THE 0GHOST DANCE OF 1870 IN -
SOUTH CENTRAL : CALIFORNIA

BY

A. H. GAYTON

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THE GHOST DANCE OF 1870 IN
SOUTH-CENTRAL CALIFORNIA

BY

A. H. GAYTON

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLIOATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAE;OLOGY

AND ETHNOLOGY

Volume 28, No. 3, pp. 57-82, 2 figures in text

Issued March 31, 1930

UNIVEaSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

BEEKEa,Y, CALIFORNIA

CALBRIDGE UNIVESITY PRESS

LOIDoN, ENGLAND

THE GHOST DANCE OF 1870 IN SOUTH-CENTRAL

CALIFORNIA

BY

A. H. GAYTON

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction -...-----..........------------                    57

The Ghost Dance in the San Joaquin valley ---------------------------------------------- 60
Probable diffusion to Pleasanton --------------------------------  64
The dance at Saganiu ------------------------------------------------66
The dance at Eshom valley --------------------------           68
Anecdotes of the Ghost Dances -.......                         72
Analysis of cult and cultural background --------------------------------------  75
Summary -.-----------.     -----------------------.--81

Appendix. Informants and names of the dance .-.. ..-..         82

FIGURES

1. Map: Diffusion of Ghost Dance in south-central California .-  63
2. Paint patterns used in Ghost Dance -                        67

INTRODUCTION

During the latter part of the nineteenth century a messianic cult
known as the Ghost Dance Religion and emanating from the Northern
Paiute, was diffused anmong the Indians of the western United States
in two dist-inct waves, one a-bout 1870, the second about 1890. That thee
dead would return and peaceful and prosperous conditions be reestab-
lished if the Ghost Dance were performed was the essential doctrine
of both movements. The second movement, that of 1890, instigated
by Jack Wilson (WTovoka), is well known for its far-reaching political
and psychologica.l effects upon native life.' Of the earlier movement
which began in 1870, little is known save that it was originated by an
older relative of Jack Wilson, who instituted the doctrine, dreams, and
dances occurring in both phases of the cult, that itg diffusion was
largely westward into southeastern Oregon and California, that it sur-

1 James Mooney, The Ghost Dance Religion, B.A.E. 14th Ann. Rept., pt. 2,
1896.

58       University of California Publicationr in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 28

vived but four or five years at most, and was responsible for the
revitalization of the Kuksu cult in north-central California. A large
gap in our knowledge concerning the Ghost Dance of 1870 has been
filled by Spier's detailed account of the movement among the Klamath
of Oregon.2

The present. paper deals with the Ghost, Dance of 1870 among the
Yokuts and Western Mono tribes of south-central California, a region
for which the dance has heretofore not been recorded. The material
presented here was collected during field investigations for the Depart-
ment of Anthropology of the University of California in the years
1925-1926. Conclusion of the work has been made possible through a
Fellowship of the National Research Council and funds provided by
the Department of Anthropology, University of California, for further
field work during 1929.

During these field investigations it was disclosed that the Ghost
Dance cult was known to all the peoples dwelling in the western foot-
hills of the Sierra Nevada from Fresno river in the north to Kern
river in the south and westward to and including the Tulare Lake
area in the floor of the San Joaquin valley. The plains and eastern
.foothills of this great interior valley are occupied by peoples of one
linguist.ic stock, Yokuts. A habitable strip of mountain t.erritory
bordering on the foothills is held by the Shoshonean speaking Western
Mono.3

The purpose of this paper is threefold: (1) to record the occur-
rence of the dance in south-central Ca.lifornia; (2) to trace the
progress of its diffusion in the San Joaquin valley and probable
diffusion to Pleasanton; and (3) to indicate the relation of the ele-
ments of the new cult to establish cultural forms.

The background of culture into which the 1870 Ghost Dance was
introduced was fundamentally the same throughout the valley and
foothills for both Yokuts and Western Mono: the special aspects of
their culture which ha.d a bearing upon the Ghost Dance ritua.ls will
be discussed in a later section. The inhabitants tended to group them-

2 Leslie Spier, The Ghost Dance of 1870 among the Klamath of Oregon,
Univ. Wash. Publ. Anthropology, 2:39-56, 1927. See also A. L. Kroeber, Hand-
book of the Indians of California, B.A.E., Bull. 78: 868-873, 1925; A Ghost
Dance in California, Jour. Am. Folklore, 17:32-35, 1904. The relation of the
1870 Ghost Dance movement to the Kuksu cult of north-central California has
been pointed out by E. W. Gifford in his Southern Maidu Religious Ceremonies
(Am. Anthr., n.s., 29:214-236, 252-257, 1927) and Miwok Cults (this series,
18:393, 399, 400-402, 1926).

3 See Kroeber, Handbook, pl. 47.

1930]    Gayton: The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central California

selves about major watercourses and their affluents in loosely organized
tribal units each having a distinguishing name, one to three chiefs,
one or two major village sites, and speaking varyingly individual
dialects. The social and political relationship between the majority
of these tribes was a peaceful one. Some small wars or feuds went
on among the tribes dwelling around Tulare lake and their valley
neighbors to the north on the lower San Joaquin river. But by and
large the normal life of all valley tribes was one of friendly social
intercourse. Family feuds arising from a murder or the activities of
a malicious shaman were as frequently intra-tribal as without the
political unit.

The relationship between the Yokuts and the adjacent Western
Mono tribes wa.s no less friendly than among the Yokuts themselves.
Along the entire line of cleavage between Yokuts and Mono, social
events were attended by peoples of both linguistic stocks. Though
cultural differences existed they had no bearing upon political and
social affairs. A few tribes were actually composed of both Yokuts
and Mono: such were the Michahai and Entimpich with the balance
in favor of Yokuts, and the Waksachi and Patwisha with a heavier
admixture of Mono.

The relationship -between the Yokuts and Eastern Mono was not
friendly, neither was it openly hostile. It would seem that each people
tolerated the other from economic necessity. The intercourse which
existed was for commercial purposes only. The Monachi or Yo,'otc
as the Ea-stern Mono were called by the Yokuts4 yearly came west over
the Sierra Neva.da from Owens valley by established trade routes
bringing salt, red paint, tanned deer skins, and other articles for trade,
and receiving baskets, rabbit-skin blankets, acorn meal, and shell
money in exchange. The Monachi traders, seldom remained longer
than was actually necessary for the transaction of business, and never
ventured west of the foothills where they would meet with a frankly
hostile attitude. Thus the relation between Yokuts and Eastern Mono
was merely one of toleration. It is said that at one of the large Ghost
Dances which was attended by some Eastern Mono, the latter would
feel the wrists of their partners. If the wrists were hard they knew
they were Western Mono, but if soft, they belonged to Yokuts whom

4 The Yokuts did not refer to their Western Mono neighbors as Monachi but
used their tribal names, Woponuch, Waksachi, etc., as they did for themselves.
In speaking of them to me they would add "they talk like the Monachi; they
sound just like Chinamen. "

59

60       University of CaZifornia Publoiations in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 2,8

the Igastern Mono would try to heckle into a fight unless they proved
to be friends of Western Mono people.

