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LOWIE ABORIGINAL SOCIETY IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA BY WILLIAM DUNCAN STRONG UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA 1929 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETJHNOLOGY Volume 26, x + 349 pp., + index, 7 maps Issued May 28, 1929 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKEzEY, CALIFORNIA CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON, ENGLAND CONTENTS PAGE Introduction. 1 Approximate phonetic values of letters used ........................................ 4 I. The Serrano ..................................... 5 Serrano clans ................................... 11 Table 1. Serrano clans ................................... 11 Clan groupings ................................... 12 Table 2. Ceremonial linkage of clans ................................... 15 Clan organization ................................... 15 Genealogy 1. MArifia clan ................................... 16 The sacred bundle ................................... 20 The moiety .................... 22 The joking relationship .................... 25 Ceremonial life: birth .................... 30 Girls' adolescence ceremony .................... 30 Boys' initiation or toloache ceremony ....................................... 31 Ceremonies for the dead ....................................... 32 Destruction of personal belongings ....................................... 32 The annual mourning ceremony ....................... 32 The clan fetish ....................... 33 The naming of children ....................... 33 The ceremonial eagle killing ....................... 34 Making the images ....................... 34 The eagle dance ....................... 34 Burning the images ....................... 34 Other ceremonies ....................... 35 Shamanism ....................... 35 II. The Desert Cahuilla ....................... 36 The Cahuilla in general ....................... 36 Environment ....................... 37 Table 3. Clans belonging to the wildcat moiety ....................... 41 Table 4. Clans belonging to the coyote moiety ....................... 42 Desert Cahuilla villages ................................ : 43 Typical village at Martinez ............................... 43 Genealogy 2. Wantcauem clan ............................... 45 Genealogy 3. Awilem clan ............................... 46 Genealogy 4. Awilem clan ............................... 46 Genealogy 5. Wantcifiakiktum clan ............................... 47 Other villages ............................... 49 PAGE Village summary ....................................................... 56 Group leadership ....................................................... 56 Clan leadership ....................................................... 59 The net ....................................................... 59 The dance house ....................................................... 60 The sacred bundle ........................................................ 60 The paha ....................................................... 62 The takwa ....................................................... 63 The ptlalem ....................................................... 64 The hauinik ........................................................ 65 The organization of the clan ....................................................... 65 Genealogy 6. Awilem clan ....................................................... 66 Examples of nominal separation and ceremonial affiliation .................. 68 The moiety among the Desert Cahuilla .................................................... 70 Marriage ....................................................... 73 Hunting rules ....................................................... 76 Naming of children ....................................................... 78 Ceremonial deformation ....................................................... 80 Enemy songs ....................................................... 80 Girls' adolescence ceremony ....................................................... 81 Ceremonial killing of eagles ....................................................... 83 Ceremonies for the dead ....................................................... 84 The migration legend of the sewahilem clan ............................................ 86 III. The Pass Cahuilla ....................................................... 88 Environment ....................................................... 88 Table 5. Pass Cahuilla clans ....................................................... 91 Ceremonial affiliations of Pass clans ........................................................ 92 Table 6. Modem ceremonial groups of the San Gorgonio pass .... 94 Ceremonial exchange of shell money ....................................................... 94 Earlier groupings of the Pass peoples ....................................................... 96 Organization and nature of the clan ....................................................... 100 Genealogy 7. Pisatafiavitcem clan ....................................................... 104 Clan leadership ........................... ; 105 The net .......................... 105 The paha .......................... 107 The takwa .......................... 108 Other officials .......................... 108 The moiety among the Pass Cahuilla .......................... 109 Marriage .......................... 112 Hunting rules ........................... 115 Boys' and girls' adolescence ceremonies ............................ 116 Manet ............................ 116 Teaching boys to sing ............................ 117 Girls' adolescence ceremony ............................ 117 [vi] PAGE Naming of children .................................................. 118 Eagle-killing ceremony ...................................................119 Ceremonies for the dead .................................................. 120 Burning the body .................................................. 121 Covering the tracks of the dead ................................................... 122 Burning the images .................................................. 122 Palm Springs Cahuilla creation myth .................................................. 130 IV. The Mountain Cahuilla ................................................... 144 Environment .................................................. 144 Table 7. Mountain Cahuilla clans ................................................... 148 The shifting of the groups .................................................. 148 History and organization of the Mountain clans .................................... 152 Genealogy 8. Natcuitakiktum clan .................................................. 156 Genealogy 9. Temewhanitcem clan .................................................. 157 Genealogy 10. Temewhanitcem and tepaiyauitcem clans .............. 159 Genealogy 11. Nauhafiavitcem clan .................................................. 161 Genealogy 12. Sauiepakiktum clan .................................................. 161 Genealogy 13. Saulvilem clan .................................................. 162 Leaders and ceremonial officials of the clan .............................................. 163 The net .................................................. 163 The sacred bundle .................................................. 163 The paha .................................................. 165 Kutvavanavac .................................................. 166 Takwa ................................................... 167 Hauinik .................................................. 167 The manet dancer ................ 168 Shamans and shamanism ................ 168 The moiety and marriage among the Mountain Cahuilla .................... 169 Adolescence and associated ceremonies ................................................ 172 Girls' adolescence ceremony ................................................. 172 Manet ................................................ 173 Ant ordeal .................................................. 176 The fire dance ................................................ 176 The eagle-killing ceremony ................................................ 177 The "whirling" or eagle dance ................................................ 179 Mourning ceremonies ................................................ 180 Miscellaneous data ................................................ 181 V. The Cupefio ................................................ 183 Villages and clans ................................................ 185 Table 8. Clans and lineages at kuipa .......................................... 186 Table 9. Clans at wilakal .......................................... 186 Population .......................................... 188 Table 10. Composition of Pala population in 1919 ............................ 188 Table 11. Cupefio population between "1865" and 1902 .................. 189 [vii] PAGE Census 1. House census of kupa, "1865" to 1902 . ...................... 192 Census 2. House census of wilakal, "1865" to 1902 . .................... 208 Census 3. Pala census for the year 1919 . .215 The organization of the clan . .220 Mythical kupa genealogy . .220 Genealogy 14. Kavalim clan . .226 Genealogy 15. Pumtumatulniktcum clan . .227 Genealogy 16. Temewhanitcem clan . .228 Genealogy 17. Taka'atim clan 228 Genealogy 18. Saulvilem clan . .228 Genealogy 19. Sivimuatim clan . .229 Genealogy 20. Aulinlawitcem clan . .230 Genealogy 21. Tticvikinvatim clan . .231 Genealogy 22. Tciutnikut clan . .232 The clan fetish bundle . ................. 233 The status of the moiety . .234 Cupefio marriages . .239 Table 12. Total number of Cupefio marriages . .241 Table 13. Outside marriages at kipa . .241 Table 14. Outside marriages at wilakal . .241 Table 15. Clan marriages at kuipa . ............................ 242 Table 16. Clan marriages at wilakal . .242 Clan ownership of land . .244 Table 17. Sites owned by kuapa clans . .244 Table 18. Shared territories . .247 Clan and ceremonial leadership . .249 The nuut . .249 The kutv6voc . .251 The paha . .252 Shamans and shamanism..... . . ..... 252 Ritual and ceremony . .253 The calendar . .253 Naming ceremonies and the singing of enemy songs .. 254 Girls' adolescence ceremony . .55 The feather or whirling dance . ............................ 257 The manet dance or boys' initiation . .258 The ceremonial eagle killing . .261 The "nuut's road" and its implications . .262 First ceremony for the dead . .264 Second ceremony for the dead. Burning the possessions .. 265 Final ceremony for the dead. Burning the images .. 266 Mythology . .268 Cupefno creation myth . .268 The decimation and revival legend of the ktipa people .. 270 [viii] PAGE VI. The Luisefo ................................................ 274 Table 19. List of clans ................................................ 276 Clan organization ................................................. 278 Genealogy 23. Wassuk and awaifi clans .......................................... .280 Genealogy 24. Mitcax clan .......................................... 282 Genealogy 25. Muata family .......................................... 283 Genealogy 26. Waxipafnawic clan .......................................... 283 Party organization .......................................... 286 Traces of moiety organization .......................................... 288 The clan leader, sacred bundle, and ceremonial enclosure .................. 292 Other clan and ceremonial officials .......................................... 296 Girls' adolescence ceremony .......................................... 297 Ceremonies for the dead .......................................... 299 Tulvic, the start .......................................... 299 Tcutcamic, the burning .......................................... 300 Sualahic, the n6ta's road .......................................... 302 Toltcinic, the image ceremony .......................................... 303 Morahash, the whirling dance .......................................... 305 Further details concerning the image burning .............................. 305 Notush ceremony .......................................... 306 Moknic Ashwiti, killing the eagle .......................................... 307 Man! Paic, the jimsonweed drinking .......................................... 309 The fire dance .......................................... 312 Tanic dance .......................................... 313 Final initiation rites .......................................... 314 Antinic, the ant ordeal .......................................... 317 Tattooing .......................................... 317 UnishMatakish,theburialof a Chungichnish initiate's paraphernalia 318 Other ceremonies ................................................. 318 The relation of song and ceremony .................................................. 319 Table 20. Alignment of songs and ceremonies .................................... 320 The relation of song and myth ................................................. 325 VII. Summary and comparison ................................................. 329 The Serrano ................................................. 329 The Desert Cahuilla .................................................. 330 The Pass Cahuilla ................................................. 332 The Mountain Cahuilla ............................. 333 The Cupefio ............................. 335 The Luisefo ............................. 337 Table 21. Distribution of ceremonies ............................. 339 Table 22. Distribution of other important ceremonial features.... 340 Table 23. Moiety alignment of natural phenomena... ....................... 341 VIII. Conclusion ............................................... 342 Index ................................................ 351 . [iX] MAPS PAGE 1. Serrano territory ...................... 7 2. Desert Cahuilla territory ...................... 39 3. Village of puichekiva ...................... 44 4. Pass Cahuilla territory ...................... 89 5. Mountain Cahuilla territory ...................... 145 6. Cupetio territory ...................... 248 7. Luiseto territory ...................... 275 ABORIGINAL SOCIETY IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA BY WILLIAM DUNCAN STRONG INTRODUCTION The following pages represent the partial gleaning of a field whose full harvest might only have been gathered a century and a half ago. The forced segregation of the Indian into the missions of southern California inaugura,ted a process destined to wipe out, nearly all trace of aboriginal Californian culture in the region of its highest development. Although a large part of the native population has perished before the swift march of western civilization, in the barren desert and mountain regions of southern California a considera,ble number still survive. Of these the younger and more progressive have in large part taken over the ways of the white man and are today a very influential element in the community. But it is from the people of an older generation whose eyes look backward to a remote but familiar past, not forward into an alien future, that these somewhat fragmentary notes have been obtained. The coastal peoples of southern California disappeared soon after the advent of the missions, and the meager historical accounts of the early Spanish explorers and missionaries constitute the only writteit records concerning them. Comparative work in archaeology indicates that these coastal groups, notably the Chunash of the Santa Barbara region, were the most advanced peoples in southern California. This is certainly true as concerns the arts of life which are represented in the archaeological findings, and comparative ethnographic studies indicate that here was also the center of social and religious influence. The native groups just bordering this coastal strip have likewise lost all but traces of their old culture, but concerning them we have the more adequate accounts of Boseana and Hugo Reid, and in addition the later studies of Sparkman, Du Bois, Kroeber, Waterman, Gifford, 2 University of California Publications irn Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 and others. The more easterly groups of the San Jacinto, Santa Rosa, and San Bernardino mountains, a.s well as those of the northern Colorado desert, have received comparatively little attention from the ethnologist. These people retained their old culture much later than did the people of the coast, and for this, and other reasons to be dealt with later, they offer the best opportunity for any research to deter- mine the general pattern of aboriginal society in southern California. With this end in view the writer spent six months during the winter of 1924-25 among the Serrano, Cahuilla, Cupenlo, and Luiseiio on their various reservations and rancherias in Riverside and San Diego counties, gathering material relating to their territorial, political, and ceremonial organization. The present paper is based on these studies, with the addition of such comparable material as will show the relationship of the special groups studied to the general pattern of native society over southern California. The field work was carried out under a research grant to the Department of Anthropology of the University of California, and the author was materially aided by Dr. A. L. Kroeber and Mr. E. W. Gifford. To these well-known authorities on California ethnology I am greatly indebted; to the former for his guidance and encourage- ment in a new field, and to the latter for the use of his detailed censuses and other notes relating to the Cupeno which have been included in the present account. In the field, Dr. J. R. Wilson and his family, of Hemet, California, were extremely helpful, both in making contacts with the people with whom it was essential to work, and in other ways too numerous to mention. The troubled nature of southern California Indian politics made Dr. Wilson's assistance invaluable in convincing the various factions of the non-partisan nature of my work. To the many informants who have contributed the greater part of the material presented in the following pages I am profoundly grateful. Wherever possible the sources of this information have been acknowledged as presented. Whenever, as in the present case, the ethnologist follows some time after the effacing hand of civilization has done its work, he must per- force assume the role of social paleontologist. Little but the bones or framework of social institutions survive when the whole social organ- ism has ceased to function. Yet it is from these remains that he must assiduously reconstruct the image of that which formerly existed. To understand the complete interrelationship of all phases of native life from this framework is often impossible. The functioning of a group Strong:- Aboriginal Society in Southern California day by day, the whole round of daily occurrences, and the relations which exist with all near-by groups, are essential to any clear under- standing of the dyna.mics of social organization. But if one can be content with reconstructing the mold within which these forces were once active much may be done, so long as members of the groups survive who remember the old forms that once regulated their lives. From such informants not only the mores of the group may be obtained, but also adequate objective data to deter- mine the degree of efficacy and control which. the various rules and beliefs formerly exerted. In this manner a, reasonably accurate pic- ture of the social machinery may be obtained, but it is a still and not a moving picture. One can say with a, fair degree of accuracy how things were but much more rarely why they were that way. This is obviously true of nearly all natural phenomena., but in human society it is sometimes possible to explain a given custom if one knows the main contributing factors. Other customs can only be explained his- torically, for they have been adopted from outside sources. The fabric of society is largely made up of the interplay of these functional or internal traits and of diffused or acquired customs. A complete study of the social and ceremonial organization of a, given group has of necessity these two aspeets, first the integration and development of t.he group within itself, and secondly the relation of the group to external agencies of cultural difusion. These constitute the warp and woof of any society or culture and on their correct analysis depends an understanding of either phenomenon. The influence of diffusion and its probable effect on early social patterns in southern California has been dealt with in a previous paper,' the present study being primarily concerned with the problenm of the development and integration of that society in situ. It is here especially that the student regrets the somewhat fossilized na,ture of much of the m.aterial at hand, but when one considers the vast changes that have occurred in southern California during the last three- qua:rters of a century the marvel is not the paucity but the amount and comparatively living quality of the data still to be secured. The next decade will see the end of neiarly all native institutions in the area, but in the interval a great deal may yet be learned concerning the culture of the surviving groups. 1 William Duncan Strong, An Analysis of Southwestern Society, Am. Anthr., n.s., 29:1-61, 1927. 1929] 3 4 Unioversity of Cahfornia Pu&bU ation8 in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 APPROXIMATE PHONETIC VALUES OF LETTERS USED as in English father as in English hat as in English met as in English fate as in English pin as in English pique as in English not as in English note as in English put u; as in English rule aJ; as y in English thy au; as ow in English cow c; as sh in English shout fi; as ng in English sang te; as ch in English change x; like Spanish jota z; as s in English gods '; glottal stop Other consonants given same value as in English. a; 1; e- 1; 0; o; o; Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern- California I. THE SERRANO The appellation of Serrano includes four main groups in southern California: the Kitanemuk of upper Tejon and Poso creeks, the extinct Vanyume of Mohave river, the extinct Alliklik who lived near the Chumash on the upper Santa Clara drainage, and the Serrano proper of the southern San Bernardino mounta.ins. The present account deals solely with the latter group, who are today greatly reduced in numbers.2 The term Serrano is unfortunate, since any hill-dwelling group of whatever ethnic. affiliation answers to such a term. The Serrano,3 as well as the Kitanemuk, Vanyume, and Alliklik languages, are all of the southern California branch of the Shoshonean stock. The dialect of the Serrano is markedly different from that of their southern neighbors, the Pass Cahuilla, but the culture of the two groups is very similar. The Serrano were taken into the missions and after the secularization the people seem to have been so reduced in numbers that only a- few resumed anything approaching their old mode of life. The main group that did so seem to have been the Matronia clan or band who lived on Mission creek, and it is by the tern Morongo thus derived, that the Serrano are usually known at present. The tribal designation of Cow-ang-a.-chem given the dialectic group by Barrows has not since been verified ;4 the term tahtasn merely signifies "people," and the t.erm kaiviatim is merely a native translation of the Spanish "Serrano."5 In a recent study Benedict used a group term tamakuvayam for certain Pass clans,6 but this is a Serrano version of temamkamwitcem, a term applied by the Desert Cahuilla to all groups north of Twenty iNine Palms.7 The neighboring Cahuilla use the term ismailem to designate the Serrano-speaking groups,8 and 2 The Federal Census for 1910 reports 119 Serrano, 89 of whom were of full blood. 3 As used in the present paper this term applies only to the Serrano proper. 4 Ethno-Botany of the Coahuilla Indians (University of Chicago Press, 1900), 19. 5 Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California, Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull. 78: 617, 1925. 6 A Brief Sketch of Serrano Culture, Am. Anthr., n.s., 26:368-369, 1924. 7 Boas states that the Cupefio (Agua Caliente) applied the term tamankamyam to the Serrano. Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., 44:261, 1895. Both these terms are translated "northerners." 8 Benedict, op. cit., 368. 1929] 5 6 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 this seems to be as near a Serrano group name as can be obtained. Considering that general linguistie similarity was the only bond between most of the groups lumped under one name in southern California., it is not, surprising that, tribal names are not recognized where no tribal unity ever seems to have existed. The central home of the Serrano was the San Bernardino moun- tains; to the east their range met th.at, of the Chemehuevi; to the north the Kitanemuk and molfb alien Kawaiisu; on the west were groups of the Gabrielino; and to the south in the San Gorgonio pass were clans of the Pass Cahuilla. Such was their general position but the exacet boundaries of their range have been subject to considerable dispute, especially in regard to their western and southern extension. In approaching this problem one important fa,ct must be borne in mind, namely, that the Serrano do not seem to have ever been a tribe in the sense in which that term is generally used. Like their neighbors, the political unit, of the Serrano was the localized lineage which was nearly always autonomous. The entire dialectic grotup was therefore never politically united, nor do there seem to have been even large portions of it amalgamated. The small local groups occupied definite favorable territories but rarely extended their boundaries very far from the clan locale. The problem of distribution is therefore largely one of locating the individual groups, not the plotting out of tribal domains. The limits of the territory occupied by any dialectic or linguistic unit can' be deet,ermined only by the spread of the independent constituent groups. This statement is applicable to Serrano, all three Cahuilla divisLions, Cupenio, Luisefio, and Diegueiio; only when the Yuman tribes of the Colora,do are encountered may one speak of tribal territories in the technical sense. One complicating factor in regard to the original ownership of the San Bernardino, Redlands, and Riverside districts may be eliminated at the start. This, is the occupancy of the area by the Cahuilla dis- cussed by a number of writers.9 Kroeber's suggestion that the 9 M6llhausen, Wanderungen durch die Prairien und Wusten des Westlichen Nordamerika., 1860, p. 439, mentions three or four families of Kawia Indians in a state of peonage on an estate some miles west of the mouth of the Cajon Pass in 1854. Whipple, Pac. R. R. Rept. III, pt. 1, p. 134, in, p. 34, recorded Cahuilla vocabularies a.t Cucamonga ranch from a Cahuilla chief who had been baptized a.t San Luis Rey. The vocabulary published by Pather Juan Caballeria from "Guachamal" near San Bernardino is also Cahuilla.: History of the San Bernardino Valley,, 39-53 (no date, no place). Gatschet, in the Magazine of American History for 1877, places the Cahuilla "in and around S.an Bernardino valley. " Barrows, op. cit., 32, mentions the Cahuilla in the San Timoteo canyon. These references are given by Kroeber, present series 4:131-135, 1907 (cited here- after as Shoshonean). Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Cahuilla were brought to the San Bernardino mission as a guard is correct.10 Mountain Cahuilla informants, one of whom (Alec Arguello) had lived in the San Timoteo pass, stated that five Moun- tain Cahuilla clans under the leadership of Juan Antonio, a well- known captain, were brought to the district in about the year 1846. They settled first at the village of pulatana near Jurupa (Riverside), and la-ter moved to sahatapa in the San Timoteo canyon near El Casco. They remained there until some tir e in the decade between 1850 and 1860 when the group was nearly exterminated by a smallpox epidemi.e. This event is mentioned by Barrows," but his statement that the epidemic occurred in the "forties" (1840-50) does not agree with statements of the Cahuilla who actually lived in the San Timoteo canyon. The statement of the latter pla.cing the event in the next decade (1850-1860) is likewis.e in accord with the historical evidence. 0Zkae ArrowXeed 7&rnGXw Pahlle.ll44 0 " hta ~ ~~ ~~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~ -A/t im 1W, W.x ^ W , W 9 Sa~6en,arSan g aczt Map. 1. Serrano Territory. Squares indicate Wildcat, circles Coyote Moiety Clams. This question is dealt, with more. fully in the. present, paper when the Mountain Cahuilla a,r-e discussed. We can therefore r-egard t,his occurrence, of Cahuilla. in the Sa,n Berna.r-dino regio-n as a,n. historic intrusion, a,nd elimina,t-e them fro-m the problem of' original ownership in the territ,ory under discussion. Kroeber states that the San Bernardino valley, including the Red- lands, San Bernardino, and Colton districts,"2 was formerly occupied by the Serrano. In aT latery publication, however, he states of the Serrano that " they probably owned a stretch of fertile lowland south of the Sierra Madre, froim about Cucamonga east above asentone and halfway up San Timoteo canyon. Thist, traet took in the Satn Ber- nardino valley and probably just. failed of reaching Riverside; but, it lo Shoshonean, 133, 1907. "1 Op. cit., 32. 12 Shoshonean, 132. 1929] 7 8 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 has also been assigned to the Gabrielino, which would be a more natural division of topography, since it would leave the Serrano pure mountaineers. "'13 On the basis of information received from Serrano, Palm Springs Cahuilla, and Mountain Cahuilla (who had lived in San Timoteo canyon), I have come to the opinion suggested in the last sentence quoted. All informants questioned, and they were all old people, agreed on the fact that the sites of San Bernardino, Redlands, and Crafton had originally been occupied by people who spoke the San Gabriel language. The original owners had been succeeded by the Mountain Cahuilla who were brought down to thi,\San Bernardino mission about 1846, while the Serrano, or ismailem, as the Cahuilla term them, had originally occupied the foothills of the San Bernardino range bordering the San Bernardino valley. The Serrano, however, had always occupied the Yucaipe valley just southeast of Crafton. The Gabrielino group at Crafton was called tekenetpauiteem in the Cahuilla language, the Gabrielino group at Redlands was called in the same language watciepakiktum, but the name given the Gabrielino group at San Bernardino was not remembered. The four main informants whose independent statements concurred on these points were Rosa Morongo, a Pass Cahuilla woman married among the Serrano; Jesusa Manuel, a Mountain Cahuilla woman married among the Serrano; Alec Arguello, a Mount4in Cahuilla man who formerly lived in San Timoteo canyon; and Alejo Potencio, old clan leader of the Palm Springs Cahuilla. Both of the men had seen and talked with Gabrielino who had formerly lived at the sites in question, while the two women had received their information from their older relatives. There is no reason to doubt the sincerity or honesty of these four informants, and the exact concurrence of each in regard to the lan- guage of the "Kisiannos," as the Gabrielino were called, is strong evidence in favor of original Gabrielino occupation.14 One important piece of evidence disputes this conclusion and that is the statement of Hugo Reid who formerly lived at San Gabriel where he had married a Gabrielino woman. He says, "Jurupa, San Bernardino, etc., belonged to another distinct tribe possessing a lan- guage not at all understood by the above Lodges; and, although reduced by the Spanish missionaries to the same religion and labor, 13 Handbook, 615-616. 14 Benjamin Morongo, an old Serrano questioned by Gifford, likewise stated that the valley including the San Manuel reservation site, was formerly occupied by Gabrielino. Gifford, Clans and Moieties in Southern California, present series, 14:179-180, 1918 (cited hereafter as S. Cal.). Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California they never mixed their blood, they being considered-much inferior, and called Serranos or Mountaineers. They look upon them to this day, with great disdain. "'5 This is a positive statement by a man in a position to know, and it cannot be disregarded. It is possible that the "Serrano" referred to are another small linguistic group, inter- mediate between the Serrano proper and the Gabrielino, but this is mere conjecture. Some of Reid's statements in the light of recent investigation, as well as such contemporary accounts as that of Boseana,16 seem too general and somewhat exaggerated. It is possible that he was misinfo-rmed or made the statement without sufficient evidence, but to assume this on even the best native information at a so much later date would be rash. One can only bear in mind the fact that natives whose memories go back into the time when Reid was writing concur in the opposite opinion. There, until further eviden9e comes to hand, the matter must rest. An equally disputed question concerns linguistic (or as the term has been loosely used, "tribal") affiliations of the groups originally occupying the San Gorgonio pass. In this regard Kroeber makes the following statement: It has been stated that the Indians of the Mo-rongo reservation near Banning are mixed Serranos and Cahuillas. This is literally true. Nevertheless the number of true Serranos on this reservation is small. The Indians are predominatingly Oahuilla, and both tribes state that the pass in the vicinity of the reservation was always Cahuilla .territory. These Banning Cahuilla however answer indiscrimi- nately to the name of Serrano or Cahuilla, and seem to apply either name to theniselves.17 This last statement lies at the basis of the entire dispute, for neither the term Cahuilla nor Serrano seems to have the slightest significance to either group who have been so designated. The first name only calls to their mind the Cahuilla reservation in the San Jacinto moun- tains, the latter any persons who dwell on or near mountains. There- fore to ask such a native whether he was a Cahuilla or a Serrano would be like asking a northern Scot whether he were a Scotchman or a Highlander: the answer might be interesting but inconclusive. There is only one way to approach the problem and that is by finding out the native dialect of each local group, for the Serrano and Cahuilla dialects are markedly different and a few test words give more posi- tive evidence than any number of general questions. This seems simple, but as one might expect that a group name would be known 15 The Indians of Los Angeles County, Los Angeles Star, 1852, Letter No. 1. 16 C(hinigehinich, in Life in California, by Alfred Robinson (ed. 1; New York, 1846), 227-341. 17 Ethnography of the Cahuilla Indians, present series, 8:35, 1908. 1929] 9 10 Untiversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 t.o the people thus designated much grief may be experienced before it becomes obvious that the case is far otherwise. That the Pass division of the Cahuilla. occupied the San Gorgonio pass has been generally a.ccepted, but in a recent work Kroeber changed his opinion giving the region in question to the Serrano."5 This was done in a.ccord with the findings of Benedict who worked on the Morongo reservation near Banning in 1922, making a study of Serrano culture.'9 This general region, due to the breaking down of the culture, the assembling of all dialectic groups on one reserva- tion, and t,he lack of any tribal unity, is the most complex in southern California. Benedict 's main informant, Mrs. Rosa Morongo, was really a Pass Cahuilla by birth and a Serrano by marriage and cere- monial affiliation. Instead of being born at Aka,vat, north of Beau- mont (in Serrano territory) ,2 she was born at p1hatapa, in the Banning Water canyon which was called malki, the general Cahuilla. name for the Banning district. Her father was clan leader of the pisataiiavitcem clan (Pass Cahuilla,) and her mother was of the kauisikiktum clan (Palm Springs Cahuilla.). Before the present author met Mrs. Morongo he was told this by Francisco Nombre and Alejo Potencio (clan leaders respectively of the Desert and Palm Springs Cahuilla,). Mrs. Morongo confirmed these stat.ements on being asked, without reference being made to the previous informa.tion received. She married Captain John Morongo, a, well-known leader of the mari-na Serrano clan, and on his. death assumed the ceremonial leadership of that clan's rather broken-down organization. As the result of her early marriage into a Serrano group she spea.ks that la.nguage as freely as her own.21 Hence the majority of the Pass, clan names recorded by Benedict are Serrano translations of Cahuilla names. As Mrs. Morongo seems better qualified to speak of Serrano culture in general than any of the few real Serranos on the reserva- tion, the present author has little to add to much of Benedict's account, but it is unfortunate that the informant's bilingual talents should have led to such a mix-up in regard to former territorial ownership in the Pass. 18 Handbook, 693, n. 1. 19 A Brief Sketch of Serrano Culture, Am. Anthr., n.s., 26:366-392, 1924. 20 Benedict, op. cit., 366. 21 Mrs. Morongo stated that her own language was iviatlim (Cahuilla) and her acquired language ismailem (Serrano). A comparison of the two as spoken by her convinced me that such was the case. To further verify the matter, several months after leaving the reservation, I sent a request to the Reverend Mr. Wineland, of Banning, for test vocabularies in her father's, her own, and her daughter 's languages. The first two lists are pure Cahuilla, the third Serrano. Data in regard to her personal history, kindly secured by Mr. Wineland at this time, corroborate the statements made above. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California SERRANO CLANS At the present day it is probably impossible to secure a complete list of Serrano clans and clan territories, for actual knowledge of the old conditions has almost disappeared. The following list combines the information received from Mrs. Rosa Morongo, Mrs. Jesusa Manuel, and Mrs. Miguel Savatco, for no one informant could give a complete list. The present clan list (table 1) agrees closely with that published by Gifford,22 and less closely with the clan list of Benedict.23 The reason for this latter discrepancy has already been mentioned. It is quite possible that certain of the clans in the two former lists not recorded here were omitted by my informants, and for that reason I have compared all three lists in the following summary. TABLE 1 SERRANO CLANS G24 B26 S26 Clan Territory Moiety Group 2 12 1 mohiatniyum ....... northwest of The Pipes ...................... W A 1 11 2 mariia ......... yumisevul, Mission creek .................. C A 4 13 3 aturavIatum ........ The Pipes (10 mi. NW of yumisevul) C A 9 15 4 pervetum ......... Santa Anar., vicinity Big Bear lake 8 (15) 5 yuihavetum (pine from Highlands NE through Bear C A trees) ......... valley .C A 11 6........ tamIanutcem ........ Twenty Nine Palms .W B ........ 14 7 mamaitum ....... Twenty Nine Palms ............................ C B 6 8... 8 mavIatem . Vicinity of Victorville, N of San Berardinos .C C 7 9... 9 amuitcakaiem . Base of San Bernardinos, S of Vic- torville .(?) C ........ ........ 10 aplhavatum About Arrowhead Peak and Springs C C 5 .. 11 kaiwiem N slope San Bernardinos, around Lake Arrowhead .C C ........ 1 12 wa'atcem ...... S slope San Bernardinos between Santa Ana and Mill creeks . C (?) ........ 3 13 yficaipaiem ....... Yucaipe valley .C (?) 22 Present series, 14:179-180, 1918. 23 Am. Anthr., n.s., 26:368-369, 1924. 24 Gifford, ibid.; in addition, this list includes Serrano clans 3, 10, 12, 13, and 14 which were unknown to my informants. 25 Benedict, ibid.; in addition, this list includes Serrano clan 2, unknown to my informants; clan 4 is a Serrano translation of tepamokikitum, Mt. Cahuilla clan, no. 1; clan 5 is a Serrano translation of pisataflaviteem, Pass Cah. clan, no. 9; clan 6 same as clan 5; clan 7 is a Serrano translation of malki, Cahuilla name for Banning district; clan 8 is a Serrano translation of wakinlakiktum, Pass Cah. clan, no. 6; clan 9 is a Serrano translation of paluk- naviteem, Pass Cah. clan, no. 8; clan 10 is a Serrano translation of wanikiktuni, Pass Cah. clan, no. 5; clan 16 is the term translated as "money" applied to the females of the yiuhavetum clan; clan 17 is a Serrano translation of havi- niakiktum, Pass Cah. clan, no. 4; clan 18 is a Serrano translation of teteanaaki- tum, Pass Cah, clan, no. 7; clan 19 is a Serrano translation of wakifnakiktum, Pass Cah. clan, no. 6. 26 Strong. 1929] 11 12 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 CLAN GROUPINGS The seeming complexity of Serrano ceremonial organization is in all probability largely due to the fragmentary nature of our knowl- edge. As a functioning organization Serrano society for the most part disappeared several generations ago and as a result such gleanings as may now be obtained are often contradictory. The fact that the ceremonial life of their southern neighbors persisted up to the present generation enables us to gain an idea of the general nature of Serrano clan organization, but as the Serrano seem to have possessed certain unique characteristics, the analogy is but a sad substitute at best. Before considering the detailed organization of the clans in so far as they are remembered, and the unique developments they represent, it will be well to consider the larger Serrano interclan groupings. In late historic times the mari-na clan of the coyote moiety, formerly located at yumisevul or Mission creek, seems to have held a dominant position among both the neighboring Serrano and the Pass Cahuilla clans. Equally important because of special duties it per- formed was the m6h!atniyim clan of the wildcat moiety, living north- west of The Pipes at mukunpat. The former clan possessed the cere- monial chief or kika and the dance house, the latter clan the cere- monial assistant or paha and the fetish bundle containing the sacred feathers. Thus the marifia chief always called the ceremony but the mohlatniyum paha and his clansmen officiated as well. Since these two groups commonly intermarried and were of opposite moieties, their reciprocal relationship is obvious. Another clan of the coyote moiety, the aturavlatum clan, was also reciprocally allied with the m6h!atniyum clan in the same manner. The aturaviatum had a chief, a dance house, and a sacred bundle or fetish.27 The mariiia and the aturaviatum clans were responsible on alternate years for the annual mourning or image-burning ceremony, and the m6hlatniyum clan, which had no ceremony of its own, shared in both. This triangular linkage formed the central organization of the eastern Serrano clans but it was further complicated. The aturaviatum clan each year held the mourning ceremony for the pervetum and yfihavetum clans of the coyote moiety (see map 1). The last two clans are said to have possessed a clan chief, dance house, and fetish bundle, and the reasons for this involved relationship are not clear. The last two clans may have been branches of the atura- 27 According to Miguel Savatco, the present kika of the clan. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California viatum clan whose ceremonial affiliation still persisted after their separation, but there is no evidence to prove or disprove this. Simi- larly, the marin-a clan always invited the mamaitum clan of the coyote moiety, located at Twenty Nine Palms, to all ceremonies; and also six of the neighboring Pass Cahuilla clans (nos. 4-9, p. 91). These clans in turn invited the marin-a clan to their ceremonies, and an exchange of shell money was carried on between all the groups at the time of the ceremony itself, and on the occurrence of a death in any one of the clans, when all the others sent a certain amount of shell money to the clan leader of the deceased. Since no Serrano iiaform- ants were very clear in regard to this exchange, it is discussed in more detail later when the Pass Cahuilla are considered. This ceremonial exchange, and probably participation in each other's ceremonials, extended to the tekenetpauitcem Gabrielino clan at Crafton,25 the watcicpakiktum Gabrielino clan at Redlands,25 and to the havaikiktum and one other Luiseiio "party" at Saboba. The degree to which these distant clans participated in each other's cere- monies is not clear, but two Serrano informants29 agreed that the m6hlatniyum paha always carried these beads to the other groups for both the marinia and aturaviatum clans. It is of interest that both these informants claimed that the "old" Saboba language was nearly the same as ismailem, i.e., Serrano, but had changed considerably in the last fifty years. A second ceremonial grouping formerly existed at Twenty Nine Palms, where the mamalitum clan of the coyote moiety possessed the clan chief and dance house, while the tamianuteem clan of the wildcat moiety possessed the paha and the fetish bundle. These two clans commonly intermarried and acted together in all ceremonial matters. Both clans are now extinct. Of the third ceremonial grouping almost nothing is known. This probably included the mavnatem, amintcakaiem, aplhavatum, and kaiwiem clans which were located in the northern San Bernardino mountains. Probably these groups are all extinct, but Serrano informants at the San Manuel reservation claimed that one or two survivors of these groups still lived near Victorville. If this is trme it may still be possible to obtain some information in regard to them. Serrano informants say that these clans were all ceremonially united, 28 Both these clan names were given by Mrs. Rosa Morongo in the Cahuilla dialect. Whether the people there were actually Gabrielino or spoke a differen- tiated Serrano dialect is not clear. This has been previously discussed, see p. 8. 29 Mrs. Rosa Morongo and Mrs. Miguel Savatco. 11929] 13 14 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 but they remember them only in the vaguest way. Three of the clans are said to have belonged to the coyote moiety, but the moiety affilia.- tion of the amftcaakalem clan is not remembered. Possibly these groups were allied with Vanyume or Kitanemuk groups, but nothing definite is known in this regard. The two southwestern Serrano clans, waateem and yiucalpalem, near the Santa Ana river and Yucaipe valley, respectively, are also of unknown ceremonial affiliation. It s.eems probable that they were formerly linked with the valley Gabrielino groups30 who were their nearest neighbors, but here again the hand of time has obscured the record. Both groups are now extinct. All bonds between the groups so far discussed were of a purely ceremonial nature, and there appears to have been no sort of tribal or political union between them. The two clans of the wildcat moiety (nos. 1 and 6), as they appear to have had no hereditary clan leaders, were probably somewhat under the control of the reciprocally related coyote moiety clans (nos. 2 and 7),. but even this relationship was in the main ceremonial. It is therefore erroneous to speak of such a, mythical thing as a Serrano "tribe," for none such exist.ed within hist.oric times, and there is no reason to believe that it ever did. Nearly all the westerly Serrano clans were likewise united cere- monially with clans speaking alien dialects, and these in turn were autonomous political units, not tribal segments. The ceremonial linkage between all Serrano clans is graphically shown in the diagram (table 2), where the squares represent clans of the coyote moiety and the circles clans of the wildcat moiety. It is undoubtedly significant that the two eastern ceremonial groups each revolve around one of the two wildcat clans; perhaps the same was true of the four northwestern clans if clan 9 was of the wildcat moiety. Certainly the, reciprocal ceremonial relations. between intermarrying clans played a large part in determining the linkage of the clans. This question involves the degree to which moiety exogamy prevailed among these groups, a point which will be discussed shortly. About forty years ago the kauisiktum Pass Cahuilla clan at Palm Springs was first included in the Serrano-Pass Cahuilla ceremonial exchange, most of the former clans having already dropped their ceremonial activities. At present. two Serrano clans, the marifia or Morongo and the aturaviatum on the Morongo reservation near 30 The present author assumes that these San Bernardino valley groups were originally of Gabrielino speech affiliation, but as has been previously stated the question is a disputed one. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Banning, continue their ceremonies in conjunction with the wanikik- tumr Pass Cahuilla clan located on the same reservation, and the kauisiktum Pass Cahuilla. clan at Palm Springs. Each clan performs its annual mourning ceremony once every two years, to which the other three are invited. Since the mohlatniyum clan is extinct, at least as a ceremonial unit, each of the Serrano clans. is, now an inde- pendent organization possessing its own ritualistic paraphernalia and ceremonial leader. These four clans, two Serrano and two Pass Cahuilla, at the present day represent the last active religious organizations of either group. '?-q -? ? U , 1 -ups (2) W$ E (2) Table 2. Ceremonial Linkage of Clans. CLAN ORGANIZATION The basis of the Serrano clan seems to have been the male lineage, whose ceremonial significance was augmented by the psychic import- ance atta.ched to the lineage leader, the sacred ceremonial house, and the sacred bundle. Since this priest, house, and fetish complex entered so powerfully into the consciousness of the members of the lineage, superseding the basic ties of kinship with those of a religious and ceremonial nature, the grouping may well be c.alled a clan. This clan included, therefore, all the males and descendants of males in the group, and the wives of these males as well. As previously indica.ted the Serrano clans were unique in sharing the priest, house, and fetish complex with other clans of the opposite moiety. A Serrano woman always retained her own lineage name, but on her marriage was incor- porated into the clan of her husband; and in so far as a woman entered into the ceremonial life of the Serrano in former times, she in large part gave up the ceremonial ties that were hers by birth and assumed those possessed by her husband. This transfer of women, from cere- monial affiliation with one clan to another on marriage, seems to have been characteristic of all the southern California groups save the Yuman peoples of the Colorado river, where the clan name was carried by the women of the clan although passed down in the male line. 1929] 15 16 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 0*4 0 * Co 0 ?.- * 04 a bO?'? ? o ? I L??i 11-1 u P-4 1-1 /1-1 u p 0 9 !Z? 1-1 bLog 4... 0 ,eb 0 ? 1. ov 0 I* 1.4 0 .,. * 0 P14 *'? f4-4 4 0 I.* A .1 .? 9 0 Q4 I.-I e W t co co .,..4 w N o + + 4 cvi cli I I i< Zs o Ev 0 04 V - + O S E . 5 0 )i g e $ I I I l L l I.; C3 Q *,l 14 C 3 -V . - V O O 4 *Q 01 T: I-O, 0 _- 0 _R-1 i0 0 z Go 0 w 0) 04- 0) co 0D raE- aov o Y 04 04.- P-4 4a C) c3 Co co co IE C. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California In spite of the transfer of ceremonial affiliation. from one clan to another, the women of the Serrano and kindred southern California groups always retained their hereditary lineage names and at times participated in the ceremonies of their natal groups. As postmarital residence was predominatingly patrilocal, the degree to which a woman might associate with her hereditary clansfolk largely depended on the distance between her father's and her husband's villages. A genealogy (genealogy 1) of the most important Serrano clan of historic times was obtained from Mrs. Rosa Morongo, whose husband, Captain John Morongo, was a member of the mariina Serrano clan. This genealogy (p. 16) refers to the time of the informant's marriage, some fifty-odd years ago, and is said to include all the marifia people who were then alive. It is clearly that of one direct male lineage, whose common male ancestor was apparently only two generations removed. If there were other collateral lines they were unknown t.o the informant.33 All but the younger members of this clan are dead, and they were too young at the time the group moved from Mission creek to the Morongo reservation to remember any details of the old life. Hence Mrs. Morongo, in spite of being a Cahuilla by birth, appears to be the best informant on the Serrano obtainable. Formerly the marinha clan always had a male kika or clan leader; the office in theory passing from the incumbent to his oldest son. Often the oldest son was passed over in favor of a better adapted younger son, as was the case when Captain John succeeded Capitan Sia. On the death of Captain John Morongo his wife succeeded to the ceremonial leadership of the clan, but this decided break with custom seems to have been due largely to disintegration in modern times. Her son, John Morongo, a very able man of middle age who would be the correct kika, makes no claim to the office as he has no active interest in the old customs. Mrs. Morongo stated that even under the old rules a woman might succeed to the clan leadership, but this seems dubious.34 It was further stated that a woman could never hold the office of paha. In their old territory the marifia, as well as the other clans, owned various food-gathering areas in the vicinity of their clan locales to which they made trips as the different native crops became ready for gathering. The mari-na, aturaviatum, and mohiatnlyum clans usually went on hunting and food-gathering 33 It should be noted that Benjamin Morongo, mentioned as an informant by Gifford, op. oit., 180, was not included by Mrs. Morongo in this genealogy. Since. Benjamin died only recently the omission shows the genealogy to be incomplete. 34 Gifford also states that in rare cases a woman might become kika, op. cit., 181. 1929] 17 18 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 expeditions together, under the lea-dership of the marila. clan's kika.35 This grouping of the clans may ha,ve been a. late manifestation only, but da,ta, in this regard are scant. Almost equal to the kika, in a,uthority and influence was the paha. Of the three clans just, mentioned only the mohlatnlyum clan had a paha,, and he had charge of the sacred matting, muurtc, and the sacred feathers, vumtc, of both his own and the mariiia clan. The aturaviatum kika, is said to possess a sacred bundle (muurtc) of ca,ctus fiber, but, does not ha,ve any sacred fea-thers at present.. Likewise the mama,itum clan ha,d the k1ka, but a, clan of the opposite moiety ha.d the sacred bundle. This was; the tamlaniitcem clan that also ha.d the paha who officiated at the ceremonies, of both clans. The pervetum and yulhavetum clans are sa.id to have ea.ch had a, kika, dance house, sacred bundle, and paha., but, as both came to the aturavlatum clan to hold their mourning ceremonies their complete ceremonial independence appears rather dubious. Ea.ch Serrano clan seems to have centered its, ceremonial life around a, sa.cred bundle, but the custom of having this bundle in the possession of a clan of the opposite moiety is unique in the area. The two cases that are reasonably clear, i.e., the relationship of clan 2 t,o clan 1, and of clan 7 to clan 6,36 indicate that the clan of the coyote moiety ha.d the kika, in each case, while the sacred bundle was owned and handled in all ceremonies by the paha of the wildcat moiety clan. There was, therefore, reciprocity between intermarrying groups, and a further relationship involving the possession of the important sacred bundle. Unfortunately the data, so fa.r obta.ined in this regard a,re incomplete and it, is impossible to ascertain the exact nature of this rela,tionship. The paha., besides having charge of all ceremonial impedimenta,37 notified the people when ceremonies were due, carried the shell money between groups, and attended to the division of shell money and food at all ceremonies. The office was passed from father to son in the same male lineage. Another hereditary office was that of tcaka, or singer. So far as can be ascertained, this office is only reported for the mariiia c-lan, but it seems probable that thei office is identical with that of hauinik among the Cahuilla., and that, there was at least one: such person in each ceremonial group. This man knew all the myths of 35 Compare Benedict, op. cit., 391-392, and Gifford, op. cit., 182. 36 See Serrano clan list, p. 11. 37 Gifford, op. cit., 182, also records this custom. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the creation and all the clan songs. Mrs. Morongo said that, this duty was often performed by the kika., in which case there' was no tcaka. A general consideration of the Serrano clans indicates clearly that all the groups so designated were not equivalent. Those to the west, in regard to which we have only hearsay evidence, seem to have been made up of male lineages possessing the complete priest., house, and sacred bundle complex; whereas the eastern clans were interrelated in a seemingly complex manner, wherein a clan of one moiety possessed the priest, leader and the ceremonial house, and a, clan of the opposite moiety possessed the ceremonial assistant and the sacred bundle. This sta.te of affairs, as will be demonstrated, is not in accord with that prevailing among ainy of the Cahuilla., Cupefio, or Luiseino groups. Among all of these groups indications of moiety reciprocity are encountered, but among none of them is, the priest, house, and sacred bundle complex divided between the two moieties. This anomalous condition occurring among the Serrano may be due to a number of ca,uses. First, it ma,y represent a broken-down system of once inde- pendent clans, similar to the religious "parties" of the Luisefio; but the fact that the condition was the one formerly prevailing and that it is now superseded by a new individual clan grouping militates against, this view. Secondly, it may be a, further extension of the moiety idea wherein the partial moiety reciprocity of the more southerly groups is further accentuated by an actual division of the all-important priest, house, and fetish concept. Thus the clan of the opposite moiety with whom intermarriage is most common becomes an. integral part of the ceremonial unit, and the cooperation of both groups becomes necessary for any ritualistic activity. This seems the most probable explanation of the phenomenon under discussion, but the evidence on which this conclusion is based is so fragmentary that it may be regarded as only tentative. Another unique characteristic of the Serrano clan is the tendency to designate the men and the women of certain clans by different names. This has previously been noted by Gifford,38 and a similar case was recorded in the present investigation. According to Mrs. Jesusa Manuel, a Mountain Cahuilla woman who had married a yiuhavetum man, the men of the latter clan were called by that name, which means "pine trees,"39 while the women of the clan were col- lectively designa.ted as koteaviem or "money." This latter name included females who had married into as well as those born in the 38 Op. cit., 180. 39 Cf. Gifford, op. cit., 179. 19 1929] 20 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 clan. The term might refer to the marriage price of women, but there seems to be a deeper significance to the custom. According to Benjamin Morongo, women of the matri-na clan were called malena, while the men were called morongo; and m6h!atniyum men were called nudi, and women yetcaiwa.40 Mrs. Miguel Savatco said that men of the aturaviatum clan were called aturavat, and the women atiuatc. Comparable customs are found among the Desert Cahuilla,41 and while- the custom at present seems vague and rather meaningless, it may represent Yuman influence, as Gifford42 has suggested. When more is known of the Chemehuevi and Kitanemuk the place of this nominal sex dichotomy within the clan may become clearer. There seem to be no traces of it among the western Cahuilla, the Cupefio, or the Luiseiio. THE SACRED BUNDLE The great importance of the sacred bundle concept in southern California was first clearly indicated by Benedict.43 Today each of the active Serrano clans has a mat which they call muurte, made from cactus fiber, and in this wrapping they keep their ceremonial equip- ment. The bundle is in the possession of the clan leaders, Mrs. Rosa Morongo, ceremonial leader of the marinia clan, and Miguel Savatco, of the aturavlatum clan. Formerly at their old territory on Mission creek, the mnriiia bundle was kept by the m6h1atniyum paha and a string of eagle and other bird feathers was wrapped in it. These sacred feathers were called vumtc." At present, according to mem- bers of the clans in question, neither of the bundles contains sacred feathers. The mamalitum and tamianfitcem clans likewise shared such a bundle, which was kept by the latter clan. This bundle was made of tule matting and was called muurtc. It did not contain any sacred feathers. The Serrano differ from their southern neighbors in that the paha rather than the kika was custodian of the bundle and between cere- monies carefully hid it away, either in the dance house, or in a secret cave in the mountains.43 The details concerning the care of these sacred objects are scant, but they were obviously regarded with great veneration and were carefully preserved. The sacred feathers (vumtc) were far more important than the feather bands made of flicker and other woodpecker feathers worn by the dancers. The bands are called wiwut, and are similar to those employed throughout almost 40 Gifford, op. cit., 180. 42 Of. Gifford, op. cit., 181. 44 Benedict, op. oit., 391. 41 Present paper, p. 68. 43 Op. cit., 375,. 389. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the entire Californian area. Both types of feather ornaments were wrapped in the muurtc, along with rattles, head plumes, ceremonial wands, and the strings of shell money. The matriina clan differed from the other Serrano clans in that they hung up their sacred feathers and exposed the ceremonial wrapping from Wednesday night until Saturday during the week-long mourning ceremony. All the other clans kept theirs hidden. The ceremonial employment of the sacred bundle and its contents is well described by Benedict: The first great event of the week [during the mourning ceremony] is the all- night ceremony on Wednesday when the feathers are brought to the ceremonial house. These are the most sacred possessions of the Serrano, and are kept during the year under the care of the paha in a seeret cave in the mountains. The ceremony on Wednesday night begins with a great supper. After supper they sing, led by the ceremonial singer, the tcaka, an hereditary offlcer, a Maringa, until at the direction of the paha all lights are extinguished, and the assembled people wait in silence till the feathers are brought, They first know that the feathers have come when they hear the paha praying in a peculiar voice in the darkness. The words are indistinguishable, but what he says concerns the begin- ning of things. This lasts about an hour. Then the fires are relighted and the feathers are hung around the room. In old times the paha and other dancers danced with the feathers at this time, but the last man who could dance this dance died twenty-five years ago. Besides, the feathers are falling to pieces now, and require very careful handling.45 The ceremonial importance of the clan leader, or kika, among the Serrano is not clear, largely because their organization has been so badly broken down. At present this official presides at all ceremonies and is caretaker of the sacred bundle and paraphernalia, but the word-of-mouth accounts of former times assign this last duty to the paha. Apparently the latter official played a much larger part in social and ceremonial life among the Serrano than among the Cahuilla, Cupeiio, or Luisefio where he is entirely subordinate to the clan priest or leader. The duties of the kika seem to have been of an advisory nature; he set the time for ceremonies, "called them" as the Serrano say, and told the people when to go on their various food-gathering expeditions.4" Formerly the kika lived in the kiteaterate,47 as was the case among most of the Cahuilla, Cupefno, and Luisefno groups. Whether he derived magical power and authority from the sacred bundle, as was the case among the Cahuilla and their neighbors, is also uncertain. Benedict states that the paha prayed over the sacred bundle during the mourning ceremony. 45 Op. cit., 375. 46 According to Benedict, op. oit., 392, he distributed all material so gathered to all the clan through the paha. 47 Benedict, op. cit., 379. 1929] 21 22 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 According to legend the first tule ceremonial house was made by Pakrokitat, and every chief has had one since that time.48 Naming ceremonies, mourning ceremonies, and the curing of the sick were all done in this ceremonial house or kitcatera.tc, "big house." Here, in the c.ase of the m.arifia clan, the sacred feathers were hung up during the latter half of the mourning ceremony. During this ceremony the paha swings a bullroarer and any person who looks to see where the noise comes from is tied up in the kitcaterate with the sacred feathers until his family pay to have him released.49 When a deer was killed there was an all night ceremony in the "big house, " and in the morn- ing the ca-reass was cut up and divided.50 Before a man became a full-fledged shaman it was essential that he dance before the assembled clan in the ceremonial house.51 All these ceremonial functions involv- ing the "big house" demonstrate its importance among the Serrano and, as later consideration of the groups to the south will show, its deep ceremonial significance is widespread in southern California. THE MOIETY In spite of Benedict 's re.ent statement to the contrary,52 the Serrano must definitely be included among the dichotomous groups of southern California. Furthermore the system of endogamous group- ings a.mong the Pass Cahuilla and Serrano which the same author out- lines is not borne out either by the actual cases of marriage recorded, or by data secured from informants among the groups in question. These assumed endogamous groupings, in connection with a far too wide extension of the linguistic designation Serrano, seem to have obscured the problem of the moiety.53 The so-called "endogamous" groupings are merely clan groupings of a purely territorial nature, and the fact that such near-by groups often intermarried is to be expected. Propinquity as a force in mating naturally exerts a strong influence on all peoples. Two genealogies of clans included in Benedict's Serrano classification show that no such rule was enforced, and no informants questioned by the present author ha.d ever heard of such a rule. The mariiia genealogy (genealogy 1) gives eighteen cases of marriage for a typical Serrano 48 Gifford, op. cit., 181. 51 Ibid., 384. 49 Benedict, op. cit., 376. 52 Op. cit., 371. 50 Ibid., 379. 53 As has been previously demonstrated, Benedict has grouped Serrano, Gabrielino, and Pass Cahuilla groups all under the term Serrano. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California clan.54 This shows six marriages with the mohiatniyum clan in accord with moiety exogamy, and eleven with outside clans not included in Benedict's endogamous grouping.55 According to Benedict55 the pisa- taniaviteem clan56 was in the first endogamous grouping mentioned. Of twelve cases of marriage recorded for this clan (genealogy 7) only two are with clans included in the assumed endogamous grouping, five are with clans in the second so-called endogamous grouping (ismailem, i.e., Serrano), and five a.re with Pass Cahuilla clans, the majority of which are included in the third assumed endogamous clan group. Obviously there is here no objective basis for predicating any such endogamous groupings.57 On the oth.er hand ea.ch clan group of the Serrano, as was the case with the Cahuilla and Cupefio, possessed in addition to its individual name the appellation of either coyote or wildcat. The Serrano term for a wildcat group is tuktum, and for a. coyote group wahiyam. As Benedict says, "It is undoubtedly significant that no hesitation was shown in assigning to any group its animal designation. Even where the proper marriage affiliation had been forgotten, the fact that they were ' coyote' or 'wildcat' was unclouded. 1 58 According to all Serrano informants questioned it was regarded as unethical for two wildcat groups, or two coyote groups., to intermarry, but they all said that the old rule had had little importance, in late years, especially. All informants emphatically denied that there were any other rules limit- ing the choice of mates, and I feel certain that the group limitations of marriage given by Benedict never existed save as those of contiguous clan groups that on account of propinquity commonly tended to intermarry. In the region of the San Gorgonio pass there was a great dispro- portion of coyote clans as compared with wildcat clans, a.nd this undoubtedly had an effect in the breaking down of moiety exogamy. It is significant, however, that in the marifia genealogy the six cases of intermarriage with other Serrano clans are all according to the rule of moiety exogamy; while of the eleven cases of marriage with Cahuilla clans, only one case acecords with the rule. Our data are 54 One case of marriage is with a man of unknown clan affiliation. 55 Op. cit., 370. 56 Op. cit., 369, given as Pihatiipayam. See present paper, p. 111, for Pass Cahuilla marriages. 57 Most of these marriages occurred from twenty to sixty years ago. Among the Cahuilla and Cupenlo such genealogies demonstrate the efficacy of moiety exogamy, and these Serrano cases should likewise show the influence of marriage rules. 58 Op. cit., 370. 1929] 23 24 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 too limited to assert positively that the practice of moiety exogamy was in the ascendant among the Serrano clans, but there is no doubt that they recognized such a, rule even though they did not live up to it. According to an informant of one of the northern Serrano clans, which are predominatingly of the coyote moiety, the rule was known but was not obeyed. For example, the pervetum and the yuihavetum clans commonly intermarried, but they were always called wahimalam, "coyotes not knowing each other, " by other clans. This had a derog- atory implication, and demonstrates the fact that the rule was known although circumstances had made it impracticable of application. Not only did the Serrano recognize the moiety as a factor in limit- ing marriage, they also carried out the practice of moiety reciprocity in ceremonial activities to a more complete degree than any of their southern neighbors. This has been previously discussed in relation to the Serrano clans, especially in regard to the position of the cere- monial assistant or paha, and the sacred bundle or muurtc. The evidence shows that the marinia and the m6hlatniyum clans frequently intermarried. They likewise shared in all ceremonial activities and in many utilitarian pursuits. The sacred bundle of the two clans was formerly kept by the mohlatniyum paha, while the mairinia clan possessed the clan leader, kika, and the ceremonial house. In much the same way the aturavIatum clan of the coyote moiety was cere- monially connected with the mohlatniyum wildcat clan, forming a triple ceremonial union with a clan of the opposite moiety as the common link. At Twenty Nine Palms there was an identical union between two intermarrying clans of the opposite moiety. Strong traces of moiety reciprocity occurred among the various Cahuilla, Cupefno, and Luisenio groups, but the Serrano system shows more dependence of the clans of one moiety upon the clans of the other than occurred elsewhere in southern California. The principle of the moiety obviously entered very deeply into the life of these groups, as was also the case in south central California, but the particular names by which the divisions are designated seem almost fortuitous. It is therefore necessary to divorce the totemic concept from that of dichotomy per se, and to consider each separately in order to understand their nature and relationship. This phase of the problem calls for later consideration but should be noted here in order that both the apparently superficial discrepancies and the deeper similarities of dichotomy in southern California be properly evaluated. Today the ideas connected with the moiety among the Serrano, are Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California vague;59 but when they are considered in relation to the culturally allied Cahuilla and Cupefno, their significance becomes manifest. The Serrano moieties are also associated with other animals than the two name-giving species. With the coyote are associated the buz- zard (widikut) and the wolf (wanats); and with the wildcat are the mountain lion (tukutcu) and the crow (gatcawa). 60 The animals associated with each moiety are said to be related to one another.60 The members of each moiety call their various totemic animals by the term for great-grandparent. According to native theory these animals were assigned to their respective moieties by the ereator Pakrokitat.61 In all probability there was once a much more complete division of the animal kingdom between the two, but if so it has been forgotten. Wildcat people were reputed to be slow and lazy, and coyote people swift in movement.62 There was no prohibition in regard to killing or eating the totem animal,62 at least within the memories of present informants. Formerly there was much joking between people of opposite moieties, and there were several songs of this nature. This joking seems to have entered into more serious ceremonies, for it is said that the kika of a coyote clan would often ridicule the paha of the associated wildcat clan. Mrs. Miguel Savatco stated that many years ago all Serrano men applied face paints in a striped design, while all Serrano women used face paints in a dotted design. This custom suggests the nominal sex dichotomy previously mentioned for the Serrano, and has some similarity to the two types of design used by Cupeiio girls after their adolescence ceremony.63 THE JOKING RELATIONSHIP According to Benedict the Serrano family .... along with its remoter connections, is bisected into joking and respect relatives. All relatives of one's own direct line, and their siblings of the same sex, belong to the category to which respect is due; all siblings of opposite sex (mother's brother, father 's sister, grandmother's brother, etc.) to the joking category. Their children have status of their parents. Thus cross-cousins to the third and fourth generations are joking relatives; parallel cousins, respect rela- tives. This holds reciprocally also, so that a man never jokes with his brother's children, nor a woman with her sister 's. At marriage the husband and wife assume each other's joking categories. In the small communities that were the rule among the Serrano, then, from the point of view of any single individual this differentiation of status practically bisected the entire community.64 59 Benedict, op. oit., 371. 60 Gifford, op. cit., 178. 61 Gifford, op. oit., 178. 62 Ibid. Cf. Benedict, op. cit., 371. 63 Girls of the coyote moiety employed a striped design, those of the wildcat moiety a dotted design. 64 Op. cit., 372. 1929] 25 26 University of California Putblications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Benedict believes that this distinction between siblings of identical and of opposit.e sex in the direct ancestral line, with its associated respect or joking implication, is the determining factor in the Serrano relat.ionship classification. Thus cross-relatives of different moiety affilia.tions, such as the wife's mother's brother, the wife's. father's sister, the grandmother's brother, and the grandfather's sister are all designated by one term, as opposed to, the classification of parallel or respect relatives.65 Since this classification may cut directly across the hypothetic-al moiety alignment of relatives, it seems to support Benedict's contention that the Serrano had no true moiety division."6 This would indeed be important evidence in support of the latter view were the Californian groups possessing moieties characterized by any "conventional scheme of unilateral deseent such as is found among tribes that are organized into exogamic moieties. "67 This is certainly not the case, for as Kroeber has stated, "there are [in California] but few clear indications of an association, regional or otherwise, between types of kinship systems a.nd types of social insti- tutions pure and simple . . . . and equally few instances of particular traits of kinship nomenclature according with specific institutions."68 The same author, in relation to Californian moieties, specifically adds: "the distribution both of types of kinship systems and special traits of kinship designation, fails to agree with the distribution of these moieties. "'68 Gifford's later and more extensive work on Californian Kinship Terminologies amply confirms this view.69 Benedict's statement that "there seems to be no reason for refer- ring to these designations as moieties,''70 in regard to the alignment of all Serrano clans to either a wildcat or a, coyote division, has been previously discussed. If it were true, as seems to be implied, that the Serrano kinship system departed radically from kinship systems possessed by other dichotomous groups in California there would be just ground for doubting the possession of a dichotomous division among the Serrano. This is, certainly not, the case as an examination of the central Sierra Miwok kinship nomenclature will readily demon- strate.7' Since these are perhaps the most characteristic and best known central Californian dichotomous people, they may well serve 65 Ibid., 373. 66 Ibid., 371. . 67 Benedict, op. cit., 373. 68 California Kinship Systems, 12:382-383, 1917 (cited hereafter as Kinship). 69 Present series, 18:7, 246, 1922 (cited hereafter as Kinship). 70 Op. cit., 371. 71 Gifford, Miwok Moieties, present series, 12:172-174, 1916 (cited hereafter as Miwok). Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California for purposes of comparison. Among this group a man uses twenty-nine terms of relationship. Of these, twelve apply to relatives belonging only to his own moiety, nine to relatives of the.. opposite moiety only, and eight to relatives who may belong to either moiety. A woman among the central Sierra Miwok uses thirty terms of relationship; fourteen of thes.e apply t.o relatives of her own moiety only, seven to relatives of the opposite moiety only, and nine to relatives who may belong to either moiety according to circumstances. When we turn to the Serrano we find that. a man uses forty terms, eleven of which apply to relatives belonging only to his own moiety, sixteen to relatives of the opposite moiety only, and thirteen terms which may apply to members of eit.her moiety. A Serrano woman us-es forty-two terms, thirteen of which apply to relatives. of her own moiety only, sixteen to rela.tives of the opposite moiety only, and thirteen to relatives who may belong to either moiety.72 Among the Miwok then, 27.5 per cent of the relationship terms used by a, man, and 30 per cent of those used by a woman may include persons of both moieties; while of the terms used by a, Serrano man 32.5 per cent, and by a Serrano woman 30 per cent, are of this type. The fact that, a Serrano man uses 5 per cent more kinship terms tha.t include persons of both moieties than does a Miwok man, while between women of the two groups there is identity in this regard, suggests no great difference between the two kinship terminologies. Since Benedict has pointed out tha.t a number of Serrano terms include relatives of different moieties, and that this departs from customary moiety usage, it is significant that in this regard there is no appreciable difference between the former and the undoubt.edly dichotomous Miwok. The same lack of exact accord between dichotomy and grouping of relatives holds for other peoples in southern California, but there seems no reason to deny the manifest occurrence of a dual division of society among such peoples because it is not clearly reflect.ed in their kinship terminology. When we find in one or more dialectic units a demonstrable division into two nominal halves, especially when such a division is strengthened by exogamy, these divisions may certainly be referred to as moieties. The system of kinship classification among the Serrano pointed out by Benedict is undoubtedly important, perhaps the most important single factor in determining alignment of kinship terms, but for reasons shortly to be discussed I am dubious that it is exactly describable as a joking and respect classification. Primarily the dis- 72 Gifford, Kinship, 54-56. 1929] 27 28 University of Californisa Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 tinction between cross and parallel relatives seems connected with the fundamental importance of the direct lineage in southern California social organization. . This point has previously been stressed by Kroeber. The characteristics of the southern Californian type of kinship are an enormous development of reciprocal expression, and a striking reduction of terms denoting connections by marriage. Perhaps equally important intrinsically is the consistent recognition of the factor of lineage, as expressed terminologically in the distinc- tion of cross and parallel relatives; but this is not an exclusive southern peculiarity. All of these t.raits seem typical also of the systems of the Southwest, with which region southern California has many cultural correspondences. "73 Benedict stresses the point that the Serrano have one term which includes grandmother's brother, wife's mother's brother, and wife's father's sister, and ainother term including grandfather's sister j74 also husband's father's sister and husband's mother's brother.75 It is undoubtedly significant that all the relatives in these two groupings are definitely excluded by either birth or marriage from the direct lineage of the speaker or the speaker's wife. They are as Benedict says "siblings opposite in sex to the direct ancestor [or ancestors] through whom relationship is traced. "74 This distinction is carried into the grandparent generation among Serrano, Dieguenlo, Cahuilla, Cupeiio, and Luisefio,76 all of which groups are characterized by lineages or clans based on the male lineage. According to Benedict the joking category includes all cross relatives and the respect category all parallel relatives, which seems a logical arrangement to distinguish lineal kin from the others. I was una.ble to verify this state of affairs among the Serrano however, for far from appearing to be an outstanding feature among the very few Serrano on the Morongo reservation,77 it seemed obscure, and inform- ants were contradictory in their opinions of the matter. There is no doubt that some such division of relatives existed, but the suggested lines of cleavage seem contradictory, not only between groups but between individual informants in the same group. Among the Cupefio, for example, a woman might make fun of her sister's children and call them ugly or stupid, and her sister had no right to object; but it was considered unethical for a woman to joke thus with her 73 Kinship, 378-379. 74 op. oit., 373. 75Gifford, present series, 18:5456, 1922. 76 Gifford, Kinship, 135. Benedict, op. cit., 373. 77 Benedict, op. cit., 373. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California brother's. children or with her own children.78 This is in direct con- tradiction to the Serrano system as given by Benedict, wherein a woman should joke only with her brother's children and not with those of her sister.79 Among the Mountain Cahuilla a man can joke with the sons, but not the daughters, of his father's brothers and his father's sisters; with all grandparents and great-grandparents; with the mother 's brother 's wife and sons; with the father 's sister 's husband and their sons; and especially with the husbands of his sisters. He cannot joke with his fa.ther's brother or the latter's wife, his mother's sister or her husband, or his brother's wife and their children.80 This fragmentary list also disagrees with the Serrano scheme given by Benedict, in the lumping of the grandparent generation and the male parallel cousins in the joking category, but agrees in putting the father's brother and mother's sister both in the respect category. Such incomplet.e dat.a as these are valueless in demonstrating the nature of the division, but they do indicate that the system is not so simple as has been suggested for the Serrano. Since the social organi- zation and kinship terminology of the Serrano agree in all funda- mentals with those of the Cupefio and Cahuilla, it is strange that they seem to disagree in the joking relationship. Benedict's version of the matter has the advantage of simplicity and apparent logic behind it, but is certainly not confirmed by the foregoing data. These data are even less satisfactory in explaining either the application or the significance of the joking relationship. The observations of the present author were contrary to those of Benedict,8' for neither among the Serrano nor any of their southern neighbors were manifestations of this custom particularly noticed. When questioned, informants were vague in regard to the exact classi- fication of any particular relative, but there seems no reason to doubt that some such categories formerly existed. Later work alone may settle this particular question but enough has been given here to show that neither Serrano kinship terminology nor the division of relatives into respect and joking categories precludes their possession of a dichotomous organization. The bulk of other Serrano evidence testifies to the importance of the moiety. 78 According to Mrs. Salvadora Valenzuela, informant. 79 Ibid., 372. 80 According to Jolian Nortes, informant. 81 Op. cit., 373. 1929] 29 30 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 CEREMONIAL LIFE: BIRTH Very few of the older Serrano survive, and among these I encountered no good informants. Of necessity, therefore, the bulk of the Serrano data were secured from Mrs. Rosa Morongo, who is a member of this linguistic group by marriage and ceremonial affiliation, not by birth. Since Mrs. Morongo has been acting leader of the main Serrano clan for many years she is well qualified to speak in regard to the ceremonies of her adopted people. Much of Benedict 's informa- tion was received from this same informant and as a result the present account of Serrano ritualism is largely a resume of her material82 and that earlier secured by Gifford.83 The present author's contribution has been to distinguish wherever possible between ceremonial details applying to Mrs. Morongo's native people84 and to her adopted people, the Serrano. However, since the marifia clan in historic times at least, has greatly influenced the neighboring Pass Cahuilla clans and vice versa, the ceremonies of the two groups are very similar. The present list of ceremonies applies directly to the marifia Serrano clan and indirectly to the near-by Serrano clans. How closely it duplicates the activities of the extinct northern clans is hypothetical. Immediately after parturition, mother and child were placed in a heated pit where they remained for about four days, or until the navel cord of the child dropped off. The day following the birth the child's paternal grandparents gave a feast at which presents were distributed to the guests and a cradle board made for the infant. No special restrictions seem to have been placed on the child's father at this time.85 GIRLS' ADOLESCENCE CEREMONY 86 Formerly a clan ceremony, waxan, was held for certain adolescent girls. This took place in the dance house and was presided over by the paha of the affiliated clan.87 A shallow pit was dug and heated with hot stones, and on the removal of the stones the girls were placed in the pit and their bodies covered with sand. Their faces were covered with basketry caps. The sand in the pit was reheated at intervals and the girls remained here for one or more days. When they were removed the paha administered a large decoction of bitter herbs and their hair was washed in the same liquid. They were bathed in warm 82 op. Cit. 85Benedict, op. cit., 379. 