Ni 1" IK _ A- -, , JP - FN . IJi O I., N . i , . . .. wi o ho ye ho yo wi a ha na wi o ho ye ho yo wi a ha na wi o ho ye ho yo wi a ha na wi o ho ye ho yo wi a ha na wi o ho i}s_ wlgs - F lt's-"1 I 5' .~W U*7W i ' . 7 IN . I* -l N m W N Y N $ I IF. = N -I wi a wa ha le wi o ho wi o ho a hana wi o ho ye ho yo wi 7L j r li 1 1 1. I- 4p -I IF I ~- z~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ -_ a ha na wi o ho ye ho yo wi a ha na wi o ho ye ho yo wi a ha na wi o ha (6) Hand game song. Recorded by H.T. who learned it in Yosemite. The syllables are meaningless. Z128 1~~~~~~~~~~~ -id he ni hi ya hi ya na ha he ni hi ya hi ya na ha (7) Hand game song. Recorded by H.T. and J.McB. E.L. recognized this and claimed it came from Panamint Shoshoni. *t- 285 I Il F NI N N1mN..N N N . NI N IN I .N _ At.|X* ~~~ i 1 --f I -i_6U1t|1 o yo no mi o no wi o no a o yo no mi o no wi o no a Iewawr .oy m I II Iw wa y no _I I I 09 tw - i 6]s m IE NJ a- - I - kxe wa wra a o yo no mi ke wa wa a o yo no mi n [, S 11 A7 l Steward: Ethnography of Owens Valley Paiute (8) Hand game song. Recorded by E.L., from Panamint Shoshoni near Keeler or Darwin. 190 rw~~~~ .. I - ' *4 4 9r 444 4 4 4 - _W 4I 44 at ai I wi a a li a a tai ala tsi I wi a a li a a t a la tdl I wi a a li a ta i a la tat ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-~~~~~~~~~~~~O wa ha a la sol 1e a le ma ha la tao le a la tsi I wi a a li a a tsi a l.a tet (9) Hand game song. Recorded by E.L. 4: 216 I _ nl ya he-lo mi. no wa le a teo a h yu la .-L FIX_ 1% L 1 1 L L 1. L n J i r* :rl N:' b I r 1- w _r 1- r _ N &li~i ^i.. i r r - N- - N . 3. I 1 M * M ya he lo mi no wa le a tso a he yu la he ya he la mi no wa le a _ i ' ft A 1 r7 r =I' N N NX I M h-Wv N i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ he ya he lo mi no wa too a he ya he lo ml no wa le a t8o a he"'u la (10) Hand game song. Recorded by T.S. 4: 224. A .u ni a nl wa yo a ni tea hai ya wi a ni a haiya ni a ni wa yo a li tga hai a wi ai a (11) Basket hiding game. Recorded by B.M. 4:228 kanina&i a a nia lcanilneya ni na hal ni naha ya nina ha ya 19331 281 282 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 33 (12) Totsohoidu dance song. Recorded by T.S. @-180 - ;;IP F 212 *1 3 L ye wai ye wai yi wi i tu yu no ye wai ye wai yi ,hi ~ ~i F-i I I E 7TE .JW4 . 4 w-a.~ ~ ~~~~~*' v _s id -* 4 vi i tu ayr no ye wai ye wai yi wi i tu yu no ye wai ye wai yi wi i tu yi no ye wai ye wai yi wi i tu yu no ye wai ye wai yi wi i tu yu no I ye wai ye wai yi wi i tu yu no a hu ka mo ni na hu ka mo ni a hu ka mo ho ni na ti