The Western and Eastern Mono, however, were on definitely
friendly terms. Yet the numbers of ultra-montane Mono at Ghost
Dances were few: even this was unusual as no Eastern Mono were ever
present even among the Western Mono for other rituals or social
events. Genealogies bear out the statements of informants that there
was practically no intermarriage between the peoples of the east and
west sides of the Sierra Nevada.

Such were the intertribal social and political conditions in south-
central California at the time of the introduction of the Ghost Dance
of 1870.

THE GHOST DANCE IN THE SAN JOAQUIN VALLEY

News of a new religious movement first came to the Western Mono
and foothill Yokuts via the trans-Sierra Nevada trade routes. Little
attention was paid to it. It was just news. There was no attempt at
conversion of the valley people by the Eastern Mono traders, probably
because of the non-social nature of the intercourse between them.
Somewhat later, perhaps early in 1871, the Ghost Dance made its real
entry into the San Joaquin valley directly from the Northern Paiute.
A Paiute missionary came to a Western Mono group living on the
North Fork of the San Joaquin river and preached the messianic
doctrine. He found a receptive person in Joijoi, one of the North
Fork chiefs to whose zeal was largely due the diffusion of the dance
throughout the foothills to the south. On several successive occasions
Joijoi went east into Nevada to learn the new songs and dances that
were being made there by a Paiute named Moman, who kept himself
decorated with red paint.

After the introduction of the new faith among the North Fork
Mono, Joijoi himself traveled about with one or two singers or sent
messengers to the foothill Mono and Yokuts tribes as far south as
Mill creek and Kings river to spread the news of the new cult. It was
announced that a big dance would be held at Saganiu, a site in Joijoi 's
territory. Everyone was urged to at-tend. On this apostolic tour
Joijoi visited the Kechayi and had with him there a Paiute who may
well ha.ve been the original proselytizer of the North Fork Mono.

The first dance was held at Saganiu, in May presumably of 1871,
for the last large dance north of the Kaweah river was that a.t Eshom

1930]    Gayton: The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central California

valley in the fall of 1872. The date of the Eshom valley dance is
accurately fixed in the minds of the Indians as occurring during the
same- year as the most violent earthquake in their memories.5

The tribQs which attended the dance at Saganiu were the Chuk-
chansi, Kechayi, Gashowu, Dumna, Entimbich Yokuts and perhaps
others from Kings river, and Posgisa, Holkuma, and Woponuch
(Wobonuch) Western Mono. Apparently people from the Kaweah
river basin and south did not go to this dance en masse nor did they
become interested in the new cult until its later diffusion by Woponuch
converts.

From. this introductory dance sponsored by Joijoi the Woponuch
took up the messianic faith with enthusiasm. 'In the following weeks
a group of Woponuch and Entimbich singers frequently went up to
North Fork to learn the new songs and dances which Joijoi was get-
ting from the Paiute. These singers then started on a tour. They
made little dances in central sites among all the' foothill tribes as far
south as Tule river and among the plains tribes a-round Tulare lake.
One of thes.e dances was at Uplinao; people of Choinimni, Toihicha,
Aiticha, and Wechihit tribes went to it. The next was at Diapnusha,
attended by Waksachi, Wukehumni, Gawia., and Yokod. Another a.t
Tule river introduced the cult to the Yaudanchi, Koyeti, Bankalachi,
and perhaps others.

News of this dance was brought to the Bankalachi by Inolya, a
Yaudanchi messenger; he went on to Bakersfield and Poso creek with
his news. The Koyeti first heard of the faith through Wateilala, a
Wakehumni messenger. The Tulare lake tribes, Wowol, Chunut,
Telamni, and Tachi, went to a little dance made by the singers at
Telweyit. The culmination of this diffusion of the Ghost Dance wa.s
the large dance held in Eshom valley in 1872. People from all the
above tribes were present and former converts as well.

The visitors from the southern end of the valley were so imbued
with the new faith that upon their return another large dance was
planned and eventually held at Tule.6 Attendants at this dance came
from as far north as the Kaweah river and from Fort Tejon in the
south. Another dance was made a few months later at Kolpopo, a

5 This earthquake occurred March 26, 1872. Spier suggests that the earth-
quake mentioned in his account of the Klamath danee (op. cit., 49) is the same.
The context of his information was that it occurred in the wipter of 1871-72.

6 Tule was a reservation established by the whites and was the popular
center of the southern foothills for Indian gatherings at this time.

61

62       Univer8ity of California Publioations in Am. Aroh. and Ethn. [Vol. 28

Paleuyami village. These dances occurred during the winter and
spring of 1872-73.

My only informant from Fort Tejon moved to Tule along with
several other families immediately after the big dance at,Tule and so
does not know of subsequent happenings in his old home. Since
people from Fort Tejon attended the dance at Tule it is proba.ble that
news of the new religion eventually reached the Tokya (Chumash),
but the fate of the cult beyond this point cannot now be determined.

Telamni on Pierce 's rancheria near Visalia made a large dance
after the Eshom valley dance but it ended in a drunken brawl. It was
their only attempt.

News of the Ghost Dance may have penetrated to the Pitanisha
and Kawaiisu, but no informant of the present day recalls anything
about it.7

Apparently the messianic cult did not reach the Salinan8 west of
the Tulare lake tribes. Friendly relations existed between them and
the Tachi Yokuts, though perhaps for commercial rather than social
purposes.

Local Ghost Dances were held every month or so at the more
important villages throughout the foothills and valley for a-bout two
years after the first introduction of the cult; a.fter this they were made
with less and less frequence; finally only a few individuals continued
to sing the songs in the privacy of their homes; by 1875 the Ghost
Dance religion was completely abandoned. Ceaseless effort with the
dancing and diligent adherence to rules of conduct had failed to bring
back the dead. Disillusionment and discontent with disrupted social
conditions brought the movement to a rapid decline.

It was perhaps due to this disillusionment that the Ghost Dance of
1890 failed to penetrate the same region as its predecessor. The 1890
wave must have had equal opportunities for diffusion into south-
central California. It was taken up by Eastern Mono tribes9 who
communicated to some extent with their linguistic relatives in the San
Joaquin valley. No Yokuts or Western Mono informant recalls any-
thing like a revival of the Ghost Dance at any time subsequent to the
first wave. Apparently these tribes acquired an immunity to the Ghost
Dance through their experience with the original messianic cult of 1870.

7 Theodore McCown, field notes, 1929.

8 J. Alden Mason, Ethnology of the Salinan Indians, this series, 10:97-240,
1912.

9 J. H. Steward, field notes, 1927.

1930]    Gayton: The Gho8t Dance of 1870 in South-Central California

NORTWERN

. RoM' of diffus8on

.        Pro__b_e rout.e of diff us/o,
9 SVfo of laore o.semb{y
+ Jihte ofd onall .ssernbly

Fig. 1. Map. Diffusion of Ghost Dance in south-central California.