83Present series, 14:178-182, 1918. 86 Benedict, op. cit., 380. 84 The Pass OahuiUa. 87 Of the opposite moiety. Strong: Abori-ginal Society in Southern California water and ea,ch girl remained in seclusion under the care of her grand- mother for a period of about four days. During this t,ime their faces were painted daily with certa,in designs that are not remembered at the present time. The use of cold water, salt, and meat was forbidden, as w'as the stepping on wood, or scratching of the hea,d sa.ve with a special wooden head-scratcher. This public ceremony was held a,t the same time as the boys' initia.tion or jimsonweed drinking. It is said to have included only the girls of prominent families.88 Girls from other families were initiat,ed at a, private ceremony ineluding only the immediat,e family. The latt,er form seems to have persisted the longest and it was possibly merely a, later development of the clan ceremony, for elsewhere in the region the public initiation of all a.dolescent girls seems to have been general. Boys' INITIATION OR TOLOACHE CEREMONY This ceremony was called tamonin (from tama, t.o teach), and long ago seems to have been performed annually. It included only the sons of prominent. families and boys of marked personality. The paha pre- sided over the ceremony and was assisted by the shamans.. A decoc- tion of the jimsonweed (Datura meteloides, called toloa,che in Mexican Spanish) was administered to each boy on the first night, in a hidden pla,ce away from the village. The boys were then taken to the cere- monial house where they danced around a, large fire until overcome by the effects of the drug. They were then laid in rows in the dance house and allowed to sleep off the effects. At this time they were supposed to have visions that would guide them in fut.ure life. The nat.ure of the visions received and their import is but scantily remem- bered by any of the Serrano, and the problem merits more study a,mong their neighbors than it ha.s yet received. The dancing and singing continued through three days and nights, and during this period the older men and the shamans taught the boys various songs. The tcaka (singer) had charge of this phase of the initiat.ion. The occurrence of a. ground-painting at this time, is not remembered by any of the Serrano,89 but since va.riants of this institution occurred among the Mountain Cahuilla, especially those who had moved to the San Gorgonio pass, it is possible that similar rites formerly occurred among the Serrano and Pass Cahuilla but have been forgotten. On the third day all the boys ran a race and the winner was selected to be trained for the "whirling" or eagle dance. In the songs sung at 88 Benedict, op. cit., 383. 1929] 31 32 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 present by the Serrano clans there are references to the jimsonweed (manitc),89 but the importance of the cult seems to have been largely forgotten or else it had only a slight hold on the consciousness of the Serrano. CEREMONIES FOR THE DEAD Persons that were very Sick among the Serrano were removed whenever possible to the ceremonial house where they were doctored by the shamans. Bodies of the dead were prepared for burial by persons hired by the family of the deceased. Within historic times the Serrano buried their dead, usually with as large a number of shell beads as possible. From the universality of the custom among the non-coastal southern Californians it is probable that prior to the influx of Christian ideas cremation was in vogue among the Serrano also. Destruction of Personal Belongings Immediately after a death mueh of the property of the deceased was destroyed. Usually within a month after the burial a special ceremony called mamakwot90 was given by the family of the dead person. At this ceremony, after a night of singing and dancing, certain selected possessions of the dead were burned. The Annual Mourning Ceremony Since this week-long ceremony among the Serrano has been described in some detail by Benedict,90 and a similar ceremony given by the Palm Springs Cahuilla in which Serrano clans took part is described in the present paper (pp. 122-130), the following summary of events will suffice. The name for this cycle of ceremonies is not certain ;91 but the last night, on the morning of which the images were burned, was called wakat, which is probably only a generic term for "feast." The neighboring Cahuilla and Luiseino groups designate this ceremony by a participial form of the verb "to burn," and the Serrano probably did the same. It is said that marifia was the, oldest clan and always had precedence in giving such a ceremony; in a like manner all Serrano or Pass Cahuilla clans en route to such a ceremony at Palm Springs would wait at a certain place for the marinia clan to precede them. Among the southeastern Serrano the mari-na and aturaviatum clans gave this ceremony on alternate years, each being assisted by the 89 Benedict, op. oit., 383. 90 Benedict, op. cit., 374-379. 91 No inclusive term is given by Benedict, Gifford, or Kroeber, Handbook. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California m6h!atniyum clan of the opposite moiety. The present-day ceremonial alignment will be discussed later in relation to the Pass Cahuilla. The ceremony begins on Monday, and the first three days are92 largely taken up with the preparation of food and ceremonial para- phernalia. It is probable that the clan leader "retreated" at this time to confer with the sacred bundle, as is still the case among the Palm Springs Cahuilla, but the present Serrano clan leaders are vague on this point. A feature of this period is the rabbit hunt par- ticipated in by all the men under the direction of the paha, but the affair at present is purely an economic one.93 Whether it ever had ceremonial significance is dubious. The Clan Fetish Wednesday night the matting bundle (muurtc) containing the sacred feathers (vumtc) is brought into the ceremonial house. From the standpoint of the clan (or clans) performing the ceremony this is the most important night of the week. Beneidict's description of this event (quoted here, p. 21) is the first clear expression of the funda- mental importance of the clan fetish in southern California since that of Boscana.94 The wider implications of this concept will be treated at length hereafter. The songs sung at the close of this phase of the ceremony when the fires are relighted, refer to the jimsonweed drinking, and seem to represent all of this rite that has persisted up to the present day.95 The Naming of Children Thursday all children born in the clan during the preceding year were named. Gifts were distributed by the parents of the children, and the ceremony commenced with singing and dancing. The paha carried the child and the name was bestowed by the clan leader. This name was selected from those belonging to the lineage of the father. So far as available information is concerned no secrecy was connected with these names.98 Since this is contrary to the general scheme in southern California it is possible that our data are inadequate. 92 Present tense refers to those rites still performed, past tense to features that have been discontinued. 93 A similarly organized rabbit hunt occurred among the Plateau Shoshoneans. Lowie, Notes on Shoshonean Ethnography, Anthr. Papers Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., 20:196, 1924. 94 Chinigehinich, op. oit., 259-261. 95 Benedict, op. cit., 375-376. 96 Benedict, op. cit., 378. 1929] 33' 34 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 The Ceremonial Eagle Killing Friday the eagle-killing ceremony was performed, the young birds havring been taken from the nest previously. The birds. were strangled by the paha, and the feath.ers used t,o dec.orate the images of the dead. This ceremony probably occurred at night, but there are few details on record. Makintg the Images Friday afternoon the images of the dead are made: these are called tii-iv (ghosts).96a The immediate family may make the image, but an outsider may be asked to do it, in which case such a person is paid by the family of the deceased. The Eagle Dan,ce Saturday the eagle dance (tuwituaim, meaning simply "dance") was performed.97 The dancer, formerly the winner in the race at the close of the toloache ceremony, was painted with red, black, and white. A feather costume (notably the eagle-feather skirt) was employed, and the danc.e consisted largely of difficult whirling movements. Burning the Images That. night the assembled clans sing till dawn. About an hour before sunrise gifts a,re distributed to the invit,ed clans, by the paha. Then the; various images of the dead are brought out,.usually by a, clanswoman of the deceased, but not a member of his immediate family. If a, woman outside the clan carries the image she is paid for her services. They daence with the images for about half an hour and then place them on the fire which has been kindled outside the cere- monial house by the paha. Formerly a male relative of the deceased daneed with the image, while the paha shot, or pretended to shoot, at him with a bow and arrow. The dancer dodged the arrows, from which the ceremony takes its naine wuuv (dodging).98 At the time of the dance with the death images the bereaved families distribute many presents by throwing them up in the air for the guests to catch. The entire ceremony closes with the distribution to the invited clan leaders of the strings of shell money. This complex and rather obscure custom will be treated subsequently in relation to the Pass Cahuilla. 96a Benedict, op. cit., 377. 97 Benedict, op. cit., 378. 98 Informants state that the success of the spirit of the dead in reaching the afterworld depends on the a.bility of this man to dodge the arrows. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California OTHER (EREMONIES When a deer was killed an all-night ceeremony was held in the " big house." This consisted of singing, dancing, and ceremonial smoking. In the morning the deer was cut up and the meat distributed.99 When an eclipse of either the s-un or moon was, obs.erved a universal shout. was raised. All the people congregated in the "big house" and the paha and shamans sang and danced. It was believed that such phenomena were ca-used by the s.pirits, of the dead eating the celestial body, hence all food was forbidden at such times on the theory that eating would assis.t the spirits. When the eclipse had ended all the people drank a, decoction of bitter herbs, washed their hair in the same liquid, and had a feast.100 SHAMANISM The Serrano shaman (huremitc) was a "psychically" predisposed person who ha.d ac.quired his power through dreaming. Such dreams might come normally at night time, during the day in the form of visions, or at the time of the toloa.che drinking. This power was purely personal, and the main duties, of a, shaman were curing by sucking, or by seeking the lost soul of the patient and thus restoring health. His. equipment consisted of a scratching stick, and a cere- monial wand which symbolized his power.'0' Prior to becoming a shaman a boy must show strange tendencies and ha,ve visions. When he had acquired his full power he gave a dance in the ceremonial house before all the people of his local group. Certain of the shamans were believed to assume the form of bears especially, and occasionally other animals. The subject of shamanism in this general region has been largely neglected. However, the account of Serrano shamanism given by Benedict,102 of which the above is a very brief summary, and the account for thei Cahuilla (which applies almost entirely to the Desert division) given by Hooper,103 show the general naature of the shaman- istic practices of the groups. Sinee there are still a number of practic- ing shamans in southern California it is highly desirable that a more det.ailed study of their methodology be made as soon as possible. 99 Benedict, op. cit., 379. 101 Benedict, op. cit., 382-385. 100 Ibid., 379-380. 102 Loc. cit. 103 Hooper, present series, 16:333-342, 1920. AlthougJk the Cahuilla in general are referred to in Hooper 's paper, the definite references are practically all to those of the Desert division. 1929] 35 36 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 II. THE DESERT CAHUILLA THE CAHUILLA IN GENERAL The Cahuilla Indians of southern California belong to the great Shoshonean linguistic family and with their western neighbors, the Luisefio, Cupeino, and Juanenio, form one division of the southern California branch of that stock.104 Three main divisions of the Cahuilla exist, the Desert, Pass, and Mountain divisions, whose segre- gation is mainly geographic., though some slight dialectic and rather important cultural differences do exist. Although the Cahuilla have been written of as a powerful "tribe that once controlled southern California from the Colorado river west- ward to the Pacific sea, "105 this seems in the light of recent investiga- tion to be an exaggeration. Similarly the translation of the name Cahuilla as "master, " given by Hugo Reid,106 has not been confirmed. The derivation of the term Cahuilla is obscure, and it is regarded by the Indians as of Spanish origin.'07 There is no evidence that the Cahuilla ever were a tribe in the sense of being a united political body, until under the Mexican regime certain groups were amalga- mated by the whites to serve as military units. Prior to Caucasian interference they appear to have been isolated in small, autonomous local groups with no pretense of controlling any other than their local territories. Since they were the least affected of all the native peoples of southern California by the segregation into missions, they have survived in greater numbers, and to this fact they owe their greater military importance during the early American period in California. All three divisions of the Cahuilla employ the term iviat in refer- ring to their own language. A person who speaks this language is called ivilyfikalet, and the collective term for those speaking the language is iviatim,108 or "the Cahuiilla-speaking people." Thus the 104 Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California, Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull. 78: 577, 1925. 105Barrows, The Ethno-Botany of the Coahuilla Indians of Southern Cali- fornia (University of Chicago Press, 1900), 82. 106 Indians of Los Angeles County. Letters to the Los Angeles Star, 1852. Letter No. 1. 107 Kroeber, Handbook, 693. The Cahuilla of southern California should not be confused with the Yokuts Kawia tribe on the Kaweah river; nor with the Kiliwas (Cahuillas) a Yuman group of the San Pedro Martir mountains in Lower California (A. W. North, Am. Anthr., n.s., 10:2367 1908). The spelling Coahuilla used by Barrows is customary, but the pronunciation is Ca-. There is no connection with the state of Coahuila in Mexico. 108 This is also the name of one of the Desert Cahuilla clans: present paper, p. 42, and Gifford, present series, 14:191,1918. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California proper term to be applied generally to all the Cahuilla would be iviatim, a proper name for the group that has not. heretofore been given the prominence it deserves.'09 Since the Cahuilla people were in no sense of t.he term a unified tribe, but were composed of a large number of independent local groups each differing slightly from their neighbors according to their degree of isolation, the following account strives to show both the differences and similarities of all the groups so designated. For this reason each of th.e three main divisions will be discussed in as much detail as possible, in order that their place in the general scheme of aboriginal society in southern California may be determined with the greatest accuracy. First in order will be consideration of the Desert Cahuilla. ENVIRONMENT The desert groups of Cahuilla-speaking people live on the Colorado desert south of the San Gorgonio pass. Many of the groups in their native state appear to have been scattered along the, edges of the desert and west into the Santa Rosa and San Jacinto mountains. Other groups probably fewer in numbers lived along the eastern edge of the desert at the base of the Little San Bernardino mountains. The migration legends and place names of the earliest family homes remembered, originate in the mountains, giving some reason for the belief that at an earlier time the people lived there-later moving out into the desert. The legends involve the flooding of the entire Cahuilla basin, a flood whieh the Indians declare long ago drove their ancestors up into the mountains, from which environment they returned several generations ago, following the water as it subsided. Floods have occurred in recent times and it is probably such a flood- or at least the subsidence of the forerunner of the Salton sea-tha.t they vaguely commemorate in their stories.1"0 109 The main value of this term lies in distinguishing between Cahuilla and other groups in the field. Since the term Cahuilla has become so firmly fixed in the literature there seems no really valid reason for any attempt to change it. 'l0 It is stated on the authority of old settlers that water from the Colorado river reached the Salton sea, causing local floods in the years 1840, 1842, 1852, 1859, 1862, and 1867. In the years 1905-8 occurred the great flood caused by the Colorado river shifting its channel. It is more probable however that the Indian legends apply to the gradual disappearance of the forerunner of the Salton sea, i.e., Blake sea, a brackish lake that previously filled most of the Cahuilla basin, In regard to this E. E. Free states, "It is probable that the final disappearance of Blake sea was less than five hundred years ago, and the entire existence of the water body can scarcely have been longer. The Indians of the region have a tradition of the previous existence and gradual disappearance of a water body in the basin, and in spite of the notorious untrustworthiness of Indian legends it seems probable that this one has a basis of truth." D. T. MacDougall, The Salton Sea (Carnegie Institution of Washington, D. C., 1914), 19-28. 1929] 37 38 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 While the information in regard to the mountain habit-at of these people is, legendary, that in regard to their aboriginal desert villa.ges is still obtainable. The Spanish and Mexican influences east of the San Jacinto mountains appear to have been transitory and nominal, while the American influence in. the desert region has been an active force only in the last seventy-five years a.t the longest. Francisco Nombre, now living at Martinez reservation, was born at that place a year or so before the Mormons settled San Bernardino in 1851. He is the acting chief of the awilem (dogs) clan, and from him was obtained a census of all the towns and clans of the desert region when he was a boy. These data were corroborated and checked by informants from the Torros reservation and appear to be exact. It is to be remembered that such a. picture shows only one view of a society which was prob- ably at no time definitely settled. Each clan was apparently in the habit of moving its abode when lack of food or water made it neces- sary, but undoubtedly the structure of desert society remained much the same until the definite establishment of reservations confined t-he movements of the people. Barrows'll has given us such a picture of the desert coimnunities about 1900, and while some of the na.mes. he gives for villages appear to be names for localities, there is, on the whole, agreement between the old villages and the sites he records. The essential thing to any community, especially to one living in the desolate environment of the desert, is water, and it is around the natural water holes and artificial wells that the Desert Cahuilla were grouped. It appears t.o have been possible for several clans to use one water hole or well, and yet to be almost independent of each other in every other regard. Where there was more than enough water for domestic purposes a little farming was carried on, each clan having its allotted area for this purpose. Within the memory of all inform- ants questioned, both corn and wheat were raised in these small patches, and doubtless.other vegetables, such as melons, beans, and squash. Francisco was told by his grandfather that before the Mexicans came the Desert Cahuilla had only corn; this they did not raise but tra.ded for with the Yuma Indians of the Colorado river area. The staple foods, however, appear to have been the beans of the various mesquite trees, a. great variety of cactus, and similar native plants of the desert."12 1"' Barrows, The Ethno-Botany of the Cahuilla Indians of Southern California (University of Chicago Press, 1900), 32-35. 112 See Barrows, op. cit., for a detailed discussion of the many food plants of the Cahuilla Indians. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California *t"J.., Wel g mes CocAe IIL Val 4Qmortinea 'Rosa MovrnTo,ins , Berno in,o L76,,,,,, N rountins lel eAmAA~ *E ' ke Map 2. Desert Cahuilla Territory. 1929] 39 40 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Excepting such irrigable areas as were owned by the individual clans, the territory in the immediate vicinity of the village was com- mon ground, but beyond this each clan had certain clusters of mesquite trees and small districts in the mountains which they owned and jealously guarded. Within the clan these food-gathering territories were communally utilized, but in case of uninvited incursion of any alien people the owners were prepared to fight. To be able to name all the natural boundaries of the clan territory was necessary for all adults and especially for the net or clan chief. The exact organization and function of the clan will be dealt with after the village grouping of the Desert Cahuilla has been discussed. In the following lists of Desert Cahuilla clans belonging to the two moieties (tables 3, 4), the lineages bearing individual names (desig- nated by the prefix L) are given under the clan with which they were ceremonially united. This list, as well as those of the other Cahuilla divisions, should be compared with the Cahuilla clan list previously published by Gifford."13 A general statement in regard to this list may be in order. Of Gifford's wildcat clans, number 1 refers to a Serrano group, number 7 to a Pass Cahuilla group, and number 22 to a Mountain Cahuilla group. Numbers 4, 6, 9, and 18 were not known to my informants. Of the coyote clans Gifford records, numbers 1, 4, 5, and 21 were Pass Cahuilla groups, and number 22 a Mountain Cahuilla group. His clans numbers 7 and 10 are identical, and his clan 15 is given as coyote clan 20 in the present list. Coyote clan 2 according to my data is identical with wildcat L 7a in the present list, as it was not the clan of Jim Pine, who was a Serrano, but of his wife. Coyote clans numbers 3, 9, 19, and 20 were unknown to my informants. Gifford's other clans, save for differences in orthography, correspond with those in the following lists. 113 Clans and Moieties in Southern California, present series, 14:190-191, 1918. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California TABLE 3 Clans Belonging to the Wildcat Moiety 1. awilem, "dogs," at pfiichekiva near Martinez. Originally from wilamul in the Santa Rosa mountains. 2. autaatem, "high up," at temals5kalet near Martinez. Originally from wilamfi in the Santa Rosa mountains. Related to clan 1, but a separate ceremonial unit. 3. wantcinakiktum (place name) at pfiichekiva, and later isilsiveyaiutcem in Martinez canyon. At one time dominated by clan 1, but evidently a separate clan. Originally from near ataki in the Santa Rosa mountains. 4. palpunivikiktum, "circle over the water" at palpfiniviktum hemki near Alamo. Originally from ataki in the Santa Rosa mountains. L 4a. tnviniakiktum, "round basket," at palpuinivikiktum hemki. Originally from tevi in the Santa Rosa mountains. L 4b. tamulafiitcum, "knees bent together," at palpfinivikiktum hemki. Originally from paliliem hemki in the Santa Rosa mountains. 5. wantcifiakik-tamianawitcem (place name), "very beautiful," at tuiva near Pig Tree Johns. Originally from kiwil, near ataki in the Santa Rosa mountains. Relation to clan 3 unknown. 6. wakalkiktum, " night heron," at mauiilmil near Toro. Originally from tciuk in the Santa Rosa mountains. 7. kauwicpaumbauitcem, "caught by a rock," at maswut helaanut near Mecca. Earlier home unknown. L 7a. wavitcem, "many dead branches," at awelpiteava near Thermal. L 7b. tilikiktum (no translation), at tilikiktum hemki near Thermal. - L 7c. panuks, kiktum (no translation), at palaiyil slightly east of Thermal. 8. telkiktum (no translation), lltcuflalofli near La Mesa. 9. pafiakauissiktum, "water fox," at maufilmii near Toro. The moiety align- ment of this clan is somewhat dubious, but it was said by Palm Springs informants to be the same as that of clan 8. 1929] 41 42 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 TABLE 4 Clans Belonging to the Coyote Moiety 10. masuiwitcem, "long hairs in the nose, " I at palhuliwit near Martinez. Originally from ilwukwinet in Los Coyotes canyon. 11. sewahilem, " mesquite that is not sweet," at iltcufialonl near La Mesa. Originally from the Santa Rosa mountains. 12. wanteauem, "touched by the river," at puiiehekiva near Martinez. Quite possibly this clan was related to the Pass Cahuilla wanikiktum clan but proof is lacking. 13. wiitem, "grasshoppers," at palhiliwit near Martinez. Originally from uiaki in the Santa Rosa mountains. 14. muimletcem, " mixed up," at palhiliwit near Martinez. Originally from ilwukwinet in the Los Coyotes canyon. 15. telakiktum (no translation), at tfiva near Fig Tree Johns. 16. muimuikwiteem, "always sick," at uiliepatcl near Fig Tree Johns. 17. kaunukalkiktum, "living at kaunukvela," at iviatim village near Agua Dulce. Originally from kaunukvela in the Santa Rosa mountains. L 17a, iviatum, "Cahuilla speaking people," at iviatim village near Agua Dulce. This was a subordinate lineage to clan 17; whether it was a late branch, however, is dubious. It may have been the older lineage and may have lost its ceremonial supremacy. 18. wavaikiktum (place name in Little San Bernardino mountains), at paltewat near Indio. 19. akawenekiktum (place name in Little San Bernardino mountains), at pals,tahut near Coachella. L 19a. taukatim (no translation), at pals6tamul near Coachella 20. wewonicyauam (no translation), at palmulfikalet northeast of Mecca. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California DESERT CAHUILLA VILLAGES The position of the Desert village was determined by the presence of water and proximity to food-gathering areas. Frequently favorable places were occupied by only one clan, and this would seem to have been the earlier condition. At other places where food and water were more abundant several groups might live close together and utilize the same water supply. The relation of such groups to one another varied, and any exact definition of their organization would be sub- ject to exceptions. Often they were related lineages of one. clan, who had acquired new names because their immediate relationship had become obscure, and they ha.d moved slightly apart from each other. Where the different lineages were not too distantly related, there was usually one ceremonial head or net. Where they were independent there might be two nets, or as many more as there were distinct clans. The method of government in such a case is illustrated by examples to be given later. A consideration in detail of one such village, and a discussion in general of all the Desert Cahuilla villages and the clan affiliations of each. should make this matter clearer. Typical Village at Martinez A typical Desert Cahuilla village of fifty-odd years ago called puiichekiva (road-runner's house) was described in considerable detail by Francisco Nombre. The informant lived here from the time he was a small boy until he was about thirty years of age when on account of a continued shortage of water the village broke up. Puiichekiva was located about one mile north of the present Martinez reservartion buildings at a point one-third of a mile east of the highway and seven and one-half miles south of Coachella, Riverside county. At present, as a result of the lowering of the water-table in the Coachella valley, the artificial well from which they formerly obtained their water is merely a dry hole about fifteen feet in diameter and four feet deep, hidden in arrow-weed and cat's claw brush. The mesquite trees which probably determined the location of the village originally have been burned and only blackened stumps remain. Other signs of habitation are faint-scattered piles of blackened rocks from the fireplaces, and a few sherds of red undecorated pottery, alone indicate that forty years ago there was a thriving village here. The area one-half mile to the southwest, where natural seepage provided 1929] 43 44 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 the two main clans with areas for scanty agriculture, is likewise a sun- baked desert; only the diminution in density of the brush indicates that it was once cleared and cultivated. Map 2 shows the location of the houses, the irregular grouping of the clans, and the straggling nature of the village. ModeV n FiiqhWz) to CosCIella 7.5 M Nt. _ VIqge of AUcPeAvma / E3 El (Martinez Reser,ation) E] . (( ) * Wa.AW Udws Roadrs Giove. amfutz E] [r1 E1 . 4'Wlem Old M_e icaa n. Map 3. Village of Pilichekiva. Puiichekiva was the oldest name for the village, but it was more commonly called the wantcauem (touched by the river) village, after the first clan to settle there. The wantcauem people according to tradition originally lived in the Santa Rosa mountains. Before com- ing to puiichekiva they had lived alone at temelmekmekuka (earth?), which was a place three-fourths of a mile west of the highway opposite Martinez, where the Narbonne ranch is now. The two sites were only about two miles apart. The wantcauem clan was joined by the awilem (dogs) clan, which moved here from awilsilhiwiniva (the willow tree)114 a place about three-quarters of a mile west of the Martinez reservation buildings, bringing with them another sub- ordinate clan, called wantciiiakiktumn (a mountain in the Santa Rosas). 114 Originally the awilem clan lived at wilamu-, a place in the Santa Rosas near Martinez mountain. Here they had lived with the autaatem clan whose members were relations of theirs. Both clans gathered wild food there and owned the territory jointly. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California W,here this latter group originally came from is unknown, but later when the village at pulichekiva broke up, they moved alone to Martinez canyon in the Santa Rosas.and established a small village called isilsliveyauiteem"15 (coyote?) where they lived for some time. It is probable that this was their original home before coming to the desert. One man, Pablo Siva, now living at Martinez, is a member of this clan. The wantcauem clan, when Francisco first remembers it, had seven houses, each occupied by only one immediate family. The relationship of these families is shown in the following genealogy (genealogy 2). The numerals before the names of the individuals indicate their houses as shown on map 3. The Roman numerals signify the successive clan leaders. GENEALOGY 2 Wantcauem Clan (houses 1-7) I. I (forgotten) 4,huinava (bear?) + I (forgotten) + wantifiackik II. 5. teiva 1. teifiali + autaatem 2. tcivat6 (goat) 6. suiwit (deer) + wakaikiktwm + autaatem 3. tukwicteemalmaii 7 7. tuikwic (blue) + want&oniakik L + wantoijakik It was said by the informant that huna,va (4) had not succeeded his father as net because he lacked the qualities desirable. Hence the adult members of the clan had chosen his younger brother tcuva instead. At the time under consideration teiuva occupied the kicum- nawit.116 His uncle tc1vat6 was a great pfil (shaman), the story of whose death, told farther on,"17 illustrates the political organization of the village. The awilem (dogs) clan occupied two large houses each of which contained several families directly rela,ted. The occupants of the kicumnawit were as follows: 115 This is the name Gifford gives for his fifth wildcat clan, S. Cal., 190. 116 Dance house. The term wamkic, of Luisefio origin, used by the Moun- tain Cahuilla and all western groups, was never used on the desert. 117 Present paper, pp. 57-59. 45 1929] 46 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 GENEALOGY 3 Awilem Clan (house 1) II. pulmiewammama-I (Pedro Nombre) + masuditcem tahaulisma (Quattie) I. 1. tokicnikictcinielnall + wantcauem (green lightning) + miimlitoem siels6mitnikic (Antonio Sam) + miimlitoem tiveniewiava + wanteauem Here the oldest son succeeded his father as net, which was the generally accepted rule. The case of matrilocal residence in this genealogy was, not according to the usual custom of the Desert Cahuilla,, but occurred only where the immediate family of the hus- band was dead, in which case he might live with his father-in-law. The occupants of the second house were as follows: GENEALOGY 4 Awilem Clan (house 2) I. 2. plihutnuminma-i -kwo3wethemuima (curlew reaching) + masuiteem + mtliatoem plihutyassil (very active centipede) putcikilt,6vilvei (Pecho Kinatano) + atcatcem The respective heads of these two houses were second cousins, as can be seen by a glance at. the awilem genealogy.118 That no rule was observed in regard to single or communal houses can be seen by a, comparison of these two clans living in the same village. To anti- cipate somewhat, it is of interest in rega,rd to the branching off of the lineages, to note that the descendants of the families in house 1 now live apart from those in house 2, and while they recognize ea,ch other as relatives, the relationship was very hard to trace. The Nombres and the Kintanos on the Martinez reservation are each grouped sepa- rately, and at present usually perform such ceremonies as their annual mourning for lost relatives, independently of one another. This is due in part, no doubt, to the breaking down of the old rules, but it is also due to separation, which was a factor more important fifty years ago than it is today when roads and automobiles make such dis- 118 Present paper, genealogy 6. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California tances negligible. To borrow a, term from zoology, the "budding off" of the lineages is a process still to be observed, and there seems to be no reason to believe that earlier processes were greatly different. The wantcifiakiktum clan occupied four houses, each of which held one immediate family. The four house-heads were a very old man, and his three grandsons, as shown below. GENEALOGY 5 Wantciniakiktum Clan (houses 1-4) 2. W. Vincente Malouis + masijitoemq ( ) killed + (?) 3. W. takvic 1. W. tekemsive + akawenalkiktum (?) killed 4. W. amfilmbikwaiwut _ + (?) _ + kaui2iktum These were the only members of this clan alive when Francisco knew them. They ha,d joined the awilem people before the la,tter left their old home at awilslilhiwiniva (the willow t,ree), and followed them to their new village. The two sons of tekemsive had both been killed before the clan came to "the willow tree," but how or when could not be ascertained. At their old home in the Santa Rosa mountains these people were supposed to have had a net, but on the desert they were under the awilem net, having none of their own. They seem to have been largely dependent on the charity of the awilem people, for they had no agri- cultural territory, and were given vegetable products by the latter. On the desert the wanteiiiakiktum people shared the territories of the awilem clan, but they had their own territories at Martinez canyon, in the Santa Rosa mountains, and here they used to go in the spring and early summer to gather edible cactus. It was to the latter place that their three families moved when the village at pulichekiva was abandoned. The wantciniakiktum and awilem clans were not regarded as relatives, but they never intermarried since they belonged to the same moiety, an institut.ion which will be discussed later. The food-gathering areas of the wantcauem people were mostly in the foothills immediately west of the Narbonne ranch, near their old village of temelmekmekuka. Here at the openings of the cienegas are groves of mesquite trees, and in the canyons themselves grow many kinds of edible cactus. Besides these places they also had a few 1929] 47 48 University of California Putblications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 small clumps of mesquite trees nearer the village. Mountain sheep, deer, and rabbits could be hunted in any locality regardless of terri- torial ownership, and rabbits especially were often obtained by com- munal hunts. The awilem clan had gathering territories at their old ancestral home in the Santa Rosas. These they shared with the autaatem clan, whose home was at temalsekalet and who were regarded as relatives of theirs. Probably these two clans were branch lineages of the same ancestral stock. Their spring migration to the mountains was taken together and they were under the direction of one net while thus united. This leader was the oldest net of the two clans and had the leadership only while the two clans were united. On the return to their desert homes they separated, each under its own leader. Here each clan held its own ceremonials, but the other clan always attended. Likewise, if the one clan was invited to an outside ceremony they brought the other with them. All trace of their exact relationship was lost, but the fact was well remembered, and marriage between the two was taboo on this account as well as by the fact that they belonged to the same moiety. It can be seen by this that the breaak between these two lineages was more advanced than that between the two divisions of the awilem clan proper, but was similar in its nature. However, to return to the situation at puiichekiva, the awilem families also had gathering territories around their old village at "the willow tree," and scattered groups of mesquite trees elsewhere. As has been previously mentioned there was an area, one-half mile to the southwest, where natural springs allowed some agriculture. This was mostly owned by the wantcauem clan, but a small piece was owned by the awilem people. Only a few acres in all were arable and here a scanty crop of wheat, corn, beans, and squash were raised, each immediate family growing vegetables in its subdivision of the clan allotment. If this food had been their main staple undoubtedly the arrangement would have been more exact, but natural and not cul- tivated plants seem to have been the main dependence of the Desert Cahuilla even to recent times. While this village was perhaps as typical as any other that might be chosen, a consideration of all the villages which existed fifty odd years ago shows that no one case can illustrate accurately all phases of their village organization. Town-dwelling, in a larger sense, does not seem to have been an old institution among any of the Cahuilla- speaking peoples, and these desert towns were in process of formation. Crystallized rules of what might be called municipal government do Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California not seem to have existed and it is therefore necessary to make a survey of all the villages to see the many forces which tended toward group amalgamation, such as need of water, and the equally numerous forces, such as need of food, which led to dispersal. These forces can best be discussed after a consideration of all the groups. The following data show the general social framework of the towns among these desert groups. Other Villages Tiuva. The most southerly village on the desert, occupied by the Cahuillas within the memory of living Indians, was at tfiva.119 This village was just south of the Riverside and Imperial county line in the latter county at Fish springs, very close to. the Salton sea. Orig- inally the telkiktum clan lived on this site, but its members had all died when informants first remember the place. This village was occupied by the wanteiiiakik tamianawiteem clan. The first word of this name is a place name for a certain peak in the Santa Rosa moun- tains. The second term was translated as "very beautiful." This is the clan of Fig Tree John, a very old and well-known Indian, who still lives in the vicinity. Gifford'20 gives Palkausinakela as Fig Tree John's clan name, but this was given as the place name of the site where Fig Tree John lived later. Near tilva, at a place called filiepateiat, a clan called mulmuikwitcem (always sick) lived before Francisco remembers; he was told of them, but they, like the telakik- tum people, were all dead before he was born. At tuiva there was a spring with enough water for domestic purposes but not enough for irrigation. Fig Tree John 's clan was never very numerous and nearly all have died. The Mexican surname used by Fig Tree John and his sons is Razon. About fifty years ago their clan moved to paltakwie kalkalawit (the first two terms are pal, water, and tutkwic, blue; the last word was not translated), which was just north of the Riverside and Imperial county line at a place marked on the Indio Special Map of the Geological Survey, "Fig Tree John," about two miles north of their old village.'12 When the clan moved, it had nine houses and one dance house where the single clan-chief, or net, lived. There was a warm spring here with enough water for domestic use but none for agriculture. Lack of water prevented a numerous population in the 119 Barrows (op. cit.), applies the name Tova to Agua Dulce, a point a few miles to the north. As this is the most southerly desert village he men- tions it is possible that he was given the name of the older village. 120 S. (al., 191. 121 For location of villages see map 2. 1929] 49 50 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 southern part of the Desert Cahuilla territory, and informants stated that the northern groups around Indio and Coachella were always the larger. Iviatim Village. At Agua Dulce was the ivilatim village and here was also a warm spring. Two clans lived in the village with the spring in the center between the two groups of houses. The kaunukalkiktum elan (kaunukvela, a place in the San Jacinto moun- tains near Bautiste, kiktum, "people" or "living at"), when Fran- cisco first remembers it, had seven houses, one of which was the kicamnawit or dance house where the net lived. The other clan, or perhaps branch clan, was called iviatim (a term which the Cahuilla use for a person speaking their language, in other words "Cahuilla speaking peoplp.") Thse people had seven houses, but they had no net nor dance house. They were under the leadership of the kaunu- kalkiktum net, and formed one ceremonial group with them. Why the village should have been called after the subordinate group is not clear. Palpfinivikiktum hemki. Proceeding toward the north, about two miles east of Alamo, was a village called palpuinivikiktum hemki'22 (water, circling over, living at, territory). There was an artificial well123 here, in the midst of the palpfunivikiktum houses, which were ten in number including the net's kicamnawit (dance house). This well gave water for domestic purposes but none for irrigation. The p*alputnivikiktum clan was said to be the oldest here, its net had nominal control over the two other clans, living in the village, and the ceremonies of all three clans were under his supervision. The tamulaniitcum (knees bent together) clan had six houses but no dance house. Their houses were roughly grouped together beyond those of the palpulnivikiktum clan. The remaining clan in this village was called tevifakiktum (round basket) and occupied four houses, also ouside the central group, and the occupants had no independent cere- monial organization. All three clans, or clan and two branch clans, had different localities in the desert where they gathered mesquite beans and the like, but they had one locality in the Santa Rosa moun- tains, due west of Alamo, called eova, where all three gathered cactus in the spring and sumnmer. This was regarded as the old home of the original group before the people went t.o the desert. The three clans 122 See Barrows, op. ott., 26-27, for a description of the desert wells. 123 The two names given by Barrows, op. oit., 34, Lawilvan or Sivel, meaning cottonwood trees, were not remembered by informants. Palsikal (small water hole) was given as an old name for this village. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California regarded one another as relatives, and intermarriage was not allowed. From circumstantial evidence it would certainly seem that the three clans were lineages of the same original group, and were still ceremonially attached to it. Pal hiliwit. Two miles, south of the Martinez reservation buildings was the village called pal hliliwit (wide water). A large spring here was owned by the mumletcem (mixed up) clan. This clan had eight houses, o.ne of which was the kicamnawit occupied by the net. It was regarded as the oldest clan here and had nominal control over the wat.er, t.he two other clans using it only by permission. This spring furnished water for a little agriculture in a few favorable spots, and was used by the children of all three groups to swim in during the summer. Adjoining the houses of the muimletcem clan were seven houses occupied by the masuiwitcem (long hairs in the nose) clan. This clan was independent of the former group and had a net and a dance house. The third clan at this place was called wiitem (grasshopper) and at the time under consideration occupied five houses, in some of which several families lived. Like the other two this clan was cere- monially independent, having its own net. As all three clans belonged to the same moiety there was, theoretically at least, no intermarriage. Informants questioned stated th.at these clans were never related, but lacking genealogies the veracity of this must be left in abeyance. Temalsekalet. A village called temals,kalet (earth crack) was located one-half mile south of the Martinez reservation buildings, at a place which is not within the reservation and is still occupied by members'24 of the group under consideration. This clan was called autaatem (high up) and when the informant first remembers them, they occupied six houses, one of which was the dance house. Having their own net they performed their own ceremonies; their probable early relationship to the awilem clan, and the joint ownership of mountain territory by the two clans, have already been discussed.'25 These houses were grouped around an artificial well, and in several favorable places the individual families carried on agriculture in a small way. Mesquite thickets in the vicinity of the village were owned communally by all the families of the elan. Puichekiva. Proceeding from south to north, the next village to be encountered is that of the main informant at putichekiva (road- 124 August Lomas, one of Hooper 's main informants, was a member of this clan. See The Cahuilla Indians, present series, 16:338-340, 1920. 125 Present paper, p. 4& 1929] 51 52 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 runner's house)126 which has already been described at some length (pp. 43-49). Mautilnii. At Toro, fifty odd years ago, there was a village called maufilmil. Two clans lived here, the largest was called wakalkiktum (night heron) and occupied ten houses, three of which were communal. As to the other clan there is some doubt. Francisco Nombre said that it was called kauisiktum (from the rock). A clan of this name lives at Palm Springs and informants there denied that part of their clan ever lived at Toro. Alejo Potencio, the net of the Palm Springs group, said that the clan at Toro was called paniakauissiktum (water fox), but that they had all been dead a long time. According to Fran- cisco, when he first knew them they had six houses and shared the well with the wakalikiktum people. Each of these groups was an inde- pendent ceremonial unit, having its own net and dance house. Each had its own gathering territories and small areas where cultivated plants were grown. The marriage relationship within this village is not known, but it is probable that they belonged to the same moiety- which would tend to make the village exogamous. The wakalikiktum people originally lived at tcluk back in the Santa Rosa mountains, then at panilksil at the head of a canyon about seven miles south of Indio, and later came to mauulmil. The paniakaulssiktum clan was probably the first to live there and dig the well, although the past his- tory and exact status of this clan is far from clear. Thirty years ago the sewahilem (mesquite that is not sweet) clan moved here from their village near La Mesa. Iltcufialoiii. At La Mesa, to the west of the highway, was a village called iltcufialofL.127 This was its later name, its original name being kelewutkwlikwinutI28 (wood hanging down). Two clans lived here, the largest being the sewahilem (mesquite that is not sweet) clan. The members of this clan occupied one large communal house in which lived six individual families. These were as follows: l ~~ ~ ~~ ~ ~ ~ ~~I . lI I IT. pahawut heul (navel) teinkum (crooked) akasem lauis (Louis?) + wakaikiktum + wakaikiktum + (?) + autaoat em +autaatem 126 Barrows' Sokut Menyil (deer moon), given as name of village at Mar- tinez, is a spot where surface water occurred. It was used by a wantcauem family for agricultural purposes. See map 3, present paper. 127 Barrows' Temalwahish (dry earth), which he gives as the village at La Mesa, was said to be a brushy area one mile south where the La Mesa people hunted rabbits. The area to the east of the highway from La Mesa was called tahaukalumal. 128 Gifford, S. Cal., 190, gives Ekwawinet as the name of this village. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Of the other clan, telkiktum, only one old man wakatli (cow's udder) was alive and he lived in a house by himself. This clan was of the opposite moiety to that of the sewahilem, and informants stated that intermarriage had been customary. As long ago as akasem remem- bered this clan had no net, but wakatii acted as paha (or master of ceremonies) for the sewahilem clan. This approach to moiety reci- procity is an interesting analogy to the practice that prevails among the Serrano, and is also the only example of the employment of the term paha among the Desert Cahuilla south of Palm Springs. Whether this represents a survival of an old custom, or was due to the fact that wakatli was the sole survivor of his own clan, is uncertain., The sewahilem clan had gathering territories around the village, and up in the mountains to the west where they went in the spring. At a comparatively late time the nonhalam clan moved to this pla.ce from their earlier home at Indian Wells. At this time the latter clan had seven houses, and while previously they had been under the atcitcem net at kavinic (Indian Wells) when they moved they appointed the oldest man of their clan as net and became an inde- pendent ceremonial unit. Maswut helaanut. All the villages heretofore considered were located west of the present line of the Southern Pacific railroad, but there was also another line of villages to the east of this artificial boundary. Maswut helaanut (ceremonial matting spreading) was the most southerly village in this group and was located in the famous Painted canyon, about two miles northeast of the modern town of Mecca. One clan lived here, called kauwiepameauiteem (caught by the roek), and when first seen by Francisco Nombre they were occupy- ing twelve houses, several of which were communal. This was the clan of Cabezon, whom the Mexican authorities made head chief or captain over the desert groups as well as over those directly west of the San Gorgonio pass, if desert informants are to be believed. Cabe- zon was already the head of several other villages or "rancherias" which were apparently occupied by branch clans of the kauwicpam6- auitcem people. It was this fact, probably, together with his personal ability, that led the Mexican authorities to appoint him as leader over the hitherto ununited desert communities. The case is paralleled by similar examples among the Mountain Cahuilla, where under Mexican control certain clan leaders gained power over other groups which prior to Caucasian interference had been completely independent. According to Francisco, the elder 1929] 53 54 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Cabezon was appointed by the Indians themselves, just prior to the advent of the Mexicans, to settle disputes between local groups over territories, women, and blood feuds, which at times led to bloodshed. This, however, is not in agreement with any other informant from the desert or mountains, all of whom agreed that, these captains were Mexican innovations and not aboriginal. Francisco said that Cabezon the elder was the first head chief on the desert, and that later he was given "papers" and a horse by the Mexican authorities. The "papers" gave him nominal control over Cahuillas and Serranos on the desert and all native peoples from the San Gorgonio pass to Los Angeles. His nominal jurisdiction did not extend to the Cahuillas or Serranos of the mountains nor to the Luiseiio save the group at Saboba. When Francisco was a boy he remembers a band of "Yuma Indians" (probably Mohave) thirty strong who came to obtain a paper from Cabezon appointing one of their members as captain. Cabezon, then a very old long-haired Indian, accompanied these men to Los Angeles to obtain the commission. On the death of Cabezon his authority passed to his son. Considering the fact that Francisco was so positive that Cabezon was the first supreme captain, and the fact that all other informants attributed his position to Mexican origin, it seenis most probable that the office was not aboriginal. Tuiikiktumhemki. Halfway between Mecca and Thermal, and just east of the railroad, was the village of tfilkiktumhemki occupied by the tuilkiktum (no meaning) clan. At the time under consideration it had seven houses, but no dance house and no net. All ceremonies were conducted by Cabezon in the kicumnawit at maswut helaanut. This clan was entirely subordinate to Cabezon's clan, although living several miles away. Like the former group they had food-gathering territories of their own in canyons of the, Little San Bernardino moun- tains to the east. Very close to this place at palmuliulukalet lived the wewonicyauam clan but the last member of this group died long ago. This clan was of the opposite moiety to Cabezon's group, but their interrelations are not known for they became extinct before any modern informant clearly remembers. Awel pitcava. Situated about three miles east of Thermal at the foot of the Little San Bernardino mountains was the third village under Cabezon's control. This was the awel pitcava (dogs ?) village, occupied by the waviteem (many dead branches) clan. They owned six houses but had no net or dance house. All ceremonies of this clan were likewise performed by Cabezon. This group was never large Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California and its members are now all dead. The main food-gathering territories were in the eastern hills. Palaiyil. The fourth and last of the villages controlled by Cabezon was called palaiyil (water turtle), and was located about three miles northeast of Thermal on the eastern edge of the Colorado desert. This was the home of a small clan called panuksekiktum, occupying three houses some fifty odd years ago, and now extinct. They had no net or dance house and were likewise dependent on the kauwic pame- auitcem clan for all ceremonies. It is highly significant that all these four groups which were ceremonially united were of the same moiety. Marriage between any of these four was not permitted. No data on their exact relationship could be obtained, but it seems probable that some of them at least were collateral lineages of one clan. It is also possible that we might have here the beginnings of a true tribal organization, but in the light of the data on similar groups to the west the former hypothesis seems more likely. Palsetahut.129 Farther on to the north, where the Cabezon reser- vation is now located, was the village of palsetahut (salt water). This place is just east, across the railroad tracks, from Coachella.' It was occupied by the akawenekiktum (place name for long ridge in the mountains east of Indio) clan. They had seven houses, and one kicumnawit where the net lived. They were affiliated with a branch of their clan living in the next village beyond. Their territories were around the two villages and toward the eastern hills. Palsetamul. Near the village of palsetahut, also on the territory now included in the Cabezon reservation, was a village called pals- tamul (salt water agave). This village consisted of nine houses owned by a collateral lineage of the akawenekiktum clan. These people called themselves taukatim (?), and were so known to the akawenekiktum people at palsetahut. Outside clans called the inhabitants of both villages by the latter name, however, and the two groups regarded themselves as close relatives. Both belonged to the same moiety. Apparently the taukatim clan was a branch lineage of the akawene- kiktum clan, that had moved away and acquired a new name. The akawenekiktum clan proper, at palsetahut, had the net and dance house and performed all ceremonial functions for both villages. Names of the house-owners some fifty odd years ago were obtained but the informant could not give the relationships of each. He was positive, however, that they were actual blood relatives. The gathering terri- tories of the two villages seem to have been contiguous. 129 This is the same as Barrows' Palseta at Cabezon. 1929] 55 56 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Paltewat. The last village occupied by people who are here classi- fied as Desert Cahuilla130 was one-half mile northeast of Indio, at paltewat (water found). The wavaaikiktum (place name for a canyon in the hills east of Indio) clan lived here and had seven or eight houses at the time under consideration. One of these was the dance house, and was occupied by the net. They likewise were an inde- pendent ceremonial group. Their food-gathering territories were mostly in the vicinity of the village. VILLAGE SUMMARY While there were doubtless other settlements in this expanse of territory, which extends from the Salton sea in the south and the Little San Bernardino mountains in the east, to the Santa Rosa and San Jacinto mountains in the west and a line between Indian Wells and Indio in the north, they were small or temporary and were not remem- bered by informants. The foregoing is merely a cross-section, taken as nearly as possible to the time the Mormons settled San Bernardino in 185l,13l and as such, presents a transitory phase just prior to the breaking down of aboriginal desert society. The indications are plain that the male lineage was the unit, and that these units were perforce joined on the desert by need of water, which was present only in limited areas. Had this condition been one of extremely long dura- tion it is hard to, believe that a more elaborate form of village govern- ment would not have arisen, but such does not seem to have been the case. Either these people differed from nearly all known groups in not needing any central village political organization, or else, which is more probable, the formation of these larger villages composed of several independent clans was a comparatively recent process. GROUP LEADERSHIP Where the various groups in a village were only remnants of once independent clans or where there was reason to suspect that they were collateral lineages of one clan, there seems to have been one net, or ceremonial chief. From conditions such as these, true villages and village chiefs might eventually have arisen, but the evidence already 130 The Palm Springs Cahuilla and surrounding groups are discussed under the Pass Cahuilla. This has been done for purposes of convenience and beeause of certain cultural affiliations to be discussed later. 131 This arbitrary date was taken because the main informant remembered that event clearly. Hiis father, who did some work for the newcomers, was paid in "sweet salt" (sugar), and the unique happening was remembered. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California presented does not indicate that the Desert groups had attained so stable an organization. Infoormants questioned knew nothing of village chiefs as such, but always referred to the chiefs as the nets, or clan ceremonial leaders, and where there were several independent clans in the village said there were as many nets as there were clans.132 Thus it seems evident that the clan was the fundamental unit and was as a rule independent. Village unity seems to h.ave been of the slight- est, each clan defending its own areas as best it might. Where affairs concerning the various clans of a region had to be discussed and decided upon, it was done either by an informal meeting of the various nets, or by means of a messenger who obtained the opinions of the vari- ous clan heads. Undoubtedly alliances and junctures were effected in the ease of attack by a. large band of raiders, but such a thing seems to have been rare and modern informants can remember few such occur- rences. A case of this kind is mentioned by Hooper,133 and a similar tale was told me at Palm Springs where I presume she also obtained it. In such a hypothet.ical case informants, lacking actual knowledge, were doubtful as to the leadership, some saying it would be the oldest net; while as many others said the net never led in war, and that some man known as a bold fighter would have nominal leadership. The actual case related by Francisco Nombre, in which his father killed a malevo- lent shaman some seventy years ago, probably casts more light on the basis of leadership and degree of unity existing among the Desert groups than can any amount of conjecture. It moreover shows very clearly the utter lack of central organization in the village of piliche- kiva, at Martinez, which has been discussed at some length previously. When the informant was a boy of about nine years, the man who lived nearest to the artificial well was a very powerful shaman called teivato (goat), belonging to the wantcauem clan. He was a very pleasant old man, with a remarkable beard from which he acquired his name; but he was very dangerous, for instead of curing people he always killed them. According to the informant he was "the greatest pull (shaman) in the whole world" and he was feared by all the Desert Cahuilla. When all the shamans would gather to show their curing and malevolent powers he always performed last and challenged all pilalem (shamans) to kill him by their powers, but none was able to harm him. This, telvato said, was because he had a teaiawa (spirit) 132 The iviat village previously described seems an exception to this rule, but here the two clans were ceremonially united and quite possibly were collateral lineages of the same original group. 133 Hooper, op. cit., 355-356. 1929] 57 58 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 on every side of him to guard him from hemteteaJawa (their spirits). One of the wantciniakiktum men called amfulmeikwaiwut. (agave eater) once told telivato that the latter was killing all the people and that he must stop. Telvato only laughed at this, but the next day when amftlmeikwaiwut was leading a hunting party he was struck between the shoulders and became very sick. The wantcifiakiktum people had shamans come from Alamo, Torros, and Martinez, but they were help- less and three days later the victim died. He had been killed by a tealawa (spirit or pain) sent by tclvato, and none of the other shamans could suck it out. The latter did not say he had done it, but all the shamans and people knew it was he. All the people were alarmed at this and two men, one called tcuiva, of the wantcauem clan, and a man of the mimletcem clan from palhiliwit village, went to see all the clan leaders from the Salton sea to kavinic (a village at Indian Wells). They talked over the situation with each of these and all agreed that telvato should be killed. They also discussed who should do the deed, and decided on pulmiewammama-I (poor will fluttering) who was net of the awilem clan. He was a strong man and very brave. When this was decided, the two delegates returned and told pulmiewammama-I of his appoint- ment, so that evening he and a shaman of the wantciniakiktum clan named Vincente Malfil, called on tclvato. They were invited to eat and spend the night there, and accepted the invitations. Tclivato's wife was away, but two young daughters about ten and fourteen years old were with him. About eleven o 'clock when all the family were asleep, pulmiewammama-I arose, took a long stone pestle, and crushed tcivato's skull. This he did very completely for he feared telivato might not die. As soon as he saw telvato was dead Vincente Malfil went to the body and at the head of the bed he found many small feathers of hawks, ravens, humming birds, and other bird species, with the skin of a gopher snake. When he saw these he knew that they were the materials telvato made into tealawa (spirits or pains). He trampled them into the ground, whereupon, Francisco 's father told him, a sound like thunder arose. Vincente Malf'iI said that tcivato was dangerous only while awake; when he was asleep he was helpless and so they had been able to kill him. In the morning people from all around came to see the body; the informant and his mother were among them. Later in the morning they put the body on a pile of brush and burned it, burning his house at the same time. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California The wife of teivato was a wakalikiktum woman from Toro, where she was visiting at the time of her husband's death. She sent for the children and stayed with her own people. All the nets of the Desert Cahuilla, including the wakalikiktum net., had consented to the execu- tion and had agreed to annihilate the entire wantcauem clan should any of them seek vengeance. Nevertheless, some of the younger mem- bers of the wakalikiktum group, without the consent of their net, armed themselves and made threats of a.venging their kinswoman's husband. The awilem people feared they would be a.ttacked, so each of the clans sent three or four young men armed with bows and arrows to pulichekiva (the informant's village) to guard it a.gainst attack. They remained on guard for several days and nights and then as nothing happened returned to their respective villages. No more trouble resulted from the incident. This example, and others like it, substantiate the words of the informants and show the very small amount of any sort of central authority existing on the desert. The material poverty, peaceful nature, and strenuous food gathering which characterized the southern California Shoshoneans must have contributed to their ability to exist with so little organization. In spite of all these factors, however, informants agreed that life was far from tranquil on the desert, for each little group was suspicious of the other and petty quarrels, usually between individuals, resulted. Vengeance appears to have been largely an affair of the immediate family, and no clearly classi- fied code of blood vengeance or payment for wrongs inflicted wa.s obtained. The interesting and widespread institution of singing songs against enemies in other clans will be presented later in a description of desert ceremonies. The settlement of such quarrels depended on the leaders of the respective clans. CLAN LEADERSHIP The Net The net acted as ceremonial leader, judge, and to a. limited extent as general executive for his clan. Whether or not he led in fighting is very dubious and probably depended on his general qualifications. Theoretically the clan leadership ran in the direct male line, a man being succeeded by his eldest son. Actually the adult members of the elan, of both sexes, decided on the qualifications of this successor, and 1.929] 59 60 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 might often pass by the legitimate heir for a more capable younger brother. In case of a net having no adult successors a brother might succeed, although it was considered more ethical to keep the office in the same direct line. The qualifications for a net are rather general: he should be a good speaker, smart, fair-minded, and a good ceremonial manager. He must know the ritual and traditions of the clan, as well as the bo-undaries of all territories owned by them. Informants stated that a woman could never become net, and no cases of the sort were obtained. Ownership of property of any sort does not seem to have been necessary, and there seems no reason to believe that the net was possessed of more material wealth than any other family head within the clan. The Dance House The office of net is marked by two distinctions, his occupancy of the ceremonial dance house, and his possession of ceremonial objects which are rolled up in a sacred'mat. At present the dance house or kicamnawit may be built much in the shape of a modern rectangular shed with a ridged roof, but it is always made on a greasewood frame and covered with either arrow-weed or the fronds of the native palm (Washingtonia filifera). In size it varies a great deal. It is dis- tinguished from the ordinary dwelling house by having the front end enclosed with a semicircular wall of the same material that covers the house, leaving a space for dancing and a fire. No such round dance house as that at Palm Springs was seen elsewhere. The Sacred Bundle At the back of the house is a small room where the net keeps his maswut (a mat made of fine mountain grass) in which are kept objects sacred to the clan, and impedimenta used in their ceremonies. Maswut is associated with the sea, and two informants translated it as "sea- weed," describing it as a mat about three feet wide and four to six feet long made of tules sewn together. Originally maswut was sup- posed to be made of tules from the coast, but now they use a sharp- pointed grass which grows in the mountains. The maswut, the objects rolled up in it, and the room itself are very sacred, and the latter is entered ordinarily only by the net and his immediate family. The use of maswut, or misvut, is mentioned in the creation story given by Hooper134 for the Desert Cahuilla. Hooper apparently got this crea- 134 Hooper, op. cit., 326-327. 9Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California tion story from the mother of August Lomas, now dead, who was a member of the autaatem clan living at temalsekalet near Martinez. The section referring to the maswut, or as Hooper writes it, misvut, is unusually suggestive. When they were ready to hold the fiesta, Coyote told them he knew what to make effigies of and offered to go to the end of the world to get it. Misvut (a seaweed) was what he got. It grew far under the water. It had probably been made in the beginning for this purpose .... . During that first fiesta, the Isil people wanted some more misvut. When they went to get it, the water bubbled and made a queer noise. It was talking to them, but they could not understand it at first. Soon they understood that Misvut was asking them what they wanted. They told him they wanted the big stone, sharv6v6shal, which was to pound things on, more misvut, and a pipe made of rock. The misvut was always kept rolled up and had a stone pipe in it. Net had given a feast in order to get this pipe, for Mukat had told them that this was necessary. This pipe is used onily at fiestas and can be obtained only after the net has given a feast. This should be compared with the Palm Springs version of the creation'35 to see the even more pronounced affiliation of maswut with the ocean. The rolling up of the stone pipe on the maswut is identical with the case described at Palm Springs,136 where the sacred objects wrapped up in the ceremonial matting form the center or "heart" of the big house, the distinguishing possession of the net, and therefore the most important possession of the clan. Even today the maswut bundles, belonging to inta.ct clans or religious groups ("parties") formed around a clan nucleus, are regarded as very sa.cred and can- not be handled by the ethnologist. The possession of a very sacred object, such as the stone pipe men- tioned by Hooper, seems to charaterize only certain clans, others either being without similar objects or else refusing to speak of them. All groups however which had a net and formed an independent cere- monial unit, owned a bundle of maswut in which were wrapped eagle feathers and narrow bands made of flicker feathers. Francisco Nombre had such a bundle of maswut in which were kept eagle plumes, the skin of the shoulders and breast of an eagle rubbed very soft with a stone, and a skirt of eagle feathers called elatem. The last object was not used on the desert for the "eagle" or "whirling" dance dis- tinctive of the western Shoshonean groups, but appears to have been a later addition to the bundle and was sometimes presented to the net of another clan on the death of one of his family. Feathers from elatem were also used to decorate the images that were burned. The awilem clan does not seem to have owned any specially sacred object, 135 Present paper, pp. 130-143. 136 Present paper, p. 128. 1929] 61 62 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 such as their relatives of the autaatem clan had in the sacred pipe. This object may have been lost, or again the possession of such an object may denote the clan which represents the oldest line of direct descent from the original ancestral group. This latter theory is purely hypothetical, for the clans are so broken up at present, and the maswut concept so hard to obtain from any but the oldest people, that a com- parative study of clan relationship and contents of ceremonial bundles appears impossible. This maswut concept was found to apply not only to the Desert Cahuill& but also to every other Shoshonean group investigated by the present author-that is to all divisions of the Cahuilla, the Serrano, the Luiseino, and the Cupeino. In each of these groups it was associated primarily with two things, the ceremonial impedimenta of the clan chief and the making of figures for the image- burning ceremony. Only the main factors concerning the leadership of the clan among the Desert Cahuilla have been given, but the more detailed aspects of the position can be best brought out by a study of the ceremonies among these and neighboring groups. These points are discussed in their order but it seems well at this place to discuss the remaining officials of the immediate groups under consideration. The Pahi The paha,137 already mentioned, was known at Palm Springs, and by all groups to the west, where he is associated with the boys' initia- tion or manet dance, at which the jimsonweed drinking plays a promi- nent part. This ceremony was not performed at all on the desert, where it is called "the war dance" for no very obvious reason. Whether the term paha was generally used by any of the desert groups south of Indian Wells in aboriginal times is open to some doubt. Francisco Nombre, by far the best informant interviewed, said that the term paha was not known by his clan, or by those south and east of Martinez, and in the course of three weeks' intensive questioning never contradicted himself on this point. Other informants from these extreme southeastern groups confirmed him in this regard. On the other hand, Jolian Lopez, a sewahilem clan member from Toro, said that his clan as long as he remembered had always had a paha from a clan of the opposite moiety. This suggests the system of reci- procity between intermarrying clans common to Serrano, Cupenio, and 137 The word paha appears to be of Luisefio origin, meaning a snake called the Red Racer (Coluber flageflus frenotus). The term has the same connotation among the Cupefio, and among the three C(ahuilla divisions. Stro,ng: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Luiseiio as well as Cahuilla. There is no doubt that the term pahal3" was known to the villages around Coachella; but it also seems equally clear that the villages south and east of there were without such an official or title.'39 According to Jolian Lopez and akasem Levi, both of the sewahilem clan, the paha was sometimes chosen by all the people, and each clan had its own. This clashes with the actual case cited, but they could reconcile the two versions only by saying that wakatli (the paha from the other clan) was chosen on account of his fitness, not because he belonged to a clan of the opposite moiety. A paha, according to these two informants, must be a man of forceful person- ality who can maintain order at all ceremonial functions. He must be feared by all people, for to disobey his instructions would bring death to some one in the group. He notified outside parties of ceremonies performed by his clan, gathered food from all his members, and super- vised its preparation and division to guests. On his death it was customary, but not obligatory, to appoint a son or close relative in his place. As in the case of the net, the paha was always a man, never a woman. The takwa Hooper, in her description of the mourning ceremony at Palm Springs, speaks of the ceremonial official designated as takwa being employed on the desert. This title is not employed among the desert groups south of Indian Wells, and many of these people do not know the term. Francisco Nombre had never heard it, but said that some relative of the net, either male or female, divided the food among the guests. This person had no special title, but guests on entering and seeing the division taking place would say "takwac nikul," meaning "he or she is dividing food." This division. of food is always the main duty of the takwa in the mountains and it is highly probable that the special title arose from this general expression still retained on the desert. Jolian Lopez and akasem Levi, the two informants who told of the paaha, both said that the takwa as a special assistant was not known south of Indian Wells, but was so distinguished at Palm Springs and among the Mountain Cahuilla. 138 Giiford, S. Cal. 187, states that each group or clan among the Cahuilla had a paha. This is due to the fact that the term has come to be applied to the ceremonial assistant in general, in spite of the fact that the actual duties of the paha were usually highly specialized. 139 Hooper, op. ct., 328, also makes no distinction, in regard to possession or non-possession of a paha, between all the Cahuilla groups. Her descriptidn of the duties of the paha, however, applies to Palm Springs only. 1,929] 63 64 University of. California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 The Putalem The shamans'40 or witch doctors, called pilalem, were in no sense clan or tribal officials, but undoubtedly exerted a strong influence on the groups with which they lived or came in contact. The case already cited of tclvato, the malevolent shaman at Martinez, is a good example of this. According to informants, shamans are born, not made. When a youth was six or seven years old he would have sick spells which would be doctored by a shaman (pill), who would under- stand that the boy was to become a pul himself.141 Later when the boy has grown up to an age of seventeen or eighteen a vision comes to him in the night, without his seeking it, and tells him to dance before the people the next night. For three nights he dances before all his clan in the kicumnawit and all the people know he is a puil. Aft.er that he performs all the duties of a shaman, curing sick people by sucking "pains" or "spirits" from their bodies. This subject has been treated more fully by Hooper,142 but it merits a more extensive study than it has yet received as there are still a good number of practicing shamans on the desert and their esoteric methodology would be extremely interesting. The concept of imitative and contagious magic is strong, and many of the troubles and feuds among these people arose over alleged bewitching of people or food crops. The shamans play a considerable part in the various ceremonies, determin- ing whether occasions are propitious or not, and singing their own songs and dancing their special dances at others. The fundamental characteristic of the shaman however is individualism, and each one has his own songs, dances, cures, and methods of poisoning or bewitch- ing. Not every clan has a shaman and there are no rules in regard to their numbers. There seems to be no feeling that the possession of this power is inherited by a shaman 's son, nor were any cases of women shamans recorded. The shaman rarely or never is the man who must remember the songs and tra.ditions of the clan, this duty belonging primarily to the net. 140 Hooper, op. cit., 333-339, gives a longer acount of shamanism on the desert. 141 I do not believe that such spells are connected with epilepsy or any con- genital defect, for of the six or seven desert shamans seen all appeared to be physically normal. 142 op. oit. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Th.e Hauinik A voluntary assistant in this last duty was called hauinik or singer, and this name included people of both sexes. Among the desert groups there was no special ceremony to teach the boys to sing, but those who enjoyed it or had natural abilities in this line would listen to the old people until they had learned all the songs. When they had done this they were called hauinik. Older informants on the desert spoke very sadly of the fact that none of the younger people nowadays cared to learn the songs, saying that when they died the songs would die with them. These were the officials, if such they might be called, of the most southeasterly of the three Cahuilla divisions. It can be seen that, aside from the clan head or net, there was really no person of authority among them. Life was localized, and the slight power was centralized in the patriarchal or family head. Such a loosely organized society was undoubtedly subject to much shifting about, and the personality of the various nets and shamans must have played a great part in determining the troubled or peaceful nature of life among the people. Opposed by outsiders, villages or geographically contiguous clans seem to have had some slight feeling of sharing a common, cause, but any definite organization or tribal sense seems to have been lacking. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CLAN In the course of the foregoing external description enough has been said to give a fairly good idea of the importance of the clan, and its relation to the other phases of aboriginal desert life. It has been stated that all members of a clan traced their descent through males from a common ancestor,143 and a careful investigation of genealogies bears this out. In its complete form the Desert Cahuilla social unit consists of a direct line of male descent, in which theoretically at least the oldest son succeeds his father as head, and the clan includes all collateral lineages for an uncertain number of generations back. Females born in this group are included, and always maintain their clan or lineage name, although on marriage they become ceremonially affiliated with the husband's clan. Since strict patrilineal descent prevails, the children of such women belong to the husband's clan. 143 Gifford, S. Cal., 187. 1,929] 65 66 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Cd ce~~~~~~~~~~~C Z -C *- cd c C O a O Ca o a a W ce c ce bo cd ~ a 0 a- -4 .,-I aq) cec Cd rcl Cd cd~~~~~~~~~ .4~ aec z dc cd Cd~~~~~ C d a~~~~~~~~~~~~c aa~ 'd a 6- Z ~ ~ + .~~~ ~ ~~~~~~~~-0D +~~~~~~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 4 0 ce~~~~~~~~. 0 ~ o a ~~ ,z~~~~~~~~~~ -4 I _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 'Qd a Q qjj~~~~~~~ a~~~~~~~~C -4 14.~ a 4.+ a a~~~~~~dC z Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California The exact nature of the woman's affiliation to the husband's clan is not entirely clear, but she seems to become an integral part of its ceremonial activity. How much contact she maintained with her own clan was dependent on the distance separating her husband's village from her home village. A clan a.mong these peoples, then, included in its ceremonial activity all people born into the group, and women who were married into the group. As a. considerable sexual dichotomy prevailed in regard to the more esoteric duties in the clan, the woman 's part seems to have been largely that of gathering, preparing, and serving food, although certain of the older women sang and danced at most ceremonies. It is possible of course that remnants of almost extinct clans may have been assimilated or adopted into other active clans, but no ca.ses of this sort were noted among the Desert Cahuilla, and considering the strictness with which they cling to their paternal names it seems, improbable. The "party, " or religious organization of unrelated clans, found among the more westerly peoples (the Luisefio especially), does not seem to have been known on the desert. This "party" organization seems to have been due to disintegrating mission influences to which the Desert Cahuilla were not subjected. The composition of one apparently typical Desert Cahuilla clan, the awilem, "dogs," at puiichekiva, is shown in genealogy 6. Two main lineages that of late years have been conducting separate cere- monies, compose this clan. The split between the two apparently occurred at the latter village where the ancestors of the Nombres, Quatties, and Sams lived in one communal house, and the ancestors of the Kintanos in another. These families live on the Martinez reservation but conduct independent ceremonies, though they some- times unite for larger "fiestas." All vaguely knew that they were relatives, but the exact relationship was only remembered by one man, Francisco Nombre, the hereditary awilem leader. With his death all exact knowledge of the relationship will vanish. This situation is probably identical with a great number of other such separations or divisions of collateral lineages, and indicates the way in which sepa- rately named lineages, and in time, new clans, are formed. It is highly probable that the autaatem clan is another offshoot of this same stock, for the groups regard each other as relatives and formerly united in food-gathering expeditions to their old mountain territories under awilem leadership. But here all actual trace of relationship has been obscured by time. Other more fragmentary genealogies bear out the 1,929] 67 68 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 male lineage composition of the clan, but none shows so clearly the division of the lineages and the recent assumption of English and Spanish names. Most of the latter were given during the early period of white contact, in many cases while the Southern Pacific railroad was being built across this part of the desert and the natives were employed as laborers. Such names are today transmitted in modern European style. EXAMPLES OF NOMINAL SEPARATION AND CEREMONIAL AFFILIATION A condition occurring at temelmekmeka, the village where the wantcauem clan formerly lived, is worthy of note. The name of this clan as already stated means "touched by the river," and accord- ing to informants from Martinez, part of this clan were several times washed out of their homes by cloud-bursts in the San Jacinto moun- tains which swept down Martinez canyon. This portion of the clan came to be nicknamed wanicocem, or "washed out." Later this term came to be applied only to the females of the group and girl babies especially were called by this title. This suggests the Serrano custom of giving different group names to the men and the women in the same clan,'44 and is somewhat analogous to the Colorado river Ynuman clan system where the clan name is borne by the women in the clan. Whether this name was applied to the women married into the clan as well as those born into it, was not positively remembered, but was believed to be the case. Likewise the men of the wanteauem clan were in the habit of gathering their best mesquite beans and taking them to the wanikiktum clan near malki (Banning) at White Water. Therefore the other clans near the wantcauem clan often called the men of this clan "wanikiktum'" and the women "oem." In the light of this last information, it seems quite possible that the wantcauem clan was a branch of the wanikiktum clan, the "wani" or "washed out" portion of both names applying to floods of the White Water river. More information from either of these two groups would probably clear the matter up. The use of such nicknames, however, is of importance in showing the possible application of Yuman sex- limited clan names, as well as the prevalence of nicknaming among all these groups. A somewhat simpler case of clan division occurred within the memory of Francisco Nombre, when the akawenekiktum clan at palsetamul (near Coachella) divided, one branch moving to a near-by 144 Gifford, S. Cal., 180-181. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California site, and assuming the nickname taukatim (no translation). The former group retained the clan leader and dance house and carried on all ceremonies for both villages. Only the two clans concerned recognized the two names; all other clans termed the inhabitants of both villages akawenekiktuim. The two divisions concerned, and out- side clans as well, regard the two as being related to each other. Both divisions are apparently extinct, so genealogies could not be obtained. This seems a clear case of lineage division, probably due to crowd- ing, and informants said that such occurrences were formerly common. For this reason there were certain affiliations between separate groups, so that when one was invited to an outside ceremony they always brought the other, and both participated in- the same ceremonies. The four separate lineages, each occupying a village, which were all under the leadership of the central kauicpam6auitcem clan, thus acted as one unit in all ceremonial affairs. Such may have been the relation- ship between the kaunukalakiktum clan and the iviatim lineage at the iviatim village near Agua Dulce. In this case, however, the fact that the village was known by the name of the subordinate lineage, which also meant "Cahuilla people," makes it extremely doubtful whether the active lineage was in reality the oldest. It is quite possible that the ceremonial leadership;, due to personnel, may have passed from the original lineage to the more active younger branch. Similar cases of linkage existed at the palpilnivikiktum hemki village, near Alamo, at puiichekiva near Martinez, and at palsetahut, previously discussed, near Coachella. Such related or collateral lineages might live in the same village, or in near-by villages, but the nature of the relationship was usually considered to be one of blood, and not of marital or ceremonial affiliation. The fact that such ceremonial groups usually consisted of persons of the same moiety is strong veri- fication of the native belief. Complete genealogies would of course be highly desirable in all these cases, but as most of the people con- cerned are dead there is little chance of obtaining them. Certainly the Desert Cahuilla do not seem to have stressed moiety reciprocity in ceremonies as was the case among the Luise-no, Serrano, Cupeiio, and to a certain extent the Mountain Cahuilla; and as a result cere- monial linkage between clans was usually due to blood relationship. To say that the sole basis of all such Desert Cahuilla groupings was remote relationship would be unwarranted, but it seems probable in most cases. Geographic contiguity and consanguinity of the branch lineages actually forming one ceremonial clan would be expectable. 1929] 69 70 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 THE MOIETY AMONG THE DESERT CAHUILLA As is the case among most of their western neighbors, all the clans of the Desert Cahuilla are grouped in two major divisions, called respectively the wildcat (tuiktum) and coyote (istam) people. In late aboriginal times prior to white interference there seems to have been a strict rule of marriage to prevent endogamy in either group. All informants agreed that prior to the last generation a coyote person might only marry a wildcat person and vice versa.. At present the rule has no force but the custom seems to have held until recent times. Out of twenty-eight actual cases of marriage recorded,'45 twenty-six were in accord with the rule of moiety exogamy, and two included the pafiakauissiktum clan whose moiety affiliation is doubtful. This is strong confirmation of the schematic pattern given by the informants. The feeling against marriage within the moiety was very strong and, unlike most of the neighboring dichotomous groups, informants said that the rule held even with people who spoke another language, should they marry among the Cahuilla. Thus a Cupeiio or Serrafno man would have to marry according to his moiety if he came to live with the desert people. As none of the actual cases show such inter- tribal146 marriages it is impossible to verify this statement, but the informants were very emphatic in affirming it. When asked the reason for this dual division informants are naturally at a loss. Some said that for an istam to marry an istam would be like relatives marrying and therefore would be highly improper. Others said that the rule had "been from the beginning" and therefore must be followed. Hooper 's creation story tells of this division,'47 as does the Palm Springs creation story given here.'48 A comparative study of these two stories shows that there is really a division of nearly all nature between the two creators, one half belonging to the older mulkat who is tiktum, and the other half to the younger temalyauit who is istam. This is very similar to the dual division of the universe among the Miwok although the classi- fication is not so clear-cut as in the latter case.'49 Informants stated 145 The majority of these cases are to be found in the clan and village genealogies already presented. 146 The word tribal is here used for convenience to denote a different linguistic group, not a unified political group sueh as the word usually implies. 147 Op. cit., 327. 148 Present paper. 149 E. W. Gifford, Miwok Moieties, present series, 12:142, 1916. 9Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California that all animals and birds were thus members of one or the other moieties according to their respective creators. Lists of these how- ever are difficult to obtain at present although the short list from Palm Springs shows this classification to a slight extent.150 This seems to indicate that the personal names of the individuals were governed by their moiety affiliations, for these names are based on natural objects which of course belong t.o either the istam or the tuiktum division. Thus when another clan is invited to a ceremony at the house of an istam clan, they sing the following song on entering: selim, selim (California woodpecker) Built a beautiful green hemki (place) All is moving around.151 suwalwal (great blue heron) anawut ( ?) tamaswut (grebe). Thus everyone hearing the song knows that the dance house is owned by an istam clan, for these birds are of the istam moiety. The names of the birds have nothing to do with the personal names of the owners of the house but merely indicate the moiety they belong to. Likewise when the visiting clan enters the dance house of a tfiktum clan they also sing a similar song. kwowit (shore bird, probably curlew), pumuis (cormorant) Built a beautiful green hemki All is moving around. kw6wit, pumilis. These words are chanted over and over again, and show the moiety of the people who own the dance house. At the annual mourning cere- mony similar moiety songs are sung, to the a,ccompaniment of much wailing in memory of the dead people. It can be seen that there is no very clear distinction between classes of birds or animals in placing them in one or the other moiety categories, for the birds in both these cases are water birds.'52 The informants however insisted that the two moieties were thus designated by the different birds, but refused to give a fuller list on the ground that only a few distinctive names were remembered and were always used in t,his connection. 150 Present paper, p. 109. 151 Denoting festivity and action. 152 It must be remembered that though these Cahuilla are a desert people they live close to the Salton sea where water birds of many species gather. 1.929] 71 72 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Another song, identical to one sung by the Mountain Cahuilla, was sung as a joke, usually to the children. An istam person would sing: tuikut tuiku wefia pelelic tein pike lilima ewelap6! Wildcat, having his arrows in a bag, Does not look good to us. isil tahat isiveiia pelelic teiua plic atacama aalep1. Coyote, brave man, having his arrows in a bag, Looks very good to us. Each of these lines is chanted over and over, with a rising and falling cadence as many times as desired. This sort of joking between the moieties was a common thing, but according to informants was always good-natured and did not have the sting or vituperative quality that the enemy songs the clans sang against each other possessed. According to Francisco Nombre, the four oldest animals were great puialem or shamans; these were huinwit (the California grizzly bear), iswit153 or tiukwit (the mountain lion), tuikwut (the jaguar) ,'154 and isil (the coyote), who was the youngest. The first three were created by mulkat and were tuiktum; the last, isil, was created by temalyauit and was istam. No data in regard to any actual moiety organization were secured, and there are no indications of moiety chiefs or officials of any sort. Gifford has stated that moiety reciprocity occurred in the making of the images for the mourning ceremony,155 but according to my inform- ants such was not usually the case. Various clans were invited for different nights of the week-long ceremony, and the clan which was 153 The term iswit is used by the Mountain Cahuilla at present as a synonym for tuikwit or mountain lion. The Desert Cahuilla say that it means "wolf" but no informant questioned had ever seen this animal in the flesh. Dr. Joseph Grinnell, in 1925, told me that so far as he knew no wolf had ever been taken west of the valley of the Colorado river or south of the Tehachapi. Mr. Joseph Dixon has since examined the skin of a timber wolf, reputed to have been killed in San Diego county, and is inclined to regard it as an authentic record. 154 The inclusion of this species agrees with information from the Dieguefio received by C. Hart Merriam, Journal of Mammalogy, 1:38-40, 1919-20. See also, W. D. Strong, Journal of Mammalogy, 7:59-60, 1926. The Desert and Mountain Cahuilla use the term tukwut for the jaguar (Felis onca). Only the old men knew of the animal. Francisco Nombre gave a description of tuikwut, that does not admit of any other species, saying that it was a cat larger than the mountain lion, with round spots and a long tail. Its tracks were larger than the mountain lion's and it was regarded as more dangerous. The last animal of this species he remembered, was killed back of Palm Springs about 1860, by an Indian who was attacked while stalking deer. Francisco saw the fresh, spotted hide, and the long curved claws which were used for a dog collar. Similar skins were presented to his father for use in the image-burning ceremonies of his clan. More data on this animal are given under Hunting Rules. 155 Present series, 14:187-188. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California invited on Saturday night made the images. According to Francisco Nombre and other informants, the moiety affiliation of this clan was of no importance. It might be a related group; for example, the awilem clan usually made the images for the autaatem people and vice versa. Both of these were naturally in the same moiety. However, it might be a clan which was affiliated by intermarriage in which case moiety reciprQcity would seem to be employed, but this is mainly a matter of chance. To say that moiety reciprocity never occurred would therefore be incorrect, but that it was a generally recognized and universal desert custom seems contrary to the data at hand. To sum up the place of this dual division among the Desert Cahuilla, it appears that regulation of marriage is its primary func- tion, distinction of clans in regard to names and for purposes of joking being secondary. Theoretical considerations in regard to its wider significance will be discussed hereafter. MARRIAGE As has been previously shown, moiety exogamy was an essential factor in regulating aboriginal desert marriages, and the actual cases bear out the schematic pattern very strongly. Even more important to the native was avoidance of marriage with either maternal or paternal relatives so far as known. Other rules seem to have been lacking, and marriages might occcur between people in the same village, if both moieties were represented there, or between separate villages. Propinquity seems to have been the main factor in this regard. Actual cases show a few marriages between the Palm Springs people and those around Martinez, but informants stated that in the old days the people south of Indian Wells never married persons from the groups around Banning, while the groups south of Martinez did not as a rule marry with the Palm Springs group. This was not a set rule but was due, informants said, to the distances involved. It is of course not at all probable that such marriages never occurred for there was some intercourse between all the desert groups, but the twenty-eight actual cases show no such distant marriages. Likewise marriages with the Serrano around Mission Creek or the Cupeiio of Warner's ranch, do not seem to have been at all common. Theoretically, at least, people from these two linguistic groups would have to marry according to their moiety should they marry Desert Cahuilla individuals; that is, an islam (coyote) Cupenio man 1929] 73 74 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 must marry a tutktum (wildcat) Cahuilla woman, and a, wahlyam (coyote) Serrano man would have to marry a tilktum Cahuilla woman. Whether this was actually the case I do not know for no old cases of this sort were discovered. Neither the Cupeiio nor the Serrano have this feeling in rega.rd to marriages outside their own linguistic group. The situation in general was very similar to that of our own society, where people that, are in contact with each other na,turally tend to marry while those farther away and less well acquainted do not, but there was no rule against, such unions should chance or personal inclination defeat distance. A man would never marry a girl from his father's clan, primarily because of the nominal relationship and the fact that their moiety would be the same. He could however marry a girl from his mother's clan provided she was not. a close relative of his mother. This at first glance seems to cast doubt on the actual relationship of all the clan members for these marriages were not uncommon. On second con- sideration however it. is obvious that in a clan including all collateral branches for five generations back, there would be a, considerable number of individuals who would be fourth or fifth cousins and there- fore according to a strict blood-family interpretation, not actual relatives. It was with these individuals that marriage was possible. Patrilocal residence was the general rule, but cases of matrilocal residence did occur, especially where the immediate family of the man was dead. Informants were unanimous in agreeing tha.t the children were always given the clan name of the man, even in the hypothetical case that he was the sole survivor of his clan and living with his wife's people. Children might be betrothed in infancy in which case presents of food, baskets, and game, were exchanged between the two families a,t frequent intervals. It was more common, however, for them to wait until t.he boy was seventeen or eighteen years of age and the girl twelve or thirteen or perha.ps older. Then the match was arranged between the respective parents. The boy's mother goes to the mother of the girl she has selected for her son, and tells her that she desires the girl to help her do her work and to gather mesquite beans. At this time she takes no presents. The girl's mtother asks time to con- sult with her husband; if he agrees they both consult the wishes of the girl. The mother is mainly influenced by her feeling for the boy's family, the father by the food-gathering and hunting abilities of the prospective son-in-law, and the girl presumably by her feeling Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California for the boy. The father of the girl if the match is satisfactory notifies the boy's father. A female relative, not the mother of the boy, goes with presents to the bride's home and brings her back to the house of her future parents-in-law, where she leaves her outside. This relative then calls the boy's mother who leads the girl into the house, and seats her with her fa.ce in a corner, and her back t.o the boy's family whose members have been assembled at a feast. The girl's family in order not to embarrass her and to let her become acquainted with her new rela- tives, stay away. The boy is brought in and seated beside the girl, likewise with his back to the assembled relatives. Food is given them and they are left there to get acquainted. Not until they begin to talk to each other are they allowed to leave this position. There were no special songs and no dancing on this occasion, although as many relatives of the boy as the immediate family could feed were invited. The mother-in-law gave the girl no advice or counsel as she had already received this before leaving, from her own mother. That night only one cover was allowed the bride and groom, for otherwise, my informant said, they might be too shy to sleep together. In the morning the girl's mother-in-law shows her the duties that she must perform and she becomes a working part of the household. If it happened that the girl was unhappy she might run away to her parents. The mother-in-law would go and get, her back once or twice but if the girl persisted she was allowed to rem-ain, and her fa.mily returned the presents they had received. If a girl had no chil- dren within a period of two or three years and the husband was will- ing, his parents would return the girl to her home. At any time the girl might leave, in which case presents were returned; but if there were children the latter remained with the man 's family and no presents were returned. Up. to within the last fifteen years thirty dollars in American money was the regular price paid for a girl. Now they say con- temptously that a girl is only worth "a paper," to wit, the marriage license. A girl baby is now referred to as "a paper. " * If a man married an elder sister and was good to her and gave food and presents to her family, he might be given the younger sister should the older one die. This was done by the parents of the girl so as to keep the boy in the family, and was not compulsory. Like- wise a woman might. marry her dead husband's brother,'56 but this 156Hooper, op. cit., 354, says that a widow might only marry her husband's older brother. I unfortunately obtained no data on this point. 1929] 75 76 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 was entirely a, matter of choice. Two cases were remembered where a man had more than one wife. In the first case the man married a woman whose young cousin came to live with them. The first wife was old and weak and asked the younger cousin to stay as her hus- band's second wife so that she could help around the house. As the young cousin liked the husband she did so, all three living together in agreement. In the other case an older sister ha.d had no children although she had been married many years. She asked her younger sister to come and live with them as a co-wife. The husband had several children by this second wife. No other cases of plural wives were remembered by desert informants. A similar tale to that recorded by Hooper157 was also. told me, I suspect by the same informant, Francisco Nombre at Martinez, who said that in the old days about which his grandfather told him, a man might go to a girl he desired and take her, fighting off her relatives with his bow and arrows. Should the girl refuse him saying he was too old, he would kill her, for that was a deadly insult. This is in the nature of a legend but is interesting as a repetition of Hooper's information. HUNTING RULES As before stated the four most important animals were regarded as shamans, and when any of them were killed a night of singing and dancing in their memory must occur. The grizzly bear (hfunwit) was called hempulwitcuf, translated as great-great-grandfather, the mountain lion (tuikwit or iswit) was a relative of uncertain degree, the jaguLar (tukwut), and especially the coyote (isil), were great shamans, but not relatives. When the tra.cks of a bear were encountered, the older men and women very respectfully asked him to go back to the hills. and to hide, lest they be forced to go after him. Many years ago a small party on their way toward Los Angeles encountered a female grizzly and two cubs, near the modern town of Beaumont. The oldest man talked to the bear and told her that they meant her no harm, and as she was a relative of theirs she should not bother them. The mother bear thereupon went peace- fully on her way. Shortly before this a bear that had killed two people near Cahuilla was killed by a party of Palm Springs Indians. All that night they danced and sang over the body, just as the people near Martinez did over the body of a deer. 157 Op. oit., 355. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California About fifty years ago an Indian back of Palm Springs, while stalking a deer with a deer's head disguise, was attacked by a jaguar which he killed. The claws of this animal were very large and were used to make a dog collar; the skin was saved to decorate images of the dead. Francisco Nombre said that people from Cahuilla (the town of paul in the San Jacintos) several times brought jaguar skins down from the mountains as gifts at his grandfather's fiestas. These skins he described as considerably larger than those of the mountain lion with black spots on a tawny background. The tracks of the jaguar, he said, were fairly common in the canyons of the eastern Santa Rosas, and he often saw them although he never saw a live jaguar. The male's tracks were much larger than a mountain lion's, while the female's track was about the size of a large male mountain lion's. This assumed sex difference may be a pure rationalization but he was firm in his belief that most of the tracks attributed to the jaguar were very large. The old people made a regular practice of following mountain lion and jaguar trails in order to uncover and eat the remains of deer which these animals buried. Aside from the more or less accidental case at Palm Springs, no record of the jaguar's or mountain lion's attacking anyone was secured. The grizzly, on the other hand, was regarded as very dangerous and when a man- killing individual came into the neighborhood the men of the inter- ested clans joined together and in a group hunted him down. It was considered better to run the bear out of the country than to kill him. Otherwise the bear was unmolested. When an individual killed a deer he took it to the net's house, i.e., the dance house. If there had been no recent death in the clan all the people would collect and sing all night, eating the deer in the morning. If it was the first deer killed after a death in the clan, the net would take the deer and give it to the clan living closest to him. These people would then sing all night before eating the deei. Part of this deer was usually given to the slayer. When a coyote or wildcat was killed by a younger man he let it lie where it fell, and on returning to the village he would tell some old man or woman of its whereabouts. The old person would then go and get the game and use it as he pleased. Only very old people could utilize these two animal species. The first deer a young man killed was given to the clan of his mother. On the communal hunts for rabbits and small game a boy never took his own kill home, but gave it to some other family, usually 192-9] 77 78 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 his mother's. Pa.rents could not eat the game killed by an unmarried boy. Should the boy eat his own game, or even eat off of the utensil on which it was cooked he would probably die. When a boy was about to marry his father told him that he must provide game for the girl's parents. When he was first married his parents prepa.red his game for the girl to eat; they might ea.t what. she left. Later the parents and their married son could safely eat game killed by the latter. The husband alternated in providing game for his own and his wife's family. These rules were rega.rded as vital and had con- siderable vogue up to late times. Modern sicknesses are now laid by the old men to the non-observance of these and a great many other food taboos. NAMING OF CHILDREN The ceremony called hemteuiluiwen, was a clan affair and usually occurred when there were several children of approximately the same age to be named. It took place in the dance house to which were summoned all members of the children's clans and the clans of the children's mothers. The age at which the children were christened depended on the abundance of food possessed by their families. If they had enough provisions for a feast when the children were four or five years old they would have it then, otherwise they would wait until the children were nine or ten years old. Informants stated that if a child reached the age of thirteen years without being formally christened, he went without a name save for such nicknames as he might acquire. The actual naming occurred about midnight in the course of an entire night's singing and dancing. The names to be given were decided upon by the net of the children's clan, and were those of dead ancestors in the clan. No name already possessed by a living person might be used. The knowledge of the clan names is a duty of the net. No one was told the names until the net, holding the child high in his arms, danced slowly in the center of the dance house, and suddenly shouted the name three times. All the people assembled repeated this name. It was very dangerous and ignominious to have an "enemy" clan get possession of the names, hence it sometimes happened that a false name was given at this time, the real name being bestowed in secret when the child was fourteen or fifteen years of age. The boys were named for the male ancestors, the girls according to a series of female names customary in the clan. Examples of these names are as follows: Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Boys' names: plihutnuminma-i, centipede humps. amilmeikwaiwut, man who eats agave. takvic, marksman with a bow. Girls' names: puitcikilauvaa, dried berry flour (eaten only by nets). wiivitavinic, aprons. pfitcikil kekulwine, dried berry flour, acorns on cord (bullroarer). These were names given in the awilem clan and according to nmy informant were used by no other clan. The girls a-re usually given names connected with plants or household appurtenances; the boys, animal, bird, or insect names.158 No exact rule of this sort however seems to be remembered. Several older informants stated that the moiety affiliation of the individual was indicat.ed by the name but, as before stated, an exact or exhaustive dual classification of naames was not secured. The acquisition of new names was not limited to children, for a man might receive a new name at the same time that his child was given its first name. This was to show his greater dignity and importance. In this manner a man might receive as many as five names. Thus Francisco Nombre was named netpima. (an archaic term) as a child, when his oldest daughter was named he was called. nentahemifiahlwinut (with the nets), and later when his third son was named he was called nentininia pakhalwic (gone in among the nets). This name is not indicative of the sex of the child christened, and while the father is knowvn by this name he also retains the others, especially the name he received as a youth. A boy was never given his father's name or vice versa. It does, not appear that any one of the several names a man might receive was more sacred than the others. So-called "enemy" clans hearing any of these names would incorporate them into their songs, to the mortification and danger of the owner of the name. Even though the individual had alrea.dy changed his name, songs were sung about any old or new name discovered. After the names were 158 Hooper, op. cit., 349, states that songs about plants were sung when a girl was named, and about animals for a boy. My informants did not mention this, bLut a survey of the names secured shows a marked tendency to give names acord- ing to this system. Among the Paviotso of the Great Basin the majority of girls were named after flowers (Lowie, Notes on Shoshonean Ethnography, Anthr. Papers, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., 20:272, 1924). In a list of nineteen eastern Tewa personal male names given by J. P. Harrington, only two connote flowers or plants; while of twenty female names sixteen of them are plant or flower names (Am. Anthr., 14:476, 1912). 1029] 79 80 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 given presents of food, baskets, deer skin, or rarely, ceremonial mat- ting were given to the invited clans and in the morning they returned home. CEREMONIAL DEFORMATION All the girls of a clan were tattooed on the chin when they were in their tenth or eleventh year. To this ceremony was invited the clan of the mother, and the actual tattooing was performed with a cactus thorn by the mother's sister. A black (tiul) paint obtained in trade from the Yuma Indians was put in the scratch. A design con- sisting of straight lines or angles was used. According to informants there was no moiety distinction in the design. Boys of approximately the same age, sometimes a year younger, were also decorated at this time. These boys, not necessarily the net's sons but of promising material, had the nasal septum pierced and three links of deer bone inserted in the opining. Later these boys had their ears pierced with cactus thorns. The piercing of the nose was called multavavepi, that of the ears for both sexes hemnakalmilmhanwin. The decorating of the boys in this manner was only done on rare occasions when a boy of great promise appeared and when his clan was able to afford such a ceremony. Such boys, said my informant, nearly always became famous as leaders or hunters, and the bearers of such distinctions were honored even among the Mohave and the Chemehuevi. The tattooing of the girls, however, and the piercing of their ears, was a regular ceremony. This ceremony was accompanied by a night of singing with a feast. Should the holes pricked in the ear lobes fail to stay open they were not reopened again. These customs have long gone out of vogue and I did not see actual evidences of any of the above-named practices among the present population. ENEMY SONGS159 There seem to have been two main times for the singing of enemy songs between the clans. These were after the tattooing and nose- piercing ceremony just described, and after the naming ceremony for children. While informants gave these two occasions as the formal time for such rivalry between assembled clans, or for the singing of one clan against an absent clan, it would appear from other state- ments that such singing contests might break out at any ceremonial 15P9Hooper, op. oit., 345, gives several examples of such songs, but does not mention where they were obtained. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California gathering where the so-called "enemy" clans might come in contact. The descriptions of these affairs are vivid and animated. The sing- ing often ended in a hair-pulling or free-for-all fight between the women, but the men according to Francisco Nombre never came to actual blows. The net of the ceremonial house, with his assistants, always kept the peace as far as the men were concerned. Fig Tree John, whose tales seem to me more picturesque than accurate, is said to tell of such affairs where several people would be killed before morning, but all informants with whom I actually talked denied this. Usually two clans would sing, the one against the other, encouraged by the other people who might be there. One man assisted by several women would dance and sing songs using the names of rival clan members and heaping ridicule on them in any way possible. The man usually led and the women followed. The clan thus sung about might after a few minutes ask to sing, in which case they were granted their turn and answered their enemies in the same manner. The moral victory went to the clan which sang the most songs using personal names and ridiculing their rivals. In the heat of the contest indi- vidual women would try to sing each other down, often ending in direct vituperation or personal combat. Large crowds assembled where such a contest was expected and in anticipation of such an event new songs were composed and practiced by the rivals. Such a verbal battle might last through an entire night, the rivals taking turns in singing and dancing until one or the other relinquished the field through exhaustion. Lines for such rivalry in the desert seem to have been mainly geographic, the clans of one locality singing against the clans of another locality. For example, the awilem clan usually sang against the clans or branch clans under Cabezon, located to the east of Coachella. In this manner the rivalries were usually between groups less often in contact and not to any great degree interrelated by marriage. Such rivalries in more ancient times may have led to open warfare, but it would appear more likely that they sublimated such warlike tendencies as the people may have possessed into more harmless channels. GIRLS' ADOLESCENCE CEREMONY This ceremony called hemeluiniwen, is said to have been performed individually for each girl at the time of her first menses. The girl's father would notify the net of the occurrence and the net would send 192-9] 81 82 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 for the clan to which the girl's mother belonged. They came that evening and assisted in the ensuing ceremony. A fire was built before the net's house; when the ground was thoroughly heated the fire was removed and a hole dug about as long as the girl and about two feet, deep. Into this was put arrowweed, then the girl, and then more arrow weed, over which hot sand was poured. All night long the girl's. clan and the guests danced and sang around the pit, the hot s,and being renewed at intervals. In the morning the girl was taken out, of the pit by her mother and washed in warm water. A white paint or powder ma,de from a mineral obtained in the mountains ,was put all over her hea,d. For a period of two or three weeks after this she was kept under strict surveillance. She wa,s not permitted to wash in or drink cold water, or to eat dry food, salt, or meat. Should she hit or touch any person she might cause the individual suffering from rheumatism or paralysis. A wooden "comb" was provided to scratch her head with, for should she use her fingers it would cause dandruff and loss of the hair. According to Francisco Nombre there was no harm in her looking at things, for her glance did not bring ba,d luck. Especially must she stay close to her home all through this period. These rules a.pplied thereafter to all her menstrual periods, and her health and that of her husband depended on her care in obeying them. Above all, she must never touch her husband at such a time. When a girl had passed through this ceremony the first time she was eligible for marriage. Hooper gives several other details'60 concerning this ceremony but does not give the exa.ct locality to which they apply, the main differ- ences from the above account being her statement that the ceremony lasts three nights, that the pit is heated by stones, and that there was a similar ceremony at the second menstruation when the girl's chin was tattooed. In regard to the latter, no informant questioned by me remembered such an occurrence as a second ceremony and the two oldest informants were sure that the chin was tattooed at an earlier time as previously described. There was no boys' adolescence ceremony practiced by the Desert Cahuilla, according to my informants; this was a westerly ceremony occurring among the Mountain Cahuilla and their neighbors, called by the people of the desert the "war dance." Francisco Nombre told me that once in his grandfather's time the awilem clan tried 160 Op. cit., 347-348. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California this manet or "war dance," but the people beca.me sick and it had never been tried again. He, and all other desert informants, were positive that it h.ad never been regularly used on the desert. CEREMONIAL KILLING OF EAGLES Eagles' nests which might be built in the mountain territories of these groups belonged to the clan owning the nest locality, and were carefully guarded. When the eagles began to frequent the nest, a guard was stationed on a near-by eminence to watch and protect them. The clan was notified when the eggs were laid and a feast was held. When the watcher observed rabbits and other game being taken to the nest, or saw that the young birds had become well feathered out, he notified the net who was regarded as the actual owner of the birds. A party of five or six men would then go to the nest to obtain the young. If there had been a recent death in the clan the trip would be sad, at other times there was singing and rejoicing and a feast and dancing would mark their return. The young eagle or eagles would be. put in a cage in the net's house and would be care- fully fed by all his relatives. When the young birds had attained their full plumage a fiesta was prepared and all neighboring clans were invited. The clan owning the eagle would invite one other clan in to sing the songs specially relating to the eagle and to his death. All the other clans would join in the singing and dancing. Young and old joined in this ceremony and the dancing and singing lasted all night. The eagle was rolled in the ceremonial matting, maswut, and carried in the slow circular dance by members of the net's immediate family. In the early hours of the morning "the eagle would scream and die," probably killed by gradual compression of his lungs. The body was then carefully laid down by the fire and the dancing stopped. All the people wept and wailed loudly in sorrow at the eagle's death. In the morning the eagles were skinned and the feathers kept by the net. The bodies were buried in the cemetery where the people were buried. It may be presumed that prior to any Christian influ- ence the bodies were burned, but informants were vague on this point. The skin was rubbed with a stone until it was very soft, and then put away with the net's ceremonial impedimenta, rolled in maswut. Sometimes a skirt of the tail and wing feathers was made which was called elatem, and this was kept in the ceremonial bundle. It was 1929] 83 84 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 not used in the elaborate "whirling dance" of the more westerly Shoshoneans but was worn at the eagle-killing. Young eagles, or elatem, might be given to closely allied clans in case of a death among their members. This usually occurred when the deceased was a rela- tive by blood or marriage to the net giving the eagle. Such gifts however seem to have been rare. Feathers which were saved after the eagle-killing ceremony were used to decorate the images of the dead and were burned with them. Francisco Nombre told me that in his grandfather's time the eagle ceremony had been rare and very simple, but in his father's time it had become more customary and elaborate among the desert clans. He added that stories of the eagle and respect for the bird had always been common among the people of the desert. CEREMONIES FOR THE DEAD At one time, according to desert informants, it was customary to quietly burn the house and body of the deceased the morning after the death. The burning of the body was called pemtcultwem, and of the house hemtcflstanwen. Now, the body is buried shortly after death, but the burning of the house and personal possessions of the deceased does not occur until a week later. Prior to the burning, members of the clan of the deceased and such other clans as come with presents, sing all night. According to one of the desert inform- ants, in the old days food was so scarce and the difficulty of giving the mourning ceremony a year later so great, that the relatives of the deceased avoided this first ceremony by quietly burning the corpse and its possessions before news of the death traveled. The spot where the bodies were burnt was called tuilwenive or niskieweniva, "where they burnt the bodies." About one year after the death of an individual, occurred the image-burning ceremony, hemnulkwin, or, as the burning itself was called, nilkil. This ceremony was usually so arranged that it would include mourning ceremonies and image-burning for more than one person. The ceremony lasted one week. To it were summoned all clans related to the deceased by marriage, and all the clans who had brought presents to the clan of the deceased at the time the dead person's possessions were burnt. Each clan was invited to arrive on a specified night in order not to have too large a crowd for the entire time. The ceremony begins on Monday, and for the first three nights Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the shamans (pilalem) of the local clan and near-by clans dance in order to find out whether the time is propitious, and to communicate with the spirits of the dead and propitiate them. Thursday night an invited clan led by their hauinik or singer, sings all night long. Friday night another clan repeats this ceremony. On Saturday night the clan invited to come at that time sings all night, some of them making the images of the deceased which are to be burned in the morning. According to my informants, there was no definite rule in regard to the clan which made the images. Their moiety made no difference whatsoever, but the fact that they had been invited for Saturday night made them automatically the makers of the images. The songs sung at this time are said to be about a number of shore birds, especially those whose feathers were used in the ceremony. At this time each clan on arriving sings its moiety song. Also a sad song about the death of muikat, lasting nearly all night, is sung if the deceased is a man. If a woman is being mourned for, a song about menyil (the moon) and her ascent to the sky is sung. The images are made to represent the dead persons and are about five feet high with long narrow bodies. The bodies were originally made of reed matting, the ceremonially important maswut, and were dressed in deer skins. Men were always represented with bow and arrow, women with baskets decorated with eagle feathers. Likewise the image of a man was decorated with an eagle-feather headdress provided by the net. Many ornaments or decorative skins and feathers were attached to the images, but were usually taken off by the members of the invited clans before the actual burning occurred. The modern images are dressed in European style and the body framework is made of wood. Early Sunday morning the images are carried out of the dance house by close relatives of the deceased, while other relatives dis- tribute food and presents to the guests. The images are carried around the kicumnawit (dance house), and taken to the place of burning, niskieweniva, where they are put on the fire and burned. As soon as they are completely burned the ceremony is at an end and the guests depart. According to native theory the dead, whose images have been burned, are not further to be mourned for and their names are not to be mentioned. 1929] 85 86 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 THE MIGRATION LEGEND OF THE SEWAHILEM CLAN Told by Akasem Levi (s,wahilem) at Torres, January 25, 1925, through Gabriel Costo, interpreter. Akasem said that his father told him the story, having learned it verbatim from his father. Aswitsel (eagle flower) stopped first at Happy Point (near Indian Wells) where he left the imprint of his elbows and knees in the rock. From there he came south along the San Jacinto mountains to a place west of Toro; he was weeping and he pushed a hole in the ground with his staff which is still there. Then he settled at kotevewit (in the mountains), and here he brought out the tobacco which he carried. A man named kauiewlkil lived near there on the edge of the desert. Aswitsel went to visit him, when he got there he sat down and stayed all night. He was changed so that he looked very old and wrinkled. In the morning aswitsel went to a spring and bathed. He remained there a long time and no one could find him. Now kauicwikil had a beautiful young daughter, and he told her to go to the spring and look for their guest. When she got there she saw aswitsel, who was now changed into a young, good-looking man. The girl fell in love with him; she went back to the house and sat on his bed, refusing to move from it no matter how hard her father tried to make her do so. Then aswitsel came back and they all laughed. He married her and stayed at k6tevewit. KauiewIkil had no food except cactus which he ate raw, so aswitsel told him to get some wood and bake mescal stalks. The former did so but did not cook it well and so aswitsei told him to bake it for two nights and a day. Aswitsel was a great hunter and killed all kinds of game. Later he had a son, who grew up quickly while his father was away, but kauiewikil killed him. Soon, however, there was another son named teaiwimitcl, who grew up to be a young man. His mother then told him that he would have had a play- mate except for his grandfather's cruel deed. So tealwimitel killed his grand- father. This enraged the relatives of kauicwikil and they planned to destroy aswitsel and his family. The latter heard of this and he sent his wife and son away to the desert. Led by kauichoteliwut, his enemies surrounded the house of aswitsei in three rows and called to him to come out. He did so, for his house was on fire, but he dodged so rapidly that no one could hit him though all shot at him. He got through the three rows and then as he had a bow but no arrows he leaned on it and wept. Then he found the tracks of his wife and his mother-in-law. The former had had another child while she was running away. So they all wept together and settled at tuiva (near Agua Dulce). Here although they had no food they managed to live. Soon however their enemies, led by kauich6teliwut, came to the spring to gather wood for bows. Aswitsel hid in a cave but his enemies found the two women and the baby. [It is not clear what happened to these various sons.] The grandmother told kauich6tellwut that the child was a girl and lay on it so that they could not see it was a boy. They had hidden the tracks of aswitsel, but his enemies saw some food they had thrown out of the cave and knew there was a man there. They told him to come out and when he did they did not kill him but listened to his story. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Then aswitsel and his wife had another son whom they called netamnaka (big chief). He was the ancestor of the sewahilem people. Then they had two more sons whom they called respectively suietpuileve (fallen star) and kislamnet (money chief). From the cave at tfiva they moved to naialwawaka (near Martinez). Here they all lived with aswitsel. One day an eagle came over the village; he tried to light on the houses of the eldest sons but could not, so he finally lit on the house of kislamnet, who always owned the eagle after that. There was at this time a very mean man in the family who was called suietpfileve; like the white people he was always trying to get other people's land. He left the village however, and moved away into the desert. So did kislamnet, who was also mean and fought with all the other brothers. Later he came back and set fire to the houses of netamnaka and suietpfileve. Then these two families moved away to kavinic (Indian Wells), but soon they moved back to Torres. They were married and had many children. A tribe from the mountains came and killed nearly all of them, but it began to rain, so some of aswitsel's people survived. Then the water from the south began to rise and all the people moved ahead of the water toward Palm Springs. They settled near kavinic, which the water did not reach. Here they lived for some time; then the water began to go back, gradually at first and sometimes rising again. All the people separated along the edge of the water to catch fish.161 The ilwawaka people called themselves wakwaikiktum, and the sasafne people called themselves sasaafakiktum (this is an extinct clan). The sbwahilem people also went off by themselves. Of the latter four men were alive: netpakiva, the father, and three sons, esuitfilikic (grandmother black louse), hauitemnomil (quail across mountains), and kelyicanfika (cold ear). The three sons went fishing and the youngest built the fire, but his two brothers gave him none of their fish. They invited him to come with them again but he refused. He told his father how his older brothers treated him and they both wept. Then they went away together and hid. The next morn- ing the two older brothers returned and could not find their father. They were puzzled and the older brother said, "kelyicanuika has told our father how we made him build the fire but gave him no fish to eat, only the net to hold." So they left the place and went away to the southeast and joined other people who lived there. The father and son came out of hiding and following the retreating water they finally came to temalamnaka where they lived. From these two were descended all the present sewahilem people. 161 Along the western border of the desert next to the foothills of the San Jacinto and Santa Rosa mountains are located a number of small stone pens about six to twelve feet long. These are locally known as "fish traps," and it is claimed they were once used for this purpose when the Cahuilla basin was flooded. The local Indians corroborate this story in their legends, and Akasem Levi told me that the "fish traps" west of Martinez formerly belonged to the awilem clan. As Francisco Nombre, of the latter clan, had made the same statement previously on the basis of his elan myths, the independent con- firmation of Akasem is interesting. This method of impounding fish employed by the Papago is mentioned by Lumholtz, New Trails in Mexico, 258, 1912; also for the Tarahumare: Unknown Mexico, 400, 1902. 1029] 87 88 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.. [Vol. 26 III. THE PASS CAHUILLA ENVIRONMENT The above designation has in general been loosely applied to those peoples who lived in the vicinity of the San Gorgonio pass and spoke the Cahuilla language, in contradistinction to the Desert Cahuilla already described and the Mountain Cahuilla of the Santa Rosa and San Jacinto mountains. The same condition of small, localized, and independent clans prevailed among these people as among the Cahuilla of the Desert, hence they were in no sense a united tribe and their boundaries must depend on those of the small groups taken as belonging to this division. These are shown in map 4. The inclusion of the group at Indian Wells and the two clans near Palm Springs is more or less arbitrary, for these three groups seem at an earlier time to have really represented a ceremonial unit which might well entitle them to the designation of the Palm Springs Cahuilla. Present- day ceremonial affiliations and a general community of cultural traits seem however to link them to the people of the Pass rather than to those of the Desert, so for purposes of convenience I have thus grouped them. Lacking any political unity or true tribal organization among the Pass Cahuilla we have therefore only one criterion for distinguishing the local groups as such, and that is their language. In the San Gorgonio pass proper two main languages are spoken, the Cahuilla and the Serrrano, both of the Shoshonean stock but each very distinct. At present the remnaants of the Pass peoples are in large part gathered together on the Morongo Indian reservation near Banning, and the groups are consequently very much mixed. Added to this is the fact tha.t even in pre-Caucasian times their ceremonial affiliations were based more on propinquity than on language, and as a result the data in regard to.such intermingled groupings are usually far from clear. Three things then should always be borne in mind-first, the language spoken by any one clan, second, the actual territory it occupied, and third, the groups with which it was ceremonially united. When this is done a much clearer vision is possible, for any attempt to deal with the local groups as parts of larger political units or tribes almost invariably leads to confusion. Considerable literature in regard to Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the linguistic affiliation of the peoples under discussion is extant, and largely because of the above stated difficulties it is quite contradictory. I have already discussed this problem in the consideration of the Serrano, so it will be unnecessary to more than refer to the discussion here. In this section, wherever possible I have treated only the Cahuilla-speaking groups, save where their ceremonial relations with groups speaking other languages make departure from this rule necessary. As the other linguistic groups are treated in turn, it will be possible to view the area as a whole and to see clearly the relations between all the groups concerned. ~ aiCsy a 8an,E Mt' - A #si.?CmA 0/st. a Moaninto fah GountanJ ?gsoft" sws \~~Indn4~e// Andreos .Ari 4 Mw'ry ' .'z _ DeeR Canyon Map. 4. Pass Cahuilla Territory. The Caliuilla Indians of the Pass proper are very few in number at present and most of the clans are extinct or represented by only a few survivors, often young people who have little actual knowledge of the past. Fortunately there are amnong the few old people alive several splendid informants, and to them I am indebted for the following data. Most of the information pertaining to aboriginal conditions in the San Gorgonio pass was obtained from the following people: Alejo Potencio, net of the kauisiktum clan at Palm Springs; Rosa Morongo, acting kika of the marinia clan of the Serrano, but daughter of the net of the pisataiiavitcem clan near Banning, there- fore a Cahuilla by birth ;162 Jesusa Manuel, a Mountain Cahuilla woman who married a Serrano man of the atflraviatum clan, now 182 See present paper, p. 10, for discussion of Mrs. Morongo 's linguistic affiliations. 1029] 89 90 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 living on the small San Manuel reservation near Redlands; and Alec' Arguello, who with his son Alexander Arguello, are the last sur- vivors of the Cahuilla who lived in the San Timoteo canyon. The last two now live at Crafton, California. The main outlines supplied by the above informants were checked and filled in by other informants, at Palm Springs and at the Morongo reservation near Banning. In the course of the winter's work it became more and more clear that a study of these Shoshonean groups to possess full value must be based on the individual village or clan, rather than on any larger grouping, because generalities based on any one locality were apt to lead to erroneous conclusions. Therefore in the present account I have endeavored to show to which particular place the particular description applies. Because so many of the clans a-re extinct or represented only by younger people, the carrying out of this ideal in its entirety was impossible, but it is an end which has been sought for and which yields the most accurate results. In regard to the very complex problem of ceremonial affiliations, it is necessary to bear in mind the fact that the information of any one informant usually gives only one cross-section, which must be fitted in time and space with that of other people questioned. In the last sixty-odd years, especially, the alignment of groups has been subject to much shifting through the rapid disappearance of native conditions. It is therefore usually erroneous to give any grouping as static and established. With this factor in mind I have roughly classified the data under this hea.d in three groups which comprise first the cere- monial affiliations now existing, secondly the conditions which existed in the youth of the informants questioned and which might be called the last phases of the aboriginal state, and lastly those vague data transmitted by their ancestors to the present informants which give us a hint as to still earlier conditions. Following is a list of the clans, past and present, among the Pass Cahuilla. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California TABLE 5 Pass Cahuilla Clans 1. ateiteem, "good," coyote moiety, located at Indian Wells; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping A.163 2. paniktum, "daylight," wildcat moiety, formerly located in Andreas canyon; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping A. 3. kauisiktum, "from the rock," wildcat moiety, located at Palm Springs; is active at present. Belonged to the old grouping A. 4. havifiakiktum, "deep water hole," coyote moiety, located at Palm Springs station; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping B. 5. wanikiktum, "running water," coyote moiety, located at Whitewater bridge originally, but now on Morongo Indian reservation; active at present. Belonged to old grouping B. 6. wakinfakiktum (place name north of Cabezon), coyote moiety, located in Blaisdell canyon; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping B. 7. tetcanaakiktum (place name for peak south of the Pass), coyote moiety, located in Snow Creek canyon; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping B. 8. paluknavitcem (place name northwest of Whitewater station), coyote moiety, located in Stubby canyon; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping B. 9. pisatafiaviteem (place name in Banning Water canyon), coyote moiety, located in Banning Water canyon; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping B. 10.164 costakiktum (no meaning), coyote moiety, located in San Timoteo canyon; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping C. 11. nateuitakiktum, "sand," coyote moiety, located in San Timoteo canyon; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping C. 12. pauatlauitcem (village in San Jacinto mountains), wildcat moiety, located in San Timoteo canyon; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping C. 13. tepamokiktum (no meaning), wildcat moiety, located in San Timoteo canyon; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping C. 14. temewhanic, " northerners, " wildcat moiety, located in San Timoteo canyon; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping C. 15. nonhalam (no meaning), coyote moiety, located originally at Indian Wells, moved to the desert; not active at present. Belonged to the old grouping A.165 163 This heading shows the ceremonial affiliation of the clan fifty or more years ago. 164 Clans 10-14 are all Mountain Cahuilla people, who came to the vicinity of San Bernardino and Riverside as a guard against more distant raiding tribes in 1846. For further discussion of this point see present paper, pp. 6, 7. 165 Clan 15 seems to have moved to the Desert many years ago, and has already been discussed in relation to the Desert Cahuilla. 1929] 91 92 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 CEREMONIAL AFFILIATIONS OF PASS CLANS As the list of Pass Cahuilla clans (table 5) indicates there were originally three main groupings of a ceremonial and, as will be shown later, of a cultural nature, among them. The first group comprised clans 1 to 3, which were affiliated, with the kauisiktum clan at Palm Springs as their center.165 Next came the Cahuilla of the Pass proper, clans 4 to 9 which were grouped with the Serrano mairinia clan as their ceremonial and in part cultural center. Finally, there were the Mountain Cahuilla clans 10 to 14, who seem to have been affiliated with the Luisefio and intrusive Cahuilla groups at Saboba, as well as with other Mountain Cahuilla clans. These Cahuilla clans of the San Timoteo pass'66 were late arrivals at the San Berna.rdino mission and therefore cannot be considered as a true Pass people. They will be discussed more fully under the heading Mountain Cahuilla. Such were the conditions existing sixty-odd years ago. Today there exists only a fragment of the old organization, but it appears to contain in its essentials nearly all the characteristics which were onee common to a vast area and to a much larger number of groups. Lines of cleavage have changed, the number of ceremonies performed has been reduced, and details of ritual discontinued, but ,the actual framework of the old society is still in existence though it will probably disappear with the present generation. The main, and in fact only, general manifestation of the old life occurs at the mourn- ing or image-burning ceremony which each of the four active cere- monial units performs once every two years. To these ceremonies the other three still active clans are always formally invited, and with them come many of the other Cahuilla and Serrano whose ceremonial groups have disappeared, as well as visiting Luiseilo, Cupe-no, and a few of the Yuman DieguenTo from the south. These four active ceremonial units, two Cahuilla and two Serrano, are. the last ceremonially intact groups of the people speaking either language, save for the few clans of the Cahuilla in the desert who hold their own smaller ceremonies. Thus they comprise in their activi- ties practically all that is left of the ceremonial life of the once very numerous Serrano' and Cahuilla peoples. The author was fortunate enough to be at Palm Springs in February, 1925, when the kauisiktum clan of that place gave their biennial week-long ceremony which is 166 Barrows, op. cit., 33. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California described in detail later. It was possible at that time to observe the organization in operation and to get information in regard to the existing units which still carry on the religious and ceremonial life of the people. At Palm Springs there is one active clan as well as a goodly num- ber of people from other localities without ceremonial affiliations, who take part in all but the most intimate ceremonial functions of this clan. This, is the kauisiktum clan, with Alejo Potencio as its net or ceremonial chief,167 having a large ceremonial dance house called kicamnawut in which the net lives. As a result of their proximity, ceremonies at Palm Springs draw many of the Desert Cahuilla who do not go to similar affairs at Banning or Saboba,. This same con- dition prevailed to an even greater extent in aboriginal times, a fact stated by both Palm Springs and Desert informants. On the Morongo reservation near Banning are three a,ctive clans; two Serrano and one Cahuilla. The Cahuilla, clan has been strongly influenced by the Serrano, to the extent that nearly all of its songs are in the Serrano language. As a result the members of the clan are bilingual to a considerable extent, although their own language is Cahuilla,. The name of the clan is wanikiktum, and the wife of Juan Costo (a Mountain Cahuilla man) is the acting head or nuut.168 She is said to be the oldest person in the direct line of descent of nuuts in the clan, but her exact relationship I could not determine. Mrs. Pablo, the wife of a wanikiktum man, is the oldest survivor of the paniktum clan of the Cahuilla clan originally located in Andreas canyon near Palm Springs. She has a small dance house on the Morongo reser-vation but it is used for small gatherings and singings. only. The paniktum clan at present consists of only about eight persons, and they cannot afford large ceremonies. Hence Mrs. Pablo is affiliated with, wanikiktum clan, while the remainder of her clan are affiliated with the Palm Springs kauisiktum group. The two Serrano clans now located on the Morongo reservation a-re the matrinia and the at-lraviatum groups. The most powerful of 167 At Palm Springs there is also a head man who acts as the nominal leader of all Indians on the reservation. He is elected by all the people assigned to the reservation and acts as a go-between for them with the government, or outside parties. His actual power appears, however, to be very limited and there is no evidence that such an office existed prior to its instigation by the white people who needed a temporal head to deal with. This office was held by Lee Arenas, a half-breed, at the time of my visit. He was in no way connected with the ceremony except in cases of disorder. 168 The Pass Cahuilla term for ceremonial leader or clan head. It is very similar to the Oupenlo nut, and the Luiseflo nota. 1929] 93 94 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 these is the marifna or Morongo, whose acting head or kika is Mrs. Rosa Morongo, a Pass Cahuilla woman from pihatapa near Banning, who succeeded her husband Captain John Morongo who had been a very influential kika. The importance of this clan has been shown in the section on the Serrano, but at this point it is well to note that its present head is a Cahuilla woman. Sharing the dance house with the latter is the atflraviatum Serrano clan with Miguel Savatco as its kika. The following list shows in condensed form the main features of the present day grouping. TABLE 6 Modern Ceremonial Groups of the San Gorgonio Pass Name :169 kauisiktum wanikiktum marinfa atuiraviatum Reservation: Palm Springs Morongo Morongo Morongo Language: Cahuilla Cahuilla Serrano Serrano Songs in: Cahuilla Serrano Serrano Serrano Leader: net nuut kika kika Dance House: kicamnawut kicamnawutl7o kitcateratc170 kitcateratcl70 Sacred Matting: maiswut maiswut muurtc muurtc The situation becomes more complex when one considers the cere- monial groupings of fifty or more years ago. Here three main groupings of Pass clans stand out, but the individual clans were much more numerous and their interrelations more intricate. In order to give a clearer idea of their ceremonial linkage it is necessary to give the data pertaining to the ceremonial exchange of shell money, past and present. CEREMONIAL EXCHANGE OF SHELL MONEY The modern exchange of shell money is fairly clear, although a certain amount of secrecy still surrounds it. Each of the four active ceremonial groups has several strings of shell beads which are kept by the clan chief, usually in association with the sacred bundle of the clan. The kauisiktum clan at Palm Springs call these strings witeci, and the shell money itself hissavel or m-lketem. The pisata- niaviteem clan, who lived in the Banning Water canyon, called one 169.The first two clans are given in the list of Pass Cahuilla clans, as numbers 3 and 5. The other two clans are listed with the Serrano. 170 Also called wamkite, from the Luiseflo term wamkic, used also by the Mountain Cahuilla and Cupefio. The term for ceremonial house is always a combination of the words, "large" or "big," and "house." 1029] Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 95 string nuutska and many strings nuutskum. The Serrano clans called the money uk', or mulketem which appears as a general term used by all these peoples irrespective of language. The Mountaln Cahuilla clans, both at paul in the mountains, and sahatapa in the San Timoteo pass, called the money by the latter term. There are two main classes of this money. The one called witcu by the Palm Springs Cahuilla is a piece four times the distance from a man 's forehead to the ground in length, which is given to the leader of each invited clan at the close of the image-burning cere- mony. This is given a cash value of fifty cents. The other called napanaa by the same people is worth twenty cents, and this appears to have been the basic unit of- shell money value. This was sent to any clan leader when a death occurred in his clan by all other clan leaders hearing of it.171 The length of this piece is determined by wrapping it twice around the left wrist, carrying it under the thumb and twice around the fingers halfway to the tips, and back over the palm to a spot on the mid-wrist four inches from the posterior end of the palm. This spot, called tcic'hlinut, was formerly placed on the inner mid-wrist of the clan leader when he took office. It was done by the paha, who using a string of money as a measure, tattooed in the mark with a cactus thorn and inserted charcoal. The mark on Alejo Potencio's wrist was about one quarter of an inch long by half as wide, showing blue under the skin. According to Potencio such a mark was once characteristic of each clan leader of the groups to the north and west, but not to those of the Desert Cahuilla where the exchange of shell money did not occur.172 The long string of shell money, witcu, is given to the leaders of the three invited clans at the close of the image-burning ceremony. A similar piece is returned by each when his clan gives a ceremony to which the others are invited, thus keeping up a perpetual exchange. I was unable to learn exactly how many pieces of this witcu are in circulation, but it is obvious that there must be several such pieces in the possession of each of the four ceremonial units. According to Alejo Potencio, the shell money was received for the Palm Springs clan by his grandfather who received it from the Serrano at Mission creek. They got it from the Gabrielefio, who in 171 There were undoubtedly regional limits within which each circle of exchange existed, but they are not remembered by present-day informants. 172 Du Bois mentions that one of the old chiefs of the Luiseflo had a tattoo mark on his left wrist, the meaning of which she could not discover. Present series, 8:92, 1908. 96 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 turn received it from Santa C.atalina island. The inhabitants of Santa Catalina island were called pipimurum, and the island pipimul. Alejo's grandfather told him that the shell money was brought a-cross from Santa Catalina island on tule rafts to the San Fernando people, who distributed it among the inland groups. . There was another kind of money called somitnektcum "the small ones," composed of little shells which. were much more valuable than the present large shell money. All these pieces of small shell money were lost before Alejo was old enough to remember them. According to Rosa Morongo none of the Serrano or the Pass Cahuilla knew where the shell money came from. One night it sud- denly appeared. Alec' Arguello, last survivor of the Cahuilla who lived in the San Timoteo pass, said that the muiketem, shell money, wa.s brought to Juan Antonio, the Mountain Cahuilla. captain who brought the Cahuillas to San Bernardino, by kanuk,173 a very old chief of the San Fernando people, who also brought new songs and ceremonies. This happened before Arguello was born, and he was told of it by his father. Such is the- data on the origin of the shell money exchange among these groups west of the San Gorgonio pass. The evidence is fragmentary, but points indubitably to the Pacific coast peoples as the source of the system.17' Whether the system among these inland peoples was purely aboriginal must be decided later. EARLIER GROUPINGS OF THE PASS PEOPLES The data on older groupings and the ceremonial exchange occur- ring between them is very complex and equally fragmentary. With the disappearance of the Gabrieleino, Fernandefno, and Chumash, the central factors of the problem have apparently been wiped out. Hence a complete reconstruction of the ceremonial exchange system is impos- sible. However, bearing in mind the fact that. conditions among the Pass people were peripheral it is possible with care to obtain an idea of the state of affairs which must once have existed farther to the west. Two sorts of ceremonial shell money exchange seem to have existed among the Pass Shoshoneans. First the exchange of.the long strings of shell money called witefi by the Palm Springs group, which still occurs among the four active clans today. Secondly the older exchange of smaller strings of shell money called napanaa by the 173 Mentioned by Hugo Reid, Los Angeles Star, 1852, Letter no. 6. 174 See Kroeber, Handbook, 564. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Palm Springs group, which died out many years ago, but apparently once existed on a very wide scale. We will consider each type of exchange in order. This first sort of exchange in former times as at present, seems only to have existed. between groups who participated in each other's ceremonies. About fifty years ago three different groups of this kind existed among the peoples of the Pass. The present alignment, which has already been discussed, has arisen through the breaking down of these three large earlier groups and the assembling of the few surviving units into the present-day ceremonial union. Fifty-odd years ago, according to Alejo Potencio, the Palm Springs people did not actually participate in the ceremonies of the Cahuilla clans to the north or of the Serrano to the northeast. There were three clans in the vicinity of Palm Springs who formed one unit and who always attended each other's ceremonies, exchanging the long pieces of shell money, witcui. These are indicated by the letter A in the list of Pass Cahuilla clans (see p. 91). Of these the kauisiktum clan at Palm Springs appears to have been the most influential and is the only clan keeping up its ceremonies today. The atcitcem clan at Indian Wells, kavinic, and the paniktum clan of Andreas canyon, were the other two who shared in the ceremonies of this group at Palm Springs. The clans of the Cahuilla, northwest of Palm Springs, were cere- monially connected among themselves and with the mariiia clan of the Serrano.175 This last clan according to Mrs. Rosa Morongo often brought the other Serrano clans with them to Pass ceremonials, but the Cahuilla clans were linked by exchange of shell money (witcul) only with the marina, and not with tke other Serrano clans. The oldest grouping in the Pass proper, remembered by Mrs. Morongo, included the haviinakiktum, wanikiktum, wakifnakiktum, tetcanaa- kiktum, paluknavitcem, and pisataiiavitcem clans of the Cahuilla, and the marina clan of the Serrano. Of these only the wanikiktum and the marinia clan survive as groups today. Mrs. Morongo said that when she was a girl living near Banning, the marinia clan was regarded by all others as the oldest, and when a number of the Pass clans happened to be going to Palm Springs they all waited at a point north of that place for the marifia clan to precede them. Such a statement might arise from undue pride in the clan of which she is now head, but the fact that the surviving Cahuilla clans today sing 175 Indicated by the letter B in the list of Pass Cahuilla clans, table 5. 1929] 97 98 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 marina songs in the Serrano language shows the great influence of the latter and bears out Mrs. Morongo's testimony. This was the second of the older groupings in its bare outlines, though there were probably other alliances within or with other clans outside of the territories listed, knowledge of which has disappeared with the clans themselves. The third ceremonial grouping will be discussed later in the section on the Mountain Cahuilla, for all these clans (numbers 10 to 14)176 were from the mountains and had their own affiliations before they moved to the vicinity of San Bernardino. Thus when they moved they still maintained the ceremonial exchange of shell money with the other Mountain Ca,huilla clans and with the Luiseiio "parties" at, Saboba. The da,ta concerning this group, obtained from Alec' Arguello at Crafton, will be given when the Mountain Cahuilla are discussed. Besides the previously discussed organization based on a,ctual par- ticipation in the same ceremonies, and marked by the exchange of witcul (long strings of shell money) between the united groups, there seems to have been a looser form of union which was discontinued many years ago and may now only be reconstructed with great, diffi- culty. It was customary, as has already be-en mentioned, for all the clans north of Palm Springs irrespective of linguistic differences, on hearing of a death in another clan to send one string of shell money to the leader of that clan. This smaller string of money was called by the Palm Springs Cahuilla, napanaa. Thus there would seem to have existed a loose ceremonial union between all the Cahuilla, Serrano, Luiseiio, and Gabrieleiio clans who inhabited the territory from the San Gorgonio pass west to the -Pa,cific ocean. The data in regard to this exchange are rather contradictory, but of a na,ture to make it appear certain that in former times, such an institution existed. According to Alejo Potencio, the Palm Springs Cahuilla clan would send such a string of money to the leader of any clan between that place and the San Gabriel mission whenever a death occurred in such a clan. This was about seventy years ago, when the informant was a mere youth. At this time lelmus was chief of the gravelinos, or kisianos, as the Gabrielefio were called by the Cahuilla. The napanaa was always carried by the paha, and he sometimes, took it t,o the nearest clan which at that time was the haviiiakiktum clan at Palm Springs station. The paha of the latter clan would take 176 Designated as old grouping C in the list of Pass Cahuilla clans, table 5. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California both strings of money to the next clan, and so on. Thus a string of shell money from each group would be relayed on until they arrived at the village of the deceased, where they were presented to the cere- monial leader of the deceased's clan. One year later when the image- burning ceremony for the dead person was held each string was returned to the clan that had sent it. Those clans which were close by received theirs personally, while those farther away were sent theirs. It was customary for the paha or person who brought this shell money to receive ten cents in cash for each string of shell money from the ceremonial leader to whom he brought them. Mrs. Rosa Morongo was not very clear in regard to the ceremonial exchange in former times, and did not make the distinction between the two types of shell money. She said, however, that when she was a girl shell money was sent by her father to any group having a "big house" and a kika, whenever a death occurred in such a clan. This exchange extended as far as San Gabriel to the west, Saboba to the south, and Twenty Nine Palms to the east. Exchange of shell money at the close of the biennial mourning ceremony was according to the "older groupings" already shown,'77 and was not nearly so all- inclusive as the just described exchange occurring at the time of death. It is very probable that the ramifications of this older system and its clearer distinctions are only hinted at in the foregoing account. Due to its esoteric nature and because of the lapse of time involved since it was in active operation, clearer accounts could not be obtained from the informants questioned. From the data here presented, and from other material to be given later in connection with the Cupefio, I am inclined to believe that while the medium of exchange was aboriginal its spread to these Pass groups occurred in mission times, perhaps in part reproducing an earlier condition among the coastal people. The fact that such an exchange was unknown to the Desert Cahuilla seems to support this conclusion. Fragmentary as the data on these early conditions are, they suffice to give one a clearer under- standing of the bonds between the many small groups, and to explain the modern institutions which have arisen on the fallen framework of the old structure. 177 List of Pass Cahuilla clans, table 5. 1929] 99 100 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 ORGANIZATION AND NATURE OF THE CLAN In regard to clan organization, the Pass and Desert Cahuilla seem to have been almost identical. The Pass clans, however, seem to have lived in comparative isolation and not in villages composed of several clans or individually named lineages as did the Desert Cahuilla. As nearly all the original Pass clans have disappeared, detailed data on each group cannot be obtained, but the information in regard to the clan near Palm Springs, combined with that on the Cahuilla clan near Banning, gives a fairly complete picture. There is little reason to believe that the intervening groups differed in essentials from their nea.r eastern and western Cahuilla-speaking neighbors with whom they were intimately associated. The kauisiktum clan at Palm Springs has a short migration legend which was told me by Alejo Potencio, the net, to account for their present location. It gives the boundaries of the kauisiktum clan, which the informant assured me, was the oldest of these three affiliated clans. Very long ago a great net who had three names hlwinut (flying), teme- whawewunelwic (standing to the north), and kauisklauka (no meaning), broug)ht his people to watciepa (Redland junction), and then named himself waswat- cafianet and waswatcanayaik. From here he took them to iva (a hot spring just north of Saboba), where he again changed his names to ivaflanet and Ivafiayaik. Then he moved them to kekliva (a mountain just north of Saboba),178 where he changed his names to keklivanet and keklivayaic (fast runner). Here, while looking for his new home, he named alakaic (San Jacinto peak). Prom kekliva he took the people to panyik (mouth of Andreas canyon), on a stream called milyillilikalet and near this place he found some painted rocks called tekic. He told his people that these rocks were already painted when he came there. Prom this spot he named all the places that marked his new territory. To the east he named a small hill sbwitckul (Murray hill), and to the west he named the canyon eit (Murray canyon). Farther to the west he named palhilikwinut (near head of Murray canyon). Then he named tevin' imulwi- walwinut (a flat rock with mortar holes, at mouth of Palm canyon), and halfway up the canyon paskwa a hot spring (rock mortars here also), and then tatmilml (the south end of Palm canyon). Another place sewi, near here, was the southwestern boundary. The next place he named was simfita (more rock mortar holes, about five miles west of Palm canyon), and proceeding north and westerly he named pinalata, kalahal (a flat), tcial (a hill northwest of Palm canyon), kaukwicheki (a stream where hunters and acorn gatherers camped) and puilukla (a hill to which hunters would sing in the dance house in order to have deer sent them). 178 Here according to Alejo Potencio, the kauisiktum clan left part of their ceremonial impedimenta, present paper, p. 120. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Thence still northwest to alakaic (San Jacinto peak), and finally to yauahic (a place just south of Blaisdell canyon). This marked the northwestern limit of his territory. Going southeast from Murray hill he named taupakic (probably Cathedral canyon, where they gathered mescal), konkistui-uinut (a place near Indian Wells), and alhauik (a hill south of Indian Wells, perhaps Indio mountain). This was the southeastern boundary mark. From milyillilikalet and tekic (mouth of Andreas canyon) coming north along the eastern edge of the mountains bordering the desert, he named kauissimtcem hempki (hill four miles south of Palm Springs), temukvaal (a low hill on edge of desert near here, where a man watched when they hunted rabbits), tekelkukuaka (mesquite grove slightly to north), kakwawit (mouth of Tahquitz canyon), kauiski (two superimposed rocks in Tahquitz canyon from which the kauisiktum clan takes its name), miaskalet (white rock on hillside in Tahquitz canyon), and palhanikalet "water falling down," name of Tahquitz falls. Proceeding still to the north, he named ifivitca (a green place north of Tahquitz canyon), tepal (farther north), tuilval (a rocky point just west of the Mission Inn), tetcavl (a large rock fifty yards farther north), and pilluavil (the large smooth rock cliff at Dry falls). Three large rocks north of here he called kauistanalmfi, hauinlenin, and haultalal; still farther in the same direction he named a hanging rock walvas (meaning "yell "), malal (north point of Chino canyon), and kistcavel (at point where second bridge on highway from Palm Springs to Whitewater is located). The first rocky point beyond this bridge he called plonvil, the second point tefiamul, and the third point, almost at Whitewater station, he called tama. Between these points occur three large rocks which he named for his three dogs, the first awelmui, the second niflkiemii, and the third paklic. Near the point farthest to the north he named lvawakik (a sharp hill south of Cabezon) which he went inside of, leaving his people. He then became a rock on the summit of this hill which marks the northeastern boundary. The paniktum clan was located in Andreas canyon with its side canyons north as far as hunwit hekik, a point on Tahquitz creek. Their boundary ran south to the northern rim of Murray canyon. The boundaries of the kauisiktum elan surrounded all the former clan's territory. It is probable that these two clans were originally one, for informants said they regarded each other as relatives. Like- wise they belonged to the same moiety. Genealogies to clinch the matter could not be obtained so it must rest in abeyance. The atcitcem clan had territory in the immediate neighborhood of Indian Wells, called kavinic. Definite boundaries were not obtained.'79 They were of a different moiety from the two former clans and 179 Francisco Potencio, younger brother of Alejo, told me that the paniktum clan was the first to come to this vicinity. Most of them died long ago. Originally the atcitcem clan had owned Palm canyon but as they usually married with the kauisiktum clan, they had given Palm canyon .to them as a gift. The old town located in the canyon, and once occupied by the atcitcem clan, was named tatmilmi. 