63

64       University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 28

PROBABLE DIFFUSIO.N TO PLEASANTON

A word should be said in regard to the poss.ible relation of the
Ghost Dance movement of 1870 in south-central California to the
revivificat.ion of the Kuksu cult at Plea.santon, California. About 1872
the dances of the old Kuksu or God-impersonating cult were revived
at Pleasanton and diffused to the Southern Maidu and the Northern
and Central Miwok by three native teachers. The sources and results
of this movement have been fully analyzed by Gifford,10 and attributed
by him to the Ghost Dance movement of 1870. There is no evidence
in published material, however, to indicate how the Ghost Dance wa.s
diffused to this coast settlement.

Heretofore the only known entry of the cult into California was
in the extreme northeastern part of California via the Modoc. The
spread of the Kuksu form of the Ghost Dance in north-central Cali-
fornia is known to have been from south to north, that is, from
Plea.s;anton to Miwok, Maidu, Wintun, and Pomo. The presence of
the 1870 Ghost Dance (which presumably gave rise to the Kuksu
form) at Pleasanton has heretofore been explicable only by means of
two conjectures, (1) that a wa.ve of the dance progressed southward
from the Klamath, Modoc, Shasta, etc., through the Wintun to
Pleasanton and returned northward after being remodeled on the old
Kuksu cult pattern; or (2) that the dance had a, separate and more
direct entry across the central Sierra. Nevada. via the Washo, Southern
Maidu, or Northern Miwok.11

The first conjecture seems not to be borne out by recent informa-
tion from the field. Miss Cora DuBois finds that the Northern Wintun
had two forms of the Ghost Dance, the earlier one (1870) having been
introduced from the south by a.postles from the Clear Lake Pomo.

That. the Washo acted as transmitters of the Ghost Dance cult to
middle California seems unlikely in the opinion of Dr. R. H. Lowie,
who reports that though the cult was known to the Wa.sho it made no
impression upon them.

The occurrence of the Ghost Dance among the northern foothill
Yokuts offers a third and equally plausible explanation of its presence
at Pleasanton, that is, that, the messianic doctrine was introduced at

10 Gifford, works cited.

11 Kroeber, Handbook, 871, 872, fig. 71.

1930]    Gayton: The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central California

the coast settlement by northern valley Yokuts or Southern Miwok who
.had relatives and friends in the missionized Yokut.s-Miwok-Costanoan
group of Indians there. Since the original form of the Ghost Dance
was known to all the Yokuts of the Sa.n Joaquin valley and perhaps to
the Miwok as well, it seems unlikely that news of the cult should fail
to rea-ch their relatives a.t Pleasanton.12

Though we have no recent data on the matter it seems possible
that the Miwok were as important a link in the diffusion of the Ghost
Dance to Pleasanton as were the Yokuts. Stephen Powers who
traveled among the California tribes during the years 1871-72 and
1875 mentions the presence of a "great orator and prophet," Old
Sam, at Jackson, Calaveras county (Northern Miwok territory).'3 The
likelihood that this man was a Ghost Dance missionarry is suggested by
his "reforms," namely, painting the face instead of pitching the hair
at mourning, implying that mourning was not necessary since the dead
were to return, and substituting dances and dirges for the "cry"
ceremony, the dances and dirges perhaps being the Ghost Dance itself.
That Powers obtained only superficial information concerning this
orator and missed the underlying motivation of his preachings seems
not at all strange inasmuch as he wa.s among Yokuts tribes while the
dance was rampant and makes no mention of it sa.ve that "of late they
have adopted from the Mono the grand walk-around, in a single circle,
men and women toget.her, and with an entirely different and less
violent step. "'14 If Powers ha.d at all understood or even heard of the
messianic doctrine motivating the "grand walk-a.round," he could not
well have made his oft reiterated statement that the Miwok and Yokuts
believed in annihilation of the soul.

Though the Miwok may not have taken up the cult, with the fervor
of their neighbors to the south, they must have heard of it, for the first
Western Mono to receive and accept the new religion were those of
North Fork, directly east of the Southern Miwok.

12 There are no known living representatives of the northern valley Yokuts
tribes, so conjectures concerning these contacts cannot be verified.

13 Stephen Powers, the Tribes of California, Contr. N. Am. Ethn., 3:352, 353,
Washington, 1877: "Shortly before I passed he [Old Sam] had introduced two
reforms ....  One was that the widows no longer tarred their heads but
painted their faces .... . The other was that instead of holding an annual

cry in memory of the dead they should dance and chant dirges.

"He . . . . counseled them to live at peace with the whites, to treat them
kindly, and to avoid quarrels whenever possible, as it was worse than useless to
contend against their conquerors." He also advised economy with food.

14 Powers, op. cit., 381.

65

66       University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. %8

We. have then some reason to believe that the Ghost Dance of 1870,

which revivified the Kuksu cult at Plea.santon, was diffused there by.
Yokuts-Miwok transmitters.

THE DANCE AT SAGANIU15

The first Ghost Dance on the western slope of the Sierras, the one
initiated by Joijoi, was held about May, 1871. The site selected, a
high flat-topped hill overlooking the North Fork of the San Joaquin
river was called Saganiu. People came from all around. Those from
south of the San Joaquin river ha.d much difficulty in getting across:
both Kechayi and Woponuch informants speak of this hardship.

The families of each tribal group camped together. The chiefs'
messengers (winatum) looked after the organization of the camps and
the food supply, announced the time for sleeping, cooking, eating, and
dancing, and kept up the fires. It had been expected that Joijoi who
was sponsoring the dance would provide food but the supply was not
adequate for the crowds.'6

Joijoi and a man named Kaka'i, whose tribial affiliation is not
remembered by informants, walked about the camps preaching as they
went. They said that the "father," Tuwawiya (a big spotted cat),
who was the creator of the first world and brother of Coyote, was
going to return, bringing with him all the dead. Those who had been
cremated would be especially nota.ble for they would be black. The
people now living would soon again see all their dead relatives. Along
with these predictions the preachers gave injunctions on behavior.
They told everyone to have a good time but not to get angry with one
another, not t.o indulge in flirtations, to be always amiable and for-
bearing, or they could not go to the father when he came. They said
that the heedless would not be able to cross the shaking bridge on the
road to the land of the dead but would fall off and be taken by a water
monster. Those unwilling to dance would turn into a log of wood.
There were doubtless other injunctions but these are all that the
informants recall.