1929] 102 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 commonly married members of both. Hence it is probable that their connection was of a political and social nature rather than one of kinship. A fragment of mythology relating to the supposed history of these and the other true Desert Cahuilla clans was told me by Alejo Potencio. In the beginning these people were created far away, then following their leader they came to a point near kavinic (Indian Wells). Here the leader, aswits6l (eagle flower), went to sleep and slept for one hundred years. Then his dog barked and woke him up. He called this dog mahalic (looking for creatures). His people had gone while he slept and they were south of kavinic on the desert, and were having their first heme:iluiniwe (girls' adolescence ceremony), for two girls hunal sesive and hunal papase. This was the way the people came to be down in the desert. Then aswitse! came up to the mountains at kavinic where he leaned against a rock leaving the marks of his elbows and knees. He looked toward mauilmii (Toro), then he climbed up the mountain and lay down watching the people, leaving the marks of his elbows and ribs. As he came down he slipped leaving the print of his hand in the soft rocks. Near kavinic was a palm with which he talked. He desired to become a palm himself, but failed to do so. The above is only a fragment but is interesting for two reasons. First as being part of the longer origin myth of the sewahilem clan (pp. 86, 87), and secondly as a .repetition of the story given by Gifford.180 Furthermore it aptly illustrates the slight changes which occur in all myths and other social phenomena between group and group of the Cahuilla and their neighbors. Each story varies with the clan telling it, hence an authority in one clan will nearly always say that a story told by the authority in another clan is not right in its details. At an early time the nonhalam (no meaning) people lived with the atciteem clan at kavinic. About sixty-odd years ago, according to Francisco Nombre a Desert Cahuilla informant, they had seven houses but no net or dance house. They were ceremonially sub- ordinated to the atcitcem clan who at that time had ten houses, includ- ing a dance house, and a net. Later the former group, which the informant said was related to the atcitcem clan, moved en masse to a new village near kelewutkwlikwinut "wood hanging down" at La Mesa. At this time they appointed their oldest man, whauati-nanail, as net, and became a separate clan affiliating with the other Desert Cahuilla clans. A few survivors of this branch clan, called Augustin, now live on the desert reservation of that name. Such branching off and removal of collateral lineages of any one clan must have occurred from time to time, due perhaps to the overcrowding of a small area, scarcity of food, and quite probably of water. 180 S. a., 188. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Apparently there was only a ceremonial bond between the three Palm Springs Cahuilla clans, for no data or any purely political leadership were remembered. The father of Alejo Potencio told him that once all three of these clans went together to fight with a desert group that had trespassed upon their food-gathering territories. The two parties fought with bows and arrows but no one was killed. (A statement in regard to warfare which seems to be applicable to most of these southern Californian Shoshoneans.) One old man named piwitcem, who led the desert people, dodged all the arrows that were discharged at him so that he could not be hit.181 Partly because Palm Springs informants objected to naming dead relatives, and partly because no willing informant well versed in such matt.ers was encountered, genealogies of the Palm Springs kauisiktum clan could not be obtained. It is quite possible, especially in the last fifty years, that this clan has to some extent been recruited from survivors of the paniktum and other Pass Cahuilla groups. The variety of European surnames among those today affiliated in the clan suggests this. Belardo, Chino, Marcus, Potencio, Moreno, and Pete are among these names, and while it is possible that this clan was unusually populous due to the favorable nature of the site, it seems more probable that we have here less of the pure lineage. and more of a. localized "party" gathered around a lineage nucleus. Lacking genealogies it is impossible to be certain of this, but it seems more likely for this group than for the smaller Desert Cahuilla clans, many of whom even today are able to give the exact relation- ship existing between all members. How far this condition applies to the other Pass groups it is difficult to ascertain. From statements made by Mrs. Rosa Morongo and the survivors of the wanikiktun clan I am inclined to believe that the Palm Springs condition is unusual and that in a.boriginal times a clan organization of actual relatives was the general rule among the Pass Cahuilla. The genealogy of the pisataiiaviteem clan (genealogy 7) is definitely that of one male lineage, which accords with the general sta.tements of all informants. Boundaries of the other Pass Cahuilla clans are largely unobtain- able, as in many cases their members are all dead. The central point of such a territory as given in the list of Pass Cahuilla clans is all that modern informants remember. According to Mrs. Rosa Morongo, 181 Except for the bloodless nature of the fight, the above traditional fragment is similar to two such aecounts given by Hooper, op. cit., 355-356. 1929] 103 104 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 cd o Ca Ca tn 0_ v o a a bce 00~~~~~~ 0 Y l; aH I- I I a + 4 . ~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~~~~ 4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-. U, e X QQ Sd I 'g g t *~~~~~~~~C SHH Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the territory of the pisatanavitcem clan was called malki, a term for the Banning district, commonly used by all the Cahuilla. This territory was located around the Banning Water canyon, from Hatha- way canyon, na'ifi, on the west to Millard canyon, tumawic hema, on the east. The village pihatapa was located in the first-named canyon. Here her father, Losianno, the nuut, lived in the kicamnawut. When she was a girl there were a good many people here, probably between thirty and forty, all related and belonging to this clan. At present several of her sisters are alive, but none of the men of the clan survive. The clan genealogy (genealogy 7) shows the exact nature of the relationship. In general it seems that in their organization the clans of the Pass people closely resemble those of the Desert Cahuilla. Primarily they were male lineages, likewise united by possession of a clan fetish, and living each clan by itself. They did not have the necessity for grouping around water holes which existed in the desert. Probably some outsiders have been amalgamated into these clans, especially the Palm Springs group, making really a local band with a strong clan nucleus. The importance of the ceremonial house, the sacred bundle, and the clan head resembles the desert organization. To this the Pass Cahuilla add such features as the exchange of shell money between the clans, as well as other features to be discussed presently. CLAN LEADERSHIP The Net Among the Pass Cahuilla clans the net, as he is called at Palm Springs, or nuut as he is called by the Pass Cahuilla groups to the west, is the ceremonial head an;d clan leader. As among the Desert Cahuilla the first of these duties is the most clearly defined. Primarily he had in his possession the sacred bundle or maiswut of the clan, and in aboriginal times185 he lived in the dance house where in a separate compartment was kept the maiswut. This bundle, more fully described in the paragraph on the image-burning ceremony, is the symbolic center of the clan and, as on the desert, is called "the heart of the big house"; that is, of the kicamnawut or dance house. The "big house" is likewise regarded as a sacred place, all-important in the life of the clan. 185 Alejo Potencio, the kauisiktum clan net, lives in the dance house at the present time. 1929] 105 106 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 The net presided at all ceremoniess he and his immediate family handled the maiswut, and he knew all the songs and legendary history of his clan. The food gathered for ceremonial "fiestas" was in his charge, and he announced the time when all ceremonies were to take place. Likewise he knew all the minute landmarks of the clan 's territory and food-gathering areas. At all times he controlled the people of his group in a general way, telling them when it was time to gather the various crops of mesquite beans, mescal, and other cactus. He and his family went on these trips and gathered their own supply of the food, but it was customary in the old days for the "big house," or net, to eat the first products of such expeditions. Camping places for the group were usually selected by him. Every day when food crops. were being gathered each family was supposed to bring a small amount of food to the "big house" where it was stored. This food was not eaten by the net or his family, but was st.ored up for later use in "fiestas" or ceremonies given by the clan. Palm Springs and Mountain Cahuilla informants both said that when a man or woman was worsted in a quarrel the loser took a, gift of food to the "big house" and told his troubles to the net. The net would send the paha to bring the other party, and to call all adult clan members to the kicamnawut. A man thus summoned always came, for the "big house" on account of the maliswut was very power- ful, and if he did not obey he would take sick and die. A quarrel between people in the clan must be settled at once for talking against people might kill them. When all the people were assembled, the net heard both sides of the argument. He then settled the matter as best he could and gave advice to the parties concerned. This judg- ment must be obeyed for if it were not the net could kill the dis- obedient persons by talking to the maiswut about them in a special esoteric language always used for this purpose. This account was given me by Alejo Potencio of Palm Springs, and Jolian Norte a Mountain Cahuilla from Los Coyotes canyon. It seems to indicate that the net of these Mountain and Pass Cahuilla groups was more influential than the clan heads on the desert. Probably this was due to the somewhat more strongly developed malswut complex among the Pass and Mountain groups. This is shown in the description of the image-burning ceremony in which the malswut plays such an important. role. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Among the Pass groups, as elsewhere, the net was an hereditary official, the office theoretically passing from father to oldest son in the same direct line. Actually, the office seems to have passed from the father to his most capable and popular son, with the consent of the clan. Failing a capable son in the direct line the office was taken over by a collateral branch. The ceremonial exchange of shell money brings in a new factor in regard to the duties of the net. He not only kept this medium of exchange, but divided it among the invited clans at the image-burning ceremony and received other pieces at theirs. This has been previously described. The mark for measuring the standard of shell money value tha.t was tattooed on the net's arm is an interesting point. Alejo Potencio, the kauisiktum net, as before stated, had such a mark called tcic'hlinut. This mark he claimed, was originally a distinctive characteristic of every net. Mrs. Rosa Morongo was able to give me no data in this regard, and I did not encounter references to it among the Mountain Cahuilla, but here as in the Pass all the old nets are dead. Since Mrs. Morongo has become kika of the Serrano band only in comparatively recent years and the old nets of the other Pass clans are all dead, corroborative evidence is hard to obtain. As Alejo actually measured out the shell money given to the three invited groups at the ceremony I witnessed, in exa.ctly the manner he later described,186 and since all other data received from him were well corroborated by other informants, I am inclined to give his statement in the above case full value.'87 Other aspects of the net's duties are more clearly brought out in the descrip- tion of Pass ceremonials which is given 1eter. The Paha. Theoretically, among the Pass Cahuilla clans the paha was an hereditary official, the office passing from father to eldest son. Actu- ally, it appears to have been less so than that of the net, for the office required a special type of man more than one of very special lineage. Probably all the groups from Indian Wells to the north and west had this official with the same title. The paha's duties were in the main ceremonial and he assisted the net at all times. Keeping order and silence at all solemn ceremonies was his particular duty. 186 Present paper, p. 130. 187 In this regard the old Luisenlo chief whose left wrist was similarly tattooed, mentioned by Du Bois, affords corroboration to Alejo 's statement. Present series, 8:92, 1908. Kroeber mentions the same method of memsuring among the Luisefio; see Du Bois, op. cit., 186. "S29] 107 108 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 He saw that each fa.mily supplied its quota of food to the "big house" for use in ceremonials, he made all announcements in the village, and he carried the strings of shell money in the elaborate system of exchange that has previously been described. Informants questioned, said that the office of paha had "been from the beginning." As shown in the Palm Springs creation story (p. 134) isil, the coyote, was the first paha helping the creators in making bodies, tending the elder creator, mfikat, when he was sick, getting the first malswut, and making the first images. Since that time there has always been a paha. Since a wider survey shows that the title, paha, nearly always indicated the official presiding at the toloache rites, it seems probable that the title was taken over by the Palm Springs Cahuilla from their west.ern neighbors. The same thing probably occurred among the Serrano, but the name of the general assistant among these people has so far always been recorded as paha. The Takwa At Palm Springs in the kauisiktum clan, and probably at Indian Wells in the atciteem. clan, a new official appears, called the takwa.. The duties of this man are primarily the taking care of food used for clan ceremonials, its preparation, and its division to guests.. Likewise he divides all the food, such as mesquite-bean flour, given as presents to the invited clans at the image-burning ceremony. All his family help him in thes.e duties, especially in preparing the food. The desert clans have no such official, but the use of the term takwac nikul mean- ing "he or she is dividing food," commonly employed on the desert, has been mentioned. Palm Springs informants stated that on the death of the takwa he was succeeded by his son or his nephew. They also added that the takwa had "been from the beginning." Very likely the takwa was the older official whose duties have been in part taken over by the paha, the latter title being nearly always associated with the toloache cult. Other Officials The above seem to have been the only clearly recognized officers of the Pass Cahuilla clans, but as on the desert there were puialem, the shamans, and hauinik, the singers. The description of their duties given for the Desert Cahuilla (p. 65) applies equally well here. The duties of all these clan officers, if such they may be ealled, are given more fully in the description of the image-burning and other ceremonies described later. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California THE MOIETY AMONG THE PASS CAHUILLA According to the Palm Springs informants the origin of the moiety dates "from the beginning." This is given in the Palm Springs creation story, but the following myth fragment bears directly on the legendary source of the moiety. After the creation all people, including birds, animals, and trees who were then human, were talking. The lady moon used to take them far away and tell them how to sing and dance when they came back to the dance house. She named one to be net, and made a round house with a fence around it (kic yafiic) for him to stay in. Then she- made the other party go back and come singing and dancing to the house. She told the net to sing his song also. Those who were coming answered with the same song. She told them always to do this. Then she divided all the people and said these are istam and those are tuiktum, and they must sing their own songs. For in the very beginning temalyauit was istam and mfikat was tuiktum and all the things each created belonged to its creator's side. There is some doubt as to whether the names of children were determined by their clan and moiety affiliation, but Alejo Potencio said that in his grandfather's time this was the case. As even his father was given a Mexican name, it is obvious that detailed data on aboriginal naming a-re not obtainable today. The following classi- fication of birds and animals into the two divisions was positively asserted. Tulkut, the wild cat; tiukwit, the mountain lion; kauisik, the fox; wilyul, the kit fox; huinal, the badger; sikawit, the flying squirrel; alwut, the crow; and tamit, the sun, were all tulktum. Isil, the coyote; iswit, the wolf; aswit, the golden eagle; yuniaviwit, the condor; pamnuis, the bald eagle; and yunfavic, the vulture, were all istam. Names which included these creatures, Alejo said, were only given to people belonging to the moiety to which the creature was assigned. Likewise each clan had songs including the names of objects or living creatures classed in their moiety, and, as was the case on the desert, these moiety songs were sung by visiting clans when they came to a "fiesta." Such songs were also sung by the clans themselves, thus by hearing cert.ain of the songs of a clan its moiety could be determined. According to Palm Springs informants the song of the creation, common in a somewhat variable form to all Cahuilla-speaking groups, is divided up between the clans of the two moieties. That is, clans of both moieties ean sing from the beginning to the burning of mikat's body, but the part where isil, the coyote, takes the heart of mudkat 1109 1.929] 110 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 can only be sung by istam clans. This is a long song-series lasting all night, about the actions of isil; how he ran, looked back, lay down, ate the heart, became sick, and so on. The remainder of the song, anent the making of images, is the property of both moieties. Thus the songs of the istam clans are longer than those of the tulktum clans. In the girls' adolescence ceremony the girls' faces are "sprinkled" with spots of white clay. There is a tuiktum song saying that their face designs should be spotted. This, according to Palm Springs informants, was done to girls of both moieties. Among the Cupefio, it is interesting to anticipate, girls of the wildcat moiety had a spotted face design, those of the coyote moiety a striped design. It is prob- able that the Pass Cahuilla once had the same custom, but if so it is not remembered today. As among nearly all the other Shoshonean groups where it is known, the moiety division served primarily in regulating marriage. According to the Palm Springs informants, in the old days, as was the case on the desert, people of the same moiety were never supposed to marry, and very rarely did. In this regard exact data on old marriages is a prime requisite but due to the great aversion of the informants to giving information in which individual names are used, not nearly so many cases of the sort. as were desired could be obtained.188 Enough cases were obtained, however, to give an indication of actual marriage regulation in the kauisiktum clan at Palm Springs. Of twenty-three actual cases, seventeen were in accord and four were not in accord with moiety exogamy. Two cases were with groups lacking or of unknown moiety affiliations. Of these twenty-three cases, thirteen were old marriages occurring at least forty years ago, of which twelve were according to the rule of moiety exogamy and only one was not. The other ten cases had occurred since that time, of these five were according to moiety exogamy, three were not, and two were the outside cases already cited. These results corroborate the statements of informants that in early times moiety exogamy was quite rigorously enforced among the Palm Springs Cahuilla. 188 The Palm Springs group, especially, and the Pass peoples in general, have been so stirred up by political and private attempts to secure their reservation lafas in the last few decades, that they are decidedly averse to giving any information of a personal or territorial nature even in regard to very old conditions. They fear that such data will be used to oust them from their present holdings or to assign them to other reservations. When one considers the history of certain south Californian Indian groups under Caucasian control he is inclined to sympathize with their suspicions. Nevertheless the problem of the ethnologist is thereby made much more difficult. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California In regard to the Cahuilla clans of the San Gorgonio pass proper, the case was evidently very different. Informants from the groups were unanimous in stating that istam and tuiktum were very old names of the groups but were not important as rega.rds marriage. The moiety affiliation was, to quote one informant., like "being a Republican or a Democrat," merely a collective party name but not a division to regulate marriage. In this regard we have the most striking difference between the Palm Springs Cahuilla, who in their strict observance of the moiety bond resemble the Desert Cahuilla, and the Pass Cahuilla who clearly remember the moiety alignment of each clan, but do not practice moiety exogamy. The few actual cases obtainable among the shattered Pass clans bear out this testimony. From Mrs. Rosa Morongo were obtained twelve cases of marriage in the pisataniavitcem Cahuilla clan, formerly located near Banning. As nearly all the parties included in this list are now dead it is obvious that the situation was not entirely due to recent conditions. Of these twelve, only one case was in accord with moiety exogamy. Seven marriages were with other Cahuilla clans, and of these, six cases were not in accord with moiety exogamy. Five marriages were with members of Serrano clans, likewise having moiety affiliations, and of these, three cases were not in accord with moiety exogamy. The number of cases cited is too small to clinch the matter, but the great preponderance of marriages where non- observance of moiety exogamy was the rule, strongly indicates that this was the prevailing condition among Pass clans. Various reasons for this state of affairs will be discussed later in the section referring to marriage among these groups, but at this time it is most important to note that between the Cahuilla clans near Palm Springs, and those to the northwest in the Pass, a decided difference in the importance of the moiety existed. In talking to Palm Springs and Pass Cahuilla informants, a few bits of information in regard to the moiety among other linguistic groups were obtained. These are naturally of doubtful value but as there is so little information in this regard extant or obtainable, about the people in question, I give them for what they are worth. Alejo Potencio said tha.t he was told by Gabrielino people that they had istam and tulktum too, but when Alejo gave me the list of groups west of the Pass he was unable to give the moiety affilia.tion of the few Gabrielino groups mentioned, for he claimed he had never heard their songs and therefore could not tell to which moiety they belonged. 1p29] ill 112 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 The Gabrielino he called kisdan6s, for they were the first Christians in the region; their language he called arerasa. The Luiseino, whom he called ka-iwinitum, he said had forgotten istam and tfiktum save for a few old men that he remembered in his youth. Likewise they had forgotten part of their earliest songs, hence muikat was called wlyot, and there was no mention of temalyauit. This may be pure rationalization, on the basis that what the Cahuilla had their neigh- bors should have had; or again it may indicate the last fading memories of dichotomous institutions among the people to the west. MARRIAGE The regulation of marriage by the moiety bond of each clan has been described in the foregoing section. In brief, it would appear that the Pass Cahuilla clans from Palm Springs south and east fol- lowed moiety exogamy, while all those clans to the north anrd west had moiety affiliations but do not appear to have been strictly exogamous in that regard within the memory of present-day inform- ants. In both subdivisions of the Pass Cahuilla, as we have already noted among the Desert Cahuilla clans, people tended to marry into the groups with which they were in contact as would naturally be expected. No data were obtained in regard to any delimitation of areas or clan groups with whom marriages were permitted, and I strongly doubt that this was ever the case. Originally the moiety con- trolled marriage, probably among the Pass clans as well as those to the east, but it is a notable phenomena that in the Pass proper all the Cahuilla clans belonged to the coyote moiety, the nearest wildcat clan of. their own linguistic group being at Palm -Springs. Mrs. Rosa Morongo stated that in her girlhood people of coyote Cahuilla clans were supposed to marry with people of wildcat clans, but that actually it made little difference. Considering the fact that all of these Pass clans were of the coyote moiety, it is easy to see how the moiety con- trol may have broken down simply because there were no wildcat clans conveniently close. Under the old and purely aboriginal.con- ditions, the rule might have held but with the fast changing condi- tions of the last sixty years it had evidently crumbled. It is also possible that the rule of moiety exogamy had disappeared even prior to the coming of the whites, as it appears to have done among the Luisseijo. How this condition of grouped clans of one moiety only arose in the San Gorgonio pass is, of course, not altogether clear. It seems Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California possible that the various coyote clans of the Cahuilla in the Pass were branches of one or more original coyote clans, sending out collateral lineages that in time became distinct clans. This would be purely hypothetical except for the occurrence of an almost identical sta.te of affairs among the five distinct subdivisions of one original clan among the Mountain Cahuilla in the Los Coyotes canyon. Here the fact of actual relationship between two of the lineages, and the strong probability of a relationship between all of them, is established, yet each subdivision had a separate name. There was, however, one central clan leader, dance house, and sacred bundle. When these lineages left the canyon and scattered, each became a unit by itself. This exodus occurred about fifty years ago due to a severe smallpox epidemic, and the clans were so decimated that they did not continue their ceremonial life, hence it is not possible to state that each divi- sion would actually have become a separate ceremonial clan. These data are given more fully in the section on the Mountain Cahuilla., but a-re mentioned here because the analogy between the Los Coyotes canyon case and that of the San Gorgonio pass is striking. Had the break between the divisions in the Los Coyotes canyon case been of a longer duration, and had the ceremonial life of the dispersed lineages of this clan continued after their moving apart, we would have had an identical situation to that observed in the Pass. There are even indications that intermarriage between these related lineages of the Los Coyotes clan occurred after they had moved to village sites somewhat farther apart. Likewise the rule of moiety exogamy was not at all strictly observed by these Cahuilla groups between themselves, or with the Cupeno to the southwest. It is obvious that if this were the method by which new clans arose, the prospering and branching out of an isolated clan would in time tend to surround it with branch clans of the same moiety. Any change causing a break from old traditions would tend to encourage their intermarriage, for propinquity and constant contact would have already paved the way. On the other hand, where clans of two moieties exist in approximately equal numbers, the branch clans would according to chance tend to be about equal in numbers. This is hypothetical and somewhat, out of place at this point in the discus- sion, but is mentioned here because it seems the probable explanation of the Pass Cahuilla condition just cited. As to the San Gorgonio pass groups intermarrying, the actual cases.previously mentioned give some exact information. Out of the 1929] 113 114 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 thirteen old marriages in the kauisiktum clan at Palm Springs, nine cases of marriage occurred between this clan and clans of the Pass Cahuilla, five of these being with the atcitcem clan. Between the kauisiktum people and the Desert Cahuilla clans, occurred four cases of marriage. Of the ten eases of more recent marr;iages in this Palm Springs clan, seven are with Desert Cahuilla clans, two with Moun- tain Cahuilla, and one with a Chemehuevi woman. The indications to be derived from these scanty data are that in early days, while the Pass clans were more intact, Palm Springs people married mainly with these groups, and of these, marriages with the atcitcem clan at Indian Wells were most common. Later, as would be expected, the Pass clans being so decimated, they married mostly with the more populous Desert Cahuilla clans. It is probably significant that the few cases of distant marriages came in the later period, modern con- ditions having tended to eliminate distance. In the case of the pisatanlaviteem elan near Banning all twelve cases were relatively old; these show seven marriages with other Pass Cahuilla clans, and five marriages with Serrano clans near Mission creek. There seem to have been no clans with which marriage was most common. It is of course apparent that placing too much reliance on sueh a small series of actual cases is unjustified, yet such is the paucity of data extant or obtainable that we are justified in making the most of the material at hand. The actual ceremony of marriage in the Palm Springs clan was quite simple, possessing, however, a few peculiarities differentiating it from the Desert Cahuilla method. The marriages were arranged by the parents of the boy who selected a desirable wife for him. When a, girl was decided upon they took presents of food and baskets to the girl's parents stating their desire for the union. If the girl's parents were willing they asked the girl, whose willingness was essential. All parties consenting, the boy's mother brought the girl to the kicamnawut of the boy's clan, where a small feast was pre- pared. The father of the boy had told the net, and the paha called all the clan members to the dance. house. The girl's immediate rela- tives and sometimes her whole clan were invited. After the feast, an old man of the boy's clan talked to the young couple, telling the boy how he must hunt game for the girl and provide for her and her family. He told the girl how to care for her husband, how to prepare food so that there should be plenty, and he warned them that they must not quarrel or their children would not be well Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California brought up. All the assembled people heard this, and the couple were considered man and wife. The couple then went to the house of the boy's father wherq they lived, the boy hunting, and the girl helping her mother-in-law. If they did not get along well together the girl returned to her parents, who were not expected to return the presents previously received. My Palm Springs informants remem- bered no cases of plural marriage. Marriage arrangements were much the same among the western Pass Cahuilla clans, though there seems to have been no ceremony at the time of the marriage within the memory of the last generation. Polygamy was rare, and postmarital residence was patrilocal. A widow often married the elder brother of her deceased husband. HUNTING RULES A young unmarried man always took such game as he killed to the kicamnawut; when a man was married and had a child he then took it to his own house. If he was living with his father-in-law he gave the game to him. An unmarried man could never eat anything he himself had killed, for it would make him very sick.189 The first deer a young man killed was taken by his father and mother to the "big house" with other food as well. The people: of the clan assembled, and a pavll (bear shaman) sang a song telling the deer to go to telmekic, the abode of the dead. Then the deer was skinned, a man holding up the raw hide shouted "he! he! he!" three times, and blew to the north. The meat was then cooked in the " big house," and all the clan ate it except the boy and his parents. As was pre- viously mentioned (p. 100) there was a hill called pallukla, near San Jacinto peak, to which hunters sang in the dance. house asking that a deer be sent. to them. They would then go to the spot and if their prayer was granted they would secure a deer. Such hunters were called pavfil, and had the power of changing themselves into bears or mountain lions. Palm Springs informants stated that each group had these two kinds of shamans, the piul or curing doctor, and the pavuTl or "bear" shaman possessing the power of becoming an animal. When a man or woman met. a California grizzly bear in the moun- tains he called the latter piwil (great-grandfather) and talked sooth- ingly to him thus, "Beware! Hide yourself far back in the moun- 189 The. Luisenlo had similar rules and taboos concerning game, especially the rule against a hunter partaking of meat he had killed. See Du Bois, op. cit., 184. 1929] 115 116 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 tains. Your enemies are coming. I am only looking for my food, you are human and understand me, take my word and go away." The bear would stop, hold up his paws like arms, then dropping to all fours he would scratch dirt to one side. This meanit peace, and he would go away. " One must never talk about the bear in the night time, for at night the bear travels, and by day he usually sleeps. If you talk about him at night, earth or rocks or mountains tell him what you say. He listens until he hears where you are going to hunt and goes there, so you will surely be killed. "189a Alejo Potencio said that the last grizzly he remembered was killed by white men back of Palm Springs about thirty years ago. Prior to that he saw them several times in the San Jacinto mountains. In regard to tukwit, the mountain lion, no especial ceremonies were necessary as he never hurt anyone. Palm Springs and, Mountain Cahuilla informants both assured me that the Cahuilla and the Chemehuevi could talk to bears in their own language, citing the following instances. Many years ago at a bear and bull fight in Los Angeles, the bear refused to fight and was twice knocked down by the bull. A Cahuilla Indian above the bear on the stockade talked to the bear, saying, "You must fight and defend yourself, they are going to kill you." The bear listened, charged the bull, breaking the latter's neck, and then died of his wounds. A recent case oecurred at Banning when a group of Cahuilla and Chemehuevi Indians laughed at a small bear in a cage. The bear was angry and scratched dirt at them. An old Cahuilla man told the bear to escape to the mountains and the bear listened. That night trying to escape he hung himself with his chain and died. These instances are mainly of interest in showing the close relationship felt between even the modern Indians and certain animals, bears in par- ticular. The widespread feeling of kinship with the animals, common throughout native California, is marked among the Cahuilla. Boys' AND GIRLS' ADOLESCENCE CEREMONIES Manet Jimsonweed drinking by young boys was not employed cere- monially by the Palm Springs Cahuilla, but Cahuilla clans farther west in the Pass many years ago made use of the ceremony, for Mrs. Morongo states that their songs definitely refer to the custom. At 189k Ooncerning the widespread nature of the bear cult it is significant that an old Naskapi hunter, in 1928, made an almost identical statement to me while I was living with that tribe in northeastern Labrador. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Palm Springs the jimsonweed, called kiksawel, was occasionally chewed by adult individuals as a narcotic. Informants stated that in the mountains, shamans obtained dreams by so doing, but on the desert this was never done. A future study of shamanism in the desert may qualify this statement. According to Alejo Potencio, the matnet cere- mony came from Santa Catalina island by way of the San Gabriel people, but never reached Palm Springs. Teaching Boys to Sing In the winter all the boys of the kauisiktum clan of an age some- where between six and twelve years were assembled in the dance house to be taught their clan and enemy songs. The paha, who car- ried a ceremonial quiver, had charge of all the boys and did not allow them to leave the dance house. This ceremony, called wek'lulil, has marked similarities to the manet ceremony to the west, likewise this ceremonial quiver, called h6kil, appears as a possible derivative of the more elaborate western ground painting which was not used among the Palm Springs Cahuilla. The quiver was made of moun- tain sheep, deer, or wildcat hide painted in symbolic designs with red and black, and was regarded as specially significant to the boys undergoing instruction. An elder male relative of each boy taught him his clan and enemy songs. The older man sang the songs and the boy followed him, accompanying himself with a rattle. The rattle, called mauillepfic, was made of an incised gourd filled with palm seeds. There was a wooden handle, attached and the whole was carefully painted. For five o'r six days this ceremony continued, the elder men taking the boys off separately into the brush in the daytime so that they would not interrupt each other. When singing the boys would kneel and shake their rattles, constantly repeating their songs. At night they returned to the dance house where each boy sang three or four songs in turn. All this time the boys fasted, being allowed only water to drink. In their hair each wore two eagle feathers projecting for- wards, and around their waists were belts of twisted grass tightened to serve for "hunger belts" as well as breechelouts. Girls' Adolescence Ceremo-ny At the same time that the boys were learning their songs, all the girls in the clan, of about fourteen years of age, who had just had their first menses, were initiated into womanhood. This ceremony was 1,929] 117 118 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 called hemeulutniwe. A pit was dug in the center of the dance house and a fire built in it. When this was thoroughly heated the fire was ra.ked out, the hole lined with hanfal (a tall desert grass), and the girl was laid on this, being covered with grass and hot sand. Here, save for brief intervals while the pit was being reheated, she remained for four or five days. In the daytime when the boys were out in the brush practicing their songs, a hauinik (singer) would t.each the girls the clan songs while other people danced around the pit chant- ing. At other times relatives of the girls would tea.ch them the songs they sang against enemy clans on the desert. Like the boys, the girls wore "hunger belts" of braided grass. They had a special wooden head scratcher and were given a.decoetion of bitter herbs to drink. Under no circumstances could they eat food with salt in it. On the last morning of the ceremony when both boys and girls had learned all the songs, they were allowed to bathe. They were then painted with dots of red, black, and white over a.rms and face, in accord with an old tuktum (wildcat) moiety song. This finished the ceremony, for as far as could be ascertained there was no ra.cing or rock painting for either sex.190 NAMING OF CHILDREN Following these boys' and girls' puberty ceremonies there was a ceremony called teudlfni 'l meaning "name them." At this time all the children of about six years of age were gathered together in the ceremonial house and given their names. An older male relative of the child selected the name, as a rule that of a dead ancestor, and holding the child up in his arms he announced the name to the assembled clan. The people all answered "oh! ho-ho !" and shouted the name. While informants were rather vague in their memories of this old ceremony they stated that the names of the individuals indicated their moiety, for all the animate world was divided into the two classes, hence an animal or plant name must belong to one or the other. Exact verification of this statement could not be obtained from Palm Springs informants, but the short list previously cited gives an idea of such a division. There seems likewise to have been comparatively little attention paid the secret or "enemy" names 19o It is possible that these last details were once actively practiced for there are some faded, red, linear drawings on rocks in Aadreas canyon, just southeast of Palm Springs, that are very similar to the angular and diamond-shaped designs painted on rocks near La Jolla and Rincon by Luisenio girls at the close of their puberty rites. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California by the Palm Springs people but in this, as in the previous case, I am more in7clined to think the long period since such practices were observed has resulte.d in the present indifference, rather than any actual non-observance of the custom under aboriginal conditions. EAGLE-KILLING CEREMONY Very long ago the eagle-killing ceremony called aswit pimekniktem "eagle killing" was performed once a year when young eagles were obtained.'9' The last ceremony of this sort was performed before Alejo Potencio was old enough. to remember, but he was told of it. It was very similar to the same ceremony already described which occurred among the Desert Cahuilla, but there are a few elaborations or new details which make it worth repeating. The kauisiktum elan had an eagle's nest located under a white rock on. the top of a peak west of Tahquitz canyon. According to Alejo, "this eagle was created human, he was made to live near each tribe and be their eagle." Just before the young eagles c.ould fly the paha was sent by the net, who actually owned the eagles, with a small party to secure them. They would climb up just under the nest and shoot arrows just over it. until the young birds became frightened and fluttered out of the nest. They were then caught, their wings care- fully tied down, and were carried to the net's house where they were placed in a cage. Prior to setting out on this expedition all members of the clan assembled at the dance house bringing food; they would then pray to the " Great Spirit, " '192 to the mountain, and to the eagle. Only after this had been done could they capture the young birds. While the young birds were kept in captivity they were carefully fed with rabbits which the boys of the clan hunted for them. When 191 In all cases obtained among the California Shoshoneans it was the golden eagle (Aquila ohrysaetos) that was ceremonially killed. The southern bald eagle (Haliaeet lu leuoepualeusoooephol4s) common to the islands of the Santa Barbara group, and mentioned by Palm Springs informnants, was not so important wremonially. At best, birds of this species could only have been stragglers into the interior, but whether they had the same ceremonial importance here as among the Chumash, I do not know. 192 The term "Great Spirit" is employed here because it was the one used by Alejo. Direct questioning evoked no response in this regard, so whether this is a reflection of Christianity, or of an early native cult like that of Chungichnish to the west, I cannot say. Mr. John Gaffey, of San Pedro, an old friend of Alejo Potencio, told me that the latter used the term amanah for God, or "great spirit," in connection with the Golardrina herb, which he said would always cure people bitten by rattlesnakes, except those "whom amanah had called. " The two creators, so far as I could find out, are not prayed to, and it ps possible that there are other deities to whom prayers are offered. 1,29] 119 120 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 the birds were fully feathered the ceremony of the killing was pre- pared for. So far as Alejo had heard, this was a small affair to which only only one other clan might come, in this case the paniktum clan from Andreas canyon. All night they danced with the eagles, sing- ing the eagle songs, and in the morning the eagles died. All the people wept and wailed when this happened. The eagles were care- fully skinned; the skin, called piwic, was earefully preserved wrapped up in the maliswut bundle of the clan. Feathers from the skin were used to decorate the images that were burned, but were never given away. Likewise according to Alejo the young eagles were always kept by the clan and were never presented to other nets as gifts. According to Palm Springs informants the "whirling" or "eagle" dance was never performed at Palm Springs. Alejo Potencio said that this ceremony, along with manet and the fire dance, were all left at kekliva, a mountain just north of Saboba,193 where accord- ing to legend the kauisiktum clan left their original language as well. The following things they also left there: pohit (two shoulder decora- tions of eagle feathers), po6hot (two sticks about two and a half feet long, held in each hand and beaten together), and t6minut (a long string of eagle, crow, and vermilion flycatcher feathers, similar to the "sacred feathers" of the Serrano). This is a striking symbolical representation of the obvious fact that the Palm Springs Cahuilla possessed less ritual and fewer ceremonies than their western neigh- bors. Whether it is a record of migration, however, is open to considerable doubt. CEREMONIES FOR THE DEAD As has been already indicated the old life of the Pass peoples, and for that matter of nearly all the natives of southern California, is today centered around the ceremonies for the dead and the propitia- tion of their spirits. Among both the Palm Springs Cahuilla and the remnants of the true Pass Cahuilla, there has been a marked tendency in the last sixty years to gather all fragments of old cere- monies, many of which were once unconnected, into a one-week period of mourning and "fiesta." In this regard, however, it must not be forgotten that the evidence indicates this grouping of ceremonies to be rather a characteristic of all mountain Shoshoneans in southern California, from the Cupefio to the Serrano, and is not entirely modern. The aboriginal tendency has been greatly accelerated by 193 See clan migration legend, present paper, p. 100. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California modern conditions, and today these week-long ceremonies, somewhat erroneously called "fiestas" by the white people, sum up for the Indians all that they remember and cherish of their former life. There is therefore much of pathos in these attempts to reconstruct that. which has gone before, and the wonder of it is that so much of the spirit and color survives at all. To the many white observers at such a ceremony it appears merely a "fiesta" for social purposes, of a somewhat forlorn and incomprehensible type. But to the older Indians it is a hopeless protest against the ruthless hand of time which has wiped out all that once made their lives. More and more these ceremonies assume the "fiesta" nature, for the younger Indians are taking over the ways of their white neighbors and with them the viewpoint of the modern American. To the ethnologist who has been largely under the necessity of reconstructing dead institutions from the words of saddened old Indians, the actual ceremonies such as the author was fortunate enough to witness at Palm Springs, have a very different meaning!. Revivified before him he sees and hears many of the things he has talked about with the old men, and for six nights he may catch glimpses of the life that flourished before Cabrillo sailed up the coast of Alta California. In my description of this ceremony I have attempted to give, at least in small part, expression to this feeling. The following are the ceremonies for the dead among the Cahuilla of Palm Springs and the San Gorgonio pass. Burning the Body At Palm Springs this was called tcutni'1, "burning the body," and occurred shortly after death. Relatives by marriage, and near-by clans, often came to this ceremony and brought presents for the net of the deceased. At this time the napanaa, shell money, was sent to the net of the deceased by all other nets hearing of the death. If the deceased were a woman, all her ollas, hidden in the canyons or alo;ng the ridges where mesquite trees grew, were sought out and broken. At the same time that the body was burned, the house and most of the possessions of the dead person were also burned. For many years, ever since informants actually remember, burial has sup- planted cremation, but the destruction of property and even houses by fire, has taken place within quite recent times.194 194 E. H. Davis, Early Cremation Ceremonies of the Luisenlo and Diegueno Indians of Southern California, Indian Notes and Monographs, 7:103, 1921, records a rite of this kind performed in 1917 by Desert Cahuilla. 1929] 121 122 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Coverting the Tracks of the Dead This ceremony called teipini'l, "covering the tracks, " might occur any time after the cremation of the body, usually within a month. The clan of the deceased, and the immediate family especially, brought food to the dance house. Near-by clans, and those who had previously sent presents, were invited to be present. In the after- noon women of the clan dragged bolts of calico around the dance house to "wipe out the tracks of the dead" and prevent the return of the spirit. All night the assembled people sang songs to propitiate the dead. At midnight or early in the morning, the relatives of the deceased threw away gifts of cloth, food, and basketry which were gathered up by the guests. These were called wiwitcahuinka, "any- thing thrown around." At this time any remaining personal posses- sions of the dead were burned. The visitors, who at this time brought no presents, gathered up their gifts and departed. Both of these ceremonies seem to have been common to all Pass Cahuilla clans. Burning the Images This was called nfikil, " the burning, " and among the Palm Springs Cahuilla occurred about a year after death. Usually it was held for all deaths occurring within a period of perhaps six months, and several images were burnt. At Palm Springs it usually took place in February, the exact time being set by the clan leader. At the time of tcipini'1, "covering the tracks," the net told the immediate family of the dead person to prepare for the large image-burning ceremony. Later the net, through the paha, asked all the clan members to bring tciputmul (large, wide-mouthed baskets) containing their contributions of food to the "big house, " where it was stored in anticipation of the coming ceremony. About one month before the ceremony the paha invited all the outside clans to be present and named the exact day. All these things were done in order and the day of the ceremony was never broadcasted prior to the formal invitation to the other clans. This pro- cedure was characteristic of most of the Pass Cahuilla clans, but according to Rosa Morongo each of the most westerly groups that were under Serrano influence formerly performed the ceremony once every two years as is the case at present for all. The Palm Springs clans, like those of the Desert clans previously described, formerly had the cere- mony once a year. The time for this ceremony among the western Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Pass clans occurred when the constellation of Orion, called pa' tem (mountain sheep) was directly overhead, at whichl time the mairiina clan of the Serrano ga.ve their ceremony, the other western Pass Cahuilla clans following in turn. In the description of this ceremony, I have combined information obtained before and after, with actual observations made at Palm Springs during the week from February 2 to February 8, 1925, while the kauisiktum clan was performing this rite. During the actual ceremony I was given information by many of the participants, especially Francisco Potencio, Jolian Norte, and Gabriel Costo, the last two being Mountain Cahuillas attending the "fiesta." After the close of the ceremony I talked to Alejo Potencio, the kauisiktum clan leader who had conducted the rites, with Jolian Norte from Los Coyotes canyon as my interpreter. The Cahuilla story of the creation (p. 130) was obtained at this time while it was fresh in the mind of my informant, for nearly all the songs sung for the six nights are concerned with this theme. Hence it is a vital part of the ritual, and reference to it will give the background of much of the ceremony. The actual rites are all performed in the kicamnawut,195 a round house with a diameter of about forty feet; the walls are about five feet high, made of odd-sized boards tightly fitted together, and the roof is thatched with fronds of the native palm (Washingtonia fiif era). At the back of the dance house is a small room where the malswut is kept, and in front of the house is a board and palm-frond fence forming a considera.ble enclosure. Here in a small house are stored all the flour, coffee, sugar, and other foodstuffs gathered by the clan for several months previous to the occasion, and fed to the guests during the "fiesta." In this enclosure the cooking and eat.ing t.akes place during the week, the ritual alone occurring within the "big house." Prior to the ceremony the net, in this case Alejo Pot.encio, "retreats" within the dance house a.nd talks to no one. Much of this time he spends in the inner room conferring with the mailswut. Meanwhile the paha has organized a rabbit hunt and many jackrabbits and cottontails are brought in as food for both guests and clan members. There seems to be no ceremonial significance attached to this detail at the present time but it may have been more important formerly. The actual division of the food and its prepara- tion are attended to by the takwa and his family, in this case Pedro 195 Hooper, present series, 16:328-333, gives a description of the same cere- mony at Palm Springs in 1918. 1929] 123 124 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Chino; while the paha, Marcus Belargo, acts as general superin- tendent. 'The net seems to take the role of priest rather than that of leader, and is not in evidenece during the actual arrangements for the performance. It would be almost impossible for an outsider to speak to him for several days prior to the ceremony. This preliminary retirement of the ceremonial leader is a definite part of the ceremony. Monday evening the people come to the dance house, the women and children sit around the walls with the younger men, while all the older men sit on benches around a fire in the front of the house. None of the invited clans are present at this time but a considerable number of visitors from the desert and other places are already there. Among the older men tobacco is passed around and they smoke quietly, very little is said, but occasionally the paha or some old man will groan and blow up in the air three times, the blowing being accompanied by all in the dance house. During this time the net is not in evidence, being in the room with the maiswut. From the very beginning women, relatives of the dead, cry softly and monoton- ously-the sound occasionally rising to a wail and then dying down. After about two hours of this, when it is almost dark the shaman of the local clan, Albert Potencio, holding in each hand a bunch of horned owl feathers called telatem, rises next to the fire and begins to dance and sing. He dances around the fire shifting his weight from his left to his right foot, and motioning to the four directions with the tclatem. The song is to the "four little witch-doctors" of the north, temamka kikitum pufalem, the south, kitcumka kikitum pudalem, the east, tamika kikitum pfialem, and the west, kaulka kiktum piualem, desiring them to find out from muikat whether the time is right for the ceremony. Likewise he asks the mountains, the sky, night, and day whether it is propitious. In the chorus of this song the kauisik- tum clan members join in, with a rising and falling cadence "pa-pT, pa-pT" almost rising to a deep melody, but always just failing and dying down. Then the net, who is with the malswut in the inner room hears from the little witch-doctors that all is well and the time propitious. When the net joins the group around the fire it is a sign that all is well with "the big house" and the ceremony may proceed. At this time one of the relatives of the dead comes in with a bolt of cloth which she spreads 'over the net, to the accompaniment of much wailing from all the women. Then led by the net the people of the kauisiktum clan begin their songs about the death and crema- Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California tion of mfikat, chanting slowly and in perfect time. The first song is about the "iron wood"'96 from the mountains with which the body must be burned. At this point some one in the audience shouts and makes a great noise at which many people laugh.'97 At the close of each song all present go "hum-hum-iih! " three times and then exhale "ah!" upward. This is to blow the spirits away from the dance house to the place where they are going. The next song is about starting the fire, burning the legs, the arms, the intestines, and the head. This is chanted slowly and mournfully. Finally in the song the body is reduced to ashes all but the heart. Here they stop for a few minutes, then the song continues: coyote seizes the heart (several women, much excited, rise and dance in a bobbing weight-shifting manner exhaling their breath sharply in a whistle). Coyote runs to the end of the world and eats the heart, although many creatures chased him. There are many more songs about this, but only an istam clan may sing them. The unidentified joker shouts encouragement and makes loud remarks. All becomes quiet, and nothing but the low sobbing of some of the women can be heard. Then comes a song about the marsh hawk, wesunauwit, who flew away for some kangaroo rats, palwit, to cure mfikat, but found his father in ashes when he returned. He rolled in these ashes, becoming gray, and flew away to the north. The chorus of this song goes "ho! ho! wesunauwit," repeated over and over. Each of these songs takes many minutes to sing and there are long intervals between. As it is now very late many of the guests go to sleep in the dance house, where the children have been sleeping quietly in spite of the singing. The dance house is full of smoke, the few oil lanterns and the dim fire giving a fitful light, but around the embers the old men continue the chanting, aided by the women hauiniks who sit behind them. People occasionally pass in or out of the kicamnawut, but they are very quiet. The next song tells of palmitcawut who followed after the dead mulkat to telmekic, the abode of the dead. For the dead soul the trip 196 This rendering of the songs is very fragmentary, and only intended to give some idea of the amount and quality of each verse in the singing. Por the com- plete creation story see pp. 130-143. 197 This apparent mocking of the ceremony occurred a good many times. Whether it was a part of the rites could not be determined. There is here a suggestion of the licensed Pueblo clowns who ridicule solemn ceremonial acts. Strangely enough there are stronger resemblances to this feature among the Pomo of north central California, see Loeb, present series, 19:339, 1926. 125 1,929] 126 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 was short "like an awakening" but for the shaman palmiteawut it was long, and he saw great lizards and tewelevul, "great devils." Finally he came to where muikat waited; he desired to find out what the plants that had arisen where muikat was burned were for. All this is in many songs, or verses, and each is sung several times. The next verse continues "Heat and warmth are from my body, for I am tewelevul (a great devil)," replies muikat. The shaman palmitcawut answers "Your heart, your spirit, and your warmth, I cannot come near you, I am afraid, for you are tewelevul!" Then milkat says "I begin to remember now, since I died and was burned I had for- gotten. All else I told you before I died but not what these plants were for." The shaman answers "Yes, now you remember," and the chanting rises with gorgeous deep swing. As the verses continue, muikat told palmitcawut that these strange plants were vegetables grown from the parts of his body. He promised to return in three days198 to his people and palmitcawut went back. On the third night milka.t returned, but all nakatem (the creation) were asleep, only one man, tceptcikwut, was awake. He gave a loud shout and all nuika.tem woke up. They told him he had lied to them, but suddenly muikat answered with the thunder, and all were very much afraid. This makes up many verses. Then, while one woman cries in perfect harmony with the chant, they sing " Tukut is crying, all the world is crying for muikat. " All the women weep and wail. One following another the verses are chanted, accompanied by much crying "Muutt (the horned owl), kauwmuit (the pygmy owl), are crying for muikat. All nulkatem (the creation) is crying, all are weeping, the noise is great. Miuut (the horned owl) and pile (the road runner) are crying, all are crying for mulkat! All are sick at heart, all are crying, mak'il (the dove) and kwakwut (the duck) are crying for muikat." Several women are dancing now, there is much laughter for they have left out one song. They give this song in quicker time, and launch out into the last verse with quick rhythm and perfect unison, "t-useko- kalem (the robin), and ko' halem (the quail) are weeping, it is over, it is the end, all is finished." It is now two o'clock in the morning and many of the group leave, or wrap up in blankets in the dance house. A nucleus of about fifteen or sixteen old people continue the singing. This last song series is, according to Francisco Potencio, in the Yuman language, and is 198 This has a strong biblical resemblance and may be a result of mission influence. It was not mentioned in the creation story told me by Alejo later. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California much less animated than the foregoing series.199 The almost undis- tinguishable words are chanted in a dreary rising and falling mono- tone. The songs are about a woman about to have twins which were named xota and hanl before they were born. At this point in the singing all the women wail loudly and steadily for at least five minutes, covering their heads with their shawls. Then the song con- tinues: the boys have grown up alone, then from the Tehachapi pass came two girls who stayed all night with the boys. The next morn- ing each boy accused the other of having had intercourse during the night and each denied it. To settle the argument they urinated, and as the younger boy could only urinate a short distance it was proved that he had had intercourse. The woman he had slept with became pregnant, and gave birth to twin boys named para and aki. This last event occurred in San Fernando canyon. This song lasts for the rest of the night, being ended just at dawn when the singers disperse to their homes, only Alejo, the net, remaining in the dance house with the guests from other places. The next night is much the same, more songs of the creation are sung by the local clan, from about eight o'clock in the evening until dawn. More visitors have arrived, especially people from the Torros and Martinez reservations in the desert. Wednesday evening the local clan continues its singing, after three shamans from the desert have sung their songs and danced, each holding tclatem of horned owl feathers in their hands. These songs have choruses in which the entire group joins. The first songs sung by the kauisiktum people are about menyil, the moon, and are sung for the dead women. These songs supposedly go to the spirits of the dead women and tell each where to go, how to dress, fly, run, breathe, stand, stop, and what to see. They tell her to wear a headdress, to use the sun as her apron, and the sky as her necklace. This series lasts until about eleven o'clock. Then a series of songs about the sickness and death of muikat are sung: these songs give advice to the spirit of the dead man. Each verse is ended with the thrice repeated "hum-hum-fih' " and the blowing up to the sky. As usual the women of the kauisiktum clan weep and wail at intervals. Thursday evening a group from the Torres reservation sing about half the night, the local clan singing the remainder of the time. This is the first night during which no shamans dance or sing. 199 A Mohave song series, employing the same names and similar incidents, is given by Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California, Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull. 78:764, 1925. 1029] 127 128 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Friday night is one of the most important, ceremonially, of the entire week. Before sundown all the people gather around the dance house, more have arrived from the desert, Saboba, and even a few Cupeino men from Pala, hence the place is nearly full. As soon as it is dark the paha makes everyone come inside and sit down; he makes everyone be very quiet. Then he puts out all the lights and extinguishes the fire. All sit quietly in the darkness. Then from the little room in the back of the dance house, Alejo, the net, brings the malswut, holding it under his arm. He gives it to the paha who spreads it out in the center of the house. All the members of the kauisiktum clan kneel around this maiswutt, and the men blow smoke over it from their cigarettes, asking it to bless the "big house,'" to be good to them and all the people. The net talks to the bundle in the malswut language, a series of rising and falling monosyllables which no one but the net knows. The slightest indecorum at this time would be very dangerous and all but the net, who talks to the malswut, are reverently silent. At present this malswut of the kauisiktum clan consists only of the roll of reed matting. Many years ago there were rolled up in this bundle eagle feathers and the pelvis of a California grizzly bear. This latter was very powerful, and was called yuuknut "frighten- ing." It was perforated, and the paha would whistle on it at this time, a sound that would kill any irreverent or noisy person. The bundle and its contents are called "the heart of the house." Now only the bundle is left. While it is still dark the net rolls up the bundle and takes it back into the inner room, where it remains until the next ceremony. The fire is rebuilt, the oil lanterns are lighted, and the kauisiktuit clan continues its singing of the creation songs until just before sunrise. Friday evening and Saturday morning the people of the wani- kiktum Cahuilla clan and the two Serrano clans arrive. Saturday afternoon the images are completed. These represent the three people who had died within the last year and a half, one man, Francisco Chino, and two women, Marcellina Potencio and Mrs. John Joseph. The images were made of wood and grass, covered with modern clothing, representing the two women and the one man. In the old days the framework of these images was rolled maiswut, and they were dressed in skins, with eagle feather decorations. Old people of the three visiting clans make these images, and Saturday afternoon when they are completed the women dance with them accompanied by sing- ing and wailing. They are then wrapped in canvas and put away. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Saturday night the three invited groups sing from darkness to dawn. The maliiiakiktum and amnaiiavitcem200 Serrano clans sing from dark until a little after midnight. Their songs are in the Serrano language sung slowly with considerable approach to melody. Usually both these groups sing together, but at intervals each sings its own particular songs. These are based on the Serrano creation story.20' One song directed to the dead spirits is as follows: "You have left this world, you are going to another world which your creator made for you. Go without coming back, without looking back, to live forever and ever." The wanikiktum Cahuilla clan members sing for the remainder of the night, singing songs in the Serrano language. Just before dawn they stop. All during this night there are "peon" games in progress around fires near the dance house. The people wander from game to game or listen to the singing inside. While the outside clans are singing, the old people of the kauisiktum clan group together, the women crying softly, a sound of mourning that forms an undertone to the whole ceremony within the dance house. Outside, however, the spirit of "fiesta" prevails and the "peon" games are surrounded by noisy partisans, while around other fires are gathered social groups visiting. With the gray dawn the games break up, and all the people assemble in the dance house enclosure to witness the final ceremonies. As soon as the singing ceases, the paha and the takwa divide the flour, coffee, and sugar given to the invited guests. Each woman of the invited clans receives so many baskets full of the various gifts. With loud wailings the images are brought out and laid on a canvas in front of the dance house, and the net prays over them. These prayers are said to be in a language "from the beginning" which no one understands but the net.202 Supposedly these were the songs used in the first mourning ceremony for mulkat, and have been passed on from net to net. Then, while the women of the local clan throw away coins and calicoes, the net, the paha, and the takwa carry the images around the dance house. With them go women trailing cali- 200 These are terms used by my Cahuilla informants in referring to the mariiia and the aturaviatum Serrano clans. The Cahuilla term for the Serrano is ismallem. 201 Gifford, present series, 14:182-185, gives an outline of this story. 202 A careful linguistic study of these esoteric, or archaic, prayers and chants might well reveal the original dialect used, which would be first-hand evidence of the lines of ceremonial diffusion. Some of them are doubtless mere abracadabra, but I am convinced that some are actually foreign dialects. They could only be obtained by one who had secured the entire confidence of the ceremonial leaders, which can be done with tact. 1929] 129 130 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 coes to wipe out all the tracks of the dead. This is done because the tracks around the "big house," which is the "center of everything," are most important, and by wiping them out the others which cannot be found are likewise cared for. The images are then taken to the cemetery and burned. The image of Francisco Chino is carried by Mrs. Susy Arenas, that of Marcellina Potencio by Mrs. Juan Costo, and that of Mrs. John Joseph by Mrs. Matilda Toro. These are relatives of the deceased. In the old days, according to Mrs. Rosa Morongo, a relative, usually a man, carried the image. He would run with it and the paha would shoot at him with a bow and arrow. This was called mamaneka in Cahuilla and wuuv in Serrano, mean- ing "dodging." The man was paid for this service, and on his suc- cess in dodging the arrows depended the fate of the spirit whose image he carried. Today relatives are not paid for carrying the images, but outsiders are. Likewise Mrs. Louis Kintano, who danced and sang all night with the kauisiktum clan, of which she is not a member, was paid for her serviees. While the relatives carried the images to the place of burning, Alejo Potencio, the net, and Marcus Belargo, the paha, divide the muketem, shell money. The net measures the string in the manner previously described, and gives it to the paaha. The paha calls "witcui," and shouts the name of the party that receives it. First he gave a string to Mrs. Rosa Morongo of the mariiia clan, which has no paha at present, then to Miguel Savatco, who is both kika and paha of the aturavlatum clan, and then to Mrs. Juan Costo, acting nuut of the wanikiktum clan. Each of these took the money and departed. After all this is over, the dead who have been remembered for one year, must now be forgotten. PALM SPRINGS CAHUILLA CREATION MYTH As told by Alejo Potencio, ceremonial chief, through Jolian Nortes, interpreter, immediately after the biennial mourning cere- mony at Palm Springs, February, 1925.203 In the beginning there was nothing but darkness. At times it was lighter but with no moon or stars. One was called tuikmiatahat (female) the other 203 This myth includes the greater number of songs sung at the mourning ceremony. Each sentence given here forms one verse, including much repeti- tion, and the song takes three nights to sing completely. It varies slightly from group to group, and the versions of any two widely separated Cahuilla groups are different in detail though the general motifs are the same. It is a highly impressive and solemn chant, rising at times to rare beauty, but usually sung in a monotonous rising and falling cadence. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California tuikmiatelka (male). Sounds, humming or thunder, were heard at times. Red, white, blue, and brown colors204 came all twisting to one point in the darkness. These were acting all together-twisting.205 These came together in one point to produce. This ball shook and whirled all together into one sub- stance, which became two embryos wrapped in this placenta.206 This was formed in space and darkness. These were born prematurely, everything stopped for they were stillborn. Then again all the lights whirled together, joined, and produced. This time the embryos grew fully-the children inside talked to one another. They asked each other, "What are we? We are eskwatkwatwiteem, and estana- mawitum, "207 for at that time they did not know themselves. While they were in this sack they rolled back and forth;208 they stretched their arms and knees209 to make a hole2l0 so they could get out.21' Then they named themselves Muikat and Temaiyauit. First their heads came out; they called themselves teimuiluka; both heads came out at once. Then came out their shoulders, ribs, waist, thighs, knees, and ankles.212 Thus they came out of their house into the darkness, but they were unable to see one another in the dark space. As they sat in the dark Temaiyauit said, "II-am older than you, for I first heard the darkness making sounds.' d213 Mfikat answered, "No! I am the older for I heard it first.-" Thus they began to quarrel. Then Temaiyauit said, "What can we do to eat our smoke and blow-aaah! away the dark." Muikat answered, "Why do you say you are older than I am? Take the pipe214 from your heart,215 out of your mouth." So Mfikat took from his heart the black pipe,216 and Temaiyauit took from his heart the white pipe.217 Temaiyauit asked Muikat, "What will we smoke in it?" Mukat answered, "Why do you say you are older than I amT We can draw from our hearts tobacCo.218 Then we can eat and smoke it in our pipe. " He drew black tobacco219 from his heart, and Temaiyauit drew white tobacco220 from his heart. Their pipes were solid, and Temaiyauit asked Muikat, "How can we open up our pipes to eat and smoke tobacco?" Muikat answered, "Why do you say you are older than I, if you do not know that with our whiskers we 204 sel wil, sel h 'eu: red; tevic wil, tevic he 'u: white; tuikic heul, tutkic wil: blue: tesit heui, tesit wil: brown. 205 tahfihufi-sfiivee. 206 tcemsilayaa: our placenta. 207 Archaic or esoteric. No meaning remembered. 208 manamanatcemayahi. 209 wawalwawal-tcemeyahi. 210 hataniamkavayuul. 211 tfinaltfinal-tcemeyahi. 212 s6ka, am!, hemhililfl, hemees, hemtomi, hemi. 213 This was their mother's lullaby. 214 taiuuinumuli, pipe. 215 tcemsufl a, from our heart. 216 uliltunikic. 217 uliltevienikic. 218 plwut. 219 piwut tiilnikic. 220 piwut tewicnikic. 1029] 131 132 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 can bore a hole221 through which to draw smoke? 1 '222 Then the hole was too big and the tobacco would not stay, but from their hearts they drew out white and black materials223 and made it smaller. All was settled, but they had no fire. Then Temalyauit asked Muikat, "How can we light our tobacco to eat and smoke it?" and Muikat answered, "You still say you are older than I am and yet do not know how to light your pipe! We can draw from our heart the sun from which we can light our pipe." Then he began to draw the sun; from his mouth it came, but it slipped through his hands to his feet. Both tried to catch it, but it was too fast and got away and disappeared. It was lost in the darkness. Then Muikat drew out from his heart the West Light,224 and Temalyauit drew from his heart the East Light.225 With these Muikat lit his pipe. When he smoked the smoke drifted up and formed clouds. He blew it out in spread- ing puffs, and said, "This is to eat our hearts and kill our hearts! " To find out who was the oldest he held up his pipe, saying, "I am holding it down." Temalyauit said, "Where are you ?" looking on the ground. Temalyauit tried to find it below, but Muikat cheated him holding it up in the air. At last he reached it. Mfikat said, "You claim you are older but you are not old enough to know this! " Temalyauit smoked until he had had enough, then he said, "I am holding it up, " but he held it on the ground. But Muikat knew where it was, and right away reached and took it. This proved Muikat was the oldest. Then they smoked, and Temalyauit asked Muikat what they should do next. Muikat answered, "We can draw from our heart the center pole of the world, " 226 and from their hearts they both drew it. "Lift it up, stand it up, your center pole of the world, our center pole of the world. Make it stand, your heart of the world, our heart of the world, " they said. They put it into the air but it would not stand. They then drew from their hearts all kinds of snakes227 to hold the center pole of the world. These they told to hold it but they could not. Then they put two huge rocks228 together to hold it but still it moved. Then from their hearts they drew all kinds of web-spinning spiders,229 and these ran their webs from the top of the pole in all directions, and at last the center pole of the world stood firm. Both said, "It is all still, our heart of the world, your heart of the world," and they began to climb up it, saying, "We, Mfikat and Temalyauit, are climbing up! " Still farther up they sing, "Muikat, Temalyauit, going up, up, farther up we are going! " Halfway up the center pole they sing again, and 221 penliwalwaane, bore a hole. 222 penhusossone, to draw on a pipe. 223 temalhu uhui, temal pikiki, tfilkiisivivamal (archaic), kanawal tfilawal: black; tewic nikie, white. 224 kauwikut. 225 tamikut. 226 whiyanahut, translated as the "center pole of the world," or "heart of the world," and described as a tremendously enlarged shaman 's wand, with which they effect cures and perform magic. It was "like a Bishop 's mitre" and symbolized the power of the creators. 227 palukfiwit, temesuwut, all kinds of snakes. 22shauwaiyauwut and temamlawut. 229 whalwhalwitem kultukwitem. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California still singing they come nearly to the top, always calling themselves by name. Then, still calling their names, they reach the top, and sing, "We, Muikat and Temaiyauit, are sitting on the top, on the point of the center pole of the world." From the top they looked down and saw clouds of smoke230 rolling up from the place whence they had come. Tamalyauit asked where the smoke came from. Muikat answered, "It is settling23l in the place where we were lying and comes from our afterbirth.232 It is black blood, red blood, fresh blood, smallpox, colds and sore throat, cramps in the back, boils, mumps, hives and itches, inflamed and sore eyes, blindness, acute body pains, palsy and twitching, consumption, venereal diseases, rheu- matism, emaciations, swelling of the body,233 and all other sicknesses." All these were the clouds of smoke coming from the place, where they came into being. Then Muikat said, "We will give power to man or woman, so that each sic,kness can be cured by someone that has power. These will be the doctors. "234 Milkat was on the west side of the center pole of the world and Temalyauit on the east side. Mfikat asked Temalyauit, "Which direction shall be the oldest?" Temaiyauit answered, "We will name that direction where you are now." Mfikat then said, "I am older than you, so first of the directions is the west,235 then the north,236 south,237 and east. '238 Thus it is that when people come into the ceremonial house they blow west, north, south, and east. Temalyauit said, "How can we make the earth?" Muikat answered, "You see I am older than you, for we can draw the earth from our heart." And he drew black earth239 from his heart, and Temaiyauit drew white earth240 from his. This earth they put on top of the center pole of the world but it rolled off and was lost. Prom their hearts they drew all black and all white spiders,241 who spread webs in all directions. So for a second time they drew black and white earth from their hearts and placed it on the top. To spread this earth they drew forth from their hearts all the kinds of ants242 who spread out the earth on all sides. To make it faster they drew out two whirlwinds243 that rapidly completed the spreading out of the black and white earth. Thus was the whole earth made, but it moved and would not stay still. The ants were too light, they could not hold it steady. Prom their hearts Muikat and 230 mfilikalipa, hauakalapa: smoke rolling in clouds. 231 tcemkonive, tcemwenive: settling. 232 teemsilayaa: our placenta; tcemkalap1: our afterbirth. 233 ewul tuilnikic: black blood; ewul selnikic: red blood; ewul palnikic: fresh blood; uimfiil: smallpox; k'ekfi: cold and sore throat; teewiwinut: cramps in the back; tculklaluinit: boils; pahalefhliwinit: mumps or swollen sore throat; kisawinit: hives or itch; mlwinit: inflamed eyes; tawawinut: blindness; muiwhinut: acute body pain; tawekkuiskalet: palsy, twitching; teatawawinut: consumption; uiuimuiwinut: venereal disease; lumiwinut: rheumatism; whawhinut: emaciation; patiewinut: swelling of the body. 234 puielem: doctors. 235 kauikanvic. 236 temankawic. 237 kitcamkawic. 238 tamikawic. 239 temul tfilnikic: earth, black. 240 temul tewicnikic: earth, white. 241 kuituiwhitum: black spiders; whalwhalwitum: white spiders. 242 kuivicniwitum, anwitum. 243 tenauakatem, k6tialalem. 1929] 133 134 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Temaiyauit drew the ocean244 and placed it all around the world, and like- wise they drew out pania tewelevelum and papakniwitum, the two water demons, and placed them in the ocean. All water creatures they put into the ocean, and, last of all they drew the sacred seaweed mat,245 the sacred dancing feathers of the doctors,246 the "water apron"247 and "water tail"248 and placed these in the ocean. Thus by their combined weight the last quivers of the earth were stilled, and it was flat as a table. From their hearts again they drew the sky249 but it swayed and flapped in the wind. They blew their saliva2s0 to the sky and thus made the stars25' which held the sky in place. Then they put the two whirlwinds at the edge of the earth, and they held the bottom of the sky firmly in place. The creators determined to make creatures2S2 for the earth. Temaiyauit drew coyote25 from his heart for he was the first assistant.254 Mfikat drew the horned owl,255 who could see in the darkness, from his heart. Muikat had black mud and Temaiyauit white mud to make creatures from, and they each commenced to make the body of a man. Muikat worked slowly and carefully, modeling a fine body such as men have now. Temaiyauit worked rapidly mak- ing a rude body with a belly on both sides, eyes on both sides, and hands like the paws of a dog. The creators worked in the darkness, and the horned owl sat watching them. When a body was finished the owl would say, "M-M-M! It is finished," and coyote would come and put it away, putting those created by Muikat in one place, and those by Temaiyauit in another. The latter worked three times as fast as the former, and had a great number of crude bodies finished, compared to the few good bodies made by Mukat. All this took a long, long time. Finally Muikat stopped and drew the moon256 from his heart and it became faintly light so they could see their creatures. Muikat looked at those made by Tamaiyauit and said, "No wonder you have finished them so quickly, you are not doing good work! " Temaiyauit wished to know why, and Mfikat said, "They have two faces, eyes all around, bellies on both sides, feet pointing both ways and hands like a dog's paws!" Temaiyauit answered, "That is right, it is good, but your work is not good. One face and all parts on one side are not right for they cannot see behind. Mine can see coming and going. Open fingers will let food slip through, mine will hold anything." Mukat replied, "Yes, but they can draw their hands together and hold anything. Your creatures cannot carry anything for they have no back or shoulders. they cannot hold an arrow to the bow or draw it back, for they are like a 244 pal nuikut. 245 p&fia maiswut, a mat that is wrapped around the fetish bundles, and from which images of the dead are made. 246pafia tciatum, feathers used by shamans. 247 pafa wiava, significance unknown. An archaic or esoteric term. 248pafia hekwas, significance unknown. An archaic or esoteric term. 249 tuikvac, also means "iron," because it is black before the sun comes up. 260 hemhania. 251 sibiwitem. 252 nfikatem. 253 isil. 254 paha, the ceremonial assistant of the clan chief. 255 muut. 256 menyil. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California dog." "But," said Temalyauit, "there will be no shooting." "Yes, there will be, later on, '"257 said Muikat. "But there will be no death,' said Temalyauit. Muikat answered, "Yes, there will be death." "Then," said Temalyauit, "if they die, they shall come back." "If they come back they shall smell like dead things," answered Muikat. Temalyauit said, "Then they can wash with white clay,258 and smoke their bodies with burning salt grass259 and willow260 and become clean and good smelling." "If they do this the world will be too small," answered Muikat. Temalyauit said, "We can then spread it wider." "Yes, but there will not be enough food for all of them," answered Mfikat. "They can eat earth," said Temalyauit. "But they will then eat up all the earth," answered Muikat. Temalyauit replied, "No, for by our power it will be swelling again." This was the end of the dispute. Temalyauit was angry because he always los-t in every dispute. He said, "I will go to the bottom of the earth, whence I came, and take all my creatures with me, the earth,261 sky,262 and all my other creations." Mukat answered, "You can take yours, but all mine will stay." Then Temalyauit blew, and his breath opened the earth. His creatures went down with him, all save the moon,263 the palm,264 coyote, the wood duck,265 and a few others. He tried to take earth and sky with him; a fierce wind blew and the earth shook all over, while the sky bent and swayed. Muikat put one knee on the ground, held one hand on all his creatures, and with the other held up the sky. He cried, "hi! hi! hi! hiI" which is the way all people do now when the earthquake comes. In the struggle all the mountains and canyons appeared on the earth 's surface, stream beds were formed, and water came out and filled them. At last Temalyauit disappeared below, all became quiet, and the earth stopped shaking, but its rough uneven surface remains until today. Then all Mfikat 's creatures became alive. While it was still dark the white people had stolen away to the north, during the time Mukat held up the sky. The sun266 suddenly appeared, and all Mfikat 's creatures were so frightened they began to chatter like blackbirds each in a different language. Muikat could not understand any of these, but hearing one man, kIathwasimut, speak the Cahuilla language267 he pressed him to his side, and let the others run around. This man was the ancestor of the Cahuilla people, and now lives in the abode of the sun,266 moon,263 and evening star.268 Thus only the Cahuillas, speak the original language. Among these creatures was one with red hair269 and a white clean face; he was cranky and crying, always running about. Mfikat saw this, and he took a long270 and a short stick.271 The first he put between the creature's legs like a horse, the second he put in his hand like a whip. Then the creature ran back and forth, going farther and farther away, until at last he disappeared into the north where all his party had gone 257 temal hemuiwan: earth, coming to the top; temal paakwan: earth, coming generations. 258 illiwut, teviwit. 265 sassemul. 259 hafiawit. 266 tamit. 260 sahawut. 267 IvIatim. 261 temal. 268 suiwut piniwus. 262 tiikvac. 269 filika, selnikie: head, red. 263 menyil. 270 kelawut, somatikic: stick, long. 264 mawul. 271 kelawut, voksekalpi: stick, short. 1929] 135 136 University of California Publications in Ant Arch. and Ethn. [Vol 26 before. Then Miukat put all his creatures into the ceremonial house272 for it was night. Far away to the north they saw a light, and all the creatures asked Muikat, "What is that light in the north which we see now?" "Yes," he replied, "those are your older brothers and your younger brothers, your older sisters and your younger sisters. They went away at night. They did not hear me, they did not ask me. They are devils! 273 They have four names.' p274 When the sun arose in the east the dog275 was talking, but then he became dumb. He knows everything in his heart, but he cannot say one word. The sun came up very hot. Some of Muikat's children were burned black, some were burned red (well done, well cooked), but in the north where the white people were, it was cold, and they remained raw and white. The moon was the only woman among all Mfikat's creatures. Every morn- ing she would go away from the ceremonial house to a clean sandy place, where with woven grass string276 she showed all the creatures how to make cat 's cradles. Then she would put one group of people on one side and say, "You are coyote people,"p277 and the others she would call wildcat people.278 She told the coyote people to sing against the wildcat people as though they were singing enemy songs. Then the wildcat people would begin to dance; then they would do it the other way around. This was a game. She told them to build a little brush house and put one creature in the house to be chief.279 Then she told another group to come from far away singing and dancing to the house. This was the way they should do later through all the generations to come. She also taught them to run, jump, wrestle, throw balls of mud at one another, and to flip pebbles at one another from their finger tips. Certain ones she picked out and said, "You are women. You must grind, and feed these others, who are men, that come dancing to the house." At sunset they would return to the ceremonial house, dancing as they came. Among them was one called, tevicnikietcumelmil, who always kicked the rattle- snake280 when he came in. The latter could not play with the other creatures because he could not walk. Mfikat took pity on the rattlesnake and gave him a cactus thorn281 in his mouth as a fang. When all the other creatures were gone, Mfikat took his ceremonial staff282 and told the snake to bite it. This the rattlesnake did, but his fang broke off. Then Muikat pulled out a black whisker and put it in as a fang, but it broke off. So he pulled out a gray whisker, sand with this fang the rattlesnake bit through the ceremonial staff and blood came out of it. Muikat told the snake to bite his enemy and then crawl away to the mountain and stay in his hole. All was ready. When all the creatures came back from their playground tevicnikictcumelmil laughed and kicked the snake, which bit him. TVvicnikictcumelmil died at once, and 272 kicamnawut: translated "big house." 273 tewellevelem. 274 milwhinut, pahivawit, kwawinit: archaic; tewullevelem: devils. 275 awel. 276 witcut. 277 istam: one moiety name. 278 tuktum: the other Cahuilla moiety. 279 net: clan ceremonial chief. 280 sfiwit. 281 iwiUl. 282 whiyanahut: shaman's wand. Also "the center pole of the world." Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the snake crawled away to his hole in the mountain, where he has always stayed since rattling and biting, as the enemy of all Muikat's creatures. Mfikat told the moon to have his creatures make bows of wood and arrows of reeds,283 with no points on them, and to have them stand in two lines and shoot at each other with these arrows. Then Muikat told them to sharpen the points of the arrows. He then told them to make rock arrow-straighteners284 and to make arrows of arrow-weed285 about two feet long, with stone arrow- points.286 These they were to shoot with short, strong, sycamore bows.287 He told them to stand in two lines and shoot at one another, but they were afraid because it looked dangerous. Then takwic288 said, "It is nothing. You can- not die from this," and he stuck an arrow through his body, pulling it out the other side. Then the hummingbird289 put a quiver290 on his back, and all shot at him, but they could not hit him for he was too small. He dodged each arrow, and said, "See, it is nothing! " The Arkansas kingbird29l and then the butterfly292 did the same, and each said, "See, it is nothing! " So did the crow293 and the poor will,294 and they both dodged. Then the vulture295 tried it but he was too slow; they hit him, and he disappeared. Then the cony296 wanted to fight them all, and he cried, "Hurry up! Hurry up! " All the creatures began to shoot each other, hunting through the tall grass. Muikat laughed, and said, "Now they are beginning to kill one another." They shot until both sides were nearly all killed. Then the remainder saw their dead comrades and began to cry loudly. (At this point in the song all women must wail loudly.) Muikat looked at the dead people whose bodies were quivering and shaking.297 Their spirits298 arose, but their bodies were dead, and the spirits did not know where to go. They looked toward the west, and it seemed to be all clear for them. They went flying to the west. But when they got there there was no gate, they had to stop and come back crying to their bodies. Then toward the north they did the same thing, and to the south, but in vain. They flew to the sky but again in vain. Finally they went to the east where Temalyauit was. He answered them, "Yes," he said, "you are something. You are great devils.299 This is what I told Muikat, that you would die and come back to life, but he always pushed away my word. Thus we created two kinds of 283 hafial. 284 yUinapic. 285 pahal. 286 tamanlut. 287 isiltcukinup. 288 The fire-ball demon, a great shaman, living on the top of San Jacinto peak. 289 tultcil. 290 mamakwut. 291 ultbhewic. 292 malmul. 293 alwut. 294 pfilmic, also called the night jar. The Cahuilla say this is the way he got his twisting flight. 295 yufiavic, the turkey vulture. 296 uilut, also called the pika, or little chief hare. 297 kuluikwit, wekhafilwut, hemtahau: "quivering and shaking are their bodies." 298 hemtUilave. 299 emetewelevelatfiteem, emeamnaaluteem: "you are becoming great devils." 1,929] 137 138 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 clay300 and two herbs80l to brush the body and make it clean. Go back again to earth as great devils." Hearing this they all hung their heads, and crying and wailing they came back to where their bodies lay. Among the creatures left alive was muntakwut, who was a powerful shaman. He took pity on the dead spirits and with his ceremonial staff bored a hole in the earth, open- ing the gate of telmekic.302 When they saw this gate was opened all went below "sounding their heart, "803 "sounding their body, "304 "making great breathings, '305 "fading away with noise, "306 "disappearing forever. "307 To this place go all the spirits of the dead. This is the way Mukat tricked and joked with his people. All the people who were left on earth were very sad, but their teacher, the moon, was still with them. The moon was a naked, white, and beautifully formed woman. She slept apart from all the other creatures. One night Muikat, who had often watched her, leaned above her and touched her as he passed.308 Next morning the moon was weak, sleepy, and sore; she felt very sad. She planned to go away somewhere, but before going she spoke to all Mfikat 's creatures, saying, "I am going away, but you must go to the place where you used to play.309 Go there and play as before. In the evening you will see me in the westY then you must say ha! ha! ha! ha! and run to the water to bathe. Remember this always." Then she disappeared and no one saw or knew what became of her. In a short while they saw the new moon rise in the west, and they cried, "ha! ha! ha! ha! " as she had told them and ran to bathe. Some of his creatures now began to plan how they could stop their creator Muikat from playing more evil tricks on them. They knew that he had told the rattlesnake to kill them, that he had told them to kill one another with arrows, and lastly, that he had mistreated the moon and eaused her to leave. So while they were all in the place where the moon had taught them to play they planned to get rid of Muikat. Then the flicker3lo cried, "piium," which meant, "Don 't talk so much but go and poison him." All agreed to this, so they planned to watch him at night time. They came into the house dancing, and told tataksil (a little lizard that hides in cracks in the wood) to watch the creator; for the lizard alone was not afraid to watch Muikat at night. He hid in a crack in the center post3l' while all the others were dancing around it. All night he stayed there, watching. At midnight, all were asleep as Muikat had commanded them, save the little lizard who kept watch. Muikat got up, took his pipe,312 lit it and smoked, 300 fuliwut, teviwut. 301 haniaawit, sahawit. 302 "Neither heaven or hell, but the place where the dead go." 303 melkelewihemsun. 304 melkelewihemtahau. 305 tewofitalallal. 306 talalMilyu. 307 n 'nelu. 308 The informant used these words. They do not make clear what hap- pened, for that was a great sin of the creator. 309 kanisunwit, liwikauwut. 810 tavic. 311 palinut. 312 ill. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California blowing clouds of smoke over all his creatures to make them sleep soundly. Three times he blew smoke over them. Then he set his pipe down, and taking his ceremonial staff stood up. All the floor of the ceremonial house was covered with his creatures. First he stepped at their feet,313 then between their legs,314 then next to their arms,315 then above their heads,316 and so walked out. All this time the lizard was watching. Muikat went at once to the ocean, where two logs crossed above the water, and here defecated.317 Lizard saw him do this, and heard the noise when this kwalmilitci3'7 hit the water. Three times Mukat did this, and each time it was followed by a sound like thunder in the ocean. Then Mfikat returned into the house, stepping in the same places that he had coming out, but he did not see the lizard who was watching. In the dawn all the creatures awoke, danced around the center post, and the lizard joined them. They all went out to their sandy playground, dancing. There the lizard told them all that he had seen that night. So they planned to poison Mulkat through his own excrement, and they told the water skipper3l8 to stay below the place where the creator sat at night when he came down to the ocean. He tried to do this, but the great waves washed him away. Then another small water creature319 attempted it, but failed. Finally, the blue frog320 tried it, and stayed in spite of the ocean's attempt to drive him away. Here he stayed until miidnight, when the creator came out as he always did. His first kwaimuiitei hit the water and splashed but there was no sound like thunder in the ocean, for the frog had taken it before it hit bottom. Then Mfikat was very frightened, and with his ceremonial staff felt down in the water to see what was beneath him. He scratched the frog's back leaving three white marks there. Half of the kwaimiiitci was left in the water and all the water creatures scattered it over the great ocean. Half of it was brought to land, and all the land creatures one by one scattered it over the earth. Thus it could not be put together again and Mfukat could not be made well. Mfikat sang to himself, "I felt sick in that water. My body became cold, swollen and weak. Either this water or my house makes me sick." All his creatures stayed in the ceremonial house watching him. Coyote was his nurse, and tended Mukat. He dug a hole in the grountd, made a fire in it, and then put the creator in, covering him up. Day and night he did this for Mfikat, and thus he learned all of Muikat's songs. The others slept all night so they did not learn Muikat's songs. Muikat grew sicker and sicker, and he called the horse fly321 to suck322 his blood. This was the first time this was ever done. It did him no good. Then he called the sow bugs323 and the dragon flies324 to doetor him. These two 313 hemifia. 314 pal kienallalva. 315 hemkwalmufia. 316 hemulukna. 317 paamilyawi, kwaimuiitci: "this tobacco, he eats and drops down." 318 puiiatcauatcau. 319 pafiawawulwawul. 320 wahaatfikicnikic. 321 pipic. 322 nemalil: sucking disease from a patient 's body. 323 kumsewhitum. 324 wakalullalvawit. 1929] 139 140 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 failed, so he tried the water snake,325 the gopher snake,326 the red racer,327 and the king snake,328 all of whom failed. All of these had only pretended to help him for they all wanted Muikat to die. Then he told his creatures to tell the west wind,329 that belonged to him, to come and help him. The west wind came, like a hurricane, with a great dust storm. Muikat was afraid, but the west wind went into his body, and for a while he was better; but it was too strong; he was being blown away. He told the white-throated swift,330 which he named "wind meeter, p331 to go meet the west wind and tell it to go away for he was afraid. This same thing happened with the north, south, and east winds in succession. Then he said, 'All my creatures8332 have tried to cure me but I am no better. I know now that I am about to die. Perhaps I shall die in the dark of the moon,333 or in the faint light of the new moon,334 or during the young crescent moon,335 or during the older crescent moon,336 or in the first week of the new moon,337 or when the moon has a cloudy ring around it,338 or during the clear half-moon,339 or when the half-moon has its rim parallel to the earth,340 or during the full moon when its spots show clearly,341 or when the full moon comes from the east and is red,342 or when it begins to wane and one side is flattened,343 or when it has half disappeared,344 or during the last dying moon.345 All the time Muikat was sick coyote tended him. When he spat coyote would pretend to take it away, but he would really swallow it, and thus make Muikat sicker and sicker. Coyote helped Mukat move from one side to another, from his face to his back, and helped him to sit up. When Mukat was too weak to spit coyote would lick the saliva off with his tongue. When coyote was away Muikat called all his creatures, and said, "My hands are growing cold, my heart is growing cold, I shall die soon. When I die coyote will try to eat me, for he is planning to do this while you sleep. Therefore, when I am dead tell coyote to go after the eastern fire346 which I drew from my heart to light my pipe. When he is gone have huinawit347 and tRkwawit348 gather all kinds of wood, dig a hole, and prepare to burn my body. Take the palm349 and withv a drill make fire." When the palm, who was a woman, heard this she began to cry and complain that it was unfair to select her from among all the other creatures. But Mfikat continued, "The fly350 will bore for fire with a drill.351 Then you can burn352 me with my creature the fire." That night Muikat made all his creatures sleep, even coyote, and then he died. 3825 pasiwit 328 pokawit. 327 tatahol. 328 wifilwakanawit. 829 yalkauinawhit. 330 sikukwinut. 331 yalnamkiwuc. 332 nenukem, netavum. 333 s6iimenyil. 334 tewi menyil. 335 siva menyil. 336 tcafia menyil. 337 kaivu menyil. 338 kava menyil. 339 liwi menyil. 340 tatca menyil. 341 yelamenyil. 342 t6vI menyil. 343 tese menyil. 344 kavi menyil. 345 tu menyil. 346 tamikut. 347 The large ancestor of the bear.- 348 The large ancestor of the skunk. 349 ninmalwit: one species of palm. 850 pipiC. 351 kutmuiivawut: making fire with a drill. 352 nekwane: also means "eat." Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California In the morning coyote woke up. He felt Muikat 's heart and knew that he was dead. He said, "I think it is all over with our creator! " All the other creatures woke up, saying, "HIe is deadI Our father, your father, is dead! " Then they all cried that there was nothing with which to burn their father, and they asked coyote, because he ran fast, to go after the east light. Coyote went away to the east after the fire. When he was out of sight they prepared the pit, gathered all kinds of wood, and catching the palm tree they threw her down and held her although she tried to escape. The fly took a stick and started to make fire, twirling it between his hands. First came water, then blood, and then fire. With this they kindled the fire, dragged the body of Muikat to the pile, and put it on the burning wood. It burned. They all stood in a close circle around the fire. Meanwhile coyote went toward the eastern edge of the world and tried to catch the fire, but it always ran just ahead of him. Finally he looked back and saw the smoke of Muikat 's body burning. "I thought that might be the way!" he said, and he came back running very fast. All the people saw him coming, and shouted, "Here comes coyote! Do not let him in to the fire where Muikat is burning." "Turn around my brothers and sisters," said coyote, "I am full of tears. Let me in! Let me in! I too want to see my father." But they would not let him through. All of Muikat 's body save the heart was burned. Then coyote said, "I will fly over you," and he jumped over their heads into the fire. All Muikat's creatures pressed the creator's heart into the flames with their sticks, but coyote reached it and scattered blood and fire, so that the people were burnt and pushed back. Then coyote ran out with the heart. To the east he ran, carrying the heart.354 All the good runners, mountain lion,355 Wolf,356 gray fox357 and kit foX,358 followed him, but could not catch him. Then he called each by name, and said, "Stay away! Why do you, my brothers, pursue me I " Then he talked to the heart of the creator, saying, "I am carrying you upon the earth, to the edge of the world, to the point of earth and sky, to the bottom of the sky, to the bottom of the world." All things tried to frighten him as he ran, but he said, "I am not afraid of you! " Then he swallowed the heart.359 He at once became very sick; he became emaciated and his ribs showed. Some of Muikat 's creatures who had gone away in search of food for their sick creator returned too late, and found the body of their father in ashes. Among these were s&fiwit,360 el6l1lic,361 witetciic,362 tuivonpic,863 the jaguar,364 854 There are many more songs about the flight of coyote, but only a clan of the coyote moiety may sing them. Alejo belonged to the kauisiktum clan of the wildcat moiety. 856 tfikwit. 866 iswit. 357 kauwisic. 358 wilyUl. 359 The Desert Cahuilla say this occurred in the Painted canyon, near Mecca, which accounts for the red stained rocks there. 860 One of the stars. Also named pahahflwit. 361 Archaic. 862 Archaic. 363 Archaic. 364 tuikwut. 1929] 141 142 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 and the marsh hawk.365 They all cried loudly, and rolled in the ashes. Last of all returned the buzzard, who was slow and returned late. He did not cry, he became dumb, took the skin off his head, and with a stick bored a hole through his beak. After that he was always quiet, he could only hiss. Then in the place where Muikat was burned there began to grow all kinds of strange plants, but no one knew what they were. They were afraid to go near the place for a hot wind always blew there. One, Palmiteawut, a great shaman, said, "Why do you not go and ask our father what they are?" No on else would go so he followed the spirit of Mukat. By the aid of his cere- monial staff he followed the trail of Mikat's spirit although whirlwinds had hidden the trail. In one place were thickets of prickly cactus and clumps of interlaced thorny vines, but at the touch of his ceremonial staff they opened up for him to pass. Far away on the horizon he saw a bright glow where the spirit of Muikat was leaning against a rock. The creator 's spirit spoke, "Who are you, that follows and makes me move on when I am lying still?" When the creator's spirit spoke Palmiteawut was dumb and could not answer, though Mfikat asked him several times. Finally he was able to speak: "Yes, I am that one who disturbs you while you rest, but we, your creatures, do not know what the strange things are that grow where your body was burned?" Muikat 's spirit answered him, "Yes, that was the last thing I wanted to tell you, but you killed me before I could do so." Then he con- tinued, "You need not be afraid of those things. They are from my body." He asked Palmiteawut to describe them and when he had finished the spirit of Muikat said, "That big tree is tobacco. It is my heart. It can be cleaned with white clay,366 and smoked in the big house to drive away evil spirits. The vines with yellow squashes are from my stomach, watermelons are from the pupil of my eye, corn is from my teeth, wheat is my lice eggs,367 beans are from my semen,368 and all other vegetables are from other parts of my body." (Thus when any vegetables are gathered and brought to the "big house" all the people must pray to the creator.) Then he said, "I am in that big house. My spirit is there, my saliva is there. You can move the big house away and always live there." They did this and all Muikat's creatures stayed in the house weeping for their father. Then they began to wonder how they could make the image of their father. Meanwhile coyote was far away, being very sick. At last he took some wet short reeds,369 rolled them into a ball, and swallowed it. Then he vomited up all kinds of disease from his heart. Thus he got well. From far away he heard the people in the "big house" talking, planning to kill him when he came back. So coyote came near them and they saw him. He talked gently to them from far away and they listened. He said, "I have heard you wondering how to make our father's image. I will show you." And he gathered all kinds of flowers saying, "With these we can make the image of our father! " He was joking with them, making them forget their anger. He brought many kinds of flowers, but by the next morning they would all be dead. All this time he was planning what he should do. At last he remembered that he 365 wesunauwit, the marsh hawk, is gray because he rolled in the ashes. 366 yuIliwit, teviwit. 367 nasawam. 368 nenevum. 369 simfitum. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California must go to the ocean and get pafla maIswut,370 pafla hekwa,371 and pan-a wiava.372 So he told the people he was going after these things. Then he went to the ocean which was far away. That evening he slept at the edge of the earth, and woke up very early thinking it was dawn. He called aloud, asking it not to become light right away. Then he began to sing because the surf was pounding in so hard that he could not go into it. He sang asking the ocean to stop pounding for a little while. Then he went into the water, and got those three things with which to make the image of Muikat.373 These three things he brought back to the "big house." Then he began to make the image of his father. All Muikat 's creatures were crying, and they sang songs as each part of the malswut was cut and wrapped. Thus the image was made. They sang a song about moving it, standing it up, carrying it to the fire, placing it on the pile, lighting the fire, the smoking, the burning, the crumbling of the last ashes, the last of the burning. Then, covering the ashes with dirt, they sang the last song. All was over. 370 seaweed matting. The wrapping of the clan fetish bundles. 371 water tail, archaic. 372 water apron, archaic. 373 The malswut was to be cut and wrapped with the other two, but what "water tail" and "water apron" were, no one at present knows. The malswut is now usually made of tule or reed matting. 1029] 143 144 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 IV. THE MOUNTAIN CAHUILLA ENVIRONMENT The groups commonly known as the Mountain Cahuilla occupied a large territory in the barren San Jacinto and Santa Rosa mountain ranges, extending from the slopes of Cahuilla and Thomas peaks in the north, to the lands formerly occupied by Luisefno and Cupen-o- speaking peoples in the south. It is an area characterized by s-teep granite ridges and barren rocky plateaus covered with chaparral brush, and affording little encouragement to human occupation. At the higher altitudes occur pleasant little valleys having many oak t.rees along the streams., and pines and sycamores on the ridges. Game is still abundant for the area is even less inviting to the white settler than it was to the Indian. Hence deer are very plentiful in the mountain meadows, and along the barren cactus-strewn ridges facing the desert the mountain sheep still holds his own. The jackrabbit, brush rabbit, and wood rat among the smaller mammals, and the abundant flocks of mountain and valley quail furnished the native hunter with a considerable food supply. Large as this territory appears on the map, it furnished, as did the desert to the east, few places for extensive habitation. The high mountain valleys and the deep canyons running up from the desert afforded ideal sites for small groups, but as a whole the mountains are very arid and the flora on which the people mainly subsisted is none too plentiful in any one locality. Barrows has given a. very graphic description of this area374 and has shown to what lengths the ingenuity of the Indian went in overcoming these natural handicaps. Although today this ter- ritory is much as it, was one hundred years ago its Indian occupants a-re but a pitiful handful. Disease and contact with a culture utterly alien to their own ha.ve accomplished what the hard environment could not. Partly as a result of these environmental conditions the, Mountain Cahuilla were geographically divided into small groups of clans, and the customs of these different groups va.ried slightly under the influ- ence of their neighbors. Likewise the dialect of the Mountain 874 Barrows, The Ethno-Botany of the Cahuilla Indians (University of Chicago Press, 1900), 25-35. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Cahuilla differs to a slight extent from that of the Desert and Pass Cahuilla, and it is probable that an intensive linguistic study of the Mountain Cahuilla themselves would show differences between the more widely separated groups. Two main groupings according to their location may be observed among the Mountain Cahuilla, in late aboriginal times, and in the following account of the varying ceremonials I have thus distin- guished them.375 To make sharp distinction between these two is C.h.J 111. ;. \ t 3 st tVfi 5Ve 8 t-7 ,,,& ii||",,,,>r,;,m .k, , 4I~~~~~~~~~~~S \-~~~~~~eeetr ?f< a *k s 4k? '3 . . ,V.IJq w M.. M Mt. T PSI Map. 5. Mountain Cahuilla Territory. not entirely correct for there were intermediate and blending groups between, most of which have perished. The entire culture of the southern California Indian, like that of all such closely related groups, may well be regarded as a liquid medium that flowed more or less evenly from group to group, thinning out more and more the farther each cultural influence extended from its source. Therefore to make breaks and sharp distinctions between near-by groups is often 375 Good informants are rather scarce among the Mountain Cahuilla, for not many of the older Indians survive. A few of these older survivors, however, and a small number of intelligent younger Indians who remember the facts told them by their immediate ancestors, are still available. Of the former, Mrs. Nina Coseros, Mrs. Jesusa Manuel, Mrs. Maria Antonio (who died in January, 1925), Cornelio Lubo, and Alec' Arguello gave me much information. While of the latter, Ignaeio Costo, Gabriel Costo, Jolian Norte, and Fred Coseros were especially helpful, both as interpreters and informants. 1929] 145 146 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 the necessity but not the ideal of the ethnologist, who desires to show the changing customs of the groups and yet lacks full inter- mediate data. The first of these groupings centered mainly in Coyote canyon, and the name Los Coyotes376 may well be applied to these people. The most southerly village that was occupied by Cahuillas alone, was patcawal at San Ignacio. Originally the people from Los Coyotes, or the wiwalistam people as they called themselves, used this as a. food- gathering and agricultural area. Later, after an epidemic of small- pox they moved there to live, returning to Coyote canyon to gather food. They are thus described by Barrows who mentions the village of Pachawal.377 Beyond San Ignacio the territories of the wlwalistam people bordered on the south those owned by the wilakal people located at San Ysidro. The latter are linguistically a hybrid group composed at present of Cahuilla, Cupeiio, and Dieguenio families in about equal numbers. To the north, in the Coyote canyon were located several Cahuilla villages, the central one being called wiliya, and the outlying villages, saulvil, sauic, and tepana, respectively; the last three were occupied by branch clans of the central group at willya. Slightly to the west of willya was an old village called tcla, all of whose inhabitants died long ago. As will be brought out later, these southern Cahuilla groups were in contact with the Cupefio and their Luisefno and Diegue-no neighbors, and as a result resembled them in many traits. Save for a mixed group at San Ysidro nearly all this area is now deserted. One or two Cahuilla families live at San Ignacio, but most of the people have either died or moved away to the Cahuilla, Morongo, or Palm Springs reservations. The second grouping, was less centralized, and was composed of the clans near Santa Rosa,378 and the clans or "parties" located around paul, now called the Cahuilla reservation. The former places are typical high mountain-stream valleys watered by small swift streams; at Old Santa Rosa, which is situated in a fork of Rock House canyon, were two villages, kolwovakut and kewel, and at "new" Santa Rosa was the village of sewlu. Several miles to the northwest was the old town of natcefta, about one-half mile east of Horse canyon. Paul or Cahuilla appears to have become an impor- 376 The present-day inhabitants of Wilakal at San Ysidro call themselves the Los Coyotes tribe, probably on account of the presence there of several Mountain Cahuilla families from Coyote canyon. 377 Barrows, op. oit., 34. 378 This includes both Old Santa Rosa and "new" Santa Rosa. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California tant town of the Cahuillas about 1875. No one clan seems to have owned the warm sulphur springs and adjoining territory, for when it was permanently settled the localized clan organization had largely broken down and its inhabitants represented survivors of several of the eastern Mountain clans. At present about three families live at the site of paul, but all the other Cahuilla families scattered over the Cahuilla reservation come to the warm springs for bathing and laundry purposes. It affords a good example of the effect produced by warm springs in drawing groups together, an example even better demonstrated in the case of the Cupeiio clans who were all gathered around the hot springs at kuipa, but maintained their individual clan territories elsewhere. At the bases of Cahuilla and Thomas mountains, north of pa.ul about six miles, were located the villages of saupalpa, palplsa, and paslawha, which were each occupied by only one clan and represent old individual clan territories. Half a mile southeast of pas;lawha was located the old village of pauata, formerly occupied by two clans one representing each moiety. This matter will be discussed later. About three miles southeast of paul are located mauit and se-upa, both occupied at, present, and formerly centers of a single clan ter- ritory. Considerably farther to the southeast, on the Terwilliger Flats, was located the town of paukl, which resembled paul in the variety of its inhabitants, for no one clan appears to have claimed the locality though representatives of at least two clans lived there until the last few decades. While this town was nearer to the Los Coyotes people than to the northern division of the Mountain Cahuilla, its inhabitants nevertheless appear to have been largely recruited from the northern clans. While the above named villages were undoubtedly the largest in the area there were many smaller dwelling sites where the combination of water and acorns or other food supplies made living possible. Every spring, grove, of oaks, prominent rock, arroyo, or cienega has its individual name among the Cahuilla, and out of this welter of place names the foregoing villages stand out as old clan homes or permanent dwelling sites. To the northwest down the Baptiste canyon, the territories of the Cahuilla met those of the Luisefio clans whose village was at Sa.boba. To the northeast their territories approached those of the Palm Springs Cahuilla, and to the west379 and southwest the desolate 379 The village of wiasmul, shown on the map, was located at a small sulphur spring about four miles southwest of Cahuilla. It was occupied by people of clans 2 and 4, but was the original elan home of neither. 11929] 147 148 University of California Publicatio-ns in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 chapparal-covered plateau, strewn with crumbling granitie rocks of all sizes and swept by cold winds in winter, seems to have been largely uninhabited until the Luiseiio territories around Pechanga, Temecula, and Pala were reached. The location of all these Mountain Cahuilla villages is shown in map 5, where the clans are likewise located according to the numbers given in the following list of Mountain Cahuilla clans (table 7). TABLE 7 Mountain Cahuilla Clans 1. tepamokiktum or iswitim (wolf), wildcat moiety. Clan home at pasiawha. 2. hokwitcakiktum (place name), wildcat moiety. Clan home at hokwitca. 3. pauatiauitcem (place name), wildcat moiety. Clan home at pauata. 4. apapatcem (place name) or nalgaliem (no meaning), wildcat moiety. Clan home at saupalpa. 5. temewhanitcem (northerners), wildcat moiety. Clan home at palpisa. 6. costakiktum (place name), coyote moiety. Clan home at sewla. 7. wiwalistam (wiwal, coyote-people), coyote moiety. Clan home at wiliya. Name of group used collectively. 7a. nauhaflaviteem (people living in center), coyote moiety. Clan home at willya. Subdivision of 7. 7b. temewhanviteem (northerners), coyote moiety. Clan home just north of wiliya. Subdivision of 7. 7G. tepalyauiteem (place name), coyote moiety. Clan home at tepana. Subdivision of 7. 7d. sauiepakiktum (place name), coyote moiety. Clan home at sauic. Sub- division of 7. 7e. saulvilem (place name), coyote moiety. Clan home at saulvil. Sub- division of 7. 8. natefitakikfum (place name), coyote moiety. Clan home at natefita. 9. tclanakiktum (place name), coyote moiety. Clan home at tela. 10. pauatakiktum (place name), coyote moiety. Clan home at pauata. THE SHIFTING OF THE GROUPS The locations of the Mountain Cahuilla clans through divers causes have been subject to more changes in the last sixty-odd years than have those of either the Pass or the Desert Cahuilla. These changes have not been entirely due to Caucasian influence for it is probable that long before this influence became felt the people were subject to western cultural influences that tended to uproot the early condition of isolated clans in favor of town groupings such as characterized the Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Cupefno, Luisefno, and Gabrieleino. The two towns of paul and pauki are examples of such tendencies working in conjunction with certain mission influences that, coming in later, tended in the same direction. The primary change effected by the mission fathers seems to have be4n in regard to leadership among the Indians under their control. Needing some temporal head to make responsible for the acts of the people they appear to have selected the most prominent or forceful of the clan leaders and given each the title of "El Gapitan." One of these leaders was appointed over each district, the district usually corresponding to one linguistic area, and under him were appointed an "alcalde" and a "juez" for each village, whose duties seem to have resembled respectively those of a constable and justice of the peace in a modern American town. It is not certain who the first captain of the Mountain Cahuilla was, although informants stated he was appointed by the priests at the San Luis Rey mission, hence the records of this mission might well settle the matter. Juan Antonio, a costakiktum man, was probably one of the first. During the troublesome times between 1845 and the treaty of Cahuenga in 1847, t.he Cahuilla under Juan Antonio sided with the Mexicans against the Luiseiio who appear to have favored the American invaders. In 1847 at Aguanga there took place ar battle between the Cahuillas under Juan Antonio and the Luiseiio under MIanuelito Cota and Pablo Apis, which resulted in an overwhelming defeat for the Luisefio.380 This is often referred to as the "massacre" at Aguanga, and Luisefio informants still state bitterly that the Cahuilla were treacherous to those who should have been their allies. Exactly what the facts were is hard to determine at this late date, and is a problem historical rather than ethnological. At this time the more isolated Mountain Cahuilla clans were the least broken down by mission and other Caucasian contacts of any California natives under Mexican control, hence they were probably the only spirited fighting units among the so-called "Mission Indians." For this reason they were evidently treated as allies by the Mexican authorities, who had scant respect for the pitiful neophytes of the already secularized missions, that had lost their own culture and not acquired tha.t of their con- querors. Thus to the Cahuilja, the American forces under Kearney and Stockton were invaders, while to the broken peoples of the missions they appeared as liberators. The "massacre" at Aguanga was the natural result of such a situation. 380H. H. Bancroft, 22:617. 1,929] 149 150 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 In the year 1846, just prior to the aforementioned fight, several clans of the Mountain Cahuilla under Juan Antonio moved from their mountain homes first to the vicinity of Riverside, then called Jurupa, where the village of pfilatana was established. Later their village was moved to sahatapa in the. San Timoteo canyon near El Casco. These clans were probably moved down by the Mexicans as a guard against the Colorado river and other raiding peoples. Baneroft states that from March to August, 1846, there were, Indian affairs, showing frequent alarms at rumors of invasion from the Colo- rado River bands, with several expeditions from the San Bernardino region. On one occasion 18 Indians were killed at San Francisco rancho, having revolted after being captured. It was at one time resolved to station a guard at the Cajon. Six Yuta families came to Jurupa to settle.38' The term "Yuta" is ambiguous but may apply to the members of the costakiktum, pauatiauiteem, tepam6kiktum, natcftakiktum, and teme- whanic clans of the Mountain Cahuilla, led here by Juan Antonio. Ignacio Costo was told by his grandmother that about seventy or more years ago either the Chemehuevi or the Paiutes of Utah raided San Bernardino and stole many horses and cattle. The Mexicans asked the Mountain Cahuilla for aid and a united force pursued the marauders to the Cajon pass where they were.brought to bay and all killed. Ignacio's grandfather was wounded in the leg during the fight. It was shortly after this episode that the Mountain Cahuilla clans moved to the vicinity of San Bernardino as a guard.882 As the San Bernardino mission had not been reoccupied by neophytes after the Indian troubles of 1834,313 the two villages of puilatana and sahatapa were settled in 1846 by Mountain Cahuilla clans only, although originally the territory had probably belonged to the Gabrieleno.B84 Among the signers of the unratified treaty of 1852, between the United States and the Luisefio, Cahuilla, Serrano, and Dieguefio Indians,385 Juan Antonio of "Cooswoot-na" signs himself as "Chief" of the Kah-we-as, and "Juan Bautista (Sahat) of Pow-ky" follows, S81 H. H. Bancroft, 22:624. 382 M6llhausen mentions three or four families of Kawia Indians held in a state of peonage on an estate some miles west of the mouth of the Cajon pass in 1854. Wanderungen durch die Prairien und Wiisten des Westlichen Nordamerika, 1860, p. 439. 383 H. H. Bancroft, 21:631. 384This point is open to question. It has been previously discussed. 385 At Temecula, January 5, 1852. Publicly reprinted by U. S. Senate, January 19, 1905. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California as one of the village heads or alcaldes. The latter thus signs for "Sahat" (sahatapa) and "Powky" (pauki) showing the connection between the mountain town and the later of the two pass towns near San Bernardino.386 In the fifties occurred a great smallpox epidemic which wiped out this settlement of Cahuillas, then located at sahatapa in the San Timoteo canyon, killing among others Juan Antonio himself. The few survivors either returned to the mountains or scattered out among the Pass or Palm Springs Cahuilla groups. Juan Antonio was suc- ceeded as captain by Manuel Largo, a temewhanic net. About the year 1875 Manuel Largo assembled all the younger people of his own and other eastern Mountain clans and brought them to paul (Cahuilla). Only the old people who refused to leave stayed on in their former clan homes. About this same time a smallpox epidemic swept through the wlwalistam groups located in the Coyote canyon, killing a great number of people including nearly all of the children. As a result, all the houses in the several villages were burnt, and the survivors moved to the village of pateawal at San Ignacio. Prior to this epidemic, however, the sauiepakiktum branch clan had- already divided and moved to the villages of sewiu and kewel at "new" and Old Santa Rosa respectively. While the saulvilem branch clan, mem- bers of which had intermarried to a considerable extent with the Cupenlo, had also moved to kfipa at a somewhat earlier time. Manuel Largo was captain for a considerable period, at one time being taken to San Francisco and presented with a flag and credentials confirming his leadership under American rule. He resigned his commission later and was succeeded in office by Fernando Lugo, a hokwitcakik man, elected by all the people at Cahuilla. This captain died at Saboba about 1905, and the office was discontinued. From the foregoing it seems obvious that the Mexicans, and later the Americans, by supporting the more powerful clan leaders, brought the Mountain Cahuilla from a cultural phase where the isolated clan system was just beginning to break down, into an almost tribal state 386 There is a possibility that the Mountain Cahuilla were invited to come to the San Gorgonio pass as a guard during the San Bernardino Indian troubles of 1834-36. Bancroft, 20:630, notes Indian raids on San Bernardino in 1835, and the pursuit of the raiders by one Ramirez with a mixed force of Mexicans and Indians. Nothing is ]known of the results of this expedition. He also mentions that most of the rancherias in the mountains were in arms to repel invasion by more distant tribes. However, since Mrs. Nina Coseros and Alec Arguello both maintained that Juan Antonio had led the movement, the year 1846 seems much more probable for the settlement of the Mountain Cahuilla clans near Riverside and San Bernardino. 1,929] 151 152 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 such as had been already attained under aboriginal conditions by the more westerly Luiseino, Gabrieleino, and most probably the Chumash villages. The finer details of this process are brought out in the following sections of this paper. HISTORY AND ORGANIZATION OF THE MOUNTAIN CLANS The unit of Mountain Cahuilla social organization was the same as that of the Desert and Pass Cahuilla groups. As has already been indicated, the Desert Cahuilla clans were grouped in towns at places where water was available, but the similar breaking down of clan isolation among the Mountain Cahuilla seems to have come about through other causes. This tendency toward centralization was so accelerated by Caucasian influence that it is difficult at this late time to clearly draw a line between the aboriginal and the recent historic stimuli. It is clear that at one time all clans were isolated and politically independent; most of the clan names are those of places where they once lived,387 and each clan up to recent times had its own food-gathering territories, usually around their old homes. These clan homes were occupied in the winter time, and in the summer the clans seem to have traveled from one food-gathering area to another, or settled in the larger mountain towns such as paul or pauki. In the spring the canyons toward the desert offered an abundance of cactus while in the autumn the acorn groves of the higher mountains were visited. Every favorable site; for such operations was claimed by one clan or another, the intervening barren areas belonging to all. The towns of paul at Cahuilla and paukl at La Puerta were later manifestations of the grouping tendency, the former being settled about 1875 and the latter at a slightly earlier date. By the time this occurred many of the clans had already lost their ceremonial inde- pendence and a system of "parties," such as has long been noted among the Luiseiio, had arisen. The largest clans, under the most dominating leaders, held onto their ceremonial bundles and performed their ceremonies. The clans that had given up their own ceremonial independence participated in the greater part of these affairs, and regarded the leaders of the active clans in much the same way as 387 Certain of the names of clans have no meaning at present, for the existing members have forgotten the place for which the clan was named. The name costakiktum, or Costo as the family is called, is an example of this. Juan Antonio a costakiktum chief signed the unratified treaty of 1852 for "Coos-woot-na," evidently the old place name from which the clan took its Spanish-sounding name. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California they had once regarded their own. As will be brought out later, each a.ctive clan leader possessed malswut, or the sacred bundle, and it was the possession of this fetish bundle that formed the heart of the clan and its surrounding "party." Considering first the northern groups of the Mountaiin Cahuilla only, the situation seems to be as follows. No informant remembered the time when every clan was an independent ceremonial unit. That such a condition once existed is apparent from the identity of the Mountain clans in all essentials with those of the Desert and the Pass, and is of course strengthened by the strong traditional belief of all informants that such. was the state of affairs among their ancestors. According to Gabriel Costo, on the basis of information obtained from his father, about seventy-five years ago there were four eeremonial units or "parties" among these northern clans. The nets were Manuel Largo, a temewhanic man already mentioned as a later captain; Pomosena, a hokwitcakiktum man; Juan Chappo, a paua.ta- kiktum man; and Tomas Arenas, a natcultakiktum man. Each of these clans participated in the others' ceremonies, and in those of the five "partie.s" then at Saboba, most of whom were Luiseiio in linguistic affiliation. Besides this active participation in the others' ceremonies an exchange of shell money, muiketem, was maintained between all these groups, the several Cahuilla clans near Banning, and the kauisiktum clan at Palm Springs as well. This exchange occurred when a clan member died,, and all other clan leaders sent a string of money to the net of the deceased; it did not involve participation in the ceremonies of the other clans. The costakiktum clan under Juan Antonio, the great captain or "Chief of the Cahuillas," seems to have lost. its individuality as a ceremonial unit and affiliated with the temewhanic clan for the various ritualistic. performances. The tepamokiktum or iswitim clan seems likewise to have lost its inde- pendence and to have affiliated with the h6kwitcakiktum clan for ceremonies. The tepamokiktum people, Lubos, and the hokwitcakiktum people, Lugos, were undoubtedly branches of the same stock, the nickname iswitim, "wolf," being applied to both of them. The temewhanic, or "northerners," were: probably a branch lineage, just as the teme- whanviteem or "northerners" of the Los Coyotes canyon were a. branch lineage living slightly to the north of their parent stock. It is not clear, however, of what clan the temewhanic people were origin- ally a part. The costakiktum people, of the opposite moiety from 1029] 153 154 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 them, seem to have come under their ceremonial influence through intermarriage. The pauatlauitcem and the tclanakiktum clans were apparently too reduced in numbers even at this time to form inde- pendent units. The apapatcem clan seems to have been the last Cahuilla clan to persist as a ceremonial unit,388 but at this early time it does not seem to have been in existence. Occupying one of the most northwesterly points reached by the Cahuilla-speaking people it was probably a collateral lineage of one of the older Mountain clans that had acquired a new name. The information obtained from Alec' Arguello gives us a glimpse of the conditions some seventy years ago among those clans that moved to San Bernardino under Juan Antonio. Five clans, costa- kiktum, pauatlauitcem, tepamokiktum, natcuitakiktum, -and teme- whanic were represented there, just prior to the great smallpox epi- demic. There were, however, only two ceremonial units, the h6kwit- eakiktum under Pomosena as net and Manuel Antonio as paha, and the temewhanic under Marse as net and Tciperosa as paha. Each of the groups had a dance house and a sacred bundle of malswut. The other clans present participated in the ceremonies of these two. Thus two active clans stayed in their mountain homes, and two active clans moved to the west side of the San Gorgonio pass. Contrary to what one would expect, the two latter clans survived the epidemic in suffi- cient numbers to still carry on their ceremonies when the survivors had reassembled in the mountains once more, while the former pair of clans apparently gave up their ceremonial activities of their own volition. Thus, when Gabriel Costo first remembers for himself some forty or fifty years ago, there was only one active clan at paul (Cahuilla). This was the hokwitcakiktum clan under Pomos;ena who had survived the San Timoteo pass epidemic. The latter had for his paha, Domingo Ringlaro, or Nortes, of the temewhanic clan. Thus, while the two clans had fused into one "party" they were still active ceremonially, whereas the other Mountain clans had one by one given up the old customs because of decrease in numbers and the growing Caucasian influences. On the death of Pomosena, the h6kwitcakiktum people also gave up their activities. The apapatcem clan, located north of Cahuilla at saupalpa, carried on ceremonies in their dance house until fifteen years ago; then Augustine Apapas sent all his shell money to Alejo Potencio, the kauisiktum net at Palm Springs, and asked that 888 This clan still survives at Saboba today, see Gifford, present series, 14:205. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the ceremonial exchange be discontinued. At the close of his last. mourning ceremony he took the maiswut of his clan and buried it in a cave several miles north of Cahuilla. This marked the end of all Mountain Cahuilla ceremonies. Since then the Apapas people, now living at Saboba, have affiliated themselves with local Luisefio parties but no more ceremonies have been held in the mountains. The definite disposal of the muketem, shell money, and the malswut or sacred bundle of the clan, is an interesting and suggestive phe- nomenon. It demonstrates primarily a custom of ceremonially dis- posing of the clan fetish when conditions have so changed as to make its further employment useless, and shows how strongly its importance was felt even to the end. With its burial the old days were over but the "heart of the big house" was protected from sacrilege.389 The transfer of the shell money to an active clan may very well show, on the part of this clan ending its ceremo;nial existence, the same desire to pass on its customs to more active groups, that actuated the Chu- mash, Fernandeiio, and Gabrielefio in bringing their shell money gratis to the San Gorgonio pass and the Mountain clans. This event has been discussed in relation to the exchange of shell money among the Pass Cahuilla and Serrano, and seems to be best explained in the aforementioned manner. The probability is strengthened that long before any interior people were involved in this exchange, it had flourished in an even more elaborate form among the coastal peoples who later, crshed under mission and Mexican domination, passed on their customs to the more intact groups of the Serrano, Cahuilla, and Cupeiio-speaking peoples. The foregoing discussion shows the way in which independent lineages or clans fused into "parties, " similar to those of the Luise-no, and then, among the Mountain Cahuilla, gradually disappeared. The ravages of smallpox, bringing about conditions that caused the younger people to leave for more favorable localities, and the replace- ment of aboriginal by modern ideas, have all contributed to their disappearance. Compared with the period characterized by the local- ized clan, if one may judge by its wide distribution in southern Cali- fornia, this period of change and decay was ve;y short. Such data as may be obtained in regard to the clans among the Mountain Cahuilla show them to be identical in basic organization 389 The burial or definite disposal of a clan fetish when there is no person to inherit it occurs among various Pueblo groups. It has been mentioned at Zuni by Kroeber, Zufni Kin and Clan, Anthr. Papers Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., 18:174, 1919. And at Laguna by Parsons, Laguna Genealogies, ibid., 19:221-222, 1923. 1929] 155 156 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 with those of the Pass and the Desert Cahuilla. The following genealogy (genealogy 8) shows the relationship of all the natefita- kiktum male clan members at seudpa at the time Maria Antonio, a h6kwitcakiktum woman, married Charles Arenas, a natcuitakiktum man, some sixty years ago. At the time of her marriage she lived at pa,ul, going to her husband's home at seupa to live. Seupa is a small valley in the Cahuilla reservation, marked by a pleasant spring sur- rounded by willows and cottonwoods, and having several small fields now growing alfalfa and grain. The men of this elan were as follows: GENEALOGY 8 Natcultakiktum Clan 1. Steewin Arenas _ 5. Remundu Arenas 6. Tomas Arenas 9. CharlieArenas 10. Lee Arenas 2. CalistrQ .Arenas (net) (net) . 7. Vincente Arenas 8. Curri Arenas 3. Enselmo Arenas _4. Havian Arenas Each man who was head of a family, that is all but 1 and 4 who were unmarried and 2 who was dead at the time the informant moved there, had an individual house. They used the surrounding valley communally, as they did food-gathering territories owned by their clan in the vicinity and farther east near the old town of natcuta where they had formerly lived. At present only 9 and 10 survive with small families, all the rest having died. This decline, described by Barrows, is even more sadly noticeable among the Mountain Cahuilla today. Writing some twenty-five years ago he makes the following statement: The decline in this population is extremely rapid. They have been steadily decreasing for several generations and the end now seems almost in sight. Villages, which ten years ago, when I first visited them, seemed reasonably well inhabited, now nur#ber scarcely half as many souls. On every side stand abandoned jacales or crumbling little adobe huts destitute of occupants. A sombre stillness broods over these little communities. Occasionally a woman's figure, bent under her food basket, appears returning over the hills, or a horse- man rides in and out among the cattle that continue to browse where jacales and granaries once stood, but there is no evidence of active life or of a population holding its own.890 390 Barrows, op. cit., 82. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California To return to the consideration of the clan itself, the t.emewhanic clan at about this same time (genealogy 9) shows a similar condition- a few survivors, all related, living in different houses at the clan locale, in this case palplsa on the southern slope of Thomas mo-untain. All the men indicat.ed in this genealogy are dead, and their few descendants sca.ttered. GENEALOGY 9 Temewhanic Clan Lsaavil Nortes (net) Tomas Nortes Juan Bonifacio Manuel Largo (net) Domingo Nortes One other situation remains to, be discussed among these northern Mountain clans and that is the old village of pauata and its inhabit- ants. At one time two clans lived here, both taking their names from this village or locality. These were the pauatakiktum clan belonging to the coyote moiety and the paua.tiauiteem clan of the wildcat moiety; the fact of their belonging to different moieties yet occupying the same site from which both apparently derived their names, is unique among Gahuilla clans in so far as the existing data are concerned. According to informants, marriages between the two clans were per- missible and had occurred, yet informants stated that they were at one time related. When questioned as to the propriety of such rela- tives marrying, they explained it by the fact that one group was tuiktum, the other istam. How this situation arose they could not expla.in. The pauatiauiteem clan is practically extinct, and no mem- ber of the pauatakiktum clan was encountered, hence genealogies could not be obtained. The pauatakiktum clan moved to the village of pauki, where about fifty years ago they had ten or twelve houses and one dance house. The natcitakiktum clan lived with them there, as did a few of the pauatiauitcem families. Other pauatilauitcem families moved to paul and to sahatapa. As previously stated the village of pauki is now abandoned, and the few survivors of the two clans under consideration are scattered. The theoretical implications of this situation are discussed later in relation to the moiety. Turning now to a consideration of the southeastern Mountain Cahuilla clans, collectively designated as the. Los Coyotes people, we find another somewhat anomalous situation. This was briefly touched on at the time the many clans, all of the coyote moiety, in the San 1929] 157 158 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Gorgonio pass were under consideration.39' There were five lineages here, that collectively called themselves the w1walistam people, aceord- ing to tradition, after a man, wlwalilsil, who originally lived at wiliya. The term willya applied both to the central village site and to the whole of Los Coyotes canyon, but the former was also called netheki or "net's place." At this central village lived the nauhaflavitcem, "those living in the central place" lineage; and they were said to be nentem, "belonging to the big house," and having the net. A short distance to the north lived the temewhianic, "northerners," lineage who were relatives of the central group but lived apart from them. In this group the office of kutvavanavac was hereditary. The other similarly related branch lineages were the tepalauitcem people at tepana, "stone water tank," who had the office of hauinik, or chief singer, hereditary in their group; the sauiepakiktum people at sauic; and the saulvilem people who lived at saulvil and had the office of manet-dancer hereditary in their line. These places were all close to willya as may be seen in map 5. According to native belief all these groups were once one, the wiwalistam people, but because certain families through lack of food at the central village moved to outlying localities they acquired their new names, retaining however their ceremonial alliance with the central group. Apparently we have here a situation ostensibly similar to the parties of the northwesterly Mountain Cahuilla and the Luiseino, but arrived at by an absolutely opposite series of events. While the latter parties were groups of broken down clans gathered around one intact clan nucleus, the groups at Los Coyotes were parts of a formerly prosperous clan that had sent out colonies which were still united through the ceremonial power of the maiswut and the "big house." Today the decimated nature of this group gives it exactly the appearance of one of the western "parties," and if the actual relationship of the groups were not remembered it would probably be erroneously classed as such. To obtain a complete genealogy of these groups in their present shattered condition was impossible, but such fragments as were obtain- able bear out the words of the informants. When the genealogy of the temewhanic branch is considered, their relationship to the tepaiyauiteem clans appears in the following manner. 391 Present paper, p. 113. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Sou4thern California co 0: _ '-4 *4- 0 Cd bD 1- 4 a) 0 0) 01 CQ o a 0~ 02 _S LO c e Ca o . 0 O o cx 0 a qN 'a 4.H a , 0 ' 0) o -o 0 0 a @4.4 0 0~~~~~~~~ z -4Y o ce c+ + o Aa --k 0~~~~~~~~ ct~~~~~~~c 02 0 -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~- a g 9 *a a QQ E ~g *z H N} ,,om ~0 a2 + a+ Q a+ X V . 4 O0 a 0P 0H P O a~~~~~-4C ES 1+ - ^+ 0 P '- Ce > i $ + $ X + v g Qe .,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-4 *4 ErO ' 0~~~ a co 02 0~~~~~ ~~~~~~~ I' a lc + e ? + X ? 1929] 159 160 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 The informant in this case, Jolian Norte, appears on the extreme right. The terms appearing above the genealogy with each generation are the kinship terms that he calls each of his paternal ancestors by. Thus Augustine is nena (father), Vincente is neka (grandfather), and met is nepa (great-grandfather) to Jolian. Here his remembrance of his direct ancestors stops, but at the time he was a small boy there was a very old man, lilka., shown in the extreme lower left corner of the genealogy, who was a brother to Jolian's great-great-great-grand- father. Jolian's father, Augustine called lilka, naniaa, the term for great-great-grandfather, which may be translated as "from the begin- ning." Hence Jolian had no term to apply to lilka save nlil (little brother) while lilka called Jolian nepas (older brother). As lUika was younger than Jolian's great-great-great-grandfather, he was a "younger" brother to Jolian, and not an "older" brother. This was well remembered by the informant because all his people said it was very unusual, and laughed a great deal that a mere baby should be an "older" brother to such an extremely old man. This has two important implications: first, it shows that seven generations ago the temewhanic and the tepalyauitcem clans were one; and in the second place that the Cahuilla normally record only six generations, cases like the above being so rare that no special term for great-great-great- grandfather is employed. Very few informants even remember the term nainaa., the term nepui (great-grandfather) being the last one commonly known. Little emphasis is put on remembering one's genealogy, the opposite idea of forgetting the dead being stressed, and it is easy to see how branch lineages or clans may vaguely remember that they are related although all actual knowledge, of the connection is lost. In a like manner, were the data available, the rema.ining wiwalistam clans in all probability could be shown as one basic stock. The following genealogy shows all of the nauhaniavitcem clan that are remembered. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California GENEALOGY 11 Nauhaniavitcem Clan -Valencia Segundo + teparn6kiktuim -Casmirio Segundo Maria Antonio ( or nauhafnavite)- + hokwitcakiktum + hokwitcakiktum Santiago Segundo Anita + (M) + isilsiva (Desert wildcat. clan) + iviatim Petra (?) + tepamokiktum (Cornelio Lubo) Florianno Segundo Tomas Segundo + (from desert) + kauisikiktum Bernardo Segundo + isilsiva Martin Segundo George Segundo + palpanivikiktum !_ + sauipakiktum (1) Apparently this central lineage had been isolated for some time as the informant could trace no actual connection with anyone in this group, although they were definitely believed to be related. The lower right-hand case of marriage in the above genealogy took place after the sauiepakiktum clan had moved to Old Santa Rosa, and the definite relationship of the group ha.d become obscured. Nevertheless the old people objected strongly to the marriage and when George's wife died on the birth of their second child, they attributed it to this breach of marriage custom. A similar case occurs when the very brief sauiepakiktum "genealogy" is considered. GENEALOGY 12 Sauiepqkikttum Clan Manuel Torte (or sauiepakik) Patricio Torte + wakaikiktum + Mattilda Norte (temewhanvitc) This branch lineage was nearly extinct when the informant first remembers it. The two men shown above were the sole survivors in the male line at Old Santa Rosa when Patricio married Matilda Norte, a temewhanvite woman from patcawal, where her lineage were then living. All the old people of the wiwalistam clan objected to this marriage as they did to the other endogamous marriage just men- 1,929] 161 162 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 tioned, and after a few years Augustine Norte, Matilda's uncle, taking advantage of Patricio's mistreatment of his wife, made them separate. Both these cases were in large measure due to the breaking down of moiety and interlineage marriage rules under modern conditions, but they also show how the relationship of branch lineages is soon for- gotten once they become somewhat isolated in space. The relationship of all saulvilem lineage members remembered and their probable relation to the temewhanvitcem lineage, is as follows: GENEALOGY 13 Saulvilem Clan 7b met temewhanvite) Chris sauivil + (?) + panu1ksekiktum 7e (M) Andreas saulvil-Sylvester sauivil + (M) + I) + hdkwitcakiktum Joe saulvil + kauiskiktum The informant Jolian Norte (temewhanvitc), called Andreas, neka (grandfather or grandfather's brother) and Sylvester, nekum (paternal uncle) ; Vincente Norte and Andreas saulvil, being cousins of the same generation. Just what degree removed they were, the inform- ant was unable to say, but it is probable that met (temewhanvitc) and the father of Andreas saulvil were brothers, making the saulvilem lineage a later collateral branch of the temewhanviteem lineage. This possibility is also indicated in genealogy 8. Such were the relation- ships existing among the branch lineages of the Los Coyotes people, who composed the most southerly Cahuilla-speaking clan. In summing up the data in regard to the social organization of the Mountain Cahuilla of both the north and the south, it is well to note that in both the unit was the localized male lineage, many of which in the north had become fused into parties through the union of broken down clans, and in the south had formed one large clan through the branching out of a central clan into separated lineages still ceremonially dominated by the parent stock-an interesting example of convergent evolution from dissimilar causes. In the former case the clan fetish bundle served to unite alien lineages into one party, and in the latter case to hold many collateral lineages together in one clan. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California LEADERS AND CEREMONIAL OFFICIALS OF THE CLAN Unlike the situation among the Desert Cahuilla, the Mountain Cahuilla in the course of the last century were profoundly affected by Caucasian contacts and as a result had fused into an almost triba.l organization under their captains, who were called takwinilinavac or takwi in their own language. The two foregoing sections have shown how this state of affairs was brought about and have given sufficient data in regard to these la-ter officials to show their general character. Underlying these later manifestatiins, however, were conditions basic- ally similar to those of the other Cahuilla divisions previously dis- cussed, wherein the following clan officials were the most important. The Net The first of these was the net, originally the hereditary leader of each clan, as was the case among both the Pass and Desert Cahuilla. His place in the social scheme was very similar to that already shown in the discussion of the Pass clans (see pp. 105, 106). His position was inherited, and he lived in the ceremonial dance house having in his possession the ceremonial bundle, or malswut, of the clan. As was the case among the Pass Cahuilla he was a judge and settled disputes among his clan members. To his house, i.e., the dance house, were brought people that were very sick and here the shamans attempted to cure them. During the ceremonies the net might lead the singing, as Pomosena (h6kwitcakiktum) used to do, or he might not as was the case with Manuel Largo and Juan Chappo. This was entirely dependent on the natural aptitude of the individual net, and I strongly suspect that leadership in such warfare as formerly occurred was determined in the same way. The Mountain Cahuilla net, like the other Cahuilla nets discussed, was primarily a priest and a patriarch not a war lea-der. The Sacred Bundle With the almost complete disintegration of the Mountain clans information in regard to this maiswut complex has largely dis- appeared, but the following data indicate that it was fundamentally the same for all the Cahuilla. The apapatcem clan maiswut, the final disposal of which has been previously described, consisted of a mat of reeds called seyil, in which were rolled elatem, the eagle feather skirt, and several whistles made of eagle bones; with these were also 1029] 163 164 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 kept the shell money of the net. Ordinarily this malswut was hidden in a cave among the great rocks on the road between Cahuilla and Bautiste. The night before the! ceremony this was brought to. a. place near the dance house and hidden by the takwa, who ordinarily had charge of the sacred bundle, although nominally it was owned by the net. Quite possibly there were other objects included in this bundle, but the above were all that were known to my informant, Gabriel Costo. Among the Cahuilla clans that moved to the vicinity of San Bernardino there were two active groups, each of which had maiswut. According to Alec Arguello the contents of the malswut bundle (usually made of seyil, a mountain reed, among these clans) of each was the same, and consisted of the following articles: elatem, the eagle-feather skirt; pohot, two sticks about two and a half feet long, which like the former object were employed in the "eagle dance"; bone whistles (the names of which the informant ha.d forgotten); and melawhic the "bullroarer," consisting of a smooth flat stick about two feet long tied in the middle with a string. The paha blew on the whistles, and a man called tcauinitem whirled the bullroarer over his head;.the sounds which these produced might only be heard by grown people and, according to Fred Coseros, a Mountain Cahuilla, children who by chance heard these sounds were caught by the paha and put into the inner room of the wamkic with the malswut, and were in a very dangerous situa.tion. Their parents had to make con- siderable gifts t.o the net in order to secure their release.394 Another very sacred object in this bundle was a long string of red-shafted flicker feathers that were hung around the dance house at the time of the mourning ceremony. These were called tatcanetem.395 Equal to them in sacredness were temhul, a truncated smooth rock about one foot long with the large end deeply serrated, and talawvikill, a smooth curved stick about fourteen inches long. Neither of these two objects seems to have had any definite use but were "from the beginning," and were very sacred to the clan. The other objects included in this bundle were called tclatem, and consisted of pointed pieces of wood about. one foot long to the top of which were lashed rattlesnake rattles, around these were flicker tail feathers, and outside of this the white 394 This custom also applied to the Serrano, Benedict, op. cit., 376, and present paper. 395 See p. 120 for the term tominut used by Alejo Potencio for such a string of sacred feathers, which he claimed were left near Saboba long ago during the migration of the kauislktum clan to Palm Springs. They are also similar to both Serrano and Luisenio "sacred feathers." Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern Catifornia inner down of the golden eagle. Around the base was wrapped a rattlesnake skin which in drying bound all the plumes together. These were carried in the hands of the various dancers. Lastly there was piwic, a plumed headdress of eagle down in the form of a band to tie around the head. It seems probable that there were differences between the two clan bundles but if so they were not remembered by Alec Arguello. The net of the wiwalista.m clans at Los Coyotes canyon likewise had a sacred bundle called maiswut which was kept in the dance house. It consisted of the usual woven reed mat, the reeds in this case were themselves called malswut and came from the coast. In this were rolled piwic, long strings of flicker, eagle, horned owl, barn owl, and burrowing owl feathers, which were sacred and were hung up in the big house only once a year at the mourning ceremony. Besides these there were in the bundle elatem, the eagle-feather skirt, tclatem, short pointed sticks with flicker and horned owl feathers on the ends, and the muiketem, the shell money of the clan. Likewise there was included meulakpic, the ceremonial bull roa.rer. The foregoing ceremonial impedimenta will be mentioned later in connection with the Mountain Cahuilla ceremonies, but the elaborate composition of these sacred bundles or clan fetishes is shown by the lists, fragmentary though they probably are. These bundles were the symbolic centers of the original clans, and later became the ceremonial centers of the "parties" which arose from the broken-down clan organization. The Pa.ha While the Pass Cahuilla seem to have given various duties to the man they called paha, among both northern and southern Mountain Cahuilla the office was primarily associated with the jimsonweed drinking or manet ceremony. The northern Mountain clans had the takwa as general ceremonial assistant, while the southern clans gave the same person the title of kutvavanavac. For the Desert, Pass, and northern Mountain Cahuilla it seems very probable that the takwa was once the only assistant, to the clan leader, and that the term paha was adopted through the infiltration of ideas connected with the toloache cult which had spread from west t.o east. The two offices persisted side by side but in each case there was an older local term of limited distribution for the general ceremonial assistant, while the word paha was identical for all groups, with the same symbolism connected with it in every case. 1929] 165 166 University of California Publwations in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Among the northern Mountain Cahuilla clans while the paha was employed primarily in the manet ceremony, he was also the net's messenger in the exchange of shell money between the various groups. In the former ceremony he combined keeping order with joking, for if any one went to sleep when he (or she) was singing, the paha would pour water or drop red-hot coals on him, to the amusement of all onlookers. He always led in the ceremonial blowing that was employed to waft the dead soul to the abode of the dead. At manet he supervised the entire ceremony and administered the toloache drink to the youths. Whenever there were announcements to be made the paha attended to them. He was respected by all the people and seems in part to have maintained this respect through their fear of his personal powers or charms. Such joking as he employed seems to have been ceremonial, and acting the clown seems to have been part of his duty. The term paha among the Desert Cahuilla is sometimes translated as "funny man," but beyond that their knowledge of the term seems rather vague. Kutvavanavac The southern Mountain Cahuilla or Los Coyotes people employed the term kutvavanavac instead of takwa and this official had many duties. He ordered the men to hunt and the women to prepare food and cook when a ceremony was in order. When a deer was killed the hunter would tell the kutvavanavac, and he would send other young men out to bring it to the dance house. All ceremonial fires were lighted, and all ceremonial blowing was begun by him. When he was told to do so by the net he went to a hill near the village and called "ha-a-a-a! Bring your tcipitmul (flaring mouth basket) to my house!" and all who heard him had to obey. He called the dance house "my house" because it belonged to all the clan, and all the people could so refer to it. During the ceremonies he constantly moved about the "big house" maintaining order and making all pre- sent blow to waft away the spirits of the dead. Like the paha among the northern Mo-untain clans, the kutvavanavac was in part a joker and did many things to make the people laugh during the ceremonies and at other times. Prior to the "eagle dance" he announced its per- formance by making a great noise with the bullroarer. The term kutvavanavac is very similar to kutv6vc. employed by the Cupe-no in designating the same official, and may be of Diegueino origin. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Takwa The takwa among the northern clans had much the same duties. At manet he had charge of the preparation and division of food, and at all other ceremonies he seems to have held the same sort of position as the kutvavanavac, among the southern clans. These duties will be brought out in connection with the ceremonies to be described later. Greeting the invited guests was one of his main duties; when they were first sighted he would run to greet them shaking a gourd rattle, called paa-l1. The guests, singing and dancing, would follow him back to the wamkic. Hauinik Among the lesser and more specialized ceremonial performers of the Mountain Cahuilla there were several that 'apparently were unknown to the Cahuilla, of the Desert and perhaps to those of the Pass as well. The first of these was a special hauinik, or singer, whose duty was the singing of the song of the creation. During any cere- mony at which this song was sung the hauinik would kneel in the dance house near the fire and sing the song from beginning to end. He was not supposed to move even for nat,ural functions as that would hurry the song, hence he might remain immovable for two days and a night unt.il the song was ended. Such a singer a.mong the Los Coyotes Cahuilla was a very old man lilka tepaiauitcem (previously mentioned as the great-great-great-great-uncle of Jolian Norte, a Los Coyotes informant, genealogy 10). This man was reputed to be a very wise man; his hair was gray and hung to his waist, he wore only a breech- clout, and he was reputed to be the only man in the mountains who knew the entire creation song in all its ramifications. He was ba.rely remembered by Jolian Norte, for he died when the former was a small boy, perha.ps fifty years ago. The male dancer (or dancers) who danced the eagle or "whirling" dance among the Mountain Cahuilla were likewise unknown to the Desert Cahuilla and apprently to the more southerly Pass Cahuilla clans. They were men who ha,d shown especial aptitude in their manet ceremony as boys, but if they had any especial title it was not remembered by my informants. 167 1929] 168 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 The Manet Dancer The ceremony of manet, or Jimsonweed drinking, involved another official in its performance besides the paha. This other ceremonial performer among the northern Mountain Cahuilla was called tcauini- tem, and among the southern. Mountain Cahuilla tcenenvac. Both of these had the same duties which consisted of leading the novitiates in dancing, whirling the ceremonial bull roarer, and keeping women and children away from the dance house at this time. Shamans and Shamanism The part played by the shamans or puialem in the life of the Mountain Cahuilla is at this late date hard to determine. There have been no active shamans in the mountains for many years, but from the vague data obtaina.ble there would seem to have been at one time a considerable shamanistic cult.. Among the northern Mountain Cahuilla there are stories of contests between shamans, when all the noted shamans would assemble and see which had the most power. One shaman would go apart from the group and walk toward the others while all would attempt to kill him with their spirits (tealawa, translated as "pains" or "spirits"). Should he fall "dead" each in turn, using his own esoteric methods, would try to bring him back to life. The one who succeeded was acknowledged by all as, both slayer and resurrector, and acknowledged as t.he one having the most power.396 As to the means whereby a man became. a shaman there was no agreement among northern Mountain Cahuilla. informants. Some said he a.cquired his power through visions obtained at manet or by subsequent jimsonweed drinking; others said that the shaman was born with the power and that visions were unnecessary. The actual facts are naturally unobtainable at this time in the mountains, but an intensive study of the Desert Cahuilla shamans, many of whom are still active, would yield information in part applicable to all Cahuilla groups. The southerly Mountain Cahuilla informants were more definite in this regard saying a shaman always acquired his power at manet, or by a subsequent drinking of the jimsonweed decoction, when dreams came to him revealing his particular methods. An acquisition 396 Similar shamans' contests among the Yokuts of south central California are described by Kroeber, Handbook, 506-507. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California at the time of a definite supernatural guardian does not seem to have occurred, methods of curing and performing miracles, not guardian spirits, being secured through dreaming. These southern shamans had certain ceremonial duties such as dancing on the fire to put it out at the close of the fire dance, and killing the eagles. by their "spirits" or by imitative magic at the eagle-killing ceremony. These ceremonies will be discussed later. The shamans' usual method of curing was by suction, by which means they claimed to draw out small stones, insects, and other foreign objects from the patient. Apparently no stigma was attached to a shaman who failed to cure a. patient. Shamans, however, were often killed when it was believed that they were malevolent and were killing people or harming the food crops. Thus it is probable that occasionally a shaman was believed to ha.ve intentionally done harm rather than good to a patient under his care. But it was generally believed that such shamans killed from the popu- lation at large and did not use their malevolent powers on their own patients. As among the Pass Cahuilla, certain shamans were sup- posed to be able to change into various animals, especially into bears, in which form they did much damage and sometimes killed people. The following is the story of a malevolent shaman at LoS Coyotes ca.nyon, told in the words of my informant Jolian Norte. My grandfather's father named met (gopher) was a great puil (shaman) who claimed to be God. He could catch bullets in his hands, pull up tobacco from the ground, and see the child in the sun. At one time he was taken by the priests, whipped and locked up, but he became a little child and they were frightened and let him go. Then he bewitched many people and killed them, so his daughter asked the people to kill him. All the wiwalistam people at willya talked the matter over and decided that moru-1, a bear puil (shaman) should kill him. It was in summer and the watermelons were ripe; as met was sitting down eating one of these, moruil came up behind him and hit him over the head with a digging stick, but he could not kill him. All the other people then piled rocks over met and finally he died. Shamans among the southern California groups seem to have fre- quently paid with their lives for their power over their contemporaries. THE MOIETY AND MARRIAGE AMONG THE MOUNTAIN CAHUILLA Among the Mountain Cahuilla the moiety grouping of all the clans into either a wildcat or a coyote division was primarily an arrange- ment for regulating marriage and had considerable effect up to the last generation, wlhich has now broken away from the old rule. Among all the Cahuilla groups information on the moiety is much harder to 1,929] 169 170 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 obtain than information on the clans, which appear as basic and of more importance in the social consciousness of the people. As even the clans among th.e Mountain Cahuilla have largely gone to pieces i'n the last century, it is obvious that detailed knowledge of the moiety classification has suffered to a greater extent. Even the mythologic origin of the moiety has been forgotten by many of the older people in the mountains, for with the lapse of all ceremonies the older myths are rarely revived among them. One informant, Cornelio Lubo, stated that istam (coyote) people were so named "because they followed the coyote trails." All informants agreed that joking between moieties was common, and quoted the song likewise used on the desert (see p. 72) as an example of this tendency. No special moie.ty paints were recalled, Cornelio Lubo stating that people of either moiety might employ red, black, or white paint which was put on forehead and cheeks with circle and bar designs. One informant, Nina Cosesos, stated that "long ago tiiktum (wildcat) people worshiped the wildcat and would not kill it, so the younger people became tuiktum," but I am inclined to believe she was rationalizing, for all other informants denied that the moiety totem animals were sacred. There seem to have been trac.es of moiety reciprocity between clans in regard to the killing of eagles, and the making of images for the mourning ceremonies. That is, a tiuktum clan, usually one related by marriage, would present eaglets to, and make the images for an istam clan, and vice versa.. However, this situation was not very clear in the minds of informants questioned. Strong traces of moiety reciprocity being found among the Serrano of the San Bernardino mountains to the north and the Cupeiio of the southern Santa! Rosas, it seems probable tha.t at one time reciprocity between the moieties was practiced among the intervening Mountain Cahuilla, but the observable traces today are faint. The case of two clans, one of each moiety, living at the village of pauata and both taking their names from the village is very interest- ing in relation to the moiety. This. situation existed before any informant personally remembers, but since three informants sepa- rately made this statement on the basis of what their parents had told them, I believe it to be an actual case. If this condition was as stated, it would appear that the institution of the moiety came to the Mountain Cahuilla at a time when the clan was fully developed. One lineage of the original clan became known as istam the other as t.iktum, and their relationship being obscured, marriage between the Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California two was permitted. The example of the five Los Coyotes lineages, which were all collateral branches of one clan, seems a case in point. Laacking tuktum clans in their neighborhood, these branch clans seem to have in at least two cases overlooked their basic relationship and intermarried.397 Should an idea similar to that of the moiety have reached them at this time it is possible that the one clan might have been divided, with a regular system of marriage between the divi- sions as the result. Since we are here mainly concerned with what did happen and not what might have happened, it will be well to discuss this matter later in relation to all the data. The theory how- ever appears plausible. The w1walistam groups at Los Coyotes canyon had three names for isil, the coyote. He was called paya isil "water coyote," tamlia isil "sun coyote," and isil tevicnikic " white coyote." According to Jolian Norte, "no one knows why isil has these three names for there was only one isil that stole the heart of his father. He was created like aswit (the eagle); he was not born." It was believed among the clans of this group that before a great sickness came, isil barked from the north, and all the shamans knew of it at once.398 The shamans would call all the people to the dance house at wiliya, and there they would dance all night to drive away the disease. There are resem- blances here to the Diegueiio color association in rega.rd to the wild- cat,399 another poini that may well be discussed in the conclusion. A list of thirty-two actual cases of marriage indicates that the Mountain Cahuilla prior to the last generation observed moiety exogamy in a great majority of cases. These marriages were mostly between the southern mountain clans and were in the main older mar- riages between individuals now dead; most of them a-re shown in the genealogies previously given. Where marriages were between Cahuilla and Cahuilla, all three main divisions included, nineteen out of the twenty-four cases were according to the moiety rule. Seven marriages between Mountain Cahuilla and the Cupeino show six marriages not in accord with the moiety bond and only one in keeping with the rule-a small number of cases, but rather forcibly demonstrating the fact that marriages between the different linguistic groups disregarded the moiety bond, whereas marriages within any one linguistic group seem to have followed the rule closely. 