The dancing took place in the evening a.fter supper, about six
o'clock. First, Joijoi and a. few men who had learned the dances gave
a demonstration; then the assemblage joined. The ritual continued
for six nights; the dancing took place a.t about the hours of seven, ten,

15 As described by Ellen Murphy, Kechayi Yokuts, and 'Merican Joe,
Woponuch Western Mono.

16 See anecdote: First and last eating of dog meat, p. 72.

1930]    Gayton: The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central California

and midnight with intervals for rest. After midnight all went to
sleep and rose in the early morning to bathe. The' eating of meat was
not proscribed during the week of the ritual.

The dancers formed a circle, at times two or three concentric circles,
depending on the number of participants,'with men and women alter-
nating. Each person clasped the hands of his neighbor, but without
the fingers interlocked, and with forearms held upright so the hands

i11             I)l ^1I

Fig. 2. Paint patterns worn by men and women at Ghost Dances as described
by informants, a, Waksachi, b, Wukehumni, c, Choinimnni, d, Hometwoli, e, Wopo-
nuch. Symbols: B = black, R = red, W  white.

were at shoulder level. The progress of movement was clockwise, with
short steps to the left. The dress of the dancers differed: some wore
"American" clothes, some women wore the old grass skirts or deer-
skin aprons, some men wore cloth or deer-skin breech clouts. Every-
one had his face painted. A new paint called wawun (Western Mono)
of a bluish green color was brought to this dance by the Paiute. The
Paiute also brought red paint but it was not new at this time. There
were no special paint designs associated with the Ghost Dance cult:
those persons who had totemic or moiety patterns used them, others
put on any design they wished. The face paint patterns remembered
by informants for this and other Ghost Dances in the valley are shown
in figure 2.

67

68       Univer8ity of California Publioations in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 28

A group of singers sat within the circle of dancers. They wore
their customary feather headdresses (sema and tcu, Yokuts) and used
the elderwood hand-clapper for accompaniment.

The whole scene was illuminated by large fires within and without
the circle.

At this dance at Saganiu, but not at subsequent dances, a pole was
set up in the center of the dance space. A'large bead-trimmed ba.sket
was fastened to the top of t,he pole: the "power" of the dancers was
in the basket. The pole had power in curing those persons who were
rendered unconscious because of their failure to heed the rules of good
conduct. Thus a man who got angry because his wife was dancing
next other men fell over in a rigid condition. If a person sat outside
as a spectator and thought disapprovingly of the affair he was over-
taken by the same rigidity. Such people were carried over to the pole
and laid beside it. There Joijoi rubbed them with sage (kosidabi,
Western Mono) until they regained consciousness. The pole was not
climbed. Many people fell down from complete exhaustion. Although
it was taught and believed that those who did not dance would die,
no informant claims that any actual deaths occurred from  non-
participation.

On the sixth and la.st night of the Ghost Dance ritual at Saganiu,
Joijoi, accompanied by two men and three women, disappea.red while
the multitude was dancing. Presently they reappeared dressed in
much finery, intending to make the assemblage believe t.hat they were
the returning dead. Joijoi carried arrows in his hands. They all
danced in a peculiar manner and took care not to come too near the
camp fires. As they approached, the watchers became awe-stricken
until one old woman whispered to her neighbor that she thought it
was Joijoi. The word soon spread about. and the company relaxed
and resumed -its dancing. There seems to have been no immedia.te dis-
plea-sure when Joijoi 's performance was disclosed as a hoax. The
dancing continued throughout the sixth day. Then all the visitors
returned to their homes.

THE DANCE AT ESHOM VALLEY17

The Ghost Dance held a,t Eshom valley in the fall of 1872 was
instigated by the group of Woponuch and Entimbich singers who
learned the songs of the cult from Joijoi after his dance at, Saganiu.

17 As described by Sam Osborn, Michahai-Waksachi; Jim Britches, Wukehumni
Yokuts; and Josie Alonzo, Chunut Yokuts.

1930]    Gayton: The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central California

The members of this group were: Tapunatci (Woponuch), who was
their leader, Samson Dick, Yaki (Woponuch), Laotcu'i (Entimbich),
Abawitc (Woponuch), and Koiyewa (Woponuch). Ta.punatci and
Momuc (Entimbich) both preached the messianic doctrine. These
men ha.d a. preliminary meeting at an Entimbich village, Kicheyu
(now Dunlap, Fresno county), where they told the Entimbich chief,
Takac (Captain Little George), and his brother Kocowi, a powerful
shaman,18 that they wanted to hold a Ghost Dance to which all neigh-
boring tribes would be asked. The chief was agreeable and Eshom
valley was chosen as the place for the meeting. This spot was selected
because of its central location in the lower mountains and its seclusion
from the white settlers: the valley is deep, but with a level floor per-
haps a mile long and a quarter of a mile wide, and has an excellent
water supply and well timbered slopes abounding in game. A Waksachi
village, Chita.tu, occupied a low crest of ground at, one end of the
valley. After making these decisions, the Entimbich chief sent out
his messengers to neighboring tribes, who in turn relayed the
announcement of the coming dance to practically all the tribes living
within the San Joaquin valley. In the meantime the group of singers
went about sprea-ding word of the returning dead and exhorting young
and old to a.tt.end the forthcoming dance.

The Eshom valley Ghost Dance impressed all informants as a
stu.pendous affair: in numbers of attendants and unflagging energy of
prosecution it had never been equaled in this region. There were four
or five hundred people present, most of them from tribes living between
Kings and Tule rivers, but there were many representatives of tribes
in the plains, as ment.ioned above. The visitors disposed themselves
in the usual camp groups. Brush shades were erected for shelter.
The messengers of the various chiefs looked aft.er the food supply, not
necessarily obtaining it themselves but seeing to it that hunters were
dispatched and that their women relatives continued with the cooking.
A Waksachi, Pa.laha (Bob Osborn) who owned some cattle, killed his
steers and sold the meat in small portions under the direction of the
messengers. But this source of food was soon exhausted and the
multitude had to depend entirely on game and acorn meal.

18 Shamans ordinarily were not consulted in such matters; this case may be
due to the fact that he was the chief s brother, that is, belonged to the chiefly
lineage. The position of chief was hereditary on the paternal side; but all
members of a chief 's family were addressed as chief (tiya, Yokuts, poginape,
Western Mono) though only one man in a given lineage was recognized as a
functioning chief at any particular time.

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70       University of California Publications in Am. Archl. and Ethn. [Vol. 28

The first evening that the encampment was organized and the
ritual was to begin the assemblage was addressed by the Entimbich
chief, Takac. He told the people why the meeting had been called,
that certain men had come with important news which they wanted
everyone to know about. Then Tapunatci spoke as follows:

"We are having this dance, and we want to tell you what we have
heard. Where we got these songs and dance one man told us of what
is going to come.