397 See genealogies 9, 10. 398 Kroeber notes that the cry of the horned owl, or the bark of a coyote near a house, is believed by the Luisefio to foretell a death. See Du Bois, op. cit., 182. 399 See Waterman, present series, 8:333, 1910, and Gifford, S. Cal., 169. 1929] 171 172 Univer8ity of California Publication8 in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Marriages between the Mountain and the Pass Cahuilla seem to have been common; out of eight cases only one was contrary to the moiety rule. Marriages between the southern Mountain clans and those of the Pass Cahuilla were less common, only three cases being recorded, one case being contrary to moiety exogamy. One compara- tively late marriage between a Mountain Cahuilla man and a Chemehuevi woman is the only case of the kind in the present list. The actual arrangements for marriage among the Mountain Cahuilla were simple. Aside from the regulation against marriage with actual blood relatives or within the moiety, the latter regulation being enforced only by public opinion and fear of ridicule, the choice of mates was unlimited. Childhood betrothals arranged between parents were common, in which case frequent presents to the family of the girl were paid by that of the boy. Where no such arrangement was made, the parents of the boy, when he was about eighteen, selected a girl for him. The girl might be fourteen or fifteen years old. The boy's mother would take presents of venison, acorn meal, or perhaps baskets to the girl's family and make her request. If the girl's parents were agreeable the presents were accepted, and the girl might return with her mother-in-law. There appear to have been no parent- in-law talboos among any of the Cahuilla. The net of the boy's clan then invited all the clan members and all relatives of both the boy and girl to a feast in the dance house, where the takwa prepared and divided the food. The girl was instructed in her new duties by her mother-in-law, and the newly married pair lived with the boy's parents. If they did not get along well together the girl might gather up all her personal possessions and return to her own house, in which case there was no return of presents. No stigma was attached to her and she might marry again at any time. Should a wife be faithless the husband could send her home. There seems to have been no feeling that a husband should fight or kill a wife's lover; he merely let the wife go if he could not or did not care to keep her. ADOLESCENCE AND AssoCIATED CEREMONIES Girls' Adolescence Ceremony This was called emefiltiniwe among the Mountain Cahuilla, and last occurred in the mountains forty or fifty years ago. It appears to have been much the same as that practiced among the Desert and Pass Cahuilla. This ceremony usually took place in the late sum- Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California mer or fall before the winter rains set in and included all the girls of the clan who had just had their first menses. Apparently it was not performed for each individual girl, but collectively for all girls in each clan who had reached thii period of life. It took place in the wamkic in the presence of all the clan members. The girls were "baked" in the pits for a three-day period during which time the old people sang. The usual taboo against scratching or touching the body was in force. For a six-month period after this ceremony salt and cold food could not be eaten by the girls, a special hot food being prepared by their mothers. This ceremony among the northern clans was supervised by the takwa. Among the Los Coyotes canyon clans this ceremony was concluded by the following ceremony. All the girls sat in a row in the dance house, while the paha wit-h a red, black, and yellow painted mortar, filled with water, stood behind them. The hauinik placed some tobacco in this water and both he and the paha sang several songs. Then the paha went to one of the girls; he blew up in the air three times, then he put a ball of tobacco in her mouth which she swallowed and he gave her a drink of water. She was then painted all over with red. No memories of any girl's race, face painting, or rock painting were remembered, but here as was also the case at Palm Springs, certain of the less decomposed granite rocks near Cahuilla show faint traces of red designs similar to those definitely connected with the girls' puberty ceremonial rock painting among the Luisefno at La Jolla and Rincon. Manet Among the Mountain Cahuilla we encounter the jimsonweed or toloache cult in its central manifestation, to wit, the jimsonweed- drinking boys' initiation, or manet ceremony. Probably this rite occurred among the more westerly clans of the Pass Cahuilla but traces of it there are faint. All the Mountain clans, however, seem to have had it in a more or less complete form. Informants from the northern mountain clans said that manet meant "grass that could talk, " but could only be heard by shamans. The Los Coyotes canyon people claimed that manet "belonged to the water," and that all manet songs were not in the iviat (i.e., Cahuilla) language but were in the "ocean language" and no one could understand them. The songs were sung to the "great witch doctors" who lived on the ocean floor, and they were prayers for the ocean winds to blow clouds over the mountains. They believed that "the ocean was above, below this 1929] 173 174 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 were all the winds and on the bottom were the great puialem (shamans) and other monsters. " The jimsonweed was a great human pul (shaman) with whom they could talk. Thus among these southern clans at least, and probably among the other Mountain Cahuilla clans, the manet ceremony was held as a prayer when water was short and food scarce, or when an epidemic raged among the people. The piualem (shamans) were always active at this ceremony. Besides this of course, it was also a boys' initiation rite. Manet occurred once every few years when the occasion demanded it, or when there were several boys to initiate. The southern clans performed manet in connection with hemwek'liuwil, a three- or four- day ceremony in which small boys from six to ten years of age were taught their own clan songs and their "enemy songs" by their fathers. This took pla.ce in the wamkic or its environs, and while each boy's instruction was in the hands of relatives they were presided over by the paha. The paha prepared strings of woven reeds called wic, and strings of eagle and flicker feathers which were worn by the dancers. A dancing leader or manet-dancer called tcauinitem was selected by the net as the best dancer to lead the boys. The southern clans called this man tceiienvac. His duties consisted in leading the boys in their dances in the wamkic at night, and during the day in seeing that they practiced their songs in a secluded place away from the village. While the boys were dancing in the wamkic their relatives threw baskets and other gifts over their heads to be gathered up by the guests. The takwa attended to preparation and division of food in this ceremony. This part of the ceremony was watched by clan members and visitors of both sexes. Then came the esoteric part of the ceremony called kiksawel, "the drinking, " which occurred inside the wamkic. No women or children were permitted to witness this; only the men of the clan and the novi- tiates, youths of eighteen to twenty years, were present. The manet- dancer whirled the bullroarer as a warning to the uninitiated to stay awa.y. The bullroarer was called melawhic by the northern clans and meillakpic by the southern clans. The net prepared the jimson- weed, "cooking it" (meaning probably drying it), and ground it up in a small ceremonial mortar called takic, with a small pestle called paul. Water was added and the liquid was then put in a red pottery bowl called tesnut kumflsmul, and the paha gave each boy a swallow. The men in the wamkic then took each boy by the waist and danced around the fire led by the manet dancer. All were naked, and according to Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Alec Arguello old people sometimes fell into the fire in the excite- ment but were not burned. The novitiates became unconscious and were left in the dance house all night. The next afternoon they were taken out of the dance house and hidden in a secluded canyon by the paha. Here they were taught songs while, at night for one week they danced every evening. The jimsonweed however was drunk only once. The drinking of the jimsonweed produces visions, but no especial dream cult or interpretation is remembered by modern informants. One northern Mountain Cahuilla informant said that if any boy saw in his dreams an animal th.at spoke to him, bad luck for his relatives would result. A southern Mountain Cahuilla informant said that boys at this time "had dreams like pfialem (shamans) " and that any- thing seen in the vision was their "spirit or friend." Since it is fifty or sixty years since this ceremony took place among the Mountain Cahuilla it is not strange that the details are vague. The last afternoon of the week the ground-painting or some equiv- alent to it was made. Alec Arguello said that among the Mountain Cahuilla clans which moved to San Bernardino the following occurred. The paha marked off a special area in front of the wamkic beyond which outsiders could not come. Then eoming from the interior of the wamkic he brought a very sacred red, white, and black basket called neat, which he carried a-round the space. He then returned it into the inner room of the dance house. This was very important, according to Alec Arguello, but no one knew the meaning of it.400 The true ground painting must have occurred there however, for Nina Cosesos said she had seen it made three times, once at pullatana (near San Bernardino) when she was a girl of about 10 or 12 years, once at Saboba, where it was made by a Mountain Cahuilla net, and once at paul (Cahuilla) when she was about 16 years of age. She is a very old woman, probably between 80 and 90, hence this occurred in the neighborhood of seventy years ago. Her memories were somewhat vague but leave no doubt as to the general nature of the ritualistic performance. The net, in the case last cited, made a shallow pit four or five feet in diameter. In this was placed a "web" of red, pauisvul, bla.ck, tuil, and white, tewic, colors. These colors were made of red ocher, iron oxide, or some similar mineral, a black mineral probably graphite, and white clay. They were arranged like the spokes of a wheel within the pit. The net then explained to the boys who were 400 This is undoubtedly a form of tukmul, or the sacred winnowing basket, used by the Luiseflo in their toloache ceremonies. Du Bois, op. cit., 78-79. 1929] 175 176 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 being initiated the meaning of the design, but my informant did not. hear this. The occurrence of the ground painting at Cahuilla is like- wise remembered by Cornelio Lubo when he was very young; but he said that only certain of the old men knew what it meant, the younger people being in complete ignorance. If there was any direct connec- t.ion of this phenomenon with Chungichnish it was not remembered by any of the Cahuilla talked with. Primarily, manet was a boys' initia- tion ceremony and when the decoction had been drunk, the songs and dances learned, and the ground painting made and explained, the boys were regarded as men and full-fledged members of the clan. The ceremonial ground painting probably occurred among the southern clans, as it was well known among the Cupeiio, their neighbors to the south, but noa informants who remembered it among the southern Mountain Cahuilla. were encountered. Ant Ordeal Among the northern Mountain clans, this ceremony closed with the ant ordeal called hemfiniwe or "stinging ants ceremony." A large pit was dug where an ant's nest had been and many ants were col- lected in it. Then the young men who ha.d been initiated were rolled naked into the pit and when they came out the ants were brushed off with nettles. Every young man in the clan was supposed to pass through this ordeal once, in order to give him bravery and greater endurance in hunting. THE FIRE DANCE Among the, southern Mountain clans the manet ceremony closed with the fire dance, called tapasak. A large fire was built outside of the dance house. Both. men and women of the clan surrounded it and moved a-round the fire singing and dancing, sometimes at a fast, sometimes at a slow pace. Then after the dance had become faAt and there was much excitement all the men sat down around the fire and pushed it in with their feet. Men did not burn, informants say, but they often became unconscious from the heat, the shamans fanning them with feathers to bring them to. Then all the men changed posi- tion and used their hands in putting out the fire. The shamans occa- sionally jumped into the fire and kicked the coals around with their bare feet, but they likewise did not burn. The women and children stood outside the circle and looked on, chanting the songs for this particular ceremony, which a-re about ten in number. Finally the Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California fire was entirely extinguished and the ceremony ended. The exact method by which the dancers and shamans handled the glowing coals, like the present-day performances of Desert shamans with live coals, is not known by the uninitiated or in detail by the ethnologist.401 As has already been suggested a detailed study of shamanism among the Desert Cahuilla would yield much of interest on these points. THE EAGLE-KILLING CEREMONY The eagle cult manifested itself strongly among the Mountain Cahuilla especially among the southern clans, where as among the Dieguefno it was closely associated with shamanistic practices. Among these groups the eagle killing seems also to have been associated with the mourning ceremony for a dead clan leader, although it might be performed by itself as a separate ceremony for the eagle. Among the northern clans the ceremony occurred in honor of a net (clan leader) or one of his close relatives who had died. In this case, a clan net of another moiety might present the young eagle to the bereaved net, and a year after the death this net would invite the giver of the eagle and his clan to preside at the ceremony. The eagle, which after its presentation had been carefully cared for in the net's house, was taken by the invited takwa, who, carrying the bird, danced at the head of the two clans in the dance house. Finally, sometime after midnight, the eagle "gets dizzy " and dies. Offerings of food were made to the dead eagle. All the people mourned loudly for him, and the takwa removed the primary feathers of the wings and tail t.o make elatem, th.e eagle-feather skirt, which belongs to the local net. The local net threw away gifts of food and baskets which the guests gath.ered up. In the morning the eagle's body, carefully wrapped in cloth, was buried either by the grave of the recently deceased for whom the ceremony was given, or else in the dance house itself. No informant among these northern clans remembered this cere- mony personally so the information in regard to it is necessarily sketchy. The name of this ceremony among these northern clans was kewittawat. The southern clans of the. Los Coyotes canyon called this ceremony aswitlpemeniktum the "eagle killing." One informant said tha.t "long ago tfiteil (the humming bird) wanted to take aswit's (the 401 See Waterman, present series, 8:327, for a first-hand account of this ceremony among the Dieguenio, showing the way in which the fire is actually extinguished. 1929] 177 178 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 eagle's) place, but all agreed that he was too small. Aswit was a human being and was placed in the first mountain made, called haui- yauwit and kalalalwit, so every tribe could own him." When an eagle was to be killed among these southern clans all neighboring groups were invited, each for a differenta night.402 They sang sad songs and there was a great deal of mourning. The eagle which was in a cage nea.r the net's house "heard all this and was very sad, for he knew what, was, going toe happen." When all the people were assembled on the last evening the fire was extinguished, and the local clan led by the net and the kutvavanavac gathered around the eagle and sang. Then a local shaman took the eagle, holding each leg tight, against t,he bird's breast, and brought it t,o the fire in the center of the wamkic. Then clockwise the people circled the fire, but ba.ck near the walls, dancing and singing while the shaman held the eagle near the fire in the center. Thus all the other shamans could attempt to kill the eagle by t,heir personal power. Some sha.mans had so little power that the eagle did not even scream, while others made him screa,m for only a few seconds. This, my informant said, was because they had "too little electricity," a unique description of the supposed psychic, power of the shaman. Other shamans in front of the eagle hit their own heads in order to kill the eagle, but while. the eagle screamed and shook his body he did not. die. Other shamans stood in the fire and pointed at the eagle with "sticks"403 to kill him, and the eagle might hang his head for a moment but recovered. Another shaman would "swallow" a stick and throw out something to kill the eagle. Thus the shamans may work all night to kill the eagle. If the eagle is alive in the morning, a very improbable situation, they let it go. When it dies all present cry loudly and scatter offerings of acorn meal or other food on the body. The net or kutvavanavac removed the primary feathers and down to make elatem, the skirt, or tciatem, the headdres.s. In the morning the eagle was wrapped in cloth and buried in the clan burying ground. There is no doubt that the foregoing ceremony is Dieguefio in many of its essentials, but Jolian Norte stated that it was identical with that at Los Coyotes where the shamans supposedly killed the eagle in the manner here described. The Cupeino likewise believed in 402 This description aetually applies to a mixed Dieguefio, Cupenlo, and Cahuilla ceremony at Mesa Grande about fifteen years ago, but my informant Jolian Norte stated positively that the Los Coyotes ceremony was identical. 403 Waterman, present series, 8:317-318, describes an identical procedure among the Diegueno, and also describes how the eagle is really killed by com- pression of the lungs and heart by the man holding it. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the killing of the eagle by the shamans, as did both the' Diegueiio and these southerly Cahuilla groups. The killing of the eagle by shamans was also practiced among the Luisefio.4" THE "WHIRLING" OR EAGLE DANCE The "whirling," "morahash," or eagle dance was common to all the Mountain Cahuilla, and was called pfinil, which was translated simply as "the eagle dance." The following description applies to the Los Coyotes canyon Cahuilla ceremony which was, so far as I could find out, identical with the same ceremony among the northern mountain clans.. This dance among the southern clans might occur at any time, but was usually given at the close of niukil, the image- burning ceremony. There might be several eagle-dancers, usually specially qualified dancers, but only one dancer danced at a time. The kutvavanavac would announce the ceremony by whirling the bull- roarer (mefilakpic) whereupon all the men and women would form a circle outside of the dance house. At this time the kutva.vanavac would perform many antics to make the people laugh. There was a special doorkeeper who, with a pole called nahat, cleared all people away from the entrance to the dance house. When all was ready this doorkeeper shouted loudly three times, and all the people echoed him. The kutvavanavac stepped into the center of the circle and stared intently at the sun, then the eagle-dancer wearing elatem, the eagle- feather skirt, p1witcem, the eagle plumage headdress, and carrying two short sticks called pohut in his hands, ran out of the dance house, knelt in the center of the circle, and stared a.t the sun for almost a minute. His face and neck were covered with white clay. Then hitting the two sticks together to tell the people when to start and to stop singing, he moved slowly around the circle imitating the actions of the eagle. Suddenly he began to whirl faster and faster, accom- panied by the men and women who were singing and dancing in line around the circle. His feather skirt straightened out and he kept whirling, while all the people sang the songs of the eagle dance. At the last song the kutvavanavac shouts loudly, the doorkeeper opens the crowd with his pole, and the dancer stops whirling suddenly and runs into the dance house. This performance may be repeated by other dancers but only one man dances at a time. While the two foregoing ceremonies both have to do with the eagle, they seem unconnected in their performance and probably in their 404 Du Bois, op. cit., 182. 1929] 179 180 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 inception. The ceremonial killing of the eagle is apparently an ancient and universal south central Californian custom found among all the groups considered in the present paper. Whereas the eagle or "whirling" dance is a specialized ceremony, apparently an integral part of that loose complex designated as the toloache cult. It is there- fore found only among those peoples to which this cult extended; hence peripheral peoples like the Desert Cahuilla did not have the ceremony of the eagle dance although the ceremonial killing of eagles was well known among them. MOURNING CEREMONIES Ceremonies for the dead among the Mountain Cahuilla seem to have been largely identical with those of the Desert. and Pass Cahuilla, and add little detail to the data already given for those groups. The ceremonies have not been performed for many years, so most of the detail has been forgotten. These older ceremonies, not being asso- cia.ted with any late cult such as the Chungishnish complex, seem to have been much the same among all the southern Californian groups studied. As occurred among all these groups in early times, the bodies of the dead were burned according to native tradition; but within the memory of all informants the body of the deceased was buried soon after death. At this time a feast called hemtcipinwe, for all the rela- tives of the dead, was held and a night of singing followed. Within a week or so after the dea.th occurred hemtcuistanwe-the ceremonial burning of the dead person's possessions. This seems to parallel tcipini'1 "covering the tracks of the dead," among the Pass Cahuilla, for Mountain Cahuilla informants said that th.is was done in order to send the soul, tawehonaveh, "to the place of the dead." Not only the personal possessions, but also the house of the deceased was burned. Other clans, especially the one into which the dead person was married were invited to this ceremony, and often brought presents of food to the family of the deceased. To the week-long image-burning ceremony called nukatem "burn them," neighboring clans were invited, each for a different night. As occurred elsewhere, the local clan sang for the first part of the week, the visiting clans during the latter part. About the middle of the week, after nightfall the maiswut of the local clan was brought from the inner room of the dance house and prayed over by the net Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California and his family. This was prepared for by the paha, who, with the bullroarer, signaled for silence. The net and the paha assisted by shamans then hung the sared fea.thers (long bands of horned owl, barn owl, burrowing owl, and flicker feathers) all around the dance house. These remained until the close of the ceremony. On Saturday the images were made, in early times the bodies being made of maiswut, cut in thin rolls, three to four feet long,. with similar rolls lashed across to form the arms of the image. Extra maiswut was kept in the dance house for this purpose. At the close of the ceremony the images were burned outside the dance house and the shell money was distribut.ed to the invited clan leaders. As has been previously mentioned, some informants stated that should a clan of the wildcat moiety give the ceremony, the images were made by a specially invited coyote moiety clan. Actual cases to bear these state- ments out are. lacking, so while moiety reciprocity in the mourning ceremony is suggested, it cannot be proved. MISCELLANEOUs DATA The foregoing ceremonies are the only ones which the Mount.ain Cahuilla remember in any detail. There are however a few frag- mentary suggestions bearing on ritual and ma.terial culture which seem worth recording at this time. Actual naming ceremonies were not remembered by informants, for Spanish names have been in vogue for several generations, but one informant was told by his father that such a ceremony formerly occurred in the dance house once a year, when children were given names in secret. Enemy clans desired to obtain these names for their ridiculing songs. These, songs have been in disuse for a long time, but were once sung at any gathering of a "fiesta" or ceremonial nature. An example of such a song, sung by the h6kwitcakiktum clan against the wakwaikiktum clan of the Desert Cahuilla, is as follows: Minavacum manilyawun new'um wakalkikalk temasuiwit yalc kiwit tamauka! This was translated as "Come on along, you wakaikik person, if you are able!" These so-called "enemy" clans seem always to have been those of another district; for example, the Mountain Cahuilla clans usually sang against clans of the Desert Cahuilla as in the case just cited, and vice versa. Mild ridicule and not vituperation seems to 1929] 181 182 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 have been their main purpose, although in early times there may have been more feeling in them than is now remembered. If there was any connection between these songs and the moiety of the clans concerned it is not remembered. The moiety songs have the same ridiculing character, but seem to possess less social significance than the songs of clan against clan. The exchange of shell money, muiketem, between Mountain Cahuilla clans has not been given in detail because detailed information is lacking. The northern clans carried on a ceremonial exchange with the Luiseiio " parties" at, Saboba., and with the Pass and Palm Springs Ca.huilla clans. This has already been described (p. 98). The Los Coyotes canyon Cahuilla exchanged shell money with the Cupenio at kuipa (Warner's, Hot. Springs) and with the people at wilakal (San Ysidro), but Jolian Norte, my best informant on the Los Coyotes canyon group, remembered little beyond the fact that when he was a boy such a ceremonial exchange occurred between the northern and s,outhern Mountain clans. The wamkic of the northern clans, and the kicamnawut or wamkic, as the southern clans called the ceremonial dance house, was at least in its later stages much like a modern frame house with walls and roof made of arrow-weed (Artemisia ludoviciana).405 There was a semi- circular enclosure in front, and a small room behind where the clan or "party" leader kept, his malswut and other ceremonial impedi- ment.a. According to Cornelio Lubo, on the authority of his grand- father, the old house of the Mountain Cahuilla was called tamikic, and was semisubt.erranean. A pit. about 3 feet deep and 20 feet in diameter was dug, and a, central post about 7 feet, high erected, from which rafters ran to the edge of the pit. These were first covered with brush and then by a layer of dirt. In his time houses of brush with more or less modern frames, were in vogue, but he assured me that long ago the tamikic served both living and ceremonial purposes. The sweat house was called haslue,406 and in the mountains. was 10 to 15 feet in diameter, 4 or 5 feet high, and covered with brush and dirt. A fire was built in front of the entrance. Its use seems to have been medicinal and not ceremonial, and it was last used about forty years ago, there being one such house at Cahuilla at that time. 405 The last dance house at Cahuilla was burned many years ago. It stood on the site where a small frame house noted as "the home of Ramona" now stands. Supposedly, this is the house where the heroine of Helen Hunt Jackson 's novel lived when her Indian husband was killed. I venture no opinion. 406 Barrows, op. cit., 77, describes the Cahuilla sweat house and its use. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California V. THE CUPERO These people occupied a position on the border line between the two great speech families of southern California, the Shoshonean and the Yuman. To the north and west of the Cupeino were the Luisenio and Cahuilla, both of whom are Shoshonean, and to the south and east of the Cupeiio were the Yuman Diegue-no. Hemmed in by these different groups the Cupeno population contained elements of each. Their speech is fairly close to that of the Cahuilla and it is. with them that the Cupeiio have had their most intimate contacts. The two dialects are said to be mutually intelligible, but the Cupefno language seems to have added some Yuman elements to its fundamentally Shoshonean construction. Certain of the Cupeiio clans appear to have been originally of Diegueino (Yuman) speech affiliation, and as a result many of the Cupeino are bilingual in respect to the radically different Cupeiio and Diegueino tongues. About 1902 the majority of the Cupeino were more or less forcibly removed from their houses at Warner's Hot Springs, and taken to Pala in Luiseino territory. The data here presented were gathered in part by Gifford during a three-weeks' visit to Pala in 1919, and partly by the present author, who during the month of November, 1925, worked with the Cupeno at San Ysidro, Warner's Hot Springs, and Pala. Not knowing at the time this unpublished work by Gifford at Pala,407 I covered much the same ground that he had already been over, and our notes, in part obtained from the same informants (after an eight-year interval) admirably check and supplement one another. Among other data Gifford obtained a Pala agency census for 1919, and a house-to-house census of the Cupeino prior to their removal from Warner's Hot Springs, as complete as informants could give it from memory. These lists and his other data he most kindly turned over to me, and they are incorporated in the present account. Where our information differs I have so indicated in the text, but on the whole there is almost complete accord between the two accounts. Gifford's notes are more complete as regards the census and personal affiliation of individuals, mine as regards genealogies and ceremonials. 407 Gifford had previously published a preliminary report on the Oupefio, based on short visits in 1916 and 1917, see present series, 14:199-201, 1917. 1929] 183 184 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 The village of kuipa at Warner's was famous for it.s na.tural hot springs, and as elsewhere these were highly valued by the natives. Legendary accounts408 tell of a time when the Cupeno were almost exterminated by their neighbors and while the story of the massacre and magical restoration of the people are mythical, it is highly prob- able that a place so naturally favored as kulpa should have been the scene of considerable struggle for ownership. There is nothing legendary about its seizure from the Cupefno by the whites, and its ownership had undoubtedly been disputed before. In 1822, a sub-mission was established at Santa Ysabel, and shortly after that a branch was evidently established at Agua Caliente, as Warner's Hot Springs was then called. In 1830, a Spanish or Mexican woman, Apolinaria Lorenzana, called "la Beata," was in the habit of taking the sick from Santa Ysabel to bathe them in the wa.rm springs at Agua Caliente.409 After the Franciscans abandoned their mission here, the Cupeiio'moved into the deserted buildings. Several families included in the census lived in these large deserted adobes. Each house was divided among the different family units, each having its fireplace and living section. The main Cupeiio inform- ant, Mrs. Manuela Griffith, was born in such a house in 1852, and she had never seen the regular dwelling house of her people. It. was described by her parents as a circular, semisubterranean, and earth- covered lodge. When the Cupeno, went into their mountain food- gathering territories they made rectangular, double lean-tos of pine bark. They used this type of dwelling under such circumstances until they were removed from kfipa about 1902. When Mrs. Griffith was young nearly all the families were concentrated in the old mission buildings,410 but later the younger married couples began to build adobe huts for themselves. Quarrels between the Cupeino and the owner of the land grant, Mr. Warner,411 led to the insurrection of 1851 and the subsequent retreat of the Cupeino to Los Coyotes canyon, while the troops burned their town.410 Cavalry under Major Heintzelman pursued the Indians 408 Gifford, S. Cal., 199. Also present paper, pp. 270-273. 409 H. H. Bancroft, 19:553, n. 20. 410 In December, 1851, a company of San Diego volunteers burned the Indian village at Agua Caliente, in retaliation for the burning of John J. Warner's house at that place. It is possible that the Cupefno prior to this had had their own homes, but were thus forced to herd together in the old mission buildings after their crude dwellings were destroyed. 411 In 1840, Agua Caliente was granted to Jose A. Pico, and by a later grant of 1844, to J. J. Warner. The latter seems to have purchased the claim of the former grantee. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California to Los Coyotes canyon and brought them back. Five of the ring- leaders, including Antonio Garra (Kaval) were captured by Juan Antonio Costakik,412 a Mountain Cahuilla captain. These were executed, but the remainder of the Cupenio were allowed to remain in their old territory until the expulsion of 1902. Kfipa was very favorably located at the base of Hot Springs moun- tain (called by the local Indians, Lookout mountain), where there are beautiful valleys with large oak groves while the ridges are covered with pines and sycamores. Deer are still abundant, and the Cupeino must have always had an adequate food supply. To the west the open valley of San Jose (San Jose del Valle) stretches to a small lake (now the Henshaw dam) where Luiseflo territory began. These flats were used by the Cupefno for gathering various kinds of weed seeds and grasses. The warm springs themselves are on a rise at the edge of the mountain and the hot water not only occurs in pools but actually forms a good-sized stream. At present the adobe houses used by the Indians have been somewhat rehabilitated and are used as guest rooms by the local hotel. The stream where the Indians formerly bathed, leached acorns, and soaked fiber for baskets, now runs into a swimming pool and a series of bath houses. Bedrock mortars and other signs of the old life are abundant, but the Indians are gone. VILLAGES AND CLANS The Cupeiio formerly occupied the large village called kiipa at Warner's Hot Springs, from which they have derived their name, and a smaller and linguistically more mixed village, wilakal, at San Ysidro about four miles southeast of kiupa. The two villages were united by marriage and social intercourse but were apparently politically independent of one another, and each was the center of a different clan grouping. Kulpa was always the largest, and was occupied by four Cupeiio clans and one affiliated Cahuilla clan. Wilakal was, and is today, occupied by two clans, one apparently of Cahuilla and the other of Dieguelno origin. Representatives of all Cupenio clans lived in both villages but each was centered in only one of the two towns. The clan and lineage composition of each is given in the two following tables (8-9). 412 H. H. Bancroft, 29:482, n. 17. Bancroft speakJs of Garra as a San Luis Rey Indian, but my genealogies show him to be a Cupeflo. The part played by Juan Antonio was not remembered by Cupenlo informants. 1929] 185 186 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 TABLE 8 Clans and Lineages at kuipa Supposed Clan413 Nic7knames origin Moiety nauwilot (louse), Laws, teafnalafnalic Cupeio Coyote 1. kavalim ('I) ("sprouts"), nuika ("daughter-in- (Islam) law"), Gara (Span.?) 2. pumtumatfi1niktcum,~ palaut (place name) Cupefio Coyote I2 ("blacktooth") (Islam) 3. temiewhanitcem wieit fbrtigCupeflo Coyote (northerners) fitciat ("fiberstring") (Islam) 4. tuiktum (wildcat people) L 4a. sivimuiatim ("to strike the sun," or, Diegueiio Wildcat "face peeling from sunburn") (Tuiktum) L 4b. aullatim (aulifiawiteem) ("something tied Diegueiio Wildcat over head? ") (Tuiktum) L 40. taka'atim (taka'anawiteem) ("peak" or Luiseflo Wildcat " something sharp ") (Tuiktum) 5. saulvilem ("uncooked" or "unripe"). A Mountain Cahuilla lineage from Los Coyotes canyon affiliated with clan 1, and of the same moiety TABLE 9 Clans at wilakal Supposed Clan Nicknames origin Moiety 6. teutnikut (place name from ta'mlsuknival, "place Dieguenlo Wildcat (I) where they burned people") 7. tuievikinvatim (from thiteil, "humming bird") Cahuilla Wildcat (T) 418 The endings im and um are collective plural endings, meaning "people." The endings em and iteem are the same but apparently of Mountain Cahuilla origin. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California The information concerning wilakal is much less complete than that in regard to kilpa. Having witnessed the eviction of the kuipa people, the inhabitants of wilakal have no trust in the white man. They believe that by finding out the history of kiupa the white people were able to take their land and they have no desire to be treated in the same way. Hence, in 1925, over twenty years from the time of the Cupenio removal to Pala, it was still impossible to get information concerning-social organization at San Ysidro. With adequate time to establish contact and overcome the distrust of the few inhabitants remaining, such information could be obtained, but as is so often the case, time was lacking. Fortunately Gifford obtained from kuipa informants a house-to-house census of wilakal as it was prior to 1902. This census is probably less complete than that of kulpa, where the informants lived, but with additional information obtained by Gifford and myself, it serves to establish the main features of their social organization. San Ysidro is a lovely mountain valley about four miles southeast of Warner's Hot Springs. A considerable stream flows through it and many oaks grow in the creek bed and up along the ravines. The mountain walls rise sharply and are scantily covered with brush, but the ridges are wooded with pines, sycamores, and scrub oaks. Wilakal is situated on a bare rise in the valley floor marked by a small Catholic chapel and the house of the captain. Above on the hillside, and else- where in isolated clearings, are about eight or nine houses. The wilakal people formerly lived in small brush- or tule-covered huts, but at present small, dilapidated frame houses are the rule. For the period between 1865 and 1902 there are twenty wilakal houses on record, but there were probably not many more than half this number occupied at any one time. At present a few brush storage baskets for acorns, small brush outhouses, and mortars give a faintly aboriginal aspect to the site. The people are none too friendly to the casual white man, but it is certain that they have had little reason for being overly gracious. They are known as the "Coyote tribe " by neighbor- ing whites and are regarded as renegades from various villages. 1929] 187 188 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 POPULATION The Cupeiio population, including both villages, has been estimated by Kroeber at, five hundred persons at most.14' The following data obtained since this estimate was made give considerably more infor- mation on the problem than was then available. Gifford obtained from the Indian agency at Pala, a. census of that reservation for December 18, 1919. As it serves to bring out several important social facts this census is given in full in census 3 below, but a summary of the data may be given here (table 10). TABLE 10 Compasition of Pala Population in 1919 Cupefio .-- 106 Cahuilla ...... .10 L u ise io ....... ...... ..... ...... ..... ...... ..... ...... ..... ...... ..... 4 4 Diegueio . 22 Various 29 Total ............-------.--.......-211415 In compa,ring this census with the earlier ones (censuses 2 and 3) it must be remembered that a small Luiseflo population already lived at Pala when the bulk of the Cupeilo were moved there. Of the forty-four Luise-no given above, twenty-six lived at Pala before the Cupefio came, five came from kiupa, and thirteen came in from other places. It is not certain how many Cupe-no remained at wilakal, but there were probably not more than forty, including all other groups represented there. Of the Cupenio listed above, sixty ca,me from kupa, and forty-six had been born in Pala during the nineteen years of Cupefio residence there. Because of intermarriage with whites, half- breeds are reckoned according to the mother's clan, but formerly strict patrilineal descent prevailed. This must be taken into account in reckoning the pure-blooded Cupenio. The surnames given in the Pala census (3), combined with the house censuses (1 and 2), will give information on such questions. Gifford in 1919 also made a house census of kiupa. and of wilakal prior to 1902, obtaining the bulk of his information from Mrs. Manuela Sivimuat (then 67 years old) and her daughter, Mrs. Salva- dora Valenzuela (45 years old). The latter acted mainly as inter- preter, but having been born in kuipa, checked her mother's inforina- tion. In 1925, the present author obtained a set of kuipa genealogies 414 Kroeber, Handbook, 689. 415 Census 1 shows the method of determining tribal affilia.tions. This total does not include the people who remained at wilakal after 1902. 14929] Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 189 from the same informants, and these genealogies, covering the same period, have been added to Gifford's census. The almost complete accord between the two accounts is striking, and with the subsequent checking by other informants, vouches for the accuracy of the com- pleted census. This census covers roughly the period between about 1865 and 1902, or, from the girlhood of our main informant until the Cupeino eviction from kulpa in 1902. These are given in full censuses 1 and 2) but table 11 gives a summary showing the population. TABLE 11 Cupenho Population between "1865" and 1902 Kuipa Wilakal Clan members ........................................ 280 (including 102 saulvilem clan) Persons with other names ........................................ 67 3 Illegal children recorded ........................................ 20 3 White men ........................................ 20416 1 Mountain Cahuilla ........................................ 19 12 Desert Cahuilla .........................................3 11 Pass Cahuilla .........................................0 1 Luisefio ........................................1 3 Diegueio .........................................4 2 Distant Indians .........................................4 0 Total: 556417.418418 138 For this period then, the Cupeflo had a total population of 556 persons including aliens of all sorts. It is obvious that in a period of about forty years one generation would tend to disappear and another take its place; hence this total of 556 is considerably larger than the population at any one time during the forty years. Perhaps 400 would be a fair estimate of the average Cupe-no population during the period in question. The above census includes forty-eight persons listed in the Pala census of 1919. The 1919 census (3) lists in all sixty persons who were born in kfipa and the discrepancy of twelve is probably due in great part to modern names in the agency list which cannot be identified with the earlier lineage names. 416 Including one Negro. 417 Including only those persons who actually lived at kuipa or wilakal. Chil- dren who died young, or men who married Cupeflo women and took them away, are not included. 418 In all totals based on the house census, children who died young are not included. 190 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 The decline in Cupeiio population between say, 1870 and 1919, is marked. In 1919, only 106 pure and mixed Cupeinos are recorded, while in the earlier census 382 are mentioned. Allowing for a discount in the latter number, because it covers a period of years, the dispropor- tion is still great. If a similar decline on a smaller scale is granted, between "1870" and purely aboriginal times, then Kroeber's estimate of 500 for the native population seems quite in accord with the facts here presented. Cupeiio genealogies (14-22) show how rapid this decline has been, and forcibly demonstrate the increased mortality and sterility coincident with a forced move to an uncongenial habitat. This is discussed more fully in relation to the individual clans. Evidently the Cupeiio population was always heterogeneous. This is natural considering the central position of the group, and the extremely favorable site they occupied. The house censuses 1 and 2 show that during the forty-odd years they cover, forty-two Cahuilla were incorporated in the Cupeiio population, and only six Diegueno and four Luisefio. Moreover, this total of forty-two does not include the members of the sauivilem clan who were Cahuilla but have been here counted as Cupeiio because of their almost entire removal to and incorporation at kulpa. Of the forty-two, thirty Cahuilla were of the Mountain division, and ten of the Desert division. One rather dubious case of Cupeino intermarriage with Pass Cahuilla exists. Of all the Cahuilla clan groups the one at Los Coyotes canyon was in closest contact with the Cupeino. The list of marriages during the same period (table 12 and genealogies 14-22) shows that this condi- tion was not due solely to Cahuilla women being brought to kfipa, for as many Cupeino women married Cahuillas and moved away as was the case with either Diegueiio or Luisefio. Gifford has pointed out the fact that all Cupeino clans of the wildcat moiety claim to have originally been Luisefio and Dieguenao stock.419 This is an obscure problem and will be discussed later in connection with Cupeiio clan organization. The house censuses show far more contact between Cahuilla and Cupeiio than between the latter and all other groups. Whatever earlier relationship may have existed between the Cupenio, Liuisefio, and Diegueno, is not clearly indicated by the data at hand, but that many Cahuilla people were incorporated in the Cupeino population is certain. The Pala census for 1919 (3) shows a low proportion of Cahuilla residents compared to both Luisenfo and Diegueiio. In part this is 419 Miwok Lineages and the Political Unit in Aboriginal California, Am. Anthr., n. s., 28:395, 1926. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California due to the fact that children of Cahuilla mothers are naturally con- sidered as Cupefio when their fathers are of that tribe. Then, as Pala was always Luisenio territory, there was a Luiseiio population there when the Cupeiio came. Only five Luiseiio moved from kiupa to Pala with the Cupenio; the remainder either had always lived at Pala or came there from other places. The same is true of the Diegueno at Pala; only three of the twenty-two came to Pala from kiupa. Pala, being one of the largest Indian towns in soiuthern California, has attracted a good many Luiseiio and Diegueino in late years, but the bulk of the population is still mainly of Cupefio stock. In passing, it may be well to comment on the value of the house census data from the biological standpoint. Certain inaccuracies are bound to appear in any census based on data of a purely mnemonic character. Contemporary families of the informants are apt to be more fully recorded than are earlier families. Families that move away may be forgotten, and the record of children who died young is never complete. Similarly, the exact order of birth of children is often not remembered. Errors of this sort came out in comparing the census and the genealogies, but on the whole, from a social standpoint, they are of a trifling nature. From the standpoint of determining comparative birth and death rates over a period of years, the comparative fertility of various types of marriage, and the exact proportion of the sexes,420 such factors of error as above enumerated are important. If it is borne in mind that the house census gives the bulk of the population, not its totality, it may safely be used for other than social determinations. In any such work it is essential to combine the houses censuses (1 and 2) with the Pala census (3), for no persons born after 1902 are included in the former. The value of the genealogical method in social studies is too well known to call for further discussion here. In the following account of Cupenlo society, in almost every case the belief of the informant is checked against the actual practice of the community as revealed by the census and genealogies. Often the rationalizations of informants are as important to the ethnologist and psychologist as are the actual happenings, but it is essential that rationalizations and facts be clearly distinguished. 420 It may be worth noting that in house census 1, of the 280 kuipa members recorded, 137 were males and 143 females; of the 10-2 wilakal clan members, 55 were males and 47 females. I1AV29 ] 191 192 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 I. + w, II A co .wH- Ca +0 ._ c3 Ci Ci CX 1 * a 2W ,$ e*- aa 00 eq * II qq cq N _I = 11 aI 4 s* c a l .o do 0 CO t r O ,_S, g1 C- D0 eq CO C eq eq '-4 0~ '-4 00 '-4 00 z Q~ 0 a-. *C d 4- D CO 10 4a ca 10 *rq *r Q} .1. *r 0 o~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~0, CQz 'CX . P a d 4? a O g PA q Cq oo cd Ce z O , 16 e - I Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California .t -, *r zok g -, 0 9 m .e + C H I) I- " o 01 01 G --~~~~~~~- Ca 0- 00, 4,o fr -g?fg O- 0 co ce p o N ca ca cq cq Ca c L 71 1 1 h C4 f q l 01 N1 o 1 N L c e Ce i C tA V d6 Goo 01 ' E * t0 t1 E I I 00 P0Q 1 01 *S P4 x CS C) -4 P. :;a- Ct cd kA 14 1 m 0 -4 .,-, 0 0 4 0 -4-J. 0 0 --? oi m 0 'X C%s 81 0 1 - -D Csz Ce Z. +:o. ' '-4 '-4 01 P4 0 1 1929] 193 194 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 co r-i 0 0 01 ciz I" 0 4o 00 s C5> a O O~00 m C oo Ca CQ C> C> cli 01 01 ol m m~0 00 01 - .,j .,) Fl s U45 P. + 0 1 . It 1~ r* 0 bQ +O O ca Cd OQ 0 + a c 3S aCo O a: 0icr Gi1 lc'.CJ -I Co ,a2 00 Cq 0 C) Co 1* !~b) + Co c 01- -_4 e a0 .)C'I Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California ce t3a 0 Co Co Co 0 E-&4 m m) CO to.. CC 0 t t~~~ 0 ~ ~ ) ~ ~ Q> C r - 4r4 0 c. b- C Co co 0 CC o o t- i- Cl C C Co Co Co Co Co Co I I I Co m Co m C 0 1 C C o + C o~~~~~~~~~~; 0,-, p4+ o ' ce 0Co Co Cl Co Co C Co Co Co Co I I CQ Co .B Co tq Cl , Co Co+t 00 _/ r Co Co C o o Co Co Co Co e Co 195 1929] + oP.... . ce :4 I" Co Co L :? i * c31 Co cli 196 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 4Z - p c H COCO + U0 r4D CO 0 0 l cI ce Ca P . I~OD 0 R O * R + -4 o + -d . to L- C O0 CO 0 C O C C OD C C O c + cQ e eo co co Q 0 ct~c + + +~ + C co C C C C CO COC COn e X c I Il I im ;Z J :0 I I / ci rq ' 4 ' - CC C O C's CO I 2 cO q Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California s U m 1 ~~~~t33 ,,a i &' &'~~~~42 Z ce .ecd ! P4~ ~ ~~~~~_ Zi 'i c, ~~ - ~ ~ ~ ~ c q~c cc 0z. oo 0 iq *3 inao c e I 0~~~ ~ 0 C C O + ? ~~~+ o~ ~~~~~~~~ t- C.)s cq COcqCO10 In 010 m CO 1929] 197 198 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 o: + 4Q . .XAR,! 0 a! igES, tl;W-4- Cd r g in O OO o o m H HN I II ..1 *-C-4 IZt ~ 10 I:z 10 ~~~~~~~~~1;Z0 C e - *e c .X e X E Q4 s + + + 104 -di 04 J4 ji ,,:V "")0 0~~~~~~~~~~~~0 ~~~~~ 0) ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 0 + ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~+ + + 0) CO Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California cci *~~~~~~~~ cc 0 I CZ c c c c * c0 m 0 V0 6+ +4 ++! r1+ cc 114L~ CI I + + +~~~ ol ~ co ~ c I Z ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ^se y :e<^ee cc o, o c cc F3 co1 ce i3 :Wu Wou 0 (D I~~~~~I Cd~~~~s + P ccq c Il t-c aq ee t+ Ai w 2 co d L il 0 o c *_6 +~ 01 p 1029] 199 200 Univeraity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 cq 0E C) .R -M * 4i 14 ?!i 4a .1 m . :j ,,9 I, --j A !9 2! - I-Q C3 0 ;I-b 9 Q4 & v11 co $.,4 C) s 9 I!i 9 r.) k .t .-Ei Zsa E a ! l l Rt~ CO g3Q. + tt3c C041 OtC .0 t I-- tt ls + co o CO n+ A CO CO CO ?' Co a 1?' CO 0 CO ,? - CO ? ?- ?a * ? C? ?.) .? ?.) ?11 ? I :1 eq eq 0E ' e r" , o 's +o Strong: AIboriginal Society in Southern California 04 11- Dl 00 * to .O 0 0 0 41-in 00 0 % '0 TO R m m m rI I I - cl C4 d to c~~~~~ o~ ~ ~ ~ ~ c ^ + Ca CQ CQ cq e CoZ + + cz $ t- CQ m W P 0 ?4 Go Co ~~)~4 1" om 00 C~-* 0 N _.- 0 O *o ^to P P- q) C ' . -4 1929] NK>: cqJ nrj 04 *d . O;~. 00 r-ic y t-0 00 "d 1 4 Je c4 t4 - 't d +4~ 11-1 1114 r--l t,Q r-4 w cm 0 CD I 91 t tt- 4) . V3 -14 0.) N LI'D 7-4 r-I 202 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 N N Cr Z 0- P . pH q N LU i H - 00 U I C) Lo to Ci r- C*Iq O(: > r- r- C> = r z in r- r in to kmto r-j M oq cq cq to + H H H H H H + + + 4 U: o.~~ 0 O~~ O~~ O~~c~ObOtq 0 - l ~ ~~~~~ 1l l C I I _a e . c0 0 bp. I I m + 00 c)-d .i m+ - =_x Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 0 8 0 0- 00 :~~ .~~~ .~~ ~~ f- :a . '5 j :: * h- FS 0 at .s + 00 1-4 to + 0 C> CO 0 +4-. - .' a z *a ocj '-4- 0 0 - 1929] 203 00 0 eli cqi 00 0 + +T- a 00 a3 4._, -4 p Q)I 00 00 - Im I 0000tt eli + + 1-- - - 204 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 '-4 CO M 4.4 1.4 4? d) . - 14 "! , 9 1-1 '4-,; Cd J.'.4 m El 0 rc$ r- m9 . 8 % I t M -.4 di - ll-j -4 w w 0 0*0 +1 0 s 4 CO CD COq m m = t co 'V *4 410 Kil l I oo 04 q + O e X +W s b X w cq~ ~ ~ CO f:o t e44 'W U: CO: 1t-. 0 4 "di to to t- 00 m uO + + ~~ 10 C~~~0 o t o m410COt-.Oto 10 10 10 1010101010k I I~~~c C* CO3+ + ; -, g I-, e CD . a- 0~~~~0 I I - 01 *a04 o o P tJ + + ? ~~~~~~a CO to1 ]$29] Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 205 .F ,= co co .I I -4-2 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~e - ce ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ X* 4Q cq co4 Aa 4-a~~~~a o cd .a oI Sp..-SXX , ca P W4 0? N~~~~~. +<* +Xm 44. >V AS +YN + ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ C lz: os oe Aqe+ W se ss a Xooo wo o c ee OQ I .9 I, l e 0. w Cac;0 p 0 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C' w t mm -0 +o +3 + + + In 0 4 PA-.4c 10- C' PoO bO . 0Z C1V N 41 e O M ~ 1.4 L - t - M 0 )0 coo ZIC 0a a O to t 0- -f'i ~~~~~~~~~~~C Zs ~~~~c L2q .-, +O? C 4 i1 : a) dI0I co iN CO k~~~~~~~~~~~~~' 91 ol~~~~~ 1,92-9] 207 208 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 c z~'a ~ ~ a O' co P- 4 v40, a ct~f ,>, , oo I I I Ig I I t I I . V p.da a ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~ ~~~ V 'a~~~~~~~~~~A .- 10 15 . .5 co~~~~~~~ - : ~ 4,- 4 +' PIC I II1 I 14 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~4 Z's~ ro~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~r + +~~ 1129] Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Cd C3 cd Cd 's Cd Cis > ob. > - -4 -, . .- V Vu C -I ) V V 0 0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~0 01 0 I-1 0 1 So- ep. O x + + I I I I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~( > -IN l Cu~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C .CZ Cd~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C BB~~~~~~~~~-F BBB t + m Cu~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C 00 ~~00 ?~~~~~~c + w~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~1 tog v B 209 210 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 B ? 3 i , , 3 S g , 8 9 i - 's > ' ? ? ? ;~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.11, 1- cO ee + e eD b O 4Z + eo 0 O o o en n co coc c sc o oe c 00C 1."- ,^ 4, -g N N B ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~1 - 1929] Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 211 ez~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~c * a;* C;~~~~~~~~~ P *w * IQ (W xnt' > W 't > Y ?1 t -a B>B + > I:=BB> oo sr; o s a a a a .H a . H ~ ~~~~~~~~~~ k b O O; Ob l l~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~c L i I I~~~~~~~~~~~; m C)~ ;>1 P", $ a 0 ;> 0 e g 0 ec1 0 c_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 0: 0: Io: ;z PC cqa 00 - (D r-i oo M C) Pq E-i~~~~~~C t- z 0 0 0 0 H + + + oi + + + +~~~~~~~~~~'- 212 Univer8ity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 O -4 ac~ o v 1t t ~~~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 0 aq cq o CQ e o 5 -i o 00 4 oo - - - Q 43~ .~~ 0 ~~~~~ 000 - - - + ~~~~+ + + Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 0 * 4-. c * e Ce P- co o q + + + T, O H -q _ C 00 O 00 , a ,2 x , . ' I I . . +~~~~~~ .0 ~ . to 50 1.929] 213 214 Univer8ity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 * Ub oo A 0 Ua . W e e + e a g m ++ oo ~ 4- 0 ' - "D to -at ~~~~~~~z': ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~aa ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ a~~~~~~~~~4 o~~~ '~~~ a ~~~ 0- ;. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~r ~~4a~~a ~~~ c 1929] Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 215 CENSUS 3 Pala Cen.sus for the Year 1919 Compiled by E. W. Gifford from the Pala agency records, December 18, 1919, with the addition of tribe, village, moiety, and clan data from native informants,423 per E. W. Gifford and W. D. Strong Mol- No.424 Name Age Sex Relation Village ety Clan425 Tribe 1 Apapas, Celsa ................ 44 F Widow kulpa - ? Cu. 2 George ........... 25 M S kulpa C apapas Ca. 3 Claudia ........... 23 F D kuipa C apapas Ca. 4 Dovidia ........... 19 F D .kupa C apapas Ca. 5 James Edward ........... 17 M S kuipa C apapas Ca. 6 Celestina ............ 6 F D kiupa C apapas Ca. 7 Ardillo, Camillo ........... 32 M B Old Pala - kefiic L. (Ardea) 8 Febridad ........... 46 F B Old Pala - kefiic L. (Ardea) 9 Thecla ........... 43 F B Old Pala - kefiic L. (Ardea) 10 Francisco ........... 70 M W'r Old Pala - kefiic L. (Ardea) 11 Robert ........... 25 M S Old Pala - kefiic L. (Ardea) 12 William ........... 29 M S Old Pala - kefiic L. (Ardea) 13 Damicio ........... 32 M S Old Pala - kefiic L. (Ardea) 14 Barker, Valarianna .......... 76 F Widow kupa ? tcuitnikut Cu. 15 Sam ............... 43 M S "kupa C kavalim Cu. 16 Blacktooth, Pasqual ........ 64 M H kuapa C pumtum Cu. 17 Francisca ............... 54 F WV kilpa W auliatim Cu. 18 Felicidad ............... 22 F D .kupa C pumtum Cu. 19 Loretta ............... 17 F D kuipa C pumtum Cu. 20 Augustin ............... 14 M S kfipa C pumtum Cu. 21 Susanna ............... 27 F D .kupa C pumtum Cu. 22 Blacktooth, Marianno .... 35 M H kuapa C pumtum. Cu. 23 Lizzie ................ 30 F W San Felipe - ? D. 24 Peter .................5 M S Pala C pumtum. Cu. 25 Jos6 Cecelio .................:.3 M S Pala C pumtum. Cu. 26 ,1 ................ 1F D Pala C pumtum. Cu. 27 Brittain, Margarita ........ 63 F W kulpa W auliatim Cu. 28 Freeman, Juana (half white) ................ 23 F D kuipa W auliatim Cu. 423 Informat.ion obtained from native informant, Mrs. Margarita Brittain, and others. 424 Numbers are those of agency register. Addit.ions to agency register have "a" suffixed. 425 The tribe of the individual is the same as that of the father. If the father is white, then the tribe and clan is that to which the mother belongs. 216 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 C!NSUS 3-(Continued) Moi- No.424 Name Age Sex Relation Village ety Clan425 Tribe 29 August ................ 1 M GrS kupa W auliatim Cu. 30 Brittain Miguela .............. 41 F D kupa W auliatim Cu. 31 Mane Antonio ................ 33 F D kuapa W auliatim Cu. 32 Santiago ................ 32 M H kuapa W auliatim Cu. 32a Flora ................ F W Pichanga - ? L. 33 James F ..5 M S Pala W auliatim ? Cu. 34 Joseph Frementius . 7 M S Pala W auliatim ? Cu. 35 Margarita .6 F D Pala W auliatim ? Cu. 36 Paulina .3 F D Pala W auliatim ? Cu. 37 Beltran, Sinforosa . 19 F GrD Old Pala ? ? L. 38 Calac, Evorista . 38 F W Old Pala ? ? L. 39 Castillo, Adelina . 31 F GrD Old Pala - ? L. 40 Chapulo, Trincolina . 40 F D kflpa - ? D. 41 Chavez, Antonio . 44 M B kuipa W tiicvikin. Cu. 42 Jose Maria ............... 53M H kiapa W tficvikin. Cu. 43 Nievas .51 F W kulpa W sivimuiat Cu. 44 Angelita .31............... 3F D kpa W tfievikin. Cu. 45 Rosalie ...............20F kDupa W tilevikin. Cu. 46 Amelia .16............... F D Pala W tficvikin. Cu. 47 Christina ............... 15F D Pala W tucvikin. Cu. 48 Tomas .14............... M S Pala W tuievikin. Cu. 49 Sylverio .10 M S8 Pala W tuievikin. Cu. 50 Chutnicut, Francisco . 47 M H kuapa? ? tcultnikut Cu. 51 Chutnicut, Frank Howry 1 M S Pala ? tcuatnikut Cu. 52 Marcos ..............30M B kuipa ? tcuitnikut Cu. 53 Chuparosa, Cecelio (dead) .104 M W'r wilakal ? tiaevikin. Cu. 54 Freeman, Florence . 8 F D Pala ? ? ? 55 Regus .6 M S Pala ? ? ? 56 Garland, Blastro . 29 M H San Felipe - ? D. 57 Alessandro .1 M S Pala ? ? ? 58 Garcia, Ramon . 27 M B Old Pala - ? L. 59 Griffith, Manuela ............ 67 F Widow kupa W sivimuiat Cu. 60 Golsh, Albert .............. 33 M H Old Pala - ? L. 61 Golsh, .............._- M S Old Pala - ? ? 62 Golsh, M..... M S Old Pala - ? ? 63 Lancaster, Frances .......... 57 F Widow Old Pala - ? L. 64 Apemanio ...... 22 M S Old Pala - ? ? 65 Amelia .... 20 F D Old Pala - ? ? 66 Annessetta .............. 18 F D Old Pala - ? ? 67 Guadelupe .............. 26 F D Old Pala - ? ? 68 Lachuza, Jose Juan .......... 61 M W'r kuipa ? ? ? 69 Leo, Anselmo .............. 75 M W'r kilrpa - ? D. 70 Linton, Magdalena .......... 40 F Widow kuipa - ? ? 71 Lugo, Encarnaciona ........ 76 F Widow Old Pala - ? L. 72 Remijio .... 45 M H Paul C h6kwitc. Ca. 73 Angelita ..... 47 F W kulpa C kavalim Cu. I I I I I I Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California CENsus 3- (Continued) Moi- A Name Age Sex Relation Village ety Clan425 Tribe A ntonio................................ N em isio.............................. Stephen................................ R am on.................................. Escolastica........................ Maria Niquela.................. Lugo, Eustarkio................ Lyon, W illie...................... Florian .... W illie Jr............................. Mechac, Marcos................ Jose M aria.......................... M ystica................................ Juan...................................... ...................... Frank................................... R ebecca.............................. R afael.................................. A gatha................................ Faustine.............................. .... .................. Moro, Adolpho Sr........... A ndrew ................................ A dolpho Jr......................... C harles................................ D om ingo.............................. N icholasa............................ A gnes A nnie........................ C atherine............................ N ejo, Jose.......................... Josepha................................ Jose Jr................................. John...................................... Felicidad............................ Nogales, Jose.................... Nolasquez, Ramon.......... C arolina.............................. Cecelio................................ R afael.................................. Salvador.............................. R osinda................................ Claudina.............................. Felipa.................................. Louis .................................... O rtega, Jesus...................... Jacinta............................... E varista.............................. 19 13 7 56 54 47 64 31 3 2 69 85 20 33 3 32 26 6 4 3 1 83 39 29 22 43 21 14 87 79 47 4 26 39 47 45 43 35 58 27 39 17 14 46 44 19 M M M M F F M M M M M M F M M M M M F M M M M M M M F F F M F M M F M M F M M M F F F M M F F S S S B B W H H S S W'r H D H S B Widow S D S S H B B B H Widow D D H Widow S GrS D H B B B B W'r D W(168) D S H Widow D Pala Pala Pala Old Pala Old Pala kulpa Pala Pala Puerta Cruz Puerta Cruz kupa kupa Pala kiupa kulpa Pala Pala Pala Pala kulpa kuipa kupa kupa kfipa kupa San Felipe San Felipe Pala kripa kupa kuipa kupa kupa kulpa kuapa kilpa kupa Pala Pala kupa C C C C C C C C C C C C C ? hokwitc. h6kwitc. h6kwitc. kaval kaval kaval hilelba' hilelba' hilelba' hilelba' hilelba' hilelba' hilelba' tcuitnikut tcuitnikut tcuitnikut tcuitnikut pumtum. saulvil saulvil saulvil saulvil saulvil saulvil saulvil saulvil sauivil Santa Ysabel - ? Pala C sauivil Ca. Ca. Ca. Cu. Cu. Cu. L. L. L. L. L. L. L. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Ca. D. D. D. D. D. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. D. Cu. No.424 74 75 76 77 78 79 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 98a 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107 108 109 110 111 112 113 114 115 116 117 118 119 I I I f I I I I 1,929] 217 218 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 CENSUS 3-(Continued) Mol- No.424 Name Age Sex Relation Village ety Clan425 Tribe 120 Juan de Mater ................. 13 M S Pala C saulvil Cu. 121 Francisco Javiel ................ 11 M S Pala C saulvil Cu. 122 Cecelia .................. 9 F D Pala C saulvil Cu. 123 Gregory .................. 7 M S Pala C saulvil Cu. 124 Ambrosio ................. 50 M B kuapa C saulvil Cu. 125 John ................. 42 M H kuipa C saulvil Cu. 126 Nellie ............. 28 F Widow San Jose - ? D. 127 Maria Magdalena ............ 8 F D Pala C saulvil Cu. 128 Bitus ..............6 M S Pala C saulvil Cu. 129 Ferdinand .............. 3 M S Pala C saulvil Cu. 130 Josephine .............. 4 F D Pala C saulvil Cu. 131 Owlinguish, Petronilla .... 13 F Orphan Pala W aulifiawic Cu. 132 Christina .................. 9 F Orphan Pala W aulifiawic Cu. 133 Lucretia .................. 8 F Orphan Pala W auliniawic Cu. 134 Jose Juan ................. 75 M H kuipa W aulifiawic Cu. 135 Rafaela ............... 48 F Widow kuapa C saulvil Cu. 136 Henry ............... 20 M S kipa C saulvil Cu. 137 Louis ..... .......... 30 M B kuipa C saulvil Cu. 138 Quashish, Marcelino ........ 69 M H kuipa _ ? L. 139 Josepha ............... 59 F Widow ? - ? L. 140 Pefia, Nicholas ............... 37 M B kuipa W taka'at Cu. 141 Cornelius ............... 33 M B kuipa W taka'at Cu. 142 Johnson, Juliana ............... 26 F Widow kuipa W taka'at Cu. 143 Portillo, Florencio ............ 32 M H San Felipe - ? D. 144 Regina ............... 35 F Widow kuipa C sauwvil Cu. 145 Dominga ..........8 F D San Felipe ? D. 146 Rita ..........6 F D San Felipe ? D. 147 Josephine ..........5 F D San Felipe ? D. 148 Magdalena ..........2 F D San Felipe ? D. 149 Quitac, Lucas ......... 33 M H San Felipe ? D. 150 Francisca ............... 45 F Widow San Felipe ? D. 151 Reiter, Andrea Moro ...... 49 F Widow kupa ? ? ? 152 Robles, Remijio ............... 30 M B San Felipe _ ? D. 153 Romero, Julio ............. 31 M H kulpa W aulifiawic Cu. 154 Garcia, Cinciona ............. 30 F Widow Old Pala - ? L. 155 Roberts, Julianna ............ 45 F Widow kulpa ? tcuitnikut Cu. 156 Romero, Manuela ............ 31 F Widow kuipa W aulifiawic Cu. 157 Salazar, Maria .......... 69 F Widow Old Pala - ? L. 158 Sebastian ............... 20 M S ? ? ? ? 159 Albino ............... 24 M S Old Pala - ? L. 160 Scholder, Genevieve Barker ............... 39 F W .kupa C kaval Cu. 161 Marcella ............... 19 F D .kupa C kaval Cu. 162 Alexander ............... 18 M S Pala C kaval Cu. 163 Joseph Abraham .............. 13 M S Pala C kaval Cu. 164 Virginia ............... 10 F D Pala C kaval Cu. 165 Bernice Genevieve ............6 F D Pala C kaval Cu. - -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California CENSUS 3- (Continued) 424 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Moi- No.424 Name Age Sex Relation Village ety Clan425 Tribe W illiam ................................ Sivimuat, Sinon................ G abriel................................ (number not used) Sivimuat, Esperanza........ Zenobia................................ Soto, Benicio..................... M elvina............................... D uro, Juan......................... Catherine........................... R am on................................. Pico, Joe............................. Scott, Filemino............... Ramona Golsh................. M arian............................... Ethel................................... .................................. Trujillo, Esperanza......... Vivianna............................. Albino................................. D elfrida............................. Florian............................... M artha............................... Valenzuela, Salvadora... Claudina (H )..................... Nadine Helen................... Mojado, Catherine Valen.............................. Francis............................... Lucille................................. Ortega, Margaret........... Ortega, Guadelupe......... .................................. .................................. Welmas, Cayutan........... Casilda............................... Rufina................ M iguel................................. Jose Juan........................... R osa..................................... Serafina............................... Philip................................... M erced............................... Sibimoat, Juan Maria..... R dm ona............................. 4 89 50 41 37 39 40 23 20 10 8 37 28 6 3 1 34 12 9 6 3 3mo 45 26 1 24 4 3 23 7 2 1 59 46 21 18 14 11 8 28 26 68 65 M M M F F M F M F M M M F F F F F F M F M F F F F F M F F F F M M F F M M F F M F M F S W'r H(14) Widow Widow H Widow S sD sS Orphan H Widow D D D Widow D S D S D Widow Widow D Widow S D Widow D D S H W D S S D D S D H Widow Pala kfipa kuipa kuipa kfipa Puerta Cruz kulpa Old Pala Old Pala Old Pala Old Pala Old Pala Old Pala Old Pala Old Pala Old Pala kuapa Pala Pala Pala Pala Pala kuipa C W W W W C W Mesa Grande - ? Pala - ? Mesa Grande I - ? La Jolla La Jolla kuapa Pala Pala Pala Portuguese kupa kfupa Pala Pala Pala Pala kuapa kfipa kulpa kulpa kaval sivimuaat sivimuiat sivimilat sivimuaat saulvil aulifiawic Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. L. Cu. L. L. L. L. L. L. L. L. L. Cu. L. L. L. L. L. W I sivimuiat I Cu. W W W W W W W C aulifiawic aulifiawic aulifiawic aulifiawic aulifiawic aulifiawic aulifiawic aulifiawic aulifiawic sivimfiat kaval D. I D. L. L. Cu. I Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. Cu. 426 Que number, 169, not used. Four extra "ea" numbers. Total: 211. 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175a 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 187a 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204 205 206 207 208426 - I I_ 1929] 219 220 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 THE ORGANIZATION OF THE CLAN The mythical origin of the kulpa clans appears in the latter part of the kuipa decimation and revival legend.427 This is given in com- plete form below, but that part concerning the origin of the clans is repeated here. Kisil-piwic and his mother, having destroyed their enemies, were alone at kuipa. His mother was grinding acorn meal when from the west she saw two women approaching. She called to her son, telling him that two persons-women not warriors-were approaching. The women came to a patch of wild currants and hid there. So kisil-piwic sent his mother to bring them to kulpa. She found the girls and asked them if they were not afraid. They replied that they were not. Then the mother said, " You have come to carry wood and water for me." She took the two sisters, who were from taka 'at (base of Smith mountain in Luiseno territory), and brought them to her son. He married both of them. First the older sister had two sons, then the younger sister had one son. When the sons of the elder sister grew up they married sivimfiatim women. These were southerners from tfiuhut and tfievull (about six miles south of kuipa). The son of the younger sister married an alifiawitcem woman from soluikma (near wilakal). Each of those families also had children. The oldest son and his wife were very good to kisil-piwic; the others were not. This made the old man very angry and he called all his descendants together. Then he said, "This is my eldest son; his name shall be kaval-he will see farther and own more land than all others." Then to the second son he said, "Build your house away at siteciil (place under thorny bushes), and call yourselves pumtumatuilnikic (black tooth), for you are stingy and must live there." To the third son he said, "Go to the north and call yourselves temewhanitc (northerner)." Thus, from the beginning, all the kulpa people were close relatives. The above legend states thAt kisil-piwic and his sons intermarried with one Luisenfo clan and two Diegueino clans, all three of whom belonged to the wildcat moiety, whereas the three clans founded by the sons were of the coyote moiety. The legendary genealogy of the kuipa clans is as follows: Mythical Kffpa Genealogy kisil-piwic (Cahuilla?) - 1st kavalim (Cu.) + 5 taka 'atim (Luis.) + ? sivimfiat (Dieg.) Ist pumtumatullniktcum (Cu.) L + ? sivimfiat (Dieg.) + 2 taka 'atim (Luis.) 1st temewhaniteem (Cu.) + ? aullatim (Dieg.) 427 The two Cupefio women who told this legend belonged to the sivimflat clan. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California According to informants the three wildcat lineages in clan 4 (see table 8) have always been united under one head, lineage 4a usually having the chief, although lineage 4b has had several recorded leaders of the group. Lineage 4c seems to have always been under the domination of one of the others. According to tradition the sivi- milatim people who did not unite with the other Cupeino remained at t.iuhut and continued to talk the Diegue-no language while the kudpa branch spoke Cupefio. The ancestors of the three coyote clans (1-3) were supposed to have originally come from San Ignacio and to have spoken Cahuilla. According to theory their founder kisil-piwic gave all the lands to his oldest son, the first kaval, and he in turn allotted parts to each of the other clans. The saulvilem clan members are Mountain Cahuilla from San Ignacio who came to kfipa only about three generations ago, intermarried with the kavalim clan, and shared their lands with them. The two main Cupeino informants, Mrs. Griffith and Mrs. Valenzuela, claimed that clans 1 and 2 were considered as close relatives and could not marry, but that either clan could marry into clan 3. They explained this dissolution of the moiety bond on the grounds that the ancestors of clans 1 and 2 were full brothers as shown above in the legendary genealogy, and that their descendants always lived very close to one another, while clan 3, although supposedly founded by a half-brother, had its home territory farther away. This assumed correlation between propinquity and consanguinity apparently played a rather large role in determining marriage and other regulations. It will be discussed in more detail later. There is no clan origin myth on record for the village of wilalkal. It seems certain however that the tcuitnikut clan (no. 6) was of Diegueiio origin. Even today their songs and rituals are in that language. The tilevikinvatim clan (no. 7) on the other hand seems to be of Cahuilla origin, and their ceremonies are conducted in that language. Whether either of these clans belonged to either of the moiety divisions is not positively known. Gifford has stated that both belonged to the wildcat moiety,428 and such is the general opinion of kuipa people. When the actual cases of marriage involving these two clans are considered, it appears that there are more marriages not in accord with such a moiety alignment than are in accord with it. Moreover, there are several cases of intermarriage between these two clans in comparatively early times. This is not characteristic of any 428Present series, 14:193, 1918. Am. Anthr., n. s., 28:395, 1926. 1929] 221 222 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 of the other dichotomous groups we have considered except certain of the Pass Cahuilla clans where the moiety ruling had become almost obsolete. As later discussion will show, the people at kiupa considered the moiety bond rather lightly, yet their marriages are much more in accord with it than are those at wilakal. Evidently wilakal was, on the border of that area where dichotomy prevailed and it seems possible that neither clans 6 or 7 belonged to one moiety or the other. The clan genealogies at kuipa reveal much the same social situation as prevailed among the Cahuilla but the clans appear to have been larger and more stabilized. The genealogy of the kavalim clan (genealogy 14) covers five generations, the three male survivors being now men of middle age or more. The relationships of the various branches of the clan are indicated by the lines, question marks indi- cating persons in the line of descent whose names were not remem- bered. Those relationships where connections are established through unremembered ancestors are not so hypothetical as they may appear, for.they are based o-n the degree of relationship said to exist between the parties concerned. The indications are that five generations ago the kaval lineage might have been reduced to one family. This is a possibility, but it is much more probable that the collateral branches extend farther baek than the reconstruction indicates. On the other hand there seems no reason to doubt the fundamental lineage nature of the group. In nearly all cases the degree of relationship, usually cousinship, was remembered by the living people and no persons were encountered in the various censuses or genealogical lists who did not show some degree of relationship to the main line, which on account of its completeness may be taken as that from Antonio kaval down to Mauricio and Lazarus Laws. The latter surname marks an interest- ing series of name changes from kaval, nicknamed Garra, through kaval, nicknamed nauwilot, to Laws, which is a refined pronuinciation of nauwilot or louse. The genealogy shows clearly how nicknames acquired by individuals may later be applied to lineages or clans. One individual, Antonio, was nicknamed Garra, but this name seems to have disappeared. Two of his sons (299, 344) were nicknamed nauwilot, and this name, today translated Laws, was passed on. Another son (211) was nicknamed teanialaiialic, or sprout, and this name passed on to his son. Likewise one: of Antonio's cousins (247) was nicknamed nilka, or daughter-in-law, and this name was also passed down in his line. The above nicknames according to. inform- ants were in the main acquired by amatory episodes which excited Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the mirth of the people. The importance of the custom was shown especially well by the five branch Cahuilla lineages at Los Coyotes, which acquired their individual names in this fashion. Luisefno data from La Jolla, to be given later, show the same process. In the light of these cases we may without undue theorizing assume that had any branches of the kaval clan been forced to move away on account of food scarcity or other causes, they would in the course of a few generations have become known by the above or similar nicknames, while the name kaval would in time become unknown to them. How often this has happened in the past to the clans we are considering can naturally never be known, but it is a process which may be seen going on among the groups under consideration. A brief study of the kavalim genealogy gives a striking illustration of the way in which the numbers of the clan have fallen off in the last two generations. Of the fourteen men in the next to the last genera- tion one man is alive. Of the last generation only five are on record, and of these only two are known to be alive. One generation has practically seen the extermination of the largest and most powerful Cupeiio clan. The same state of rapid decline is shown in all the other kulpa genealogies, where the high mortality and sterility of the groups is striking. It affords a clear example of a decline in population due to a new and uncongenial environment. From contemporary accounts it would seem that the same fate quickly befell the natives trans- planted to the missions in earlier times. The Cupefio as a whole were not taken away under the old mission regime, but the later forced move to Pala greatly accelerated a decline already under way. The causes for the marked sterility, which more than infant or adult mortality is bringing about the decline of the native southern Cali- fornia population, are easy to guess at. But exactly how they operate in a biological way is almost entirely unknown. One of the reasons for including all the Cupenio census data in the present paper is the hope that they may be of value in attacking this and similar problems. To return to the clan situation at kiupa, the kavalim clan had three male members known to be alive in 1919, pumtumatftlniktcum clan six, temewhanitcem clan nine, taka'atim lineage two, sivimuiatim lineage two, auliniawitcem lineage three, and the saulvilem Cahuilla clan eight. This last clan, as the genealogy shows, has only been at kulpa for four generations, having moved there from Los Coyotes canyon in Cahuilla territory. As no recent census of wilakal was obtained, it is not possible to determine exactly what proportion of 1929] 223 224 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 the persons in the, two wilakal elan genealogies survive at present. The genealogies (21-22), which are less complete than those of kuipa clans, indicate nevertheless that much the same decrease in population has occurred at both villages. The genealogy of the pumtumatillniktcum clan (genealogy 15), differs in no essential from that of the kaval clan save that there seems to have been less tendency for collateral branches to acquire nicknames. There are fewer collateral branches, which may in part account for the scarcity in nickna.mes. The lineage nature of the group is clearly demonstrated by the genealogy. The last, clan of the coyote moiety, the temewhanitcem, is represented by only three males, one paternal uncle and two brothers (genealogy 16). These men are all dead and the clan is now extinct. According to the Cupeiio divi- sion of lands (to be discussed later), this must once have been an import.ant group, but these few survivors are all that informants can remember today. The genealogies give no clear evidence bearing on the reputed relationship between these clans and the kavalim clan. The Mounta.in Cahuilla saulvilem clan also represents one lineage (genealogy 18). Women of this clan married men of the kavalim clan, and the group under Ambrosio saulvil seems to have moved from Los Coyotes t.o ktupa under the auspices of the kavalim clan who shared their food-gathering areas with them. They are better repre- sented in Pala today than are most of the true Cupefio clans. The Cupefio lineages of the wildcat moiety (genealogies 17, 19, 20) offer nothing new or unusual in their individual organization. The taka 'atim genealogy (17) is clearly that of one closely united lineage, showing few collateral branches and no tendency toward nicknames. According to informants this is a related branch of the two following lineages, but the genealogies shed no direct light on this statement. The sivimuiatim lineage, like the kavalim clan, consists of many collateral lines of descent evidently having a common origin many generations back. One branch had acquired the name Moro as a pseudonym, but in the main sivimulat has persisted as a family name to the present time. Four generations back from the present finds four collateral lines still in existence, and it isi clear that their con- vergence must have occurred a.t least two generations before this. Informants claim that the line in which Francisco sivimiuat (571) appears (see top of genealogy 19), is related to the auliniawic lineage in the following genealogy (20), but the exact degree of cousinship could not be given. It is probable, though not demonstrable by the Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California genealogies at hand, that common ancestors to both these lineages would be found in the fourth, fifth, or sixth generations back from the present. The aulifnawiteem genealogy (20), already referred to, is clearly that of one lineage. There is thus some probability but no positive proof that the informants are correct in their claims that the three wildcat lineages were once one family, and were thus related by a blood as well as a clan and a moiety bond. The striking fact that both clan and moiety coincide will be discussed later. As has been previously stated no genealogical or detailed informa- tion was obtained at, wilakal, and as a result the genealogies of the clans at that place compiled from informa.tion furnished by kupa people are incomplete. The t-levikinvatim genealogy (21) however shows the lineage nature of this clan, with no more gaps in the rela.