"We are having this dance for a dead man. He is where we got
these songs.19 After a few more years this dead man is going to come
here from where we got these songs and dance. Right now that man
is very far off, he is at Watsataocao pa'a nim (the crack in the world
our home, Michahai) to the east. There is a fire there all the time,
playing [games] and dancing [go on] all the time. The people there
disappear in the daytime. We are making this dance for those ghosts
(inil). You must do this all the time. There will be no more getting
sick and dyinlg. " 20

Tapunatci also told the people to go in swimming or to bathe them-
selves every morning. There was no verbal ritual comparable to
baptism at the bathing.          ,

Momuc also addressed the people saying:

"God made all this land. The dead people are coming if we dance
this dance. They dance this dance all the time where they are now. '21

The people were also admonished not to sleep during the night but
to keep on dancing; only children were allowed to sleep. One girl
"died" for about an hour because she fell asleep. She was carried to
a fire and laid there; no one knows how she roused from her coma, as
no one tried to revive her.

There was no center pole which manifested supernatural power at
the Eshom valley dance. A few people "died" and came to life again,
but informants do not know by what means. A girl "died" because
she fought with her mother. She was restored to life but was regarded
as crazy thereafter.

With the exception of the absence of the pole, the dance was prac-
tically identical with the earlier one at Saganiu. Dancers of both
sexes assembled indiscriminately; they joined hands and circled to the

19 That is, presumably, in the Land of the Dead, presided over by the father
Tuwawiya, where the Paiute originator of the cult may have journeyed in his
trances and obtained the songs and doctrine of his cult.

20 From Sam Osborn.

21 From Jim Britches.

1930]    Gayton: The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central California

left, facing inward.22 While the major movement of the dancers was
to the left, a. variation occurred now and then in which three steps to
the right, then three to the left, were repeated three times.  The
dancers kept time with their joined hands, beating them downward
from shoulder-level at each step. Some women kept their babies in
cradles on their backs while dancing. They did not lock hands but
held them back under the base of the cradle to keep it steady. The
singing and dancing continued until the participants were exhausted.
During intervals of rest, short exhortations would be delivered by
Takac (the chief), Kocowi (a powerful shaman), Tapunatci, or some
of the singers. There were no solo dances or trance demonstrations.

Shamans did not always take an active part in the dancing. More
oft-en they lay down under the shades, calling on their dream helpers.
Their assistants would report from time to time on what the shamans
heard from the supernatural world.

Within the double circle of dancers sat the singers dressed in their
usual dance regalia. and shaking elderwood clappers in time to their
singing. Of the songs t.hey sang little can be said. Informants
remember only three, anid the words to these are meaningless to them.
They are:

(1) he ba rin he ba ya he na ni (repeated indefinitely).

(2) he na na ni na na ni (said to mean: I'm going to be "anything,"

snake, crow, stick, water, or anything).

(3) 050 050 oso wLliham (repeated indefinitely).

Although the participants were admonished to refrain from anger,
fighting, and erotic indulgences, there was no taboo on hilarity. Nor
were food taboos observed. During the day people slept or enter-
tained themselves by playing games and gambling. -The singers spent.
most of their time practicing their songs.

The activity continued through six nights. At the close of the
dance on the sixth night an additional ritua.l called the horse dance
(kawaiyu kamin) wa.s performed. Persons having horses rode them
around inside the ring of dancers "just like a circus " ;23 old horses
were led about and were miraculously rejuvenated. One of the songs
for the horse dance was:

ya a ya e hlti ya kawaiyo

horse

22 Dr. Spier reports to me that his statement (op. cit., 48) that among the
Klamath "a circle was formed of men, women, and children holding hands,
moving in a counter clockwise direction with a short step to the left" is
incorrect. The direction was counter clockwise stepping to the right.

23 From Josie Alonzo.

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After the dance a.t Eshom valley new converts made dances in their
own localities, 'as the Telumni, Chunut, and Wowol at Pierce 's
rancheria, the southern foothill tribes at Tule and Kolopopo. The
group of singers who sponsored the dance. at Eshom valley led sub-
sequent local dances. These were attended by people from near-by
villages and tribes, as was normally the case for any dance. In this
area between the Kings and Kaweah rivers the local dances continued
for about a year, but were finally discouraged by, Takac and other
captains who had arrived at the conclusion that the efforts of the
dancers were futile. Takac called his people together at Kicheyu and
spoke to them on the matter: he called attention to the fact that in
spite of their efforts people were still sickening and dying, that the
people were neglecting their household and hunt.ing duties and were
exhausting themselves with over-exertion, that the dead had not
returned, and concluded his speech by saying "'if that man is coming,
he'll come anyway.''

ANECDOTES OF THE GHOST DANCE

The first and last eating of dog meat (told by Ellen Murphy,
Keehayi Yokuts): The first. Ghost Dance was attended by much hard-
ship. In traveling north it wa.s necessary for the Kechayi to cross the
San Joaquin river. The river was high at this time of year (about
May) and the people did not know how to cross. Finally a long rope
of milkweed twine wa.s made. The able swimmers swam the river
and carried one end of the rope with them. The other end, on the
south shore, was looped about a person who could not swim and he
was pulled a-cross by those already on the opposite shore. A good
swimmer would then return with the looped end of the rope for the
next person. Ellen had her first baby with her; it was less than a
year old. She strapped its cradle tightly to her back and swam hold-
ing to the rope. Once the cradle loosened and slipped and the baby
nearly drowned. A snake doctor, Chokonik, had rattlesnakes a.s super-
natural helpers: as he crossed the river two rattlesnakes swam behind
him all the way.

When they reached Saganiu, crowds of people were already there.
The messengers went about telling people to put up some distinctive
mark on their shades so they would recognize their own camp. Ellen
had a pretty shawl which she hung ouit on her camp shade, but she got

1930]    Gayton: The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central California

lost anyway. There was a continual turmoil. A fight was going on
over a woman: she had slept with a man just one night and on the
second night they were quarreling. Several women attacked the man
and mauled him a,bout. The next morning his woman was very ill.

The chiefs exhorted the people not to get mad, because their fa.ther
was coming. A woman who was skeptical about the prediction that
one would die if one fought, quarreled with another woman to dis-
cover the effect. This woman did not die but she fainted the follow-
ing morning and rema,ined unconscious for a long time. Ellen does
not remember anyone who turned into a log or actually died because
they slept or did not dance, though it was believed that everyone had
to dance or he would die.

After they had been at Saganiu two days the food supply began
to give out. It had been expected that Jo-ijoi would provide food for
the entire week. We had attempted to do so, but the magnitude of the
crowd was beyond all expectation. To help out in this difficulty some
horses, were killed. These did not last long; moreover, horseflesh was
taboo to people who belonged to the Nutuwic moiety. The people were
getting desperately hungry and angry and it was not yet time to end
the dance.

They went two days without food. On the third day the men held
a conference. Without telling their purpose they erected a, large brush
corral and ordered all the women into it. Not one woman wa,s left
out. They told them to keep quiet. They did not know what was
going to happen. The dance manager (yateitc) told them to be very
still. Then the messengers ran about the camps catching all the dogs.
They told everyone to give up his dog. Ellen's mother had a pretty
little black dog in the corral with her; she tried to hide it under her
skirt but a messenger saw her and pulled it away from her. One dog
named Wu isu1i24 was smarter than the rest. He saw his compa,nions
being shot and piled upon the ground so he ran off to his home. He
was the only dog tha,t escaped.