- tionships than occur in most of the kiipa genealogies. The tciitnikut genealogy (22), if such it may be called, leaves much to be desired, for there is no reliable information in regard to the exact relationship of the various collateral branches. The number of these branches is not greater than that of the other Cupefno clans which are known to be of a lineage organization, and there is reason to suppose that with more information their relationship to each other would appear. In general it appears that the three coyote moiety clans are reputed to be of one stock but cannot be demonstrated as such by the genealogies; whereas the three wildcat lineages are likewise reputed to be of one stock and their genealogies purport to show where the connecting links occur, but do not demonstrate them with any degree of exactness. When the various lineages of certain Desert and Mountain Cahuilla clans were considered, such reputed clan relation- ships were actually demonstrated (see genealogies 6 and 10). But in ea.ch case the separation of collateral branches in the lineage to form separate clans occurred within five generations. Among the Cupeno the clan organization seems more stable and as a result the earlier connections between lineages are more remote and harder to trace. Clan number 1 (see genealogy 14) extends back five generations in the genealogy, and would probably require one or two generations to reduce it to one family (i.e., father and sons). Clan 2 (genealogy 15) extends back five generations, and would likewise require one or two generations to reduce it to one family. Clan 3 (genealogy 16) shows only a fragment in its genealogy, the line being practically extinct. Lineage 4b (genealogy 20) extends back only three generations, though there may have been collateral branches which had become 1lf29] 225 226 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 to " aa 4 O 10 V 0 eP a oq 0 = 0 to 0 a- -- Ce a c CQ aq0 eo a*- cl a a _ 01CO X0 CO CO l 01 o 4 O a .a a ca a 0 C 0 C I -4 .,-j r0 CO - 0 g -4 4 a a0 9 CO 0) 0 ) E 01 t '- c4 + k 0 4al a) l .: CO 0101 0101 I I I I_ 0 -4 o ~0 10 0 CO 0 w 0 C O C O CO C O) -4 L W4 - 0 d 0 4? ) a 0 t- t- 0 1 0 0 0 a o a a a 0 O I I a a 0- c a-) I"1 0d-c O . a: q - L Ca~~~ 'o 0 cd t- a- o .t IjcqO Q) 4) Do a co CYD H ............. ce b 4) Cy; o a4 aV at C H1O CO01 I J~~~~~~~4 ~f4 Zzz aq t I Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 0 O ~0 Cd c P .4 p j 4 ,- o ) 00 m O)t 00 bo m 0 C C .- q o f to- 0 *~~~~~~~~~C ,~~ ~ ~ 4 .~~~ ~c ce ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ c ~~~~~~~~~~~~k 1J929] 227 w 6~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 6- O0- 228 University of California Publications in Aim. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 '4 X a o o be X a) O) CY Cl 4Q Q C 0 _ I 640 e-4 -C C0 0L 4041 00 0 CD 0A 3 , C,~~~~~C M Pq a CO0001CO4o 101001o0t dq 4 .40 0.i ~ t, -4 4 I-' 0, Go C) 0 '-.4 *rl (D ce m ~ ~ ~ ce r o 00 km v 0 2~ ~ ~~1 1~~~~~0 40 ^ P4~~~~~~~~~4 km b~~~~- U, o 40 e0 0 0 o 0 C l I I I to 1 r4 r) C I I z P ,, C D N bo .4 CD I I Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California * q C03 c O O Ci CQ t- 0 o o 0 0 OD I- O c W~~~ ~ ~~~~ 10 z *g 0 0 C2 C 0 -r 00c Go 000 . = J4 '~4 d) : Oe a . ? m 1 01 01 01 0 CQ Cl CQ aq CQ a 4 0 a 0 to 0) 00 410 Cs m Da -00 00 - p- 0 'c at U 1 0 1 0 1 0 m !I I .z . rH r oo 0 aQ 4CQ L' LM ul in m u 0 a az O) O - X a I 0 0) PV 0 -0 0 0 ae 0 0).' 0 O a l o- o P) aq C 0 1 O O U-: 01 .e. 10 0 o 0) 0 )C O * e ' * o W * S . CO 0 I 1 1929] 229 I 0- 0- 6- 6 . 230 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 +4 4 4 u tD oo b HCQ 0 O o 0 Y z~~ B O- C CO aso 0 C 0 lO Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California bo 0 o 0 00 0 o o 00 00 .00 i-I 0 o o e cc 0 o o P 14 0~ 0 ro ~ 4O 0~00 r- cqm 00 5 t.0 0 -o X I I +? ; O0<) I YY 00 Q CO te 0 1- o to PbI ..4 0 0o 0 00 0 00 0 - * -4 0 . ce 3- 00 000 o o 0 w o Y z i- C E-q Y- t- cr c q 4-. c t- t- 00 oo 0 I C) 0) CI2 .) o X m 0 4 .o Pq m E-4 ': B B I . ,I , 0 0 v co I I 1929] 231 I I 232 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 00~~~~~~ w 0e- I -4-3 GO ce ~ cd ce~~~ 110 01 --~0 -1 ~ ~ P ~ 01 ~~~~q q c 4 a Aa~~~~ z ~ ~~~ a- oc>c o r. l a~~~ -4 01 c0 0l bId aq a- a" Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California extinct by this time. The same is true of lineage 4c (genealogy 17). It is possible that both these lineages branched off from lineage 4a in this or the preceding generation, but if so the exact connections have been forgotten. Lineage 4a (genealogy 19) extends back four genera- tions and would undoubtedly have required at least two or three more generations to reduce it to a single family. It is thus patent that the individual lineages were more tenacious among the Cupeno than among their northern neighbors. The Cupeino, almost in the center of the area under consideration and occupying an unusually productive and favorable ecologic niche, appear to have been the most stable of any of the groups so far con- sidered in maintaining their lineage groupings. In no other essential, however, does the Cupeiio clan seem to have differed from that of their neighbors, among many of whom the reputed early relationships between individual lineages can be established by genealogies. The Clan Fetish Bundle The masvut, or clan fetish bundle, was as important among the Cupenio as among the Cahuilla. It consisted of a roll of matting about six feet long by three feet wide made of fine pointed mountain reeds called sulyil.429 In this bundle were commonly placed the paviut, a crystal-headed wand; uilat, the eagle-feather skirt; keiihut, strings of shell beads; tclatem, eagle-down headbands; aiilem, turtle-shell rattles; and other ceremonial impedimenta. The contents of the bundle with the addition of ceremonial gifts were called numhut, which is translated as "treasure. " This bundle was highly venerated, and strips of the matting were formerly employed as frames for the images burned at the mourning ceremony. The masvut bundle was ordinarily kept rolled up, and was hung in a dark corner of the clan lea-der's dwelling, which was also the ceremonial house. The clan leader was the only person permitted to touch it, and on his death it was taaken by his successor. Portions of the numhut or "treasure," and strips of masvut were given away to other clan leaders at import- ant ceremonies, but the original bundle wrapping was always retained. When the numhut, or the masvut, was moved for any purpose, women accompanied it to "feed it" acorn meal. These women seem to have been those who had married into the elan as well as those born in it. The masvut food was called penut kawa, apparently an archaic term. 429 According to Gifford, S. Cal., 198, this matting, which he calls "masbat," is made of Epicampes grass. 1929] 233 234 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Each clan of the coyote moiety formerly had a masvut bundle, but there was only one wildcat moiety or clan bundle. This bundle was formerly in the sivimuiatim lineage, but later was transferred to the auliniawitcem lineage. The taka'atim lineage seems never to have possessed the bundle and the ceremonial leadership thereby implied. Details concerning the transfer of the bundle and leadership would be of great interest, but they do not seem to be obtainable at this late date. Moreover the importance of the sacred bundle, priest, and cere- monial house was not fully realized by either Gifford or myself at the time we did most of our work with the Cupenio, and many details con- cerning the complex may still be obtainable that were then overlooked. It is this, complex that arbitrarily separates the clan, as the term is here employed, from the pure lineage as defined among the Miwok by Gifford.430 As the southern California clan may only consist of one small lineage that possesses the complex, this distinction may seem too arbitrary; but as this clan may also consist of several only remotely related lineages, as among the Mountain Cahuilla and Cupefno, the distinction in terms seems justified. When one speaks of separately named lineages that together form one clan, the two terms are essen- tial. While the sacred bundle, priest, and ceremonial house complex is also "the heart " of the "party," that organization, as it is com- posed of unrelated lineages and is not exogamous, will not be con- fused with the clan, which is exogamous and held together by kinship as well as ceremonial bonds. THE STATUS OF THE MOIETY A tendency not to take the moiety division of Cupeiio clans seriously prevailed among all the Cupeno questioned. They say that the division was just a legend and really had little value. They claim that none of the three wildcat lineages at kudpa could intermarry, be-cause they were all blood relatives, and not because they were of one moiety. Correspondingly, kaval and pumtumatullnikic people may not marry because they are close relatives, but either may marry with temewhanic people because the latter lived farther away and were less closely related. Theoretically the two wilakal clans are assigned to the wildcat moiety, but actually they seem to have been little affected by any regard for the moiety. There is no clearly expressed belief in any eponymous moiety ancestor. 430 Am. Anthr., n. s., 28:389, 1926. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California "In the beginning, " it is said, "coyote was a person; so was wild- cat. They married. Wildcat was a woman, coyote a man. " Another story says that coyote was lazy,432 and when he hunted only killed crickets and frogs. His wife was a wildcat. She got sick when she ate them, but coyote did not. A wildcat man however married a coyote woman and he killed rabbits and quail which they both ate.433 Formerly when a wildcat was brought into the village by hunters, all the girls of the islam (coyote) moiety gathered in a circle around it, and sang the following song: "tuikutuima-a-a-! (wildcat) mfitihut-a-a-a! (short, bob-tail) uhmfitihut-a-a-a ! (flat-faced) tfikut nahanic! " (wildcat, old man) Each line was repeated three times. When a coyote was brought in, all the girls of the tulktum (wildcat) moiety sang: "isilim-a-a-a ! (coyote) sivihut-a-a-a! (lean) tcllhut-a-a-a! (sneaky) Isil nahanic" (coyote, old man) The animals were then taken to the clan leader's house and divided up in the same way as a deer or any other game animal. Obviously there was no taboo on eating the flesh of the moiety animal. In t.he boys' and girls' initiation ceremonies, neophytes of the coyot.e moiety were painted with stripes, those of the wildcat moiety with spots. The colors used were red and black, and the custom of differential marking, as among the Cahuilla, was associated with the commands of the moon in mythical times. This ritual, it is said, was especially connected with pukuvyahil, the feather dance, which informants say was given the temewhanic clan by the, neighboring Luiseijo. One of Gifford's informants stated that the moiety originated at a meeting in ancient times at kfipa, when some of the old men said they would be tfikut, and the others said they would be isil. The same informant sa.id that tiiktum people called the wildcat nuiplwl, which approaches the Cahuilla term "my great-grandparent, " and the islam people designated the coyote in the same manner. All the Cupeiao, he Added, called the bear by the same term. Neither Mulkat nor Tumal- yauit, nor t.he sun or moon, were definitely aligned with either of the 432 This is the opposite of the coyote moiety characteristics given Gifford by a Oupeflo informant at Banning, present series, 14:192, 1918. 433 This suggests a southern Dieguefio story of coyote and wildcat, recorded by Spier, present series, 20:332-333, 1923. 1929] 235 236 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 moieties so far as could be ascertained. The moiety origin myth frag- ment published by Gifford434 could not be verified, and appears to be a somewhat garbled version of the Cahuilla creation story. No division of animals or plants into one or the other moieties was remembered by any Cupeino informant questioned. The house census of kuipa between the years "1865" and 1902 (census 1) lists thirty-four marriages between clan members belong- ing to that village (table 15). Of these, thirty-two are in accord with the rule of moiety exogamy and only two are not. This demonstrates conclusively that however lightly the Cupeino may at present consider the moiety classification it formerly exerted a strong control over marriages between clans. It is possible that the assumed relationship between clans 1-3, and between lineages 4a4c (table 8) was the con- trolling factor and not the moiety at all. But even if this latter view is taken it seems probable that there exists some etiological connection between such an alignment and the moiety classification. This will be discussed presently. The marriages between wilakal clan members living at kuipa show much less regard for moiety exogamy. Of twelve such marriages involving members of the tcuitnikut clan, seven are in accord with the rule and five are not. Of seven such marriages involving members of the tuievikinvatim clan, three are in accord with the rule and four are not. Practically all these marriages were with kilpa clan members. There likewise appears to have been no moiety control exerted in marriages between Cahuilla clans and kilpa clans, for of thirty-two such matings, eleven are in accord with the rule, seventeen a-re not, and four cases are doubtful (see table 15). At the village of wilakal during this period ("1865" to 1902) there are sixteen marriages between Cupeino clan members on record, and of these only five are in accord with moiety exogamy, while eleven are not (see table 16). When the marriages between wilakal clans and Cahuilla clans are considered (table 14), of the twenty-eight recorded cases, thirteen are in accord with the moiety ruling, fourteen are not in accord, and one case is doubtful. Naturally, since both wilakal clans were assigned by informants to the wildcat moiety, the eight cases of marriage occurring between them were contrary to any rule of exogamy. The actual cases therefore demonstrate that wilakal marriages were uncontrolled by any rule of moiety exogamy, and it may be presumed that if such dichotomy was rmognized there at all 434 S. Cal., 192. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California it had very slight importance. More detailed information on the nature of Cupeiio marriages will be presented in the following section devoted to that subject, but from the foregoing it is obvious that kulpa was characterized by exogamous moieties, while at wilakal if such a dichotomy were present at all it exerted no influence on actual marriages. It has been suggested as a possibility that the Cupeiio moiety originated through the settlement of the three wildcat lineages with the three original Cupeino coyote clans.435 The foregoing data lend considerable corroboration to such an hypothesis. In the clan formed by the three wildcat lineages we have for the first time encountered an identity between clan and moiety. Moreover the three coyote clans regarded one another as blood relatives, as did the wildcat lineages, and each regarded endogamous marriages as improper because of assumed kinship rather than as a violation of an arbitrary moiety rule. The three coyote clans according to their mythology are of Cahuilla origin, while two of the wildcat line-ages claim to be of Dieguenio origin436 and the third is said to be of Luisenio origin. Whether the three wildcat lineages are really collateral branches of one parent stock, or whether the third lineage of stipposed Luisenio origin was only ceremonially affiliated in the clan and moiety, cannot be positively ascertained. The fact that the three formed an exo- gamous group suggests the former explanation, while the fact that the third lineage was always subordinate to the other two suggests the latter. Be that as it may, the fact that the coyote clans claim to be of Cahuilla origin, while the two most important wildcat lineages claim to be of Diegueino origin has a still further significance. The Cahuilla group nearest to the Cupeino formerly lived at wiliya (San Ignacio) in Los Coyotes canyon, and consisted of one clan composed of five related lineages collectively called wiwaiistam, named after wiwallsil, the legendary founder of the clan. They were known as the "coyote people." from the latter part of their clan name. The first portion of the name, wlwailsil, suggests wewal, the Cahuilla term for rain,437 but this is not certain. The coyote had a peculiar significance to this 485 Gifford, Am. Anthr., n.s., 28:345, 1926 436 Mrs. Griffith says that in her mother's time there was a related branch of sivimflat people who had a Dieguefio name. These lived at matkwai in Dieguefio territory, and they always came to sivimfiat ceremonies at kuipa. The Cupenlo sivimuiat people also went to their ceremonies, especially to those for girls at time of puberty. 437Kroeber, present series, 4:79, 1907. 1929] 237 238 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 group aside from designating the clan: he was called paya isil, "water coyote "; tamia isil, " sun coyote "; and is,il t,vicnikic " white coyote. " When a coyote was heard barking to the north it was believed to presage a great sickness and special ceremonies were performed by the shamans.438 These a-re only fragments of what was evidently once an important, concept, but my informant who was one of the last, sur- vivors of the group in question, was too young at the time they were driven from their homes by a great smallpox epidemic to know all the details. No such series of associations involving the coyote were encountered among any other Cahuilla group, although the stellar role played by the coyote in the crea.tion myth of all Cahuilla groups is well known. It was from Los Coyotes canyon that the ancestors of kisil-plwic, who' in the myth revived the present Cupefio society after its decimation, were supposed to have come. The Diegueino groups south of Cupeino territory lay stress, on the wildcat rather than the coyote, and claim the wildcat as their "prop- erty" and their "god." The people were believed to be related to the wildcats as to brothers, and there were two wildcats that first told t.he months of the year. Simila,rly there is a color symbqlism attached to the two wildcats of the east (red) and the west (blue). The coyote is in disrepute.439 When this Diegueno attachment. to the wildcat and deprecation of the coyote is compared to the Cahuilla (especially the wiwalistam clan) attachment to the coyote and ignoring of the wildcat, the moiety alignment of the Cupenio clans takes on an added significance. It seems very probable that at the unusually favorable sit,e of kulpa, lineages of Cahuilla origin settled first, (priority is assumed because these lineages seem to have dominated, and to ha,ve owned the largest number of food-gathering territories) and inter- married with one or more Diegueiio lineages who also settled there. The animal names most commonly associated with each group were adopted as totems of the two divisions, between which marriage was not forbidden on account of kinship. The spread of these two totemic names to designate intermarrying groups would have been a simple matt.er, and may account for their application among the Cahuilla, Serrano, and Saboba Luisefio. Such an explanation, however, does not account for the very wide- spread custom of dichotomy in southern California and the neighbor- ing areas, but merely appears as a plausible explanation of the par- 438 The situation at willya has been previously discussed, present paper, p. 171. 439 Gifford, present series, 14:169, 1918. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California ticular animal designations applied to the moiety in southern Cali- fornia. The roots of the moiety itself would seem to go far deeper, many of the commonest traits associated with the dual division occur- ring among such distant groups as the Miwok, Yokuts, and their neighbors. This problem has been discussed in a previous publica- tion440 and need only be referred to at this time. CUPEN4O MARRIAGES Formerly Cupenio parents arranged marriages for their sons when the latter were about fourteen years of age. They usually selected a girl of about ten,441 and obtained the boy's consent to the proposed match. This might be done by either the parents or the grandparents of the boy. One of the grandparents, or parents, would take a gift of rabbits or other food to the parents of the girl and propose the marriage to them. The girl's parents discussed the matter, obtained the opinion of the girl, and if it was agreeable to all took the girl to her new home. If they were poor they went empty-handed, but usually they took baskets and food as presents. The richer the family the more numhut, "treasure," went with the girl. The couple were then taken to the clan leader of the boy's family, and a feast followed. All food at this ceremony was provided by the family of the groom and there was an entire day of feasting, singing, and dancing. The latter family also threw away many gifts consisting of seeds, acorn meal, and baskets for the guests to gather up. At the close of this ceremony the clan leader (nuut) talked to the newly married pair, advising them to be faithful to each other, and to labor so that they might be prosperous. Postmarital residence was commonly patrilocal. In census 1, out of seventy-four cases where postmarital residence was clear, fifty-two cases were patrilocal and twenty-two cases were matrilocal. The mother-in-law took the girl out to the territories owned by the boy's lineage, or clan, as the case might be, and showed her where to gather seeds, acorns, cactus, and other food plants. She advised her in regard to preparing food, keeping house, and taking care of herself 440 Strong, An Analysis of Southwestern Society, Am. Anthr., n.s., 29:45-48, 1927. t 441 These ages appear too young, but they were thus given by Mrs. Manuela Griffith whose information in all other regards proved correct whenever checked against actual occurrences. Such marriages however were mostly before her time and it seems more probable that eighteen and fourteen years, rather than fourteen and ten years, would be the average ages at marriage. 1,929] 239 240 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 as a married woman. For several months the boy's mother provided the bride with ground meal and other food, while the groom took all his game to his parents-in-law. Not until they had a child could they eat meat killed by the husband. After two years if there was no child the wife might be sent home, though if she were a hard worker her new family usually kept her. In former times it is said that a man might have several wives, but no actual cases were remembered. If two married people quarreled, or either was unfaithful, they might separate without any ceremony or return of presents. Mrs. Griffith's mother, Soledad kaval, told her that if a man desired to marry a girl who professed to be unwilling, he sent a friend to "drag her." This friend would go to the girl's home and stand there with his legs crossed. He would then say to her parents, "I am sent here to drag this girl, " whereupon he would seize her by the arm and commence to take her away. If she struggled fiercely her parents would drive the man away, but if she went quietly then all members of the groom's clan would have a great celebration and the wedding followed. Soledad also stated that a woman formerly would go, to a small special shelter in the woods to bear children. After several weeks, when she returned home, any new things in the house were hidden for fear the child might die. After the mother came into the house, her husband was forbidden to eat salt and had to drink warm water just as she did. Early every morning they would bathe the child and paint designs on its face. A special basket, made by the child's paternal grandmother, was used to bathe the child in. After its bath the child was put in a cradle lined with willow bark. These rites were observed for at least one month. Such rules, Mrs. Griffith added, were observed long ago but in her own time were largely neglected. Today the old rules of marriage have almost entirely disappeared among the Cupefio, although they have been only partly replaced by the modern American system. The following tables (12-16) show the distribution of Cupeno marriages over the period ("1865" to 1902) covered by the house censuses 1 and 2. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California TABLE 12 Total Number of Cupeno Marriages between "1865" and 1902 Kapa Wilakal Between members of the group and: 64 16 other members of the group 62 37 people of near-by groups 19 .... whites 1 .... Negroes 4 .... people of distant groups 150 53 total: 203 TABLE 13 Outside Marriages at Kiapa between "1865" and 1902 Pass Desert Mountain Luisefho Dieguefto Cahuilla Cahuilla Cahuilla Wilakal kavalim . .................... 2 1 1 2 12 6 pumtumatul ..................... 1 .... .... 1 5 5 temewhan ..................... .... .... .... ... . 1 1 auliatim ..................... .... .... .... ... . 2 1 tak a'atim ..................... .... .... .... .... 2 .... sivimuiatim . .................. 2 .... .... .... 2 5 saulvilem ..................... . . 1 1 1 tcuatn ik ut ............................. .... 1 .... .... .... .... tiicvikinvat .............. ....... .... .... .... 1 .... .... Other families ..................... .... 1 .... .... 1 .2 Total: 62 ..................... 5 4 1 5 26 20 TABLE 14 Outside Marriages at Wrlakal between " 1865" and 1902 Pass Desert Mountain Luiseflo Diegueflo Cahuilla Cahuilla Cahuilla Kupa tficvikinvatim ..................... 1 2 1 8 5 .... tcuitnikut ..................... 2 2 .... 2 4 .... pumtumatal . .......... .... .... .... 1 .... .... sivimuaat . ............. ... .... .... .... 3 1 kavalim ............................. .... .... .... .... ... Other families ..................... 1 .... .... 2 1 Total: 37 ..................... 4 4 1 13 14 1 1929] 241 242 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 TABLE 15 Clan Marriages at Kfipa tu. tcu. Si. ta. au. sa. te. pu. ka. kavalim .......................2 3 15 2 3 4 1 0 0 pumtumatfil ...................... 1 3 6 1 1 0 1 0 temewhan ...................... 0 1 2 0 1 1 0 sailivilem ............0 0.......... O 3 1 3 0 auliatim .......................1 0 0 0 0 taka'atim ...................... 0 1 0 0 sivimflatim ....................... 2 4 0 tcuitnikut ....................... 1 0 tucvikinvat .......................O_ 0 Total marriages: 64; (between kuipa clans: 34; between kuipa and wilakal clans: 19; with saulvilem clan: 12). TABLE 16 Clan. Marriages at Wila,kal pumtum. kavalim tcuitnikut sivimuiat tiicvikinvatim ............ 3 1 8 3 tcuitnikut.1 0 0 0 Total: 16 (between W clans: 8; between W and K clans: 8). The foregoing tables speak for themselves, but a brief discussion of certain points they bring out may be in order. Table 12 shows that at kulpa there were more marriages within the village than with out- siders, while at wilakal the situation was reversed. Gifford has assumed that the latter condition was due to both local clans. being of one moiety, thereby necessitating village exogamy.442 The previous discussion of clan intermarriage at wilakal showed that such a rule was not obeyed (see table 16). Half the recorded wilakal marriages were exogamous and half endogamous so far as the two local clans were concerned. The moiety seems to have exerted no control wha.t- soever. Naturally in a small village like wilakal outside marriage is more imperative than in a larger village like kulpa where there is a wider choice of mates within the village. In all probability it was this factor, and not the moiety at all, that caused the greater number of outside marriages at wilakal. All marriages with alien races or 442 Am. Anthr., n.a., 28:395, 1926. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California distant Indians on record occurred a.t kiupa.. This is probably due to its larger size and greater accessibility to whites, but it may also be due in part to the imperfection of the wilakal record. Table 13 shows a greater number of marriages between the kavalim and pumt.umatfilniktcum Cupeino clans with clans of the Mountain Cahuilla than occurred between any other three groups. This may be attributed largely to the predominant numbers of these two Cupeino clans, and also to the commonly observed fact that once intermarriage between two groups commences it usually increases through the greater social contact. Ta.ble 14 shows that the wilakal clans married with Desert Cahuilla clans in almost as many cases as with those of the Mountain Cahuilla. Wilakal is nearer the Desert Cahuilla and both proximity and increased social contact led to more intermarriages with Desert clans. Tables 13 and 14 both show how many more marriages at kuipa and wilakal were with Cahuilla than with either Luiseiio or Diegueino. Obviously, as their large proportion in the population indicated, the Cahuilla were in more intimate contact with the Cupefno than were any of their other neighbors. Table 15, which shows the proportionate number of interclan mar- riages at kuipa, has been previously discussed in relation to the moiety. In general it appears that kilpa marriages were exogamous as con- cerned that institution, while wilakal marriages were not. Beside the limitations implied by the moiety, kudpa marriages show no preferen- tial grouping, the larger number of marriages occurring between the most populous clans as would be expected. The two marriages con- trary to moiety exogamy are between the kavalim and temewhaniteem clans, and between the latter clan and the pumtumat-llniktcum clan. Informants explained this by claiming that the temewhanitcem clan was more,distantly related to each of the other two than they were to each other, adding that the members of the former clan had once dwelt rather far distant from the others. They seemed to feel that the only impropriety in the matter was the marriage of assumed kins- folk, but that the relationship was so remote that no important rule was thereby violated. The fact that both clans belonged to the coyote moiety apparently made no difference. Table 16, previously discussed, demonstrates the fact that no moiety ruling seems to have controlled wilakal marriages. The eight. marriages between the two wilakal clans, and three of the eight mar- riages with kupa clans, do not accord with the rule. The present data are contradictory to any other moiety alignment possible, as well as 1929] 243 244 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 to the alignment of both clans to the wildcat moiety, insisted on by kilpa informants. The number of cases is inadequate for complete reliance, but the assumption is strong that any dichotomy prevailing at wilakal was of a very weak nature as regarded control of marriage. CLAN OWNERSHIP OF LAND Lists of clan-owned sites in the vicinity of kuipa were obtained by Gifford and the present author. In each case the informants were Mrs. Manuela Griffith and her daughter, Mrs. Salvadora Valeinzuela. The two accounts were checked and combined in the following list of sites owned or shared by the various kuipa clans. The list is by no means exhaustive, in fact it would in all probability be doubled or trebled if one were able to go over the ground with one of the older Cupeiios. It includes nevertheless the most important food-gathering areas where certain wild crops were most abundant. The greater part of the intervening territory was free to all. The three lineages of the wildcat clan (or moiety) are said to have held their territories in com- mon during recent times, but formerly they seem to have owned indi- vidual territories. It must be remembered, in considering the unequal distribution of territories, that some of these were undoubtedly more fruitful than others, so that mere number of sites is no absolute criterion of the amount of produce thus obtained. TABLE 17 Sites Owned by Kitpa Clans Designation on map; name of site; clan owning site; remarks. East Side of Hot Springs Mountain 1k; naflova; kavalim; about 4 m. W. of San Ignacio; acorns gathered. 2k; suimil; kavalim; camp near na-nova; only kavals camped here. 3k (te); puevukfi; kavalim and temewhanitcem; small valley or mountain W. of San Ignacio. Both clans gathered acorns. 4k; somal; kavalim; acorns. 5k; (p.); pauiciva; kavalim and pumtumatfilniktcum (E. W. G.); acorns. 6k (si); macil; kavilim, part given to sivimuiatim (E. W. G.); acorns. 7 (si); suiiepuki (rabbit's house); sivimulatim; five kinds of acorns. Home of mythical black and white rabbit, that stood four feet high, which the kavals originally brought with the hot springs when they came to kfipa. The kavilim clan gave this place to the sivimfiatim clan; acorns. 8 si; acwitpapauwi; sivimuiatim; acorns. 9 si; puic eiva; sivimuiatim; acorns. 10 si; huvukta; sivimfiatim; acorns. 11 si; suiwilkitei; sivimuiatim; acorns. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 12p; tuiktcial (wild currant); pumtumatuilniktcum; acorns, seeds, and berries. Bedrock mortars. 13k; hovukta; kavalim; aeorns. 14 te; wIatava; temewhaniteem. Lost Valley; weed seed, berries, wild oats. 15 te; patcikva; temewhaniteem. Near Lost Valley. Acorns and other food. 16 te; tkumla; temewhaniteem; west of Lost Valley. Acorns and other food. 17 te; antimpum.ki (ant's territory); temewhaniteem; acorns an'd ant larvae. 18 te; nikie; temewhaniteem; wild squash. The seeds were parched and ground into meal. Pulp used as soap. 19k; acwitputIa; kavalim; eagle's nest here; owned by kavals. Food products gathered by temewhanitcem. West Side of Hot Springs Mountain 20p; allma; pumtumatfilniktcum; this clan owned site, but people of all clans camped here in bark huts. There were flat rocks for drying meal, and rock mortars. 21p; paukat; pumtumatuilniktcum; near alima. 22p; ku 'vt (elderberry); pumtumatudlniktcum, near alima. 23p; kwiniilpuimukua; pumtumatualniktcum; near alima. 24 te; kataubani; temewhaniteem; near alIma. 25 te; palavalac; temewhaniteem; near alima. 26 te (a); bfuebuku; temewhaniteem; near alima. A small part of this site was given to auliatim. 27 te (a); naniauluak; temewhaniteem; near alima. A small part of this site was given to auliatim. 28 te; naxat; temewhaniteem; near alima. 29 te; wiatava; temewhaniteem; near alima. 30 te; patcikvfi; temewhaniteem; near alima. 31 te (s); saimal; temewhaniteem; near alima. 32 te; acwutmimhika; temewhaniteem; near alIma. One-half given to sivimulatim. 33 te; taupavicku; temewhaniteem; near alima. 34k; kwinsIvite; kavalim; acorns. 35k; ival; kavalim; acorns. 36k; alwitimpumkI (crow's territory); kavalim; acorns. 37a; pieskuall; auliatim. creek bed below "crow's territory" with three kinds of acorns. 38a; suuivickienut; auliatim; camped here, and not long ago planted vegetables. 39k (a); kfililva; kavalim and aullatim; the latter clan gathered food. Three kinds of acorns. 40k; dilyIhat; kavalim; acorns. 41k; kawickatoli 'i; kavalim; acorns. 42k; hilyakali (dripping); kavalim; acorns. 43 ta; upateikie; taka'atim; creek and oak grove; acorns. 44k; kulfimal; kavalim; acorns. 45k; yfibateikis; kavalim; acorns. 46k; sukatkavilhi; kavalim; acorns. 47 si; matistampumpkl; sivimuiatim; acorns. 48k; kiwiit'ka; kavalim; acorns. 49p; pamat (spring); pumtumatfilniktcum; there were three main springs near kuipa, owned by the kavalim, pumtumatfilniktcum, and temewhaniteem clans. 1929] 245 246 University of California Publication8 in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Vicinity of Kilpa 50p; isval (grass seeds); pumtumatfilniktcum; another spring. 51p; tepalku (water holes); punxtumatillnikteum; rocky hill near kulpa, where there are mortar holes. 52p; taucaval; pumtumatfilniktcum; place just south of kfipa where ceremonies were held. A large rock here, when touched, was supposed to bring storms. 53; mukwaema (fleas); all clans; small flat where town stood. 54k; palatiniva; kavalim; another spring, nominally owned by kavalim. 55p; palmfilikal; pumtumatfilniktcum; a hbt spring. 56 te; 1; temewhanitcem; a hot spring on west side of town. 57k; taueval; kavalim; various summer products gathered. 58k; kuipayatea (bedrock mortars); kavalim; site where present bathhouse stands at Warner's Hot Springs. Southeast of Kfpa 59p (si); dauki; pumtumatfilniktcum and sivimuiatim; hillside where small acorns were gathered; first owned by pumtumatfilniktcum clan and given in part by them to the sivimuiatim. 60p; taupamuiki; pumtumatfilniktcum. 61k; yumowut; kavalim. 62k; pateulic; kavalim. 63p; wiatwatowilut; pumtumatfilniktcum. 64 si; teamiepakavul; sivimfiatim. 65k; waxa-tcilnakpoiyahiva (frog mounting); kavalim; a small hill. 66p; naktamii; pumtumatfilniktcum; traditional home of clan. 67 si; tuligmal; sivimfiatim. 68 si; matistampuki (bats' home); sivimuiatim. 69t; paxal; temewhanitcem. 70p (k); kociginix; pumtumatfilniktcum and kavalim. 71p (k); sowalkitel; pumtumatuilniktcum and kavalim. 72p (k); wixit; pumtumatfilniktcum and kavalim. Southwest of Kaipa 73; kukditgi; fiesta ground, belonging to all the clans. 74k; wiatpiwit; kavalim; a single large oak tree with long acorns. 75k; paigi; kavalim. 76k; sinemitciswa; kavalim; a seed-gathering area. 77k; hukicbumu; kavalim; sage and other seeds gathered. 78k; ditsa; kavalim; down on the floor of the valley; a seed-gathering site. Northwest of Kiipa 79k; s6vaiihamd; kavalim. 80k; iniva 'a; kavalim. 81k; miaulfi; kavalim; according to myth this is the site where the ancestors of the Cupefio journeying from the north stopped just prior to founding kfipa. Northeast of Kipa 82k; sfiklfipa; kavalim; in the valley; greens and seeds. 83k; hunwutpuipali; kavalim. 84k; kukfilimpumki (burrowing owl's territory); kavalim. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 85k; teatimpumki (white owl's territory); kavalim. 86k; packi; kavalim. 87k; totikima; kavalim. 88k; salfitki; kavalim. 89k; sikmani 'i; kavalim. 90k; salyil; kavalim. 91 te (si); yildipui; temewhaniteem and sivimfiatim. 92k; tauwamal; kavalim; small hill from which mythical ancestors first saw the site of kupa. 93k; mokwuinimpui; kavalim; here ants were gathered for boys' "anut" ceremony. The foregoing list (table 17) indicates that the kavalim clan held the lion's share of the kilpa territory. Out of the ninety-three sites listed, this clan owned wholly or in part forty-six. Thus half of all sites named443 belonged to only one of the five clans represented at kilpa! This state of affairs tends in some degree to bear out the native belief that the kavalim clan once owned all the territory, later parcel- ing it out to the other clans. Taken into account with the kavalim predominance in ceremonial affairs to be discussed later, this dis- proportionate ownership of land makes it seem probable that the kavalim clan or lineage was the first to occupy the area, and that the other lineages came later. The temewhanitcem clan owned eighteen sites, the pumtumatutl- niktcum clan seventeen, the sivimuiat lineage nine, the aullatim lineage two, and the taka'atim lineage one. The saulvilem clan owned none, but its members shared the territories owned by the kavalim clan. TABLE 18 Shared Territories a. s. t. p. k. kavalim .............. 4 1 2 4 X pumtum ............. 0 1 0 X temewhan .............. 2 2 X sivimuaat .....0..O X auliatim ...... X Total: 16 According to informants the shared territories resulted from one clan giving to another clan, with which it commonly intermarried, a share of its territory. This may be true for some cases, -but in others it obviously does not hold. 443 This list of sites may well be taken as a random sampling, for Mrs. Griffith was a sivimuiat clan member by birth, and her daughter being half white, likewise considered herself a member of that clan. There was therefore no reason why they should aggrandize the power of the kavalim clan. 1929] 247 248 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Thus the kavalim clan may have given parts of its territory to the aullatim and sivimiuat clans, and actually, in spite of being of the same moiety, to the temewwhaniteem clan because of marriage.444 But the four territories shared with the pumtumatuilniktcum clan cannot be accounted for in this way. In all other cases where kavalim is not involved, however, the two clans sharing one territory are of oppos.ite moieties. There are! too few cases of this sort to draw any positive conclusions, but the fact that eleven of the sixteen shared territories were in part owned by the kavalim clan is significant. It g7" cTahui.iaterr ZOt p o N '4 / 27h O k 6k . Mt ' Z9. IGoeDkoZ Lound in territoUry -s per text uip,edetermined 69k ntr 4o k j 884k 44,8k1 k / 9k 8 1k 4Z!tL4gu elt'. Only the mostproductive cayos oa groves cactupatchs,an k.v~~~~~~~~~~g Medbapi6. Canea ownershi ofndb tatse inns Alupetrveio territoryNubrdeigaes teract ase lited inl table17 lentters follwn num,rberts: clans, owinge etrcts, was pe.rsmestable; leter iny paenrthesb tes: mer fl clans.wt cqie owerhipo foundin teritor, as er tet. k ship,6 detrmnethnaueojit ownership of land,n ueotertoy whiler deinther ws eresm undobtedlyetherfcos wnprnhihewe hlave noth aconsirdowered. o seonlay rgthe mosteprductives canoupns, oak groves., cactusg pteneches, aond seed-baring armesas werges onumeds by thrclsands.uallinervclnin trcariories wered fre terioral, andpe hutineoxer,rbistqal.ieos t. wseped rmissibleaon anye twerrtr by the mmeso l clansAlitevins. terthres Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Cupeino at kilpa however excluded those from wilakal, as well as neighboring Cahuilla, Luiseiio, and Diegueiio groups, and these groups in turn excluded all others from their territories. Map 6 (p. 248) shows the tendency of the sites owned by each clan to cluster in certain areas, and it also shows the impossibility of exactly marking off the territories of one clan from those of the others. They are so intermingled geographically that only an approx- imation of the land division between them may be shown on a map. Spier first demonstrated this condition among the clans (gentes) of the southern Diegueno,445 and Gifford confirmed it for the Miwok and other south central and southern California groups.446 It is certainly the case for the Luiseino and for all three divisions of the Cahuilla. Among the Cupe-no this grouping is even more complex, for the clans were centralized in one village and therefore had their food-gathering areas more intermingled. Map 6 gives only the rough- est approoximation of the location of these areas, and undoubtedly a careful ethnogeographic survey of the area would bring out other unsuspected conditions of land tenure. CLAN AND CEREMONIAL LEADERSHIP The Nuut The head of the Cupefio clan was called nuut, and was the keeper of the masvut bundle. Each clan had a ceremonial dance house which they called wamkic (a Luiseino term), and here the nuut lived and kept his ceremonial fetish bundle hung up in a dark corner. Each of the clans of the coyote moiety had a nuut originally, but the wild- cat clans had only one, usually in the sivimutatim lineage. All cere- monies were ordered by the nuut, and he cared for all the food gathered for the various feasts and ceremonies. As was the case among the Cahuilla, he obtained his power from the masvut. bundle, and he was likewise supposed to know all the ritual and sacred legends of his clan. The clan leadership ran in the male line within the lineage, usually from father to eldest son, but often an older son who was unfitted for the office was passed over in favor of a younger brother, or an uncle in a collateral line. It was considered essential 445 Op. cit., 301, see map, fig. A. 446 s Cal., 390-400. 444 In house census 1, there are two cases of intermarriage between the temewhanitcem clan and the two other clans of the coyote moiety. 1929] 249 250 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 that the nuut's wife be an active, generous woman able to provide much food and many baskets for the clan ceremonies. It was quite as essential that the nuut be free-handed and generous as that he know all the ritual and be a good song leader. Affairs that concerned the entire village were discussed by all the clan leaders, either person- ally or through messengers, and in such a discussion the opinion of the kavalim clan leader bore more weight than any of the others. In 1851, at the time of the Cupeino revolt, the leader was Antonio Garra of the kavalim clan, so it is obvious that kavalim supremacy goes back at least that far. The leaders of each clan were consulted in cases demanding joint action, but the kavalim nuut seems to have acted as head in cases of emergency. In the kavalim clan, Antonio! Garra (kaval) is the first nuut remembered. He was before the informant's time, but was remem- bered because of his prominent part in the Cupefio revolt of 1851. Who succeeded him is uncertain: perhaps Belares Kaval (see gene- alogy 14).4 The first nuut whom the informants actually knew was Roman kaval. He was succeeded by a cousin of his own generation, Hilario. Hilario was succeeded by Francisco nawilot, another cousin. Francisco, a very old man, now lives at wilakal, but his ceremonies are, as the Cupe-no say, "covered up," which means the life of the clan as a ceremonial unit is ended. In the pumtumatu1lniktcum clan the earliest nuut remembered was Hilario pumtumatillnikic, or Black- tooth. He was succeeded by his son Pill, who was in turn succeeded by his son, Jose Cecelio. The son of the latter, Marianno Blacktooth, is the present nuut. His ceremonies, like those of all the kulpa clans, are now "covered up." Of the temewhanitcem clan Juan Angel is the only nuut remembered. This clan is now extinct, and as far back as informants can remember no more than three male members were alive. When Juan Angel died the few survivors of his clan went under the leadership of Pla pumtumat-ulnikic. When PIll was too young, and Hilario was too old to give ceremonies, the pumtumatlul- nikic clan went for a brief time under the leadership of the teme- whaniteem nuut. Evidently these two clans were closely united. Of the three wildcat lineages, Leonardo sivimulat was the earliest nuut remembered. He was succeeded by his son Francisco sivimuiat. During this period the auliiiawitcem lineage, as well as the taka'atim lineage, were under sivimulatim leadership. On the,death of Francisco 447 Reference to genealogies 14-19 will show the relationship of all these clan leaders. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California sivimulat, Leonardo auliiiawic became nuut, but the exact reason for this shift of leadership from one lineage to the other is not remem- bered by informants. He was succeeded by his son, Jose Juan auliiiawic, who in 1925 lived in Pala. The taka'atim lineage, within the memory of all informants, has never had any nuut, but has been under the ceremonial control of either the sivimulatim or the auliniawiteem lineages. The saulvilem clan, Cupenio informants say, may have had its own leaders at Los Coyotes canyon, but at kuipa was always under the control of the kavalim nuut. We have previously discussed the situa- tion at wilakal, Los Coyotes canyon. Most of the tcuitnikut clan members living in kuipa were under the pumtumatuilniktcum nuut, but when Matias tecitnikut died the pumtumatuilniktcum nuut, then Jose Blacktooth, gave no mourning ceremony for him, so his dis- gruntled relatives transferred their allegiance to Jose Juan aulifnawic, nuut of the wildcat clan. This recent happening illustrates particu- larly well the very loose bonds of the affiliated clan or "party" organ- ization based entirely on ceremonial grounds, not on kinship as was the case in former southern Californian organization. Such tilevikin- vatim clan members as lived at kulpa retained their ceremonial attachment to their own clan at wilakal. From the foregoing acco-unt it can be seen that no exact rule of descent in regard to clan leadership prevailed. In each of the coyote clans it tended to pass from generation to. generation in the male line of each clan lineage, while in the three lineages of the wildcat clan it passed from one lineage to another, but so far as present data are concerned always excluded the third lineage. The Kutvovoc The clan leader's ceremonial assistant was called kutvovoc; simi- larly the ceremonial assistant of the southern Mountain Cahuilla was called kutvavanavac.445 This office was hereditary, passing in the lineage as did the clan leadership. In most ceremonies the kutvovoc of another clan was employed: if kavalim gave a ceremony the sivimulatim kutvovoc would preside, but when any other clan gave a ceremony the kavalim kutvovoc was employed. This reciprocity will be more fully discussed as each ceremony is considered. The kutvovoc 448 Similar to the term kuteut (clan chief) of the northern Dieguenio. Gifford, present series, 18:173, 1918. 1929] 251 252 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 must be a man of commanding presence, with a loud clear voice for announcing events and for singing. He was usually believed to have supernatural powers and the fear thus inspired helped him in keep- ing order. The kavalim and pumtumatutlniktcum clans each had a kutvovoc, but as far back as informants remember the temewhanitcem clan did not. All the clans ,of the wildcat moiety had only one kutv6voc, usually in the sivimudatim clan. It was possible for the clan leader to be both nuut and kutvovoc. This was the case in the kavalim clan when Roman kaval held both offices. The Paha Beside the kutv6voc, the Cupeino employed the paha in the manet ceremony. This ceremony the Cupefno say was given to the kavalim clan by the Luiseino at Puerta Cruz. At first only this clan had a paha and performed the manet ceremony, but later it was shared with the pumtumatuilniktcum clan, and about sixty years ago on the death of a kavalim paha the ceremony was given to the sivimuiatim clan as well. The paha symbolized, among the Cupenio as among the Luiseflo, the red racer snake, and was painted half red, half black to represent the supposed sex colors of this reptile. The term paha means red racer. As the clans generally united for the manet dance, there were usually three pahas employed at the ceremony, each clan or clan group providing one. This officer was originally appointed by the nuut, and often a shaman whom the people feared was given the posi- tion. If a relative of the incumbent showed ability in this line he might succeed to office, but there seems to have been no regular rule of descent. There were other persons who had special duties in ceremonies or led in certain songs, but they were not given titles and may best be discussed in relation to the particular ceremonies. Shamans and Shamanism Formerly there were many shamans at kilpa. One man of the temewhanitcem clan (name not remembered) was able to change him- self into a bear and in such guise killed many calves. He likewise transformed himself at certain ceremonies in order to frighten the people. All shamans were called putlum. Individual dreams or physical peculiarities usually led a person to become a shaman, and all those that are remembered seem to have been men. They cured Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California afflicted persons by sucking out the disease. This disease was often exhibited by the shaman as a red snake (species?). Toothache was believed to be caused by a worm in the tooth which the-shaman sucked out. Other worms which caused the lungs to dry up were supposed to cause tuberculosis. A shaman was believed to have unusual powers to hear and to understand all sorts of natural phenomena, and each had special "powers" in him which he could throw into an enemy. Unless the shaman withdrew this "power" the enemy would die. Eveni today the Cupeno are very careful not to allow any of their hair to remain where a malevolent shaman might secure it and do them harm. It was considered especially dangerous to find a stray hair in the basket in which a newly born child was washed. Certain shamans were supposed to be a,ble to induce a good crop of acorns or to blight the crop. Such power was purely individual, and while the shaman undoubtedly had much influence in the.society to which he belonged, he was never a formal official as such. Shamanism and religion in general merit a great deal more study in southern Cali- fornia., and in the outlying districts many data are still obtainable. RITUAL AND CEREMONY The Calendar The summer and winter solstices were determined by two or three old men who carefully observed the rising and setting of the sun. They "screamed out" when the longes.t and shortest day of the year arrived. Their position in the social scheme does not seem to have been official, but was regarded as necessary by all the people to indi- cate the time for gathering certain foods and giving certain cere- monies. The exact calendrical time for most of the ceremonies is not remembered by informants. The calendar was creat.ed by Mfikat. The eight pairs of periods are obviously not moon months. The ending -mal on the first of several name pairs may denote "present" or " little "; -yil on the second name in several pairs may mean " past." 1. tovakmal. Acorns, getting black tovakic. 2. tasmoimal. Everything coming up, greens ready to eat. tasmoiyil. 3. taupakmail. "Summer." Everything ripening, plenty to eat. taupakic. 4. tausumbakmaiyil. Ripening of grass seeds. tausumlaxic. 1929] 253 254 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 5. pakumoimal. Wild cherries ripe and gathered. pakmoiyil. 6. nimoimal. Acorns ready to pick (December, the month when the eagle is supposed to die). nimoiyil. 7. novanomal. "kwinil" acorns gathered. novanwut. 8. soimaimol. Finishing month (month in which the Luiseflo Wlyot died). somnyil. Narming Ceremonies and the Singing of Enemy Songs A special ceremony called pumtauluaninwin, for naming children, might be given by any clan having several children to name. There was no special time for this ceremony. A clan of the opposite moiety was always officially invited to attend this affair, usually one with whom the clan giving the ceremony was much intermarried. All rela- tives of the children's mothers were likewise invited and usually the other kulpa clans came without any special invitation. The naming took place at night in the privacy of the wamkic to prevent any of the so-called "enemy clans" learning the names for use in their "enemy" songs. Children were named by the nuut, or by elderly male relatives, and were usually given the names of dead ancestors in the male line. Mrs. Griffith's mother, Soledad kaval, was named paumuau mat- cauhanut; the first word is a place name near Mesa Grande, the second word means "bowed head." Roman kaval was named huinwut tovicnikic, "bear white"; Leonardo sivimulat was named "pakanic," blackbird; and Pii pumtumatuilnikic was named tauval pulic, " thunder road-runner. Other male names were aswit tovicnikic, "eagle white"; kilpa iiayawit, "kfipa fast runner"; and kulpa whiwinit, "kapa standing." At this time the nuut appointed a special man to pierce the ears of the boys with a sharp chamise thorn. Mrs. Griffith's grandfather had such pierced ears, and the informant remembered seeing Cahuilla from Los Coyotes canyon with large holes in their ear lobes and nasal septa, in which were placed sprigs of arrowweed. At this ceremony "enemy songs" were always sung. The kavalim clan sang against the natcuitakiktum and pauatakiktum clans of the Mountain Cahuilla, and the pumtumatflniktcum clan did the same. The temewhanitcem clan sang against the watic clan (6?) of the Dieguenio. The sivimuiatim and taka'atim clans sang against the Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California melisatim clan of the Luiseiio (near the Henshaw dam), and the aulifiauiteem clan sang against the takanawhic clan of the Luiseiio who also lived near kulpa. Each clan would take turns duriiig the night in singing their songs. These songs were sung at other times but the name-giving ceremony was considered a particularly appropriate time. Girls' Adolescence Ceremony This ceremony called auluininil occurred once a year, usually in November or December. The Cupeiio initiated all girls at about the age of nine or ten irrespective of whether they had had their first menses or not. Each of the coyote clans had such a ceremony, but the sivimulatim lineage held one ceremony for all the other wildcat lineages. The wilakal clan members living at kuipa returned to wilakal for their ceremony. The nuut of the clan performning the ceremony would notify the parents of all girls of the right age, and tell them to prepare food and gifts for the ceremony; When all was ready the nuut would send the kutvovoc to- notify all the other clans. That night all the people assembled in the wamkic of the clan giving the ceremony. The nuut notified them who the girls were that were to be initiated. Piles of food were assembled in the center of the wamkic, one for each of the visiting nuuts. The nuut giving the ceremony then gave one pile to each of the visiting leaders who divided it among their clan members. In the morning the kutvovoc took more food to all the invited clans. The duration of the ceremony depended on the amount of food to be distributed. Certain clans, especially the pumtumatuilniktcum people, were reputed to be very stingy and to give only short cere- monies. When all the food was distributed the kutvovoc went to a near-by hill and called all the people to the wamkic. All the neophytes were put in a near-by house and covered up. The kutvovoc dug a long pit in the center of the w-amkic and his wife gathered a great amount of soft pungent weeds. A fire was built in the pit and when the earth was hot the fire was raked out and the pit lined with the weeds. Then one at a time the kutv6voc brought out the girls all covered up and placed them in the pit. Meanwhile his wife had boiled a certain weed called wikwut in water, and gave each girl a cup of this to drink. If a girl from another clan was included in the group she was served first. The girls were covered with the weeds. 1929] 255 256 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Presents were then thrown out on the floor and the kutvovoc shouted three times, whereupon all the guests scrambled for the presents. All day the girls lay in the pit, while the women of the clan sang special songs over them. Later the women sang the enemy songs of their clan, and often the women of the other clans joined in. In the evening the girls were taken from the pit, it was reheated, and they were returned to it. When the sun went down the singing of enemy songs ceased and all present ate outside the waimkic. That night the men sang enemy songs and the women danced. In the morning food was again distributed. The ceremony might continue for a week, during all of which time the girls were supposed to remain in the pit. They were fed acorn gruel and given warm water to drink. Often visiting clans brought eagle feather skirts, ulut, to the clan nuut as presents; these and strings of feathers were hung on the walls of the wamkic during the ceremony. At the end of the prescribed period the girls were taken to the house of the kutvovoc, and while here were given gruel and warm water; meat and salt were especially forbidden. Usually after a week they returned to the wamkic and food was once more passed out to all the guests who had again been summoned. The women sang during the day and the men at night. Then the kutvovoc and his assistants arranged the ground-painting, terehalut, in the center of the wamkic. This was made of white clean sand, black charcoal dust, yellow seeds, black seeds, and red powdered iron oxide (from certain springs). The red color represented blood. The painting was in the shape of a circle, usually about twelve feet in diameter. In the center were three holes, the center one representing the heart of the universe. On each side of these were the figures of Mukat and Tumalyowit; each had a "walking stick," tcailakpic, and a pipe, itcit. Around them were figures representing their people. The kutvvoc, brought in each girl. He took her around the paint- ing, explaining all the symbols to her and especially warning her that she must obey all the rules she had just learned during all future rnenstrual periods. As each girl was brought in her parents scattered presents for the guests. The kutvovoc told the girl that some of these symbols would pro- tect her, others would kill her if she did not obey all the rules.449 He put a small piece of dried meat into her mouth and she pretended to 449 This strongly suggests the Chungichnish cult, but the actual name of Chungichnish seems to have been applied directly to the raven, and so far as can be learned toda.y did not mean a definite deity or cult. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California spit one piece into each of the three holes. The kutv6voc grunted three times, and she spat the meat into the center hole. If the saliva landed without getting stringy it was a good sign, but if not it shoNved that the girl had already broken one of the rules. Each of the girls went through this performance. The kutvovoc then put them in a row in the center of the dance house. He brought in a fine basket called wakpic, and a fiber brush with which he brushed all the leaves from the girls' hair into the basket. Then wreaths of the same punget weed were put on their heads, bracelets of a weed called wic were put on their wrists and ankles, and a woven reed belt was put around the waist of each. The kutvovoc then filled a hollow arrow-weed tube with the leaves he brushed from the girls' hair, and followed by the girls he went t,o a certain warm spring where one palm tree grew. He buried the arrow- weed tube in the mud here, and took the vwreaths and ornaments from their waists and ankles to another place where he deposited them. Special wreaths of human hair were put on their heads, and similar ornaments on their wrists. All the people gathered together and the boys of the village raced over a course of about half a mile. They were followed by the younger women, and then the newly initiated girls raced over the same course. The course ended at some rocks and here the girls painted rectilinear designs with red iron oxide. This ended the main ceremony. The girls' mothers took them home, and each morning for one or two months they bathed their daughters very carefully in the warm springs. Each girl continued to fast over this period and had a special stick to scratch herself with. Her face was painted black and red, in spots if she belonged to a wildcat clan and in strip-es if she belonged to a coyote elan. Different designs were put on each day with black on a red background. These designs were put on with a sharp stick dipped in grease and paint. There was a design for each day, and when a girl had used up all the designs her period of probation was over. It was essential that the designs be kept fresh and not mussed up. After all the designs had been used the girl was allowed to eat meat and salt again, except during her menstrual periods. The Feather or WVhirling Dance This ceremony, called pukuvyahil, was given to the temewhanitcem clan by Luisefio from nuluilva (about six miles northwest of Puerta Cruz) and was given by that clan to the other Cupenlo groups. It 1929] 257 258 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 might be performed at any time of the year and included boys and girls of all clans ranging from sixteen to twenty years of age. The pahas of the various clans took the initiates to a secluded place away from the village and taught them to sing and dance. All the songs were in the Luiseiio language. The kutvovoc stayed in the dance house and prepared the food for the ceremony. One boy or girl sang and danced at a time, and eagle-feather skirts were worn in a whirling dance. When they had learned the songs and dances the paha brought them back to, the wamkic, and all the people assembled outside. The kutvovoc shouted the name of the boy or girl who was to dance, and then one of the two pahas shouted "hou-ou-ou!" and kicked on the wall three times; the paha outside answered in kind, and the first paha rushed out of the house and fell prone in the center of the dance enclosure. Both pahas then whirled bullroarers, alil, and the dancer wearing uilut, the eagle-feather skirt, and pachia, a headdress of eagle down with horned owl and eagle feathers erect in it, circled the dance enclosure three times. The boys and girls were painted, and when dancing carried a red stick about a foot long in one hand and a black stick in the other. They dashed these together when they wanted the singing faster. Outside the circle were the bulk of the guests, all slowly dancing clockwise; inside the circle were the singers, and before them were the two red and black painted pahas, swinging bull roarers. In front of these and inside the circle of dancers each boy and girl danced, one at a time, whirling and squatting until exhausted. When the dancers crowded in, one of the pahas with a long pole widened the circle. Boys and girls of coyote clans had stripes of red and black clay painted all over their bodies and faces, those of the wildcat moiety had spots all over their bodies. The Cupeiio say that this is the way the dance came to them from the Luise-no. After all the children had danced and sung their songs, there was a general feast. As might occur at the end of any ceremony, they often danced out the fire at the close of the feast. This was called tepaset. The Manet Dance or Boys' Initiation Originally this dance was given the kavalim clan by Luisefno from Pichanga. Some of the songs in the Pichanga dialect the Cupeno understand, but other songs in the San Gabriel language they do not understand. Formerly the kavalim clan initiated all the Cupefio boys but later the ceremony was performed by the other clans as well. It Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California was called manet pannil, "the drinking," and might occur at any time. If a raven, kawialwut, or a crow, alwit, was heard cawing near the village the man who heard it took a basket full of food to his nuut, and a manet dance was held for three nights. The raven was also called teingitenic and was believed to bewitch people, hence the manet dance, which was very sacred, was held to prevent him from doing evil.449a Youths ranging from ten to eighteen years of age were given jimsonweed or manet. The Cupe-no called the jimsonweed in their own language nakta-muluuc. The nuut gathered all the boys who were to be initiated and sent them away from the village with two pahas to watch them. The jimsonweed was prepared in secrecy by the clan paha, the roots being pounded in a special mortar, tamyaic, and soaked in water. The nuut administered a cup of this decoction to each of the boys and then after painting their faces they were brought into the wamkic. No one but men might be present when the drink was administered. When the boys were all in the wamkic they danced in a circle around the fire until they became unconscious from the combined effects of heat and drug. A large fire was kept blazing by the kutv6voc. In the morning they were all sent out of the village again. Girls of about the same age were likewise sent away from the village at this time under the guardianship of an old woman who taught them various songs. Both girls and boys were painted as in the feather dance and were not allowed to eat salt. Sons of clan leaders wore eagle down, piwic, in their hair. When the boys had learned all their clan songs, the kavalim clan giving the ceremony, and all the invited clans, assembled in the kavalim wamkic. All the various nuuts sat together, as did the mem- bers of the clan giving the ceremony, while the others were more or less mixed. Informants denied that people of the two moieties sat or danced on different sides of the dance house.450 They said that this was only done "in play" and never in a serious ceremony like manet. It is only possible to conjecture whether this joking moiety division of dancers is a survival of a once seriously observed custom or not. Certainly in Cupeiio society as we know it, it seems to have had no importance. A sand-painting, identical in all details withk the one described for the girls' puberty ceremony, was made, and the sym- bolism of the painting was explained t.o each boy by the kutvovoc. 449S Sparkman, present series, 8:218, 1908, states that the Luisefio also called the raven by this name. 450 See Gifford 's statement, present series, 14:197, 1918. 1,929] 259 260 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 At this time the rules which he must observe as a man were given him, and he was shown certain of Muikat 's creatures which would punish him if he did not obey them.451 When the ground painting was made, a rectangular pit about 5 by 3 feet and 3 to 4 feet deep was dug. A design of a crude human figure with arms extended was made of twine in the bottom of this pit. This figure was called the wanawut; and three flat stones were placed in the pit, one below the feet, one in the center, and one above the head of the wanawut. When the kutvovoc had explained the ground paint- ing to the boy he led him to the wanawut pit and explained its sym- bolism. This symbolism does not seem to be very clearly remembered at the present time, but informants agreed that the pit represented the boy's passage through life and the figure death. When the kutv6voc completed his lecture the boy spat into the center of the figure. Then kutvovoc shouted "So and so's son is coming," and called "ha-a!" three times. The boy jumped onto the first stone in the pit, then to the second and squatted a moment, then to the third, and then julnped out of the pit. Should be falter and step on the wanawut it indicated that he would die young. When a boy com- pleted this ordeal successfully all the people shouted and sang. This rite was performed by the older boys from fourteen to sixteen years of age. It was called tclawinwa wanawut, "jumping over the wanawut. " This dancing and singing at night were repeated at the wamkic of the pumtumatullniktcum and sivimulatim clans. There were three nights of dancing at each. Each day of the dance the parents of every boy being initiated carried a winnowing basket, levatimal, full of acorns to the kavalim nuut. The kavalim nuut, or whichever nuut was giving the ceremony after the kavalim clan relinquished their exclusive claim to it, gave food to the kutvovoc who distributed it to all the other clan leaders. Each afternoon at about four o'clock, the clan giving the ceremony provided a feast for all the other clans. It was essential that their nuut be personally present to see that all the guests received a sufficiency of food, for if he stayed away the guests would be disgruntled. On the last afternoon of the ceremony the kutv6voe brushed the hair of each boy who had drunk the jimsonweed, and put the brushings into an arrow-weed tube. As in the girls' puberty ceremony this tube was buried in the mud at a certain spring. 451 No clear exposition of these rules was remembered, but they probably differed only in detail from the Luisefno advice given the boys in the same ceremony. See Sparkman, present series, 8:221-224, 1908. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Then the boys all ran a footrace and the winners were regarded as especially promising young men. On the last evening the presiding nuut thanked his clan members for going hungry that he might give the ceremony, and the kutv6voc gave a short speech which ended the occasion. The Ceremonial Eagle Killing There appears to have been one golden eagle's nest in kutpa terri- tory on Hot Springs mountain at a place called aswit petia, eagle's nest. This site was owned by the kavalim clan and the eagles were likewise its property. In the spring men were sent to watch the eagles, and when the young birds were hatched and the natal down was being replaced by the juvenile plumage the watchers reported the event to the kavalim nuut. The nuut then invited the pumtumatul- niktcum and the temewhanitcem clans to aid him in securing the young bird. A large party proceeded to the cliffs above the nest and a man was lowered on a rope to get one and sometimes two young birds, which he brought up in a carrying net. As the returning party neared the village signal fires were made to warn the villagers of their approach. The eaglet was formally given to the kavalim nuut at the wamkic, and immediately all the kaval people began to throw out gifts. At this time should any other person desire any possession of a kavalim person he could take it and the owner was not supposed to object. Certain presents were given the invited kutv6voc, and these he distributed to the guests in honor of the eagle. Races were held and the fastest runner carried the young bird. A cage about five feet high was made of willow branches and here, next to the kavalim wamkic, the eagle was kept. The kavalim nuut told the kutvovoc that he wished "to feed the eagle," and the latter organized a rabbit hunt in which all men in the invited clans participated. Two days and nights of dancing and singing followed and each night the kutvovoc fed all but the kavalim clan, who were the hosts. Then for some time the young eagle was carefully fed until he had assumed almost full adult plumage. During this time there were no special ceremonies but there was much feasting and social activity. When the eagle was almost grown the kavalim nuut would assemble his clan and tell them that he wished to kill the eagle in memory of the kavalim dead. They usually agreed to this and much food and gifts of all sorts were prepared. All the other clans were invited to the kavalim wamkic for a certain night. When they had assembled the kutv6voc placed A pile of food and gifts before each invited nuut, 1S929] 261 262 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 and the kutvovoc of each clan divided the gifts between the families. The young eagle was wrapped in masvut, the ceremonial matting, and brought from the interior of the wamkic while all present sang or cried loudly. A kavalim man carried the eagle dancing around the fire in the wamkic. Other kavalim people followed him, all wail- ing. They all wore extra clothes which the guests were allowed to take from them as they danced. All through the evening the dance continued at intervals. Between times the various clans sang their enemy songs. Then the dance with the eagle continued to the accom- paniment of special " eagle-killing" songs. These songs tell how aswit, the eagle, is grieving and crying for the people. All the people whose relatives had died within the year weep and wail, throwing away many presents. Before dawn a man with strong wrists takes the bird and by compressing its lungs kills it. The various shamans however are supposed to have killed it by their magical powers, the one who was performing his incantations at the time it died being considered the most powerful. Then the mourning of all was redoubled, a special song translated "the eagle is ended, all is over" being sung. The body is given to the nuut who removes most of the skin, the tail and wing feathers as well as the down being very valuable. The next morning the body wrapped in masvut was buried in the wamkic. The eagle was thus sacrificed in memory of the dead, and because it was the most sacred and valuable of birds the respect paid the deceased was all the greater. Cupefno informants did not believe that the eagle carried messages to the dead as did the Luiseflo, though this may have been an earlier belief. The "Nuut's Road" and Its Implications If none of the kavalim elan had died during the year, the young eagle might be taken but was not killed by them. The nuut would assemble the clan in the wamkic and they would decide which clan should be given the eagle. It was given to a clan, usually of the opposite moiety, in which several deaths had occurred during the year. The kavalim clan usually gave such presents to one of the three kulpa wildcat lineages, but it might be given to neighboring wilakal, Cahuilla, Luiseflo, or Dieguenlo clans. There appears to have been a regular exchange of gifts whenever a death occurred, between all these groups. This was called silakil, the nuut's road. But the gift of the eagle was an addition to this system. When it was decided which clan was to ieceive the eagle, food Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California and gifts to accompany the bird were gathered, and led by the kutvovoc the bearers of the present proceeded to the wamkic of the recipient clan. Here they were met by the kutvovoc of this clan, who had already been notified, and who gave a present of food, basketry, and sometimes shell money in return. The donors returned home the next day after a feast. This second clan then issued invitations to all others and proceeded to have the eagle-killing ceremony. If they did not wish to give such a ceremony they might give the eagle to another clan. In the same way neighboring clans sometimes brought an eagle to the kuipa clans. The true sullakil or ."nuut's road" was evidently the southern equivalent of the elaborate shell money exchange in the north which has already been discussed. Whenever a death occurred in any of these southern clans, irrespective of their linguistic affiliation, the neighboring clans, especially if they had intermarried with the clan in question, sent a present of numhut, "treasure." This gift took the form of kenhut, shell money; ultum, eagle-feather skirts; various ceremonial objects; and sometimes masvut, the ceremonial matting. There was a regular system for such exchange, but its details have been forgotten. A length of three and a half feet of shell money was always included. Informants agreed that this shell money, kenhut, was received long ago from the San Gabriel people, whom the Cupeno called temankammalyem. The recipient of such a gift did not return it at the time, but at his clan's annual mourning ceremony about a year later invited all the clans who had sent gifts, and returned the exact amount of shell money with the addition of food and other presents. The presence of this ceremonial gift exchange among these southern clans, as well as among those in the vicinity of San Gorgonio pass, makes it seem almost certain that in aboriginal times the western half of southern California was practieally one ceremonial unit. It par- ticularly emphasizes the lack of cohesion between the linguistic groups, or as they have erroneously been called "tribes," as compared to the bonds of unity established by intermarriage and common ceremonial activities. Obviously the clan in its larger sense, ranging from the small single lineage to that composed of several ceremonially united lineages, was the political unit in the area. Between these units, each of which probably represented a village, there was a network of economic and ceremonial connections,. only the faintest records of which may be obtained today. 1929] 263 264 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 First Ceremony for the Dead When a member of any clan died a ceremony called pisatuiil was held the night following the death. The nuut of the clan that had suffered the loss had his kutv6voc gather food from all clan members, and then notify the leaders of the other clans in the village. That night all the invited clans assembled before the wamkic bringing presents. All that day the members of the mourning clan brought food contributions to the wamkic, and when all the guests were assembled, the nuut, accompanied by three men, went inside and brought out the gifts which they piled before the fire. If the loss had been in the kavalim clan the pumtumatuilniktcum and temewhanitcem clans were notified first, and the kutvovoc of the former of these two clans announced to the others those for whom the kavalim people were mourning. The presents were distributed and the kavalim clan sang their songs for the first part of the night, then the other clans sang one after another for the remainder of the night. In the morning food was distributed to the guests, after which the kutvovo? organized a rabbit hunt in which all the men participated. When they returned a big fire was blazing and the rabbits were pre- pared by the kutvovoc and his assistants. Women of the clan pre- pared more food and another feast was served in the wamkic. All participated in this save members of the clan giving the ceremony. After this feast the nuut of the mourning clan thanked all the people for coming and "suffering in the cold night" for his sake. The kutvovoc answered him, and the guests departed. Formerly the body of the deceased was burned immediately; at the present time it is buried within a few days. In the foregoing account the feasting seems to play such a promi- nent part that the thanks of the clan leader to. his guests at the end of the ceremony seem uncalled for. It must be remembered however that the main part of the ceremony lies in the night-long singing. One who has sat up all night at such a ceremony in winter, enhvened only by the mournful chanting and the weeping of the women, will under- stand it better. There is little of the proverbial "Irish wake" about the ceremony, yet the older Indians seem to enjoy it. It is however more the joy of a chronic church-goer than that of a reveler. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Second Ceremony for the Dead-Burning the Possessions If the clan of the deceased is well provided with food, this second ceremony called suiuchumnil, "burning the possessions," might follow the first within a few days. This however rarely happened, for two such ceremonies at once would be apt to make any clan destitut.e. Usually a few days after pisatutil the clan leader called all the mem- bers to the dance house. At this time he took down his masvut bundle, and divided the numhut it contained into piles, one for each of the various clan leaders that were to be invited. The family of the dead assembled the clothing, baskets, and other possessions of the deceased that were to be placed on the fire, while the other clan members agreed to gather food for the ceremony. Some time after this when the requisite supplies had been gathered, the nuut told all the clan. the exact day for the burning. The kavalim nuut, if it was one of his members that had died, notified the sivimuiatim kutvovoc who presided at the ceremony. According to informants the calling in of another clan was usually based on marital relations with that clan; hence if the moiety rule was observed, as it was at ku-pa, moiety reciprocity would have resulted automatically. However when the pumtumatuilniktcum clan asked the kavalim kutvovoc to preside there was no such reason involved. Throughout many of the Cupenlo ceremonies the exact nature of the reciprocity is not altogether clear, but the question must be left in abeyance so far as the present data are concerned. If more det.ails of the daily economic life of the people were obtainable the reciprocal relationships between the groups might seem much more logical than they do at present. The invited kutvovoc summoned all the other invited clans to the ceremony. All the members of the host clan with their various bundles assembled with the guests in the wamkic. The nuut of the host clan then went to the nuut of the reciprocal clan and whispered to. him for some time, after which the latter arose and announced the family names of the dead for whom the ceremony was given. All the numhut., which was divided up and placed in piles on the masvut matting, was then distributed to the invited clan leaders. This numhut included baskets, eagle-feather skirts, and ceremonial wands called paviut which were cross-shaped, colored red, and decorated with shells on one side. This material was carefully put aside by the recipients. 265 1929] 2 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Food was then distributed in a similar manner, and cared for by the kutvovoc of each clan. The masvut matting was left on the floor and the bundles which were to be burned were placed on it. Hosts and guests sat in a circle around the fire and commenced the songs for the dead. At this time more gifts were thrown around the wamkic. One man, called toiuvac, then sang a song which informants say is very long and very old. It told the soul to go fast, to go swiftly, to go down, down. Then to go up, to go east, to go way down into the darkness, and at last to come up into the clear place to happi- ness. Another man sang a long song, slowly and sadly. The songs are about death and darkness; then they describe the many kinds of wood used in burning the body. Each singer accompanied his song with a tortoise-shell rattle called alil, and a few people danced slowly as he sang. Finally late that night all the songs were finished. All rose and the bundles were put in a large basket. The invited kutvovoc took this and danced clockwise around the fire three times, then he threw it on the fire. All present wailed loudly at this time and threw many possessions into the fire. The remainder of the night was spent in singing "enemy songs," for all the enemy clans were believed to be rejoicing that deaths had occurred at kudpa. This rejoicing had to be warded off by singing or it would harm the people. Each clan took turns singing against their particular enemies. In the morning all dispersed. Final Ceremony for the Dead-Burning the Imtages About a year after a death, or sometimes later in order to include other persons who had died, the nuut had his kutvovoc summon all the clan to the watmkic. In silence he unrolled the masvut bundle and spread out the numhut it contained. Then he told the people when naniaukalan, "the image-burning," was to occur. All that night clan songs were sung, and in the morning the people dispersed to prepare for the coming ceremony with its accompanying feasts and giving of gifts. When all was prepared the proper clan was notified (kavalim, if the wildcat clan gave the ceremony, and vice versa), and their kutvovoc invited all the other clans. For three days all feasted and sang. Each morning there was a communal rabbit hunt, while in the afternoons the women sang and at night the men continued the songs. Later in the week materials for the images were gathered by the kutvovoc of the reciprocating cla.n. He made all the bodies of the images out of masvut given. him 266 Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California by his; nuut. Meanwhile his wife prepared faces of buckskin and * wigs of human hair. This took place in the mornings while the men were away on their rabbit hunt. The hair used for the images was obtained from the women of the mourning clan, who either cut it between two stones or burned it off. The faces of such women were also blackened with charcoal. The faces of the images were stuffed with a reed c.alled slic. White shell beads were used for the teeth and the face was marked out with charcoal. These and all other parts of the images were then rolled in the masvut and tied up. Early on the last morning of the ceremony (which usually lasted a week) all assembled in the wamkic. The nuut unrolled his masvut in the center, and all prayed and blew smoke over it. In such cere- monies wild tobacco, called pivut, was employed. Ceremonial smoking accompanied all serious ceremonies as among the Cahuilla. Then the numhut, which had been previously divided, was given to the various clan leaders. Many songs were sung, most of them identical with those sung during the siluchumnil ceremony. Late in the afternoon the presiding (invited) kutvovoc brought in the bundle containing the image material and laid it on the masvut matting which remained spread in the center of the wamkic. Special songs were sung at this time relating to making the images, and the host clan members threw out gifts for the guests to gath.er up. This part of the ceremony was called nafiawil, "the image-making. " When all the songs were concluded the presiding kutvovoc; picked out four persons, usually men and their wives, to make ea.ch image. As a rule these persons were relatives of the deceased whose image they made. Then the kutvovoc shouted three times and all the persons who were to assemble the images screamed out the enemy names of their clan. The kutv6voc took a sharp knife and cut open the bundle of masvut containing the material for the images. At this point all the people in the wamkic shout.ed "wu-u-u-k" (cut it). This bundle represented the bodies of their enemies. All the assembled people assisted in making the images. They were roughly made to represent the characteristics of the deceased persons they symbolized. The images of children were made of a similar size, those of renowned clan leaders were decorated with feather skirts and hung with strings of shell money. Men were always indicated by having bows and arrows as well as carrying nets on their backs; women were decorated with ra.bbit-skin cloaks and valuable baskets. An apron of matting, beads, and a small basket on the head 1929 ] 267 268 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 likewise indicated a female. At present, modern clothes and ornaments are put on the images, but formerly the images were painted and dressed in native costume. The leader of the first group to finish its image shouted for a tortoise-shell rattle (alil) and followed by all the relatives of the deceased went out and danced around the wamkic with the image. The others followed and many presents were thrown for the guests to gather up at this time. As they danced with the images they sang one song, constantly repeated: "To the north turn it! To the north turn it! 452 Coyote (isil) and Wolf (iswit) made it of masvut and hair! " Chanting this song they danced around the wamkic, throwing away presents. If the clan was prosperous they went twice, but if they were poor they only circled the wamkic once. Then they took the images to where the kutv6voc with a hand drill had kindled a fire of fast-burning brush, and thrust the images into the flames. More presents were thrown over the crowd and the dance continued around the fire. When all the images had been consumed, all gathered close around the fire, the members of the host clan on the inside. Six times they shouted "Bury them!"; then all grunted three times and blew toward the sky. The ashes of the fire were covered with soil and all stood up. The host nuut gave presents to the invited kutv6voc for his work, and the ceremony was over. The invited clans returned to their homes, rich with the gifts of the mourners, while the host clan stripped of all its wealth set about the slow task of replenishing its food and ceremonial-supplies. MYTHOLOGY Cupelio Creation Myth453 "The gods Tumaiyowit and Muikat created the world and all that is in it. They quarreled and argued as to their respective ages. They disagreed on many things. Tumaiyowit wished people to die. Muikat did not. Tumaiyowit 452 The Cupefio say that the head of a dead person should always face the north. The Luisefio likewise connect masvut and hair in their religious symbolism, see Kroeber, Two Myths of the Mission Indians of California, Jour. Am. Folklore, 19:320, 1906. 