The men took the dead dogs off to a distance so that the women
would not see them being skinned. Soon a, messenger came around
and asked who was willing to eat dog meat. A few women said they
could do it, so the messengers brought them pieces of meat from fat
dogs. Ellen did not, try it a,s it made her sick to think about it. Those

24 Among the Keehayi all dogs belonging to people of the Tokeluwic moiety
were called by this name.

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74       University of California Publication  inn Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 28

who ate the meat did so after dark. They were so hungry they said it
tasted pretty good. This was the first time that anyone had been
known to eat dog meat, and it was never eaten again.

The next day the dance ended, and everybody went home.

Kumkum 's death (told by 'Merican Joe, Woponuch Western
Mono): Kumkum was Samson Dick's paternal grandfather. In his
youth he had been an energetic, active man and a great traveler, hence
his nickname, Kumkum (hummingbird). At the time Joijoi told them
their father was coming to North Fork, the latter was too decrepit to
make the trip or go anywhere. Everybody living at Kicheyu wanted
to go to Saganiu, so they decided to leave Kumkum behind with plenty
of food and water. Kumkum told them that when they returned he
would not be there, that he was going to die, that something was going
to eat him, and that there would be deer tracks all around the place
where he had been. Deer was his supernatural helper.

Over at another village, Pagipu, there was "an old lady who was
all wore out." She said she "wasn't good for anything" and wanted
to die. She told the boys to go dig a grave and bury her alive "because
I'm nearly dead anyway." She told her people not to cry for her,
"You are going to see your father and I'll be doing just the same."
So they dug her grave, which was the first in the present Indian
cemetery at Dunlap, and buried her just as she had directed.

Then all the people from Kicheyu and Pagipu started off for North
Fork. When they came to the San Joaquin river it was so high that
only the best swimmers dared try to cross. The people camped on the
south side of the river while some men made a long rope of milkweed
twine. Then one end of the rope was fastened to a tree, while the
other end was carried across the river by a strong swimmer. That
end was fastened to another tree so the rope swung about a foot above
the surface of the water. Those people who could swim across did so
or helped themselves with the rope. Those who could not swim had
a length of rope looped loosely around them and the suspended rope;
thus they pulled themselves hand over hand across the river. Little
children and camping paraphernalia were put in large flat-bottomed,
water-tight baskets, customarily used for this purpose. They floated
on the water and were pushed across by two or three swimmers.

Now after the dance was made at Saganiu the father failed to
appear. The people were dissatisfied for they had sacrificed much of
their property to make the trip. Some had come from Tule river,

1930]    Gayton: The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central California

over one hundred and fifty miles to the south. People living along the
route traveled had lost goods through maraudings of the pilgrims.
Many others had lost their old people, like Kumkum and the old lady
at Pagipu. Kuinkum was dead when his people returned, and there
were deer tracks all around him just as he had predicted.

Then two chiefs, Tcakono and Tulin, from Tule river region, got
their doctors to make a. new kind of poison called tigi'dedan (Western
Mono) which they sold to people so they could kill each other almost
like shamans. The chiefs up here said that if the persons doing the
killing could be discovered they should be killed just like bad shamans,

but at the same time they warned their people not to kill a suspect.
unless they were sure he was guilty.

Then white people and whiskey came and everyone began getting
drunk. The poisoning went on worse than ever. The white people
have stopped that now.

ANALYSIS OF CULT AND CULTURAL BACKGROUND

At the time of the introduction of the Ghost Dance, the existing
social organization in Yokuts and Western Mono culture was pecu-
liarly suited to the exigencies of collective ceremonials such as the
Ghost Dance demanded. The difficulties which resulted from the huge
Ghost. Dance gatherings were due to the unprecedented magnitude of
the affairs rather than to an inefficient social order. Ceremonies with
a.ttendants from various tribes were nothing new. The audience and
a.t least a few performers at all dances were from tribes adjacent to
the host tribe. The distance from which visitors came depended
entirely upon the size and importance of the affairs.

No public ritual could be given without permission fromn the local
chiefs. Upon their consent announcements were sent out twelve days
in advance of the event. The chief's official messengers carried the
news; they were paid for their services. Thus it was that the Wopo-
nuch singers asked Takac 's permission to hold the Ghost Dance at
Eshom valley, and news of the cult was spread about by the established
messenger system.

At all dances the host group was.expected to provide food for the
visitors. When a large gathering was planned the guests brought
quantities of food with them, but for this they were paid either at the
time of invitation or a.fter their arrival at the dance. At the Ghost

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76      University of California Publications in, Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 28

Dance at Saganiu, Joijoi attempted to supply the food but the people
were too many. The selling of steer meat under the supervision of the
messengers, which occurred at Eshom valley, was similar to the normal
custom of guests bringing venison, ground squirrels, acorn meal, and
other foodstuffs to a dance and receiving pay for it.

It was the special duty of the messengers to direct social proceed-
ings throughout a. ceremony. They welcomed the arrivals and told
them where to camp. Each day they saw to it that wood and water
were provided, called out the time to get. up and to cook meals, and
distributed food where it was needed. They also kept up the fires
which illuminated the evening assemblies.

When it was time for the ceremonies to begin the messengers called
the people together. Then the captain of the host group addressed
them; he told them why the ceremony was being held, wha.t it was to
be, and usually concluded by telling them to "have a good time."
Thus the usual procedure is evident in informants' descriptions of
the Ghost Dances a.t Saganiu and Eshom valley.

The ritual number of both Yokuts and Western Mono groups is
six. Mourning, jimsonweed, and girls' puberty ceremonies last.ed six
days; other ritual and mythological references to the number occur.
The Ghost Dance ceremonies were always a six-day affair, whereas the
sacred and ritual number of the Northern Paiute is five.25

The practice of bathing every morning was customary with all
foothill people. It had a salutary effect, especially in the acquisition
of supernatural power by both shamans and laymen. A boy or girl
approaching puberty was roused from sleep and made to swim three
times during the night for six days, usually in the coldest months.
This was supposed to give them a long life as well as harden their
cha.racters. Water was venerated and regarded as immortal.

Playing games during the day was customary a.t dances, but taboo
during the mourning ceremony except on the last day, which was one
of rejoicing. Games were, of course, an integra.l part of daily life.

Painted patterns were used as face and body decorations in most
dances and rituals. Whether or not all such pat.t.erns had totemic
reference is not ascertainable: the specifically totemic designs recalled
by informants are few; other designs are described as meaningless.
Among the Wukehumni Yokuts at least, women dancing with doctors
in non-religious dances wore the pattern shown in figure 2b, which

25 R. H. Lowie, Notes on Shoshonean Ethnography, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist.
Anthr. Pap., 20:295, 1924.

1930]     Gayton: The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central Oaliforni          7

was one of the common patterns at the Ghost Dances. It may be that
this and other patterns were purely decorative and hence were avail-
able to any participant in the Ghost Dance without regard to his
lineage.

It is seen that thus far the social background and certain ritual
element.s of the Ghost Dance as executed at Saganiu and Eshom valley
were entirely in consonance with established procedure at, intertribal
celebrations. The social system of the Yokuts and West.ern Mono was
a perfect vehicle for the introduction of a new cult demanding
collective participation.

Furthermore, there are in the Yokuts-Mono Ghost Dances certain
elements which are plainly derived from established concepts concern-
ing the dead. and life after death. These concepts are formulated in
their tale of a man's trip to the land of the dead, which in brief is
as follows :26

A man 's good wife dies; he wants to get her back. He waits on her grave
for two nights. On the third she rises and starts traveling northwestward.
Her man follows her. In the daytime she either disappears or turns into a
log of wood. The man waits on the spot and follows her again at night.
After traveling three nights they reach a great expanse of water. Over it
stretches a narrow, quaking bridge which it is dangerous to cross. If one falls
off it one turns into a fish or is taken by a water monster. Only persons of
character succeed in crossing. On the other side is the land of the dead.
It is ruled by a chief, the "father," called Tipiknits (Yokuts) or Tuwawiya
(Western Mono). The dead people are visible and active only at night when
they have a fine time gambling, dancing, and playing games. The red clouds
of the sunset are their red paint (Chunut Yokuts). When the couple arrives
the woman goes to her relatives' camp while the chief interviews her husband.
The chief tells the man he may not stay there but may take his wife back
home if he can remain awake all night. The couple lie down and spend the
night laughing and talking. At daybreak the man is overpowered by sleep.
He wakes to find a log of wood in his arms. The chief offers the man a second
and last chance. But that night brings the same result. (A favorite variation
is that the couple start home at once but break continence on the way, the
woman again turning into a log.) Discouraged the man returns home. The
chief had told him to hide for six days, then make a dance and tell all that has
happened to him. But the man 's presence at home is diselosed on the fifth
day. He makes the dance anyway, tells all that happened on his journey, and
dies immediately after.

26 The tale is ubiquitous in south-central California; versions of it occur
among the Southern Maidu and Miwok (A. L. Kroeber, Myths of South Central
California, this series, 4:175, 188, 216, 228, 1907), the Luiseflo (A. L. Kroeber,
Handbook of the Indians of California, B.A.E., Bull. 78:625, 1925), and the
Salinan (Mooney, op. cit., 195).

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78       University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 28

The concepts common to this tale and the Ghost Dance are: (1) a
"father" or chief and the host of the dead; (2) the unsteady bridge
to the land of the dead; (3) that people of character only may get
across or meet the "father"; (4) that one must not sleep; (5) trans-
formation into a log of wood. There seems no reason to doubt that
the tale is an old one in the San Joaquin region and that the con-
cepts of the dead and the country of the dead which appear in the
Ghost Dance are interpretations from it. The story as it is told, and
was learned by informants from their elder relatives, is always local-
ized in their own tribe. The "father" of their folktale, who functions
as the messiah in the Ghost Dance, figures elsewhere in Yokuts-Mono
mythology as the creator of the present world who depart.ed to make a
home for dead people after he had completed this one for the living.
In Western Mono versions he is identified as a large, spotted cat
(jaguar ?, not wild cat), the elder brother of Coyote, in Salinan27 and
some Yokuts versions as a person unrelated to the animals. A Home-
twoli Yokuts informant identified the "father" of the messianic cult
with Tohil, eagle, the most powerful of supernatural beings in Yokuts
mythology.

In all versions of the folktale the land of the dead is invariably
placed in the northwest, whereas in the Ghost Dance the "father"
was said to be in the east. This may be a Northern Paiute conception,
or may be due to the eastern provenience of the news of the messiah.28

The notion that one must not sleep when dealing with the super-
natural is a precept which appears not only in the Ghost Dance and
in this folktale, but also in rules governing the acquisition of super-
natural power through dreams. On receiving a dream from an animal
helper, one must not go back to sleep that night or the dream and
consequent powers would be withdrawn.

There were, however, other features of the Ghost Dance that varied
from the San Joaquin norm. The first was the continuance of danc-
ing throughout the night. With the exception of the final night of the
annual mourning ceremony, dances ordinarily began about four in
the afternoon and lasted until nine or t.en, seldom as late as midnight.
Secondly, both Yokuts and AMono custom demands strict abstinence
from meat during ceremonies that have a religious or emotional signi-
ficance, such as mourning or jimsonweed rituals, or during the private

27 J. Alden Mason, loc. cit.

28 Spier found a similar discrepancy in the Klamath interpretation, op. cit., 54.

1930]    Gayton: The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central California

ritual for acquiring supernatural power. Yet this taboo was not
observed during the Ghost Dances. Thirdly, the restoration of uncon-
scious persons by Joijoi, a chief, rather than by shamans, was quite
atypical.

It may be that the first variation mentioned has some reference to
beliefs about the Land of the Dead, since the Ghost Dance was so
much concerned with the return of its inhabitants. It was believed
that the dead were active only during the night; in the daytime they
disappeared. Thus a ritual in the real world which would be effective
upon the ghosts would logically have to take place during their period
of existence, that is, throughout the night.

The absence of the meat taboo leads one. to believe that the Ghost
Dance did not have a deeply or awesomely religious significance for the
Yokuts and Mono in spite of their fervid participation.

Another feature, which was in opposition to established custom,
was the non-payment of the singer accompanists. That singers per-
forming at any public function should go unpaid was without pre-
cedent. At the Ghost Dance their subsistence was provided, no more.
The Woponuch and Entimbich singers who learned the songs of the
cult from Joijoi were professional. A group of such singers accom-
panied all dances and ceremonies, always being invited to perform and
often being summoned from a distance if they were especially talented.
In the case of the Ghost Dance their services and tour for its intro-
duction must have been due entirely to missionary zeal.

The dream or visionary aspect of the Ghost Dance, as it occurred
among the Klamath, Maidu, Miwok, and Pomo,29 was absent or entirely
negligible in the San Joaquin valley. No informant mentions the
acquisition of songs or supernatural power through visions during the
ritual. Though many persons became comatose, as described above,
the condition seems to have been attributed entirely to their mis-
demeanors: the trances were punishments, rather than sublime states
sought for religious purposes. The orthodox religious system of both
Yokuts and Mono was based upon the acquisition of powers through
dreams of animal helpers. Such dreams came during normal sleep;
they were not trance-like nor were they comparable to the narcotic
visions induced by jimsonweed. Any person who wished to acquire
supernatural power could do so by paying attention to his dreams.

29 Spier, Gifford (works cited), and Edwin M. Loeb, Pomo Folkways, this series,
19:149-405, 1926.

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80       University of California Pusblioati,onm in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 28

Falling into a trance to visit the spirit world of the dead is a practice
of Shoshonean shamans30 not indulged in by Yokuts-Mono doctors.
Why the visionary aspect of the Ghost Dance was so ignored in the
Yokuts-Mono area is not clear. The absence of this esoteric feature is
further indicated by the fact that no reference is made to ghosts,
spirits, or dreaming in native names for the dance. It is called the
"round'" or "going round" dance throughout the San Joaquin
valley.31

Apparently the only persons who entered into contact with the
spirit world during the Ghost Dance performances were the shamans.
Even they may have been communing with their animal helpers
rather than the ghosts of the returning dead.

The political factor involved in the encouragement of the Ghost
Dance among the Klamath and Pomo by their chiefs,32 i.e., that chiefs
were rising in power and used the new cult as a means of suppressing
shamanistic activities, does not occur in south-central California.
Though the chiefs in this region had few defined duties and powers,
such as they were they went unquestioned. And far from being at
odds with shamans the chiefs had their cooperation in many of their
political schemes.  Evidence of the harmony between chiefs and
shamans in the Ghost Dance appears in our account of the dance at
Eshom valley: Kocowi took active part in preaching the doctrine;
other shamans " listened " for news from the supernatural world.
That shamans were not called to restore unconscious Ghost Dance
participants was certainly abnormal, but in this case it is merely to
be regarded as a feature of the Ghost Dance system without any
bearing upon native political conditions.

What the relations were between the Indians of the San Joaquin
valley and the white population of 1870 is not clear from native
accounts. The statement of one informant that "after that the white
man came" leads one to believe that the number of white settlers
before that time was negligible. The Indians of the San Joaquin
plains were the first to suffer loss of life, lands, and hence economic
liberty; those living in the foothills where the Ghost Dance was first
introduced were as yet scarcely disturbed. Villages on the upper
'Kaweah, Kings, and San Joaquin rivers were continuing the old life
in the childhood of my older informants, i.e., about 1855-1875. Even

30 Lowie, op. cit., 294, 295.
31 See appendix.

32 Spier, op. cit., 44.

1930]    Gayton: The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central Califor4ia

so the natives may have been disconcerted by the white man's con-
tinued approach. No informant will admit that the messianic faith
had any reference to the presence of the white people, much less tha.t
hostile intentions toward the whites lurked beneath the Ghost Dance
activities. Whether or not this was so can scarcely be proved now.
Certain it is that the few loca.l settlers in the region of Eshom valley
became hyst.erical over the large assembly there; they regarded it as of
hostile intent and immediately sent alarms to valley towns for armed
assistance. It is due to this misint.erpretation that the Ghost Dance
is referred to in colloquial white and Indian parlance as the "war"
dance. Said one informant, "The Paiutes have a war dance and the
white people thought this was it, but that dance is called war dance
and this [Ghost] is the round dance."

The abandonment of the Ghost Dance was not due to pressure
exerted by the white population but rather to disillusionment. The
closing words of Takac 's address were quite in keeping with the
philosophical outlook of the Yokuts-Mono mind. Their past life was
a singularly pleasant and placid one. They were not ridden by a
mass of superstitious fears as a-re many primitive peoples. There were
few taboos; no religious office or supernatural function was imposed
on anyone who did not want it. Individuals went about their daily
lives following the simple rules of their religious and social order with-
out burdening themselves with taboos and privations, believing that
if the supernatural powers wished to help them they would. The same
attitude is expressed in the resolution of their feelings toward the
messianic cult. Exhaustive efforts to bring back their "father" and
their dead relatives had proved to be fut.ile, hence, give it up-" if that
man is coming, he'll come anyway."

SUMMARY

The course and process of the diffusion of the Ghost Dance from
the northern Western Mono through the San Joaquin valley has been
indica.ted in the foregoing pages. The messianic cult was introduced
on the west slope of the Sierra Nevada at North Fork. Owing to the
zeal of one man, Joijoi, the faith was diffused to the south where
Woponuch and Entimbich singers in turn transmitted it to Yokuts of
the plains and southern valley. The fate of the dance beyond Fort
Tejon is unknown at present.

81

82       University of Ca2ifo'rnia Pubications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 28

The process of acculturation is evident from our detailed account
of Ghost Dances at Saganiu and Eshom valley. Analysis of the social
background into which the new cult was thrust indicates that the
social process involved in holding the dances, i.e., with the chiefs' per-
mission, supervision of camps by messengers, etc., was entirely in the
order of the established system for intertribal eeremonials. Several
features of the Ghost Dance doctrine were interpreted in terms of
extant cultural forms: the "father" identified as the creator, the
land of the dead that of the "Orpheus" myth, bathing in the morn-
ing, use of standard paint patterns, six-day duration of ritual, trans-
formation into a log, and taboo on sleep. Analogous acculturations
are found among the Klamath and in northwest California..33

The doctrine of the Ghost Dance which promised the return of
dea.d relatives, absolution from sickness and death, a continuous life
of peace and prosperity, is ubiquitous in its human appeal. This,
together with the fact that the cult had no complex features of belief
or intricate taboos and was open for collective participation, made it
uniquely suitable for a rapid diffusion regardless of the type of cul-
ture encountered in its travels. The framework and stimulus of the
revivalistic cult were supplied, the details were filled in according to
the individual taste of varying culture patterns.

APPENDIX: INFORMANTS AND NAMES OF THE DANCE

The tribe, name, and approximate age of informants contributing to this
paper are as follows:

Yokuts: Bankalachi: Frank Manuel, 65; Choinimni: Pony Dick Watun, 70;
Chunut: Josie Alonzo, 65; Dumna: Bill Wilson, 90; Hometwoli: Big Jim Alto,
75; Kechayi: Ellen Murphy, 70; Koyeti: Dick Francisco, 80; Paleuyami:
Martha Alto, 70; Tachi: Mollie Garcia, 80; Wukehumni: Jim Britches, 70.

Western Mono: Waksachi: Sam Osborn, 65, Bob Osborn, 75; Woponuch; Joe
Waley, 80, 'Merican Joe, 80.

Native names for Ghost Dance.-Chunut, Tachi, Telamni, Wowol (?): soto'twi
kam, going-around dance.

Chunut: hi'ithFttwi kam, drag-the-feet dance. (This because people got so
tired they could not lift their feet.)

Dumna, Gashowu, Kechayi: soiwcc kam, round'dance.

Hometwoli, Koyeti: soto'twiya hatim, going-around dance.
Michahai: kaman soiwtc, dancing, round.

Wukehumni, Yaudanchi: soto.'towtd kam, to be going around dance.
Waksachi: nigat dama, ? dance.

Woponuch: naho'a manai 'Lgan, round dance.

33 Spier, loc. cit.; A. L. Kroeber, A Ghost Dance in California, Jour. Am. Folk-
Lore, 17:32-35, 1904.

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