453Gifford, present series, 14:199, 1918, gives an outline of this myth. My informants, Mrs. Manuela Griffith and Mrs. Salvadora Valenzuela, had read this account and objected that it was incomplete. At my request they filled in the gaps, and in the present version I have given Gifford's acount marked by quota- tion marks, with the informants' new material in parentheses. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California went down to another world under this world taking his belongings with him (taking with him the children who live under the water). People die because Tumaiyowit died." "Mu5kat, who remained on earth," (told all his children to dance. Rattle- snake was his handsomest son, but all the people teased him. Mfikat became angry, and he gave rattlesnake poison, telling him to bite the most handsome people. He bit fiil, "cedar tree," a very handsome man, and he died. Then Muikat called the people together and told them how to make bows and arrows without points. But secretly Muikat put points on the arrows. He told the people to play with their bows and arrows, and pauhit, "willow tree," was killed. The moon was a beautiful young girl who used to paint her brothers every day, but Muikat made love to her. Her brothers became very angry and the moon was embarrassed and disappeared). (In the night the spirits of the dead came to visit their fellows, but they missed the moon. They refused to go away, and all the people were afraid but could not get rid of them. Then munkawit, "a small fly," dug a hole, and the people put the bodies of the dead in it and tramped down the earth. Thus the dead could go down to tfilmakic and never return. One day coyote saw the moon's reflection in the water. He screamed, "Here is our sister who went away from us." But the moon was too high to be reached.) (Muikat thus) "finally fell under the ill-will of mankind, because he caused quarreling and fighting. Every evening he put the people to sleep by blowing tobacco smoke from his pipe. When they were fast asleep, he arose stealthily, stepped over them, and went to the ocean to defecate. Each time he heard his excrement strike the ocean floor and he knew that all was well. Three times he would hear the sound. Then he returned. When the people awoke they found him in his place. They tried every possible means to discover when and where the god454 attended to his natural functions, but to no avail." "Finally a very slim lizard hid on the god's cane. The god did not see it. The lizard discovered where the god went and what he did and reported to the people. Then they set the frog to bewitch the god. The frog hid in the ocean, and, as the god defecated, swallowed his excrement. The god, not hearing the usual sound, knew that something was wrong. He poked downward with his cane, which rubbed along the back of of the frog making the marks which we see there today. The god (the creator) Mfikat became ill and died." (He lay on his bed, which creaked. When the creator spat, isil, "coyote, " swallowed the saliva. This made Muikat weaker and weaker. All his children refused to help him although they pretended to. The water snake rolled over hihm, but it did the creator no good.) "When ill, he told the people, 'If I die today or tomorrow, burn me. Do not let coyote come near me, for he will do an evil deed'." ("Send him to the end of the world to get fire." At midnight the creator7 Mfikat, died.) "Upon the death of the god his body was burned. The people sent coyote to fetch wood (fire) for the funeral pyre, for they feared that he might eat the body of the god. Coyote departed. He was away nearly a day. As soon as he left, they started to burn the body. The fire drill and hearth with which the pyre was ignited, were two men. The body of the god was burning when coyote reached the end of the world. He saw the smoke and hurried back. When he arrived at home all of the body had burned except the heart, 454 Creator is more nearly correct. 1929] 1269 270 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 which the people kept turning to make it burn. When coyote arrived the people were standing close together about the pyre. (Those, like acorn, who were closest to the fire became covered with oil. Coyote) "He said, 'Brother and sisters, let me see this. He is my god (father). ' They only stood the closer together, but coyote jumped over them and seized the heart. He ran north, where he ate it. Where the blood dripped there is gold. The people pursued in vain. Coyote looked back as he ran with the heart in his mouth. That is why a coyote when running away always looks back to this day." "'The people who stood around the pyre became trees, some tall, others short. It was over the short people that coyote had jumped. The people pursued coyote northward. Across the mountains in that direction the trees stretch today. They are the people who pursued coyote. Some have been knocked down, just as coyote knocked down the people." The Decimation and Bevival Legend of the Kfipa People455 In the beginning there were many people at kuipa. One day they were having the pumtauluiminwin (child 's naming and ear-piercing ceremony) for the son of the chief. All were in a cave inside of a big mound when the kiteamkoteam (southerners or Dieguenio) attacked them and burned up the mound. Only the wife of the chief and his child, a boy, escaped because the attackers called to her to come out. All the other people were killed and all the houses at kiupa were burnt. This happened at kie-hui-kic (house-short grass- house).456 The attackers wanted to kill the child but she disguised it as a girl so they let her keep it. Then they tried to persuade her to come with them but she told them she would follow them the next morning and so they departed without her. Early the next morning she went north toward ilikut (Saboba) where her relatives lived. These [relatives] were two men, huivutyet and pa 'ul, who -had families at Saboba. Soon their children shouted: "There is a woman coming from the south," and the men inside the house said, "It may be our nephew kisil-piwic (hawk-white down). " The children were sent to fetch her as both men wanted her to live at their house, but she went to huivutyet 's house. They asked her why she had come to them and she answered, "They killed them all." Then they asked if there was no one closer to go to, and she said there was not. All mourned a great while for her relatives and all did many things for her. But she was not satisfied and each day went off by herself to gather seeds. When the child became older and stronger she carried him on her back in a cradle. Sometimes she left him, leaning the cradle against a tree, and when she returned she would find dead rabbits and wood rats hung on the child's breast. She was very angry, and threw these away, thinking some one was making fun of her. She told this to huivutyet and he said, "Do not throw away; bring them to me to eat. Then the child will not cry, for he kills them for me. " 4a5 A somewhat different and less complete version of this mvth is given by Gifford, present series, 14:199-201, 1918. In his later notes at Pala he mentions the differences between the two stories. The present version was given in Cupeflo by Mrs. Manuela Griffith, and translated by her daughter, Mrs. Salvadora Valenzuela, at Pala in 1925. 456 This site was a few rods northwest of the Warner's Hot Springs Hotel, where informants say there is black charred earth even today. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California The boy grew rapidly, and when very young went hunting with the men and always killed more game than they did. When at the time of the new moon they had races he always won. Likewise when they played pumkaupiwin (shinny) he always beat all the others. All the people were becoming jealous of him. His mother observed this and said to him, "Do not go out with these people; you do not belong to them. Your people lived far away but they were all killed." So when the people asked him to hunt, race, or play with them he refused. Huivutyet observed that the boy was indifferent to work or play. He asked the mother if she had told the boy who he was. The boy 's mother aiiswered, "Yes I told him that these are not his people and that they do not like him. That his home was far away where are his paJa tingva (hot springs). " Then the child spoke, "Now I know where I came from, I will go and see my place, my home! " So huivutyet gave him some numhutim ("treasure" includ- ing many strings of shell beads) and a hakut (carrying net) to carry them in. He also gave the boy a long club. Huivutyet told kisil-plwic to scatter these beads when he got to kie-hui-kic (house-short grass-house), his home at kfupa. The club (paunapic) was to kill his enemies with, for huivutyet knew that he must fight. In the carrying net were placed bundles of acorn meal and various seeds for food. Last of all hfivutyet gave him masvut (sacred matting). When all was ready to start the mother sang: "Now you are going with your numhut!" And kisil-pIwic answered: "Nuni-e Nunie nu numhut pumum! Nufn-e Nunie nu masvut pumim! " "I am going, I am going, with my numhut-! I am going, I am going, with my masvut-! " They traveled to the edge of wiatava (Lost valley, near kuipa) and here kisil-piwic left his mother. He went down into the valley and met many people who looked like southerners. When they saw his long hair they shouted, "Our nephew (teumuitlma), we fixed him, we bathed him, that is why he is so handsome. " Each day he went with them hunting, and always killed the most game, which he gave to them. Then he would return to his mother. She was suspicious and constantly asked him where he had been. He always answered that he had just been up on the mountain from which he could see all over. At last she followed him to tfievikinvat (Sam Taylor's place, near wilakal), where she saw him with all the people. When he returned to wiatava he brought with him a deer he had killed, and told his mother to eat it. She answered, "Nuuts in the big house, not old women like me, should eat deer meat! " But he insisted, saying, "You must eat it for there is no one else." As kisil-piwic could not eat the game he had killed himself, she had to eat it. Kisil-piwic set out long rows of stone traps to catch wood rats which he brought to his mother. After several days he always found his traps empty and he asked his mother what was robbing them. She said it was probably isil (coyote), but when he drew a picture of the tracks he found at the traps she told him it was a bear (hfinwut). She told kisil-piwic to beware for the bear was very dangerous. Instead he hid and waited for the bear, and after a long hard fight killed it with his club. So he told his mother he had killed something with long eurved elaws, and she said that it must be a bear. "Yes," he answered, "and I am going out to bring it in." He carried the huge animal in on his back and skinned it. He tried to make his mother eat the 1,929] 271 272 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 bear but she refused, saying that only chiefs could eat bear meat. Then he sewed up the skin and blew into it till it was full, and the bear came to life. When his mother saw this she went away to a little hill and looked down the valley. Kisil-pIwic played with the bear as though it were a puppy. He asked his mother if she had seen his bear, and she said she had but that it was very fierce so she had gone away. He told his mother that they were going away, saying, "I am taking my bear for my uncles to see." But before they left, the mother went down to wilakal and told the people there about the bear. When she returned to wiatava her legs were all scratched and kisil-piwic asked her where she had been. She told him that she had been looking for acorns. "Your feet look as though you had been bathing," said her son, but she denied it, saying that she had washed her feet at suiiepuki (rabbit's home).457 Then they departed with kisil-pIwic leading his bear. They went north of kfipa to kisil-pilic-puki (hawk, road-runner home) where there were many stones good for straightening arrows. From here kisil-piwic looked down on his home. Soon the southerners found out that he was there and they asked him to go hunting with them, which he did. They said, "We will catch him, we will not get our hands covered with blood." So they asked kisil-piwic to show them his bear which he kept in his hut. He would only show them the bear's paws and many did not think he had a bear at all. Many people came from the south to help kill him and they surrounded his hut. When kisil-piwic came out they all shot at him with arrows but he was unhurt. He came out many times, each time differently dressed and acting like a different person. The southerners thought there were many people with him and they decided to attack the next day. Kisil-piwic then gathered up all the arrows that had been shot at him. The next day when they approached he and his bear met them. The bear killed very many and they all fled, while the mother of kisil- piwic killed the wounded with his club (paunapic). Two men were caught by kisil-piwic and these he swung against an oak tree, but he did not kill them. He told them to go tell his aunts that he had killed all the people, and said, "Now I am going back to my place, kuipa." He and his mother scalped all the dead, filling a large carrying net with scalps. While he was carrying these scalps he rested at fifiupuia (where he rested). Farther up the hill he was tired and called this place pahiksava (where he panted); then he went to pililima (where they ate), and then to mfikacmu (fleas). Here he took a long robe and fastened all the scalps to it. Last of all he and his mother feasted. Then he went to kic-h&-kic near by and scattered the shell beads. He sang on his father's rock. He was all alone at kuipa; all his enemies were afraid of him. His mother was grinding acorn meal when from the west she saw two women approaching. She called to her son, telling him that two persons, women not warriors, were coming. The women came to a patch of wild currant and hid there. So kisil-piwic sent his mother to bring them to kfipa. She found the girls and asked them if they were not afraid. They replied that they were not. Then the mother said, 'You have come to carry wood and water for me. 457 This site was on Lookout mountain, and belonged to the kavalim clan. A huge white rabbit with black spots, reputed to be four feet high, was supposed to live here. The rabbit and the hot springs at kuipa were reputed to have been brought there by the first kavalim. Many native people, and even some white men, claim to have seen this remarkable rabbit. In each case bad luck followed such a sight. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California She took the two sisters, who were from taka 'at (base of Smith mountain in Luisenlo territory), and brought them to her son. He married both of them. First the older sister had two sons, then the younger sister had one son. When the sons of the elder sister grew up they married sivimfiatim women. These were southerners from tuiuhut and tuievuli (about six miles south of kuipa). The son of the younger sister married an auliniawiteem woman from solikma (near wilakal). Each of these families also had children. The oldest son and his wife were very good to kisil-piwic, but the others were not. This made the old man very angry and he called all his descendants together. Then he said, "This is my eldest son, his name shall be kaval-he will see farther and own more land than all others." Then to the second son he said, " Build your house away at sitcfiil (place under thorny bushes), and call yourself pumtumatuilnikic (black tooth), for you are stingy and must live there." To the third son he said, "Go to the north and call yourself temewhanitc (northerner). " Thus from the beginning all the kuipa people were close relatives. After he had sent his other sons away, kisil-piwic and his oldest son had fiestas to which the other sons were invited. The oldest son had to supply the food, and that is why a kaval is always kutv6voc and waits on other people at their fiestas. There was one oak tree with especially big acorns at kuipa (near the present school house), and here kisil-piwic would dance. Many acorns would fall down for him but for no one else. These he would take to the kavalim women and they would grind them and make acorn meal eakes for him. He would eat these while all his children watched. He would tell them to go in the other direction where the wind had blown down acorns, but he would not give them any of his. The children told their fathers that kisil-piwic had bewitched the oaks so that they bore acorns only for him. His other sons hid near the tree and when kisil-piwic danced to make the trees bear, they bewitched him so that the trees would no longer bear for him. Thus he had no food and died. The oldest son made ceremonies for his father and all the other sons and their families came. 1929] 273 274 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 VI. THE LUISESO The Luiseiio are the most southwesterly of all the Shoshoneans and today their coastal and foothill range is one of the most populous districts in southern California. As it was formerly the center of Spanish mission activity the combined influences have now obliterated all but faint traces of the native culture. Fortunately the Luisefno have received more attention from the ethnologist than the groups previously considered and as a result more is known concerning t.heir former mode of life and their religious beliefs. The culture of the group has been studied most fully by Sparkman, Du Bois, Kroeber, and Gifford,458 but the details of their social organization have remained somewhat obscure. This is largely inevitable since the long continued alien pressure early disintegrated the social structure of their more westerly villages. However, in the peripheral eastern por- tions of Luiseino territory certain groups have maintained part of their old organization up until the last generation, and here it is still possible to find a few individuals who remember the native socia.l patterns. The previous consideration of their eastern Shoshonean neighbors, especially of the Cahuilla and the Cupeno, where native life has persisted into the last generation on a larger scale, gives many clues to hitherto obscure or unstressed points in Luiseiio organization. It is this new viewpoint, rather than such new dat.a as are here pre- sented, that seems to clear up some of the contradictions existing in regard to the social organization of the groups. The extent of Luiseiio territory is somewhat uncertain but its general contours have been indicated on map 7. The boundaries have been drawn in accord with Sparkman's account,459 but the clans are more or less arbitrarily assigned to the various sites they have occupied in historic times, and their locations accord with the follow- ing Luiseiio clan list (table 19). This list is based on that previously given by Gifford460 but a considerable number of additions and 458 P. S. Sparkman, Culture of the Luiseflo Indians, present series, 8:181-234, 1908. C. G. Du Bois, The Religion of the Luiseao Indians of Southern California, present series, 8:69-186, 1908. A. L. Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of Cali- fornia, Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull 78, 1925. E. W. Gifford, Clans and Moieties in Southern California, present series, 14:155-219, 1918. 459 op. cit., 189. 460 S. Cal., 203-205. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California changes have been made. The sites are probably more nearly correct for the easterly clans which for the greater part have clung to their ancestral homes, but the western clan groupings are in many cases the direct result of mission influence. According to informants there are slight dialectic differences between the speech of the northern Luiseno around Saboba, those in the east around Aguanga, and those of the central and western portion of the territory. The native groups around the mission of San Juan Capistrano had such a distinct dialect that they have been designated in all the more recent literature as the (ProbaWy G 1brino, th.qh Oo.*d V Cah.Miah in MMnC p.yj.S Gabrielino - - - (P,otobbj Luiase to i .cord incomploe) I Mountei Cahuilla \ Lutaef,o I ............ .. - ..t Juanerwo / c(Irn * / TI' eul, al '-tt -. / ......... .M n y ....... '. .';c. o . N ........... 4 < S*Pbtre 71-15 eLa Jola 75-88 Can4jon 7-~~~~~~~~R,~o c-ru% -Ct4X ______________-_ [ i Diegueino Map. 7. Luisefio Territory. Juaneiao.46 South of the Luiseino were the Yuman-speaking Diegueiio, to the east were the Mountain Cahuilla and Cupefno, and to the north were the .Juanefio, Gabrielino, and Serrano. Culturally the Luiseiio seem to have been active agents rather than passive recipients, as the following account will demonstrate, but the extent to which they received cultural stimuli from their northern neighbors is unknown because of the early disappearance of the latter groups. There is however strong reason for believing that a large part of the ritualistic detail passed on by them to peoples of the south and east they had themselves received from the Juaneiio and Gabrielino. 461 Sparkman, op. cit., 189. 1929] 275 276 University of CaOlifornia Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 TABLE 19 LIST OF CLANS462 Saboba 1. Litcic.* Slipping. 2. Pokhat.* 3. Amurax.* Curled, as the leaves of a plant from the heat. 4. Teipmal.* A species of owl. 5. Yulotcuwat.* Morning star. Pechanga 6. Tcauwi.* To chase or scare up game. (Also represented at Rincon. Gifford.) 7. No. not used. 8. Hakyuk.* Hungry. 9. Tcukul.* (Perhaps from tcuki, to fill tight. Gifford.) 10. Efila.* Salt. A branch at Pala also. 11. Wilix.* 12. Pahanim.* Budding (translated as Brewer blackbird to present author). 13. Oyot.* Thief, robber. 14. Kowak.* 15. Atatci.* Bark of a tree. 16. Tosamal.* A small plant with yellow flowers (Baeria gracilis). 17. Kocak.* Sweet. 18. Wavic.* People piling food for fiesta. 19. Cahama.* In the white willows. 20. Makara.* 21. Canat.* Asphaltum. 22. Bahovic.* 23. Totmani.* Rolling stone. 24. Uhok. To trot. Aguanga 25. Atola. Root. 26. Alyal. Poison oak. Los Flores 27. Ho6wak. Foam (?). San Juan (Juaneito) 28. Poteavinik. Splash (of water). San Luis Rey 29. Tuvotwic or Tovotmuc.* Something ground to dust. 30. Atuulu.* A plant growing abundantly. 31. Halixlinla or Halusliiia.* Walking pigeon-toed or standing stoop-shouldered. 32 Ketekt.* Trousers (?) pulled up short. 33. Sifile.* 462 This list includes many family names, or nicknames, as well as those of the clans or ceremonial and political units. The modern sites under which they are grouped merely indicate the general locality of each in late historic times. See map 7, present paper. Clan names marked with asterisk, from Gifford. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 34. Towic.* Ghost. 35. Karik.* From kari'i, to eruct. 36. Pevesafiahoiket.* Tule swaying in wind. 37. Keruskat.* 38. Totomal.* Small stone. 39. Saume.* Sound of sea shell at ear. 40. Lavik.* Wilting. 41. Ronis.* Talking low when sick. 42. Nosis.* 43. Panowa.* 44. Yawahaisan.* 45. Kauwut.* 46. Tovita.* Small rabbit species. 47. Kelita. 48. Mapulis. Sitting in hunched position, hands in front of face. 49. Cuevish.463 Pala 50. Luvakwis.* To wilt or to become dry. (Said to be a branch of the Alyal clan at Aguanga.) 51. Tcori.* To roll. (Said to be oldest Pala clan.) 52. Wakpic.* Broom (for sweeping). 53. Sokisla.* To live forever (f). 54. Beebethe. 55. Octonawa. (otc = cliff.) 56. Pevbsesh. Tule. 57. Teehala. The Pleiades. (Said to be related to the Nasikut clan at Aguanga.) Pauma 58. Maxlafia.* Fan palm. 59. Kbefeic.* Ground squirrel (a branch at La Jolla also). 60. Coktcum.* Scratch flesh with nails. 61. Pauval.* 62. Ayal.* Knowledge (?). 63. Tcat.* White owl. 64. Slwak. Awake (a branch at Potrero also). 65. Pavofia.* Feeling a slight pain after a severe one. 66. Cokicla. Beetle (?). Rinoon 67. Omic.* Blood (a branch at Potrero also). 68. Rasikut. To chip or flake off (a branch at Potrero also). 69. Tcevic. Breaking by pulling. 70. Kewewic. Fox. (Given Gifford by Saboba informant.) Potrero (Cuoa Ranoh) 71. Kalak. Sways. 72. Sovenic. Mischievous. (Same as Gifford's no. 5 at Rincon.) 73. Sfiwacic. Afraid. 74. Suikat. Deer. 75. Amoya. Tired. (Mendenhall 's Ranch.) 463 Name of Lucario Cuevish, informant mentioned by Du Bois, op. oit., 74. 1,929] 277 278 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 La Jolla464 76. Suvic. Rustling. (Same as Gifford's no. 1.) 77. T6vac. To settle in water, like sand. (Same as Gifford's no. 8.) 78. Aki. Hole in the ground. (Same as Gifford's no. 2.) 79. Amago6. Branch of a tree. (Same as Gifford 's no. 3.) 80. Wassuk. Stretched. (Same as Gifford 's no. 4.) 81. Awalui. Meat beggar. (Same as Gifford 's no. 7.) 82. Acketum. Bather. (Same as Gifford's Cuca clan no. 1.) 83. Pakut. Deep basket. 84. Pamukemal. (Extinct.) 85. TUlukuh. To hide behind. (Extinct.) 86. Teulupiteum. (Extinct.) 87. Puhpfika. Door. (Extinct.) 88. Lukuteic. Mosquito. (Extinct.) Pue,rta Cruz 89. Sepuk. (A branch of the Amago clan at La Jolla.) 90. Mitcax. Choked or stuffed. 91. Waxipaniawic. 92. Mfita. Horned owl. 93. Kwacie. Henshaw Damn 94. Palawhitcem. Ground fungus or puffball. (Branch at La Jolla also.) CLAN ORGANIZATION According to Sparkman465 the Luiseiio bands or clans466 inhabited separate villages and were independent of each other. They had no powerful chiefs but the religious chief of each clan possessed the most influence, all matters pertaining to religion being under his control. The office was hereditary but failing competent successors it might pass out of the direct line of descent. Women were occasionally allowed to hold this office.467 The office of chief of the rabbit hunt468 was hereditary, and the medicine man (shaman) presumably had some governmental power. Each band (or clan) had its allotted ter- ritories, which were occasionally subdivided between the different 464 Gifford 's clans, nos. 5, 9, and 10, were not mentioned by my informants. 465 op. Cit., 190, 215. 466 Both terms are used apparently synonymously. 467 Considering the strict limitation of this office to males among the eastern neighbors of the Luiseiio one is inclined to attribute this to modern conditions under which the women interested carried on the religious activities. Juanefno myths however tell of a ehieftainess, and it is possible that this was a western custom. 468 This was usually the ceremonial assistant or paha. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California families composing the band. These clan territories were jealously guarded and trespassing often led to quarrels. Du Bois mentions the clans and speaks of the chiefs being associated with ceremonial objects,469 but her main concern seems to be with the parties. Gifford470 deals at some length with the clans, which he considers as male lineages, a point brought out more strongly in a later publica- tion.47' He notes that certain of these clans have hereditary leaders., but that many of them do not and are often grouped into religious parties. He rightly distinguishes between the clans into which a person is born and the parties which may be joined at will. Kroeber472 sums up all the above data and concurs most fully with Gifford; he points out that the relation of the chief to the political or territorial group is wholly obscure and doubts that the small individually named families or clans could have been the sole political units. A discussion of the clan organization of the Luiseiio at La Jolla, Puerta Cruz, and Pala may throw more light on certain of the problems involved. At La Jolla four informants gave the bulk of the information; these were Yela Wassuk, Refukia Wassuk, Juan Antonio Wassuk, and Barbara Awalui, all very old people. They agreed that there ha.d never been any parties at La Jolla, but that each clan was separate, and formerly each had a nota, a maswut bundle, and a special dance enclosure built for their ceremonies.473 No persons having the same clan name could marry, and it was not customary to marry into the clan of the mother unless that group was so large that the selected mate was not considered a direct maternal relative. When Yela was a girl the sfivic and the t5vac clans lived at Yapitca, one-half mile west of the La Jolla schoolhouse. Each had a nota and carried on its own ceremonies. Formerly the teulutpiteum clan lived here but they were all dead before her time. At lanfaho near the Nelson place, three- quarters of a mile east of the La Jolla schoolhouse, lived the ainago, aki, wassuk, and acketum clans, each clan being an independent cere- monial unit. Formerly the extinct puhpuka clan lived here. At h6lyulkum, the Nelson place, lived the awai& clan, as well as several families from other clans. The panukemal, luhkutcic, and ullukuh clans formerly lived here but became extinct before she remembers. 469 op. cit., 160-161. 470 S. Cal., 201-214. 471 M,iwok Lineages and the Political Unit in Aboriginal California. Am. Anthr., n.s., 28:389-401, 1926. 472 Handbook, 685-688. 473 According to La Jolla informants the native term for clan is kiktum, identical with the Cahuilla term. 1,029] 279 280 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 a a~~~~~~~~~~~w' a a~~~~~~~~~~~C m 0H N n ocO0oo F7 c as Q Q a e ' ?e t3 O CD 4 aa a c a.Oc c a00 O = + A -zE- ~- 0-X 4 c o vc> e CZ 4Q a* a a a ao a~v O = m~~~~~ a ++ +0 a a a 4)~~~~~~~~~4 Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California At sefimi, a flat one-half mile southwest of the Nelson place, lived part of the kefeic and pakut clans. There were several other village sites in the vicinity but the clans that once occupied them had disappeared. Certain of these clans were believed to be related and always reciprocated in presiding at each other 's ceremonies. Thus the uilukuh, panukemal, and the aki clans were said to be three branches of one stock, the latter being considered the oldest or original clan. It was impossible to verify this assumed relationship sinee two of these elans are extinct and the third nearly so. Similarly the sepuk clan at Puerta Cruz was said to be a branch of the amago clan that had moved away, while the palawhitcem clan at the Henshaw dam was said to be a branch of the wassuk and awlii clans. Since several members of the last-named clans survive, it is possible definitely to establish the relationship between these two groups and to show the way in which the split occurred. Three generations before that of the informants, all of whom figure in the genealogy (genealogies 8, 12, 15, 22, 23), the wassuk clan was at lafiaho where the survivors still live. The clan was large and food was scarce, so that awalii (3) (meat beggar), head of one family, moved away to holyulkum where there was room for growing some vegetables and less competition for acorns and other wild products. His nickname was passed on to his children as a family or clan name and they considered themselves inde- pendent of the parent clan. Awalf became nota, acquired a maswut bundle and gave his own ceremonies, including in his group certain unattached fa.milies of Luisefio then living at holyulkum. The office passed on to his son (7), and from him to Barbara awaild (22) who at present regards herself as a nota although her clan or family is very small. When the wassuk clan had ceremonies the awaili clan was always invited, and on the rare occasions when the latter had a ceremony, for they were few in numbers and poor, they in turn invited their relatives from lan-aho. All the informants agreed that this was the usual way the clans split up, largely through economic pressure. In hard times, therefore, clans that were once large might, in this manner, become subdivided into small family groups. If the head of the family which moved was of importance a new clan was thus established; if not, they returned to the parent group for all cere- monies. The distance between the two groups also played a part in determining whether they became independent or retained their old affiliations. V,929] 281 282 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 3 v 0 _ t a P 0 m m S Q + Q i + o---- ce Cd~~~~~~~~ ...~*. ... .. ., ci~~~~~~~~~~~~~c LI I I cd d t i ca H H N a; Pb~~~~~~~~~~.4 c Ca 0~~~~~~~~~~~~o ce- 4a 0~~~~~~~~ .q a 640 4a -. 4-, cli~~~~~~~~~~~~~tc -Q OD 2 + A a e*~ a~ v + km ~ E~ ,-l 01 01 01~~~~~~~~c Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California At Puerta 'Cruz there were four clans living in the one village according to a census taken by Gifford in 1919. Three of these clans were independent and had their own n6ta, while the fourth, a very small group, shared in the ceremonies of the largest clan of the afore- mentioned three. The genealogy (genealogy 24) of the mitcax clan is not altogether clear as to the relationship of all the male members. According to Cupenio informants they were all closely related, but the informants were unable to indicate the exact paternal linkage of the oldest members. This clan owned six houses. Nos. 1-12 and 19 lived in one house, nos. 13-16 in the second, nos. 17, 18 in the third, nos. 20-22 in the fourth, no. 23 in the fifth, and no. 24 in the sixth. GENEALOGY 25 M?ita Family Jose Maria + Guillermo waxipaniawic + Maria pumtum (Cup.) I + Gertrudis temewhanic (MO) GENEALOGY 26 Waxipaniawic Clan - 2. Philomeno - 4. Juan N.1. ? + Dolores Msiimn-aat 5. Antonio + Juana pauatakik 3. Jose Antonio 6. Benicio (MC) +Marianna (Serr.) 7. 7 N.8. Bruno + Guillerma miteax 9. Milton 10. Cecelia 11. s + ' iswitim (MC) + Valentine mitcax The first nota remembered was Caporal (no. 1), and on his death the office passed to his paternal first cousin Valentine (no. 13), who so far as the record goes was the last to hold office. Affiliated with this clan was the small multa (horned owl) family whose only known genealogy is as follows (genealogy 25). They all lived in one house. Of these nos. 1-6 lived in one house, nos. 7 and 8 in another, and nos. 9-11 in a third. The oldest nota remembered was no. 1 and on his death the office passed to his nephew Bruno (no. 8). Thus at Puerta Cruz some fifty years ago, there were four clans living in ten houses, all but one of the clans being an independent cere- monial unit. Since a kinship bond between the members of these 1929] 283 284 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 clans is suggested it seems justifiable to call them by the latter name rather than to designate them as parties. Puerta Cruz was an impor- tant village to the Cupeino because it was the first place at which corpse-carriers from kuipa to the San Luis Rey mission stopped. Cupenio informants say that the Cupeio only carried their dead on the first and last stages of the journey, members of the other villages carrying it in the. intermediate stages. It is probable that these alien carriers were paid for their services. According to Francisco Ardea,476 the oldest of the few surviving Luisefio who lived at Pala before the Cupeiio were transported there, the original social and religious group was; the clan and not the party. In this he agreed with the La Jolla informants, but he added that t.here had been parties at Pala as long as he could remember person- ally. This he said was due to the breaking down. of the old clan system after the mission p-eriod. The old site from which Pala (water) took its name was a spring on the hill about two miles northeast of the present town. This site belonged to the tcori clan, which was the earliest group to live there. Most of their members were taken from there to the San Luis Rey mission to work, and only a few came back. When Francisco was a boy many Luiseiio lived at Pala, each group with the same name living close together. It was considered wrong for people with the same name to marry, but this rule is disobeyed at present because of white influence. "Now it seems like we are marry- ing our sisters and brothers. " When he was a. young man, Sebastian Tcori, Ignacio wakpic, MVanuel Beebethe, and Geronimo Octonawa were the notas of their respective clans. The luvakwis clan was under the Aguanga adyal n6ta, and the teehala clan was under the nasikut clan also at Aguanga. Ventura Sokisla was the oldest man of that clan but whether he was regarded as a nota is. uncertain. The pevesesh clan was not mentioned by Francisco. Francisco told the following story to account for the localization of the clans. It seems to be a combination of migration legend and general Luisefio creation myth.477 Long ago the country was divided among the Indians. The kefeic people, with all the others, first came traveling from the east. The kulpa people (Cupefios) had been left there. When the kZefeie people came to the site of Pauma another family, the kalaks, were lliving there, so the keflic people hid and watched them. Finally the kalaks saw them and came up and talked to 476 The name Ardea is the Spanish translation of keflic or ground squirrel. 477 Du Bois, op. cit., 110. Record 383 mentions a similar migration legend of the Temecula Luiseflo. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California them. The k6efeic people asked if they might stay there also for there were many acorns. They had to do this, for in the old days each family (clan) had a territory marked by rocks and they killed all trespassers. The kalaks agreed to let them stay and they became like brothers and sisters. Other families lived near by and each had its own territories. These had come ahead of the kalak people. The people were scattered like that because of the death of their father. This was Wlyot, the son of e'kla (the earth) who was his mother, and tfupac (the heavens) who was his father. All people come from them as did all the animals. The frog (wahaukIla) was the last child of Wiyot. When he was born Wlyot said, "My, what an ugly child! " That was why the frog killed his father by bewitching him. All the sons of Wlyot took the body to burn it. All things were then alive, even the pine trees who were coming to the funeral. Those that stand along the ridges are the ones who didn't get there on time and they have stayed where they were ever since. His children burned Wiyot at wac, in the San Bernardino mountains, where there is a cross. Ant hills and nettles all arose at the place where he was doctored. All the places where they took the body of Wiyot were named, like malama (the Agua Tivia ranch), where they washed the body. From this place they took the body to wac and prepared to burn it. The spirit of Wiyot was thinking what he could do for his children. At first he thought he would make them immortal, but he thought that the earth would then be overcrowded. Wlyot had a wieked son, Coyote (ano), and all the other children tried to send him away to the ocean for fire. Coyote would pretend to go but he always rubbed his face with evergreen branches and sneaked back. The black spider (kuiwithifiie) that has a fiery red spot, set fire to the pyre. Coyote came running up and begged to see his father. When they would not let him he jumped over their heads and ate Wlyot 's heart. That is why all people are after the coyote. The third day they heard Wlyot's voice but could not see him. He told them to watch for him in the west, and the moon came out as a sign that Wiyot would come back. After this all the children of Wlyot scattered, and all found the places where they could live and have plenty of food. All the people in each place were related and all had the same name. They could not marry with others who had the same name, but the boys' parents always went away And picked out wives for them. This is obviously a combination of myth fragments but it, has value in demonstrating that the kinship group or clan and not the religious party is still regarded by the older Luiseiio as the important unit of society. This persistence of the paternal lineage among the eastern Luiseiio contrasts with the dominance of the party in the west where the original social conditions have disappeared. A consideration of religious party organization will demonstrate its superficial nature compa,red to the lineage or clan foundation from which it arose. 1,929] 285 286 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 PARTY ORGANIZATION According to Gifford, " a Luisenio party consists of a clan or family, with an hereditary chief, to which other numerically weak and chieftainless groups have attached themselves. "478 This defini- tion applies equally well to the western Mountain Cahuilla party, but as has been previously demonstrated it is not altogether adequate for the organization among the Cupenlo which Gifford calls a party. Briefly to distinguish between a clan and a party, it can be said that the former may be made up of several branches of one lineage, whereas the latter is composed of branches of several lineages. While La Jolla informants denied that parties were ever in vogue there, at Pauma, Rincon, Pala, San Luis Rey, Pichanga, and Saboba,479 they flourished, and are today the last organized vestiges of native life. But even where the party is dominant, native informants deny that it was the original social unit, and practically all claim that each clan formerly had a chief and performed its own ceremonies. At Rincon today there are only two active parties, the anoyum, or coyote people (so called, informants say, because they were greedy and snatched at things), and the ivium, meaning "to stand apart." The first party is composed of three clans, k~efiic, omic, and s&kat.450 According to Mrs. Maria Jesus Omish, her mother-in-law Pasquala, and her daughter-in-law Mrs. Gregorio Omish, each one of the clans in the first party formerly had a nota, or chief, and performed its own ceremonies. Jose Dolores K~efiic, Cornelio Omic, and Jose Pedro Sukat were the respective notas of the three clans, which today form one part'. The last named is the present leader of the united party. The second party, called ivlium, consisted of one clan, the kalaks (the term naxyum used by Gifford is that of the mythical ancestor of the clan).481 The use of the term party here is merely due to common native usage, for clan is obviously more correct as a descriptive desig- nation. Gifford stated that there were "other families" attached to this party,48' but if so their names were not given by my informants. Of the three other parties listed by Gifford, each consisted of only one 478 Present series, 14:206, 1918. 479 Gifford, S. Cal., 206-214. 480 Many people from Pauma, Potrero, and near-by places now live at the Rincon reservation. Gifford, S. Cal., 207, agrees to this clan alignment but adds the tovik (t6vac) La Jolla clan, which was not included by my informants. 481 S. Cal., 207, also Du Bois, op. cit., 161, tells how this transition occurred. The story was repeated to me by Juan Sotello Kalak, the acting nota. 1929] Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California -X>. `287 clan, but at the present time none is active. The name for GifforTh- seniyam party was given to me as ponoum. It formerly consisted of the sovenic clan. Bruno Sovenic, who is nominally its head since the death of Geronimo Sovenic some thirty years ago, did not know the meaning of the term ponoum. The term seinyam was not used by him, and he was strong in asserting that when he was a boy each clan had been an independent ceremonial unit. He had not assumed active leadership of his clan because giving ceremonies was too expensive, and since no one nowadays knew the old customs it was useless. Like- wise the exvaiyum party was composed of the fiesikat (nasikut) clan which according to Gifford was located at Temecula ;482 and the navyam party was made up of the ciwaxum (sliwak) clan at Pauma. From the foregoing it is obvious that at Rincon and its vicinity the party is a recent growth. It is possible to demonstrate that all five of the parties recorded by Gifford were made up of formerly independent clans, showing that one or at most two generations ago the Luisefio there were as free of parties as the La Jolla people claim always to have been. At San Luis Rey, the site of the old mission, there is said to have been only one party. All the Luisefno families at this place were under one hereditary chief, and since twenty families or fragmentary clans are recorded from there, it seems probable that this centralization was due to Spanish influence.483 At Pauma, in 1918, there were three parties each centered around one clan, and at Pichanga there was only one accepted party and one upstart affair less than a year old.484 The name of this last, kiyuiiahoic, which was translated by the male founder of the party as "my house and my property," suggests that it was founded because of his possession of a ceremonial house and equipment. Apparently the last requirement, i.e., the ceremonial equipment, in addition to a rudimentary knowledge of the externals of the old rituals, are the only requisites nowadays for founding a party. No very old party leaders are alive today, and their younger successors seem to have little detailed knowledge of their old religion. Certainly a comparison of the information received from them with that volunteered by the old clan leaders of the Desert Cahuilla, strongly indicates the lack of knowledge of the present Luiseiio leaders. 482 S. Cal., 207. 483 Gifford, S. Cal., 207-208. 484 Gifford, S. Cal., 208. 288 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 At Saboba in 1918 there were three parties with hereditary leaders (both male and female) and ceremonial assistants.485 As is true of all Luisefio parties (and clans), women became members both by birth and by marriage. It was possible to join the party and to leave it at will. Since the individual parties were not exogamous, owned no territories or special ceremonies, and were obviously composed of fragmentary clans, including Mountain Cahuilla as well as Luisefio families,486 it seems safe to conclude that they were of relatively la.te origin. TRACES OF MOIETY ORGANIZATION In 1908, Miss Du Bois secured from Lucario Cuevish, an old Luiseiio born at San. Luis Rey, a legend concerning the origin of the Notish Mourning Ceremony.487 Since it strongly suggests the dicho- tomy of the animate universe, common to the Miwok and to many other southern and south central Californian groups, it is here quoted in full: The Sea-fog, Awawit, was the one who started the Notish ceremony. He was one of those who arranged all the ceremonies after the death of Ouiot (Wiyot). He was the one who used to provide the food and call all the people together. Sea-fog set up the kutumit pole with baskets at the top, and arranged for a contest of skill between his people of the west and those of the mountains. The western people were sure that they could do better in everything than the people of the mountains. So everyone tried to climb the pole to get the baskets, but no one could reach the top except the squirrel from the mountains, and he climbed the pole, cut the string, and the baskets fell down. When the mountain people went to this gathering they took deer meat and much food; all they could carry; but Mechish from the ocean, a sea animal that crawls along and has little hollows or cups in his shell, got a bag and got all the food in that and carried it off. So the west won in that contest and got all the mountain people's food. In the first game the squirrel beat. In the second the west beat. Then the western people gathered fish and other things to eat. There was a bird there from the mountains with a very big mouth [probably the night hawk or the poor will], and the mountain people said to him: "It is your turn now to eat." He said: "That is nothing for me to do." So he opened his mouth and they poured everything into it, and he ate it all up. So the mountain people beat. Then they arranged a game between the fish and the owl. They were to look straight at each other and whoever closed his eyes first was to lose. The 485 Gifford, S. Cal., 212. 486 Gifford, S. Cal., 212-214. 487 Op. Cit., 148-150. Comments in brackets by present author. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California owl and the fish sat and looked at each other, and finally the owl had to close his eyes, so he lost, and the western people won on that. They were getting angry over all this contest and it seemed there would be a fight. When levalwish, the crow 's skin, is hung on the pole, there is to be fighting. Then Sea-fog made a house and told the mountain people to try to destroy it. So they got the Summer-cloud, Thunder-cloud, a very powerful man, to come and see if he could blow or break it down. He came, he roared and blew, but could do nothing to break the house down. So the west won. Then Thunder-cloud invited Sea-fog to come up to his house and see if he could destroy it. So Sea-fog came. A strong wind broke the trees and knocked down all the houses. So the west won again. Then they tried their skill in a long race. They went past Pala up through the mountains as far as La Jolla. Some of those that raced on the side of the mountain people were the hawk, frog, eagle, raven, and chicken hawk; and for the west Emamul (little birds on the seashore, very fast runners [Sandpipers?], the butterfly, grasshopper, and others. As they came by Pala to the foot of the mountain, at Rincon, Wasimul, a kind of a hawk, gave out in the race, and there he is now as a rock beside the road, right below the store. At the same time Chehuka, a person, coming along in the race, gave out, and his footprint can still be seen in the rock. When many of the racers had given out and died, or stayed behind, the eagle and the raven and the chicken hawk, mountain people, were ahead; and the grass- hopper and the butterfly, western people, were close behind, so the mountain people won in this race. The last race was between the deer, Sukut, and the antelope, Tonla. This race was from Temecula to San Bernardino mountain, and the antelope beat in this, for it was all on a level, where the antelope can go fastest. So they arranged to have another race between them, and this time it was over a mountain route, and here the deer won the race. Summer-cloud [Thunder-cloud] was glad because the deer beat, and the mountain people hMd won in most of the contests. [Some trials were evidently left out by the narrator for in this list the mountain people are not ahead.] All these contests were made in the first Notish ceremony and ended it. Since inter-moiety games are commonly associated with dichotomy in California, as is frequently the case elsewhere in North, America where the moiety occurs, the present myth with its definite Luiseiio provenience and geographic setting is important. The division of the animals and more or less animate forces of nature into two sides, resembles the Miwok, Yokuts, Mono, and Cahuilla custom. Among the Cahuilla, and probably others of the aforementioned groups48 the dual classification seems to have entered into the naming of chil- dren. Luiseiio society is too disintegrated to determine whether this was formerly their custom in naming children. As will be demon- strated later, there is some reason to believe that this seemingly arbi- trary division of animal forms into two groups was similar in detail 488 Of. Gifford, Miwok, 166. 1929] 289 290 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 over the entire Southwest wherever the moiety occurred. Another similarity of this sort, which seems to crop up too frequently for pure chance association, is the use of red and black paints to distinguish the moieties.489 In this connection it is interesting to note that the Luiseiio call the ceremonial assistant associated with the jimsonweed cult, paha. This term is translated as red racer (Coluber flagellum), a reptile common in the area.490 They say that the coloration of the male snake is red and of the female black, and on this account the paha was painted red on one side of his body and black on the other thus representing both sexes. As there are strong traces of moiety reciprocity among the eastern neighbors of the Luiseino, and since the latter employed a, paha from another clan to whom they were related by marriage, there is a strong suggestion that this sex sym- bolism is directly connected with moiety reciprocity.49' The same symbolism applies to the Cahuilla and Cupeflo paha, and among those groups the moiety was well recognized, and reciprocity practiced. During their adolescence ceremonies, spotted and striped facial paints were employed to distinguish girls of the two moieties among the Miwok, Cupeiio, and other dichotomous groups. The Luiseiio seem to have used striped designs during the girls' puberty ceremonies, while dotted designs were used by adults at a special mourning cere- mony called salahic. Stripes among the Cupeno signified the coyote moiety, the members of which const-ituted the main Shoshonean ele- ment of the Cupenio population. It may be significant in the case of the Luisefio that the two designs, stripes and dots, are used in separate ceremonies, with the striped design characteristic of the coyote moiety still associated with their girls' puberty ceremonies. An a.ctual record of the moiety among Luisefno at Saboba was secured by Gifford in 1918, from an old Luiseflo woman named Canuta (in Luisefio salat or body louse).492 Since this is the only definite record of the institution among the group, and rests on the statement of one informant, it must be received with caution. However in 1925, Mrs. Gregorio Omish, an old Luiseiio woman at Rincon, in answer to my questions concerning a tuktum or wildcat people, said that at 489 Strong, op. cit., 46-48. 490 The theory may be based on the fact that in Arizona and Lower California a red and a black phase of Coluber flagellum piceus occur. It is unknown for California north of Mexico. There is actually no sex distinction in color. Van- denburgh, Reptiles of North America, 669, 1922. 491 The Dieguenlo custom of painting the faces of male images black and of female images red during the image-burning ceremony is very similar, but the colors are reversed. Waterman, present series, 8:313, 1910. 492 Present series, 14:211-214, 1918. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Saboba there was such a group, but nowhere else in Luisefio terri- tory.493 She said it meant "many lions," and had always been at Sa.boba, but never at Rincon or any other Luisefio site. This is veri- fication of Canuta's evidence, for Mrs. Omish stated that tuktum was more than a party; it meant a whole group of people or several parties. Canuta said that one moiety at Saboba was called anom (Luise-no for coyote), and the other tuktum or wildcat.494 According to the same informant marriage between members of the same moiety was for- bidden, the totem animals were not protected or sacred, and there were no associated totem animals other than coyote and wildcat. No political function or definite reciprocity seems to have been connected with the moiety at Saboba.494 The present party alignment is appar- ently independent of moiety lines, hence the older customs of clan reciprocity if they formerly existed would have been lost. Gifford is inclined to believe that Canuta assigned moiety names to Luiseiio groups that were not so classified, but adds tha.t the insti- tution of the moiety may be spreading to the Luiseino at Saboba.494 His first contention may be correct, but concerning the possibility of any recent spread of the moiety I disagree entirely. The moiety among these southern California Sholshonean groups is utterly dead as an institution, and its, very name has almost disappeared. Even among the Cupeiio and Desert Cahuilla who practiced the rule of moiety exogamy up to the last generation, the institution was subject to ridicule, and has every appearance of being an outworn custom. In the San Gorgonio pass the Pass Cahuilla knew the moiety classi- fication of all clans but paid no attention to the rule of exogamy, and here the moiety division was viewed in a semihumorous fashion as an old, old custom whose ori.gin was obscure and whose efficacy was nil. It seems much more probable that the Saboba Luisefno, being in close contact with the Mountain groups still retaining at least nominal dichotomy, did the same. The survival of other customs related to the moiety among the western Luisefno, where there was no very close contact with the dichotomous mountain people, seems to bear this out. From its distribution through many portions of the mountain region, from the Cupefio to the northern Miwok, it seems probable that the moiety was strong in the mountains, and in company with certain other customs survived there after it had been replaced by other institutions along the coast. 493 Many of the Luisefio songs mention Tomaiyowit and Tukmit as personi- fications of land and sky respectively. The latter may well be a Luiseflo version of Mfikat who was of the tuktum moiety. Du Bois, op. cit., 122, Record 1098. 494 Present series, 14:211-214, 1918. 1929] 291 292 Univer8ity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 THE CLAN LEADER, SACRED BUNDLE, AND CEREMONIAL ENCLOSURE As Sparkman says, "The religious chief of each clan seems to have possessed the most power, all matters pertaining to religion being under his control. "45 This official, called nota by the Luiseno, was usually one of the older men in the clan, the office being inherited in the male line. The Luiseilo say that women often held office and at the present time there are several living who claim t.his distinction. Ordinarily on t,he death of a nota his eldest son was chosen to succeed him unless the latter lacked the necessary qualifications in the eyes of his clan members. In such a case a younger brother or collateral rela- tive succeeded. Informants say that a n6ta in the old days had to be generous and a good provider, know all the myths and rituals relat- ing to clan ceremonies, and have in his possession by inheritance the maswut bundle containing the ceremonial impedimenta of the group. According to Juan Antonio, Wassuk, maswut was made of mashla,496 a tall reed or fern, and was either sewn into a mat or woven into a big basket as described by Du Bois.497 According to Sparkman's descrip- tion this matting, in which was wrapped the ceremonial equipment of the clan, was about a yard long by two feet nine inches wide, sewed with four rows of twine. " In this mat were rolled up the articles used at religious ceremonies by the chief of festivals, not only his own, but also of the other members of his clan. "498 Thus both types of cere- monial matting mentioned by the above informant are corroborated by these earlier investigators. Du Bois also mentions Pauwhut Abahut, a hollow log used to keep sacred feathers in, and adds that a sacred canoe found on the beach was used as container for the sacred feathers at San Luis Rey.499 Juan Antonio Wassuk, as genealogy 23 (p. 280) shows, would be nota of his clan if the old ceremonies were still continued, but when he was still a mere lad his father, then an old man, called all the Wassuk clan together. He told them that he would not appoint his son as his successor because the old days were over and they would 495 Op. cit., 215. 496 Woodwardia radicas (probably). Sparkman however states that this ancient type of mat containing the clan ceremonial equipment was made of shoila (Juncus sp.), ibid., 234. Both materials were probably used. 497 Op. cit., 94. Mention is also made of a rare and obsolete "basket" made of symmetrical splints sewed with twine, p. 172. 498 Op. cit., 210. 499 Op. oit., 118, n. 128. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California have to give up their religion. This was done because the old people were dying and none of the younger people were learning the songs and rituals. Therefore he divided up the contents of the maswut bundle and buried the matting in a hidden place. This story was independently confirmed by Yela Wassuk, the niece of Pedro Pasqual Wassuk, the last n6ta. She described the maswut as a very old and black piece of tule matting, in which were wrapped tceet (crow and owl feather headbands), piwic (headband of eagle down and plant fiber) tominut (feather bands about five inches wide), elatem (sharp- ened sticks tipped with owl plumes and snake rattles, that were worn on the head), and various kinds of ceremonial rattles. When this equipment was divided up its contents became scattered and most of it has been lost or destroyed. When such a bundle was not in use it was put away in a dark corner of the nota's house just under the rafters. No one save the nota was allowed to touch it, and it was believed tculuhup, misfortune or evil, would afflict anyone who violated this rule. After the nota had taken the bundle down and spread it out, it was then safe for other clan members to touch it. The maswut concept was very important among the eastern Luiseiio, and it was the possession of such a sacred bundle, with its contents, that gave power to the nota as a civil and religious leader. Among the parties still functioning at Rincon and other localities to the west it is such a bundle, though often without the matting, that seems to serve as an objectified nucleus for the organization, and the man who has the bundle is the religious leader. While many of the involved mythological concepts connected with the ceremonial bundle complex have disappeared, we have highly significant references to it in the older literature. In referring to the song series designated as "our spirit," Kroeber quotes the following significant lines from Luiseiio songs gathered by Du Bois.500 " North, east, south, west, the hair lives. " Hair is symbolic for spirit; and there is allusion to hair ropes at the four ends of the sand painting representing the world. "North, the hair, the waniawut, lives tied, fastened. My origin lives there." Presumably the other directions are also mentioned. The wanawut is the sacred rope in the initiation rite . . . . . Another song refers to the sky 's heart as well as the wanawut and sand painting..... These quotations from the mourning ceremony songs takel on new significance when the Pauma Luiseijo story of Dakwish (the fire-ball 500 Kroeber, Handbook, 658. 1929] 293 294 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 meteor that is said to live on top of San Jacinto peak) is considered. Here Tukupar, a mythical chief who has visited Dakwish at his home, says: "I want my son 's hair." Dakwish said: "Very well. Look there where the masawat is [for ornament made of or containing hair]." Tukupar could not find his son 's hair. He said so. Dakwish said: "I cannot help it. There is another masawat. Perhaps it is in that." Tukupar could not find it there. Dakwish said: " That is all. I have no more. " Tukupar said: " Yes, you have another." He went to another one, a new one. Dakwish was ashamed. He went away with it for a little while. Then he came back. He had hidden Tukupar 's son 's hair, and said: "There is nothing there, don 't you see?" Tukupar said: "My cousin, you have it under your arm." Then Dakwish hit him in the face with the hair. He said: "You came here to cry." Tukupar said: "That is what I want, my cousin," and he put the hair around him. Then he cried ... . 501 Thus maswut (or masawut), yula, and the wanawut are all three associated with human hair, which in turn is symbolic of the spirit and the abode of spirits in the milky way. Hair and Nahut, the mystic wanawut figure, were the firstborn of the earth mother, accord- ing to Luiseiio creation myth.502 In the above Dakwish legend it is significant that the masawut is referred to as a bundle or con- tainer. This also makes clear the Cupeino song, sung during the mourning ceremony, and previously quoted,503 in which the image of the dead is said to have been made by wolf and coyote "of masvut and hair. " Neither informants, nor the majority of authorities on the Luisefio, mention the use of maswut or ceremonial matting as a frame- work for the images of dead. Davis however says of the Luisefio: " Crude images of the dead were made of arrow weed woven together like a mat, with sticks inserted for shoulders and hips .... . When the images were completed they were supposed to be occupied by the souls of the dead. "04 It seems probable that this matting was the sacred maswut. The Desert Cahuilla myth of the creation given by Hooper asso- ciates the maswut with seaweed and its location with the Pacific ocean ;505 the Palm Springs Cahuilla myth, previously given in full, does the same,506 and Du Bois quotes the following from a Luiseiio 501 Kroeber, Two Myths of the Mission Indians of California, Jour. Am. Folklore, 19:320, 1906. 502 Kroeber, Handbook, p. 678. 503 Present paper, p. 268. 504E. H. Davis, Early Cremation Ceremonies of the Luisefio and Dieguenlo Indians of Southern California. Heye Foundation, Indian Notes and Monographs, 7:101, 1921. 505 Present series, 16:326-327, 1920. 506 Present paper, pp. 143. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California myth: "He [Nahachanish, a mythical Temecula chief] came to the water. He had something with him in a basket, and this he threw out, and it still grows there in the water, a sort of greens, called Mawut. "507 Another Luise-no myth mentions "the seaweed on the seashore, one of the First People and sacred to Chungichnish. '508 In these frag- mentary references from Luiseiio myths we find that the maswut is associated with the chief, the water, and probably with the seaweed and the seashore. Its very s.acred nature brought out by its associa- tion with hair or spirit and the wanawut is further emphasized by its sacred connection with Chungichnish. The invocation of this sacred bundle, which has been described as it occurred in Cahuilla, Cupeiio, and Serrano ceremonies, finds a distinct reflection in Luiseiio myth- ology, as the following testifies: This man [Hainit, Yuinit, double name, denoting headband and diver] when he made the sun, took the reddish milkweed plant that twine is made of, and twisted the fibers of it into twine, and out of that made a net, not an ordinary carrying net, but a long one. Then he called all the people and they got together in a place near Temecula. He took the net that was all rolled up, and with groaning invocation he laid it on the ground, and all the people standing in a circle bent over it and placed it before them on the ground. They sang about Temet, the sun, and putting him in the net, they raised their arms with the appropriate groans, cries, and gestures, and sent him up into the sky as the sun. [Then follows a description of the way the sun's daily course became set.]509 A comparison of this mythic.al rite with the actual saicred bundle invocations among the groups just mentioned suggests a definite connection between the two. The ILuisefio only used the house of the clan leader for local clan affairs, and for any large ceremony a brush enclosure was built near the nota's house. The outer wall of this structure was called hotahish and the enclosure itself wamkic.510 Juan Antonio Wassuk stated that there was often a sacred inner enclosure called eshiuma n6yhfima.51' The Luiseflo wamkie is very similar both in structure and etymology to Boscana's vanquech. The Spanish translation is casa grande or "big house," a term commonly employed by the natives. Its form was circular and the walls were of willow, arrow weed, and other brush woven between staakes. It was regarded as very sacred, and was 507 op. Cit., 152. 508 Ibid., 113. 509 Ibid., 144. 510 Du Bois, op. oit., 84. 511 Meaning not known. Modern Luisenlo informants often remember old terms whose meaning they cannot give. 1A929] 295 296 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Yol. 26 burned at the close of a ceremony with appropriate songs. This occurred in the daytime after the toloache ceremony, although a small portion of it might be burned symbolically, rather than destrxoy the whole structure.512 From the foregoing data it can be seen that in spite of their more elaborate ceremonies the Luise-no recognized a strong relationship between the clan priest, the sacred bundle, and the circular ceremonial enclosure. This fundamental concept they shared with both their eastern and western neighbors, but through the latter peoples special- ized cults had reached the Luiseino which made the basic pattern less pronounced. The sequence of these various cults will be dealt with later, but it is not amiss at this point to stress the importance of the house, priest., and fetish complex among both the Luisenio and their northwestern neighbors.513 OTHER CLAN AND CEREMONIAL OFFICIALS The nota was the primary official in the clan, but among the eastern Luiseiio he seems t-o have had an assistant called the puh- mutevi, or "rear end." Just why this title was given him is not clear. The main duties of the puhmutevi were similar to those of the Cahuilla takwa or kutvavanavac and the Cupeiio kutv6voc. He kept order at most of the ceremonies, did the announcing, and presided during a considerable part of the girls' initiation and of various mourning ceremonies. When the puhmutcvi presided at the image- burning ceremony he was called pallakrut, and he appointed a special fire-tender. At the time the jimsonweed was administered the puihmutevi of the visiting clan prepared the decoction, and in this role he was called noktomic. These duties will be brought out in more detail subsequently when the ceremonies are described. An interesting person in Luise-no mourning ceremonies was the tako, or eater, who went through with the conventionalized ceremonial canni- balism.514 This seems to, have been a purely temporary office for which the person was paid. A similar temporary official was the morahash dancer, who was probably specially trained for his whirling dance. According to Sparkman this dancer was called totowish..15 512 Du Bois, op. cit., 84. 513 Compare Boscana 's account of the Juanenlo or Gabrielino vanquech, in Alfred Robinson, Life in California (ed. 1; New York, 1846), 246. 514 Neither Sparkman nor Du Bois mention the puhmutevi or tako. 515 See Du Bois, 102, n. 50, and 183. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California The paha seems to have been connected almost entirely with the toloache rites, and was usually a shaman of repute. He kept order at all toloache ceremonies and had a great deal to do in all ritualistic activities. The symbolism connected with his name has been discussed in relation to the moiety, and will be referred to hereafter. On the whole his ritualistic activities seem to have been more highly special- ized than were those of the puhmutevi, who was really the ceremonial assistant to the nota. GIRLS' ADOLESCENCE CEREMONY Yela Wassuk gave a brief description of this ceremony as she remembered it at La Jolla, where it was last performed some forty years ago. It was called we'enic516 and was made for several girls, supposedly at the time of their first menses.517 The girls' fathers told their nota, and he in turn notified a related clan. Whether this "related" clan was always a branch clan related in the male line, or whether it was a clan with which intermarriage was common, is not clear.518 This outside clan provided the presiding official called the puhmutev1 (rear end), the other members coming to the ceremony. The puhmutevi prepared a hole in the wamkic which was lined with patc'hiyal, a reed which grew in the water. All the girls who had been hidden in their houses were brought out after they had been completely covered, and placed along the side of the pit. All the men sang (n-dkwanic) and the older female relatives of the girls gave them advice, holding the initiates by the head as they did so. Yela remem- bered being told, "Listen! Hear well! Hold back your head and look me in the face. Treat the old people well, feed them, care for them. If your face and eyes are dirty, wash them. If those of the old people are, wash them. Bring up your children well. Do not run around, but marry in the right way. '519 Then "to open their ears'" the puhmutevi- and all the people grunt, "he-e-ri-th e," twice. Then they grunt a third time, and the puhmutcvi gives each girl a 516 Given as wekenish by Kroeber and Sparkman, and wukunish by Du Bois. 517 According to Kroeber, Handbook, 673, only one girl had to be at the actual physiological period indicated by the word ash. 518 This clan was well paid for its services. Du Bois, op. cit., 93. 519 Sparkman, op. oit., 225-226, gives a more detailed lecture of this sort. It brings in the Ohungichnish warnings, and other features which are mentioned later in the above ceremony, and includes the customary triple blowing to waft away evil spirits. 1929] 297 298 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 drink of tobacco and water from a clay vessel, called peclImul.520 The girls then became dizzy and were. laid in the pit which had been heated with hot rocks. They were covered with grass and sand and a loosely woven tule mat, called tcaiamul, was placed over their faces. Here they lay quietly, leaving the pit at intervals for it to be reheated; they were given warm water and tortillas made without salt. Each girl was attended by her mother. Wooden or shell implements were provided the girl to scratch herself with, for she must not use her finger nails lest pimples arise. The girls stayed in the pit three days, and each day another clan (or village according to Du Bois) came to participate in the ceremony. These joined in the singing and the. host clan provided ample food for feasting. Should another clan come on the fourth day, the girls would have to remain in the pit that day as well, but usually they leave the pit on the morning of the fourth day. They are hidden away, and according to Yela she was given salt water to drink.52' This tem- porarily ended the ceremony. The girls' faces. were painted black for a month.522 Then for a month vertical white lines were painted on each morning, and the third month wavy, red, horizontal lines were put on. This was called "the rattlesnake " design, and. at the end of this month all the other clans were invited once more. The invited puhmutevi and his assistants had made a ground- painting some six feet in diameter,523 and the girls were made to kneel in front of this. The puhmutevi, facing the north after walking three times around the ground-painting,524 placed a lump of sage-seed (pasal) ground and seasoned with salt (according to Yela) and called pOlic, in the mouth of each girl. A long lecture was then given the girl,525 at the close of which all present grunted or exhaled three times, and the girl attempted to spit the p6iic into the center of the ground- painting. If she succeeded it was very good and longevity was 520 To vomit this ball of tobacco indicated that the girl had not been virtuous. Du Bois, op. cit., 94. We agree with Kroeber, Handbook, 674, that this was a hard test. 521 This is in disagreement with other accounts for southern California where salt is definitely taboo, but this ritee marks the closing of a ceremonial period. 522 The black paint was called na'lal; it was made from a light, soft black rock "like stove polish." No one knows exactly where it came from. The red paint was called paismul, and was of iron oxide collected in certain springs. White paint was tovic, made from a white clay obtained on the side of Palomar mountain. It was thinned down with water and became very white when dry. 523 Kroeber describes the southern California ground-painting in detail, Handbook, 661-665, and illustrates the various types, fig. 56, opposite p. 662. 524 Du Bois, op. cit., 96. 525 See Sparkman, op. oit., 225-226. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California assured; but if she failed it was very bad, and she was urgently advised "to get on the right road" as she had a very poor start in life. Then the painting was obliterated by the old men, who pushed it into the central hole with their hands.526 The ceremony closed with a race, called hayic (or hayish),527 to a certain rock. Here a relative of each girl stood with red paint, and, as each girl arrived, she painted a design on the rock.528 According to Yela Wassuk any design was pirmissible, but other informants said such designs were always diamond-shaped and represented the rattle- snake. The known rock paintings of this type at Rincon and La Jolla are geometric with a preponderance of diamond-shaped designs.529 The hair bracelets and anklets worn by the girls throughout this period were left at the rock after the race.526 Kroeber mentions an initiation ceremony at Pauma where flat rocks were heated and placed on the abdomen of each girl while in the pit. This brings to mind the Mesa Grande (Diegueiio) rite described by Rust, in which the girls were led up a hillside and shown a certain crescentic stone believed to symbolize or refer to the female genitalia. After the garlands worn by the girls had been deposited on the stone it was buried, and grain was seattered over the spot. Stones of this type have been found in various southern California sites and it is possible that this was once a common practice.530 CEREMONIES FOR THE DEAD Tiuvic, the Start When a person died the body was prepared for cremation by clan members of the deceased. Just after, or when death was imminent, a pit about two feet deep was dug extending north and south. The earth was broken with digging-sticks and removed with flat stones or by hand. The pit was filled with brush and a log pyre erected over it on which the body of the deceased was placed, head to the 526 Du Bois, op. cit., 96. 527 According to Sparkman, the race at the time of the new moon was called hayish. The term may simply refer to race. See Du Bois, op. cit., 110, n. 93. 528 Such paintings were called yunish. See Notes by A. L. Kroeber in H. N. Rust, A Puberty Ceremony of the Mission Indians, Am. Anthr., n.s., 8:32, 1906. 529 Rust, loc. cit. Du Bois, op. cit., 175. Sparkman, op. cit., 225. Kroeber, Handbook, 675. The statements of my informants agreed with Du Bois that the painting occurred only once during the ceremony. Sparkman and Kroeber state that it occurred monthly three or four times at leat. 530 Rust, op. oit., 28-32. 1iQ29] 299 300 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 north and face upward. One man was appointed to superintend the burning of the body and the other relatives sat near weeping and wailing. It often took twelve hours to! consume the entire body and usually the heart was the last portioin to be burned, in which case it was punched full of holes to hasten its destruction.53' When the body was all consumed the calcined bones and ashes were gathered up and placed in a basket (the Diegueino placed them in a pottery olla).53' Davis does not mention the preservation of the bones in a basket, but from the fact that he described their ceremonial consumption later, it seems probable that the bones and ashes were not all buried in the fire pit as he states.532 According to Kroeber a ritualistic washing of the dead person's clothes occurred at this time, but Pala informants claim this was part of the second ceremony. One seleeted garment was retained for the second ceremony, and all the other possessions of the dead were burned. At the close of the. night's singing and dancing, intended to drive away the spirit of the dead, the nota told his clan members to make preparations for the second ceremony. Tcutcamn.ic, the Burning Among those Luise-no clans situated west of Rincon the clothes- burning ceremony occurred as soon as sufficient food had been gathered. The clan giving the ceremony built the wamkic, but an out- side clan was invited to preside at the ceremony. All food was in the hands of the nota, and about four in the afternoon when all had assembled, he had his assistant the puhmutevi divide the food among all the guests. A general feast followed, the members of the host clan serving the guests. Then about dark the n6ta giving the ceremony brought out. the bundle of clothing and, while the practice of cremation still prevailed, the basket containing the ashes of the deceased. The nota sat down near the leaders of the invited clans and formally went through the motions of washing the clothes. Formerly, the informant (Francisco Ardea of Pala) said, all the people present at such a ceremony paid a certain man to mix pinole flour and water with the ashes and drink them; after which the basket which had contained the calcined bones and ashes was burned. This man was called tak6, a name said to 53' E. H. Davis, op. cit., 95-98. No supplementary data on these points were obtained by the present author. 532 Ibid., 97. It is interesting to note that the man who gathered up the bones purified himself by a sweat bath before the final rites. 1929] Strong: Aboriginel Society in Southern California L mean "eater," indirectly referring to the coyote. Davis mentions this rite as follows: While the assembled feasters sang and danced, some of the calcined bones of the dead were pounded to a fine powder in mortars, mixed with water and then drunk from small ollas by the relatives. This was believed to insure long life, without illness, and to endow those who drank with the virtues and qualities of the dead. At Pechanga a survival of this custom is found. The clothing of the dead is placed in water, and meal of chia seed is mixed instead of bone, and drunk. At Rincon only water is taken.533 This account, though circumstantial, and in part based on actual observation, does not seem to distinguish clearly between the various ceremonies. The account of Francisco Ardea accords so closely with that of the ceremonial flesh-eater at Juanenoe ceremonies given by Boscana,534 that there can be no doubt of the relationship of the two rites. The various substitutes for the rite have possibly arisen from the fact that burial was enforced by the mission fathers, who undoubtedly frowned on a ceremony suggesting cannibalism. Possibly the entire clothes-burning and washing rituals are similarly substi- tutes for forbidden ceremonies whose original significance has been forgotten by the modern natives. In the above case the resemblance is so close to the mythical account of coyote eating the creator's heart, tha.t there seems little doubt as to its primary motivation.535 However, to return to the clothes-burning ceremony, when the cere- monial washing was completed, bolts of calico were draped over the heads of the invited clan leaders and gifts were distributed to the other guests. The tako seems also to have been the official fire-tender, and while these gifts were being distributed he prepared the fire for the last rite. The presiding nota led his clan members three times around the fire, and stopped to blow up in the air three times. Then he shouted, "I am going to burn it," and thrust the bundle into the heart of the flames. This was a signal for all the host clan to throw away many presents for the guests to gather up. Songs of Pikmakvul, death, and Shangamish, finishing, are sung at this time.536 Then the tako was paid for his services and though the old people might sing all night the main ceremony was finished. 533 E. H. Davis, op. cit., 102, 103. A version of the WIyot myth told by a La Jolla Indian connects this rite with the cremation of the god, p. 109. 534 See Kroeber, Handbook, 643. 535There is an allusion to the grinding of W-iyot 's bones in a mortar and mixing them with water in the Luisefio Creation Myth, but no mention of drinking the mixture. Du Bois, op. cit., 137. 536 Du Bois, op. oit., 101. 302 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Suilahic, the Nota's Road The more easterly Luiseino seem to have laid less stress on the clothes-burning ceremony, and I obtained no reference to it at La Jolla. It probably occurred there as Du Bois mentions it in passing,537 but another somewhat similar rite seems to have loomed larger in their eyes. This ceremony is practically identical with su]latcem, the "nuut's road" of the Cupeiio; and like that ceremony it was last performed a great many years ago. As remembered by Yela and Juan Antonio Wassuk, sfilahic occurred two or three days subsequent to a death in any clan, when the other clans from the neighborhood538 came "to show their sympathy," and incidentally to have a feast at the expense of the bereaved clan. A related clan was invited to prepare the firewood and a wamkic, and their n6ta presided at the ceremony.539 All the clan leaders who came to the ceremony brought presents, shell money, ceremonial equipment, or baskets to formally express their sympathy, and in return received larger presents from the presiding nota. This last gift material was all provided by the clan members of the deceased, and they received no share of it. The members of the clan to which the presiding nota belonged received an even share of the distribution. The presents consisted of baskets, shell money, acorn meal, wheat, and other foodstuffs. Obviously the clan which was thus consoled by its neighbors lost more than it gained by the formality. No definite system of exchange was remembered by informants ques- tioned, but it seems highly probable that formerly there was a standard rule. Both tcftcamic and sulahic seem to have much in common, and it is possible they were local variants of the same original ceremony. However, the main purpose of the former seems to have been the driving away of the spirit of the dead symbolized by the clothes which were burned, while the latter ceremony seems motivated mainly by ideas of ceremonial exchange. The accounts are fragmentary at best, but it is well to emphasize the prevalence of both these ideas in the ceremonies which occurred between the actual disposal of the dead and 537 Op. Cit. Sparkman, who was most familiar with the Luisefio at Rincon, com- ments on its importance there, op. cit., 226. 538 All the clans at and around Puerta Cruz, Yapitca, and La Jolla were included in this exchange. In turn it is probable that they were also connected with similar exchanges with clan groups bordering them in other directions. 539 Whether this relationship was paternal (i.e., by blood) or by marriage is unfortunately obscure. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the final burning of the images a year later. Strangely enough neither Sparkman nor Du Bois mention the tako of the first, or the puhmutevi of the second ceremony. They are important, first because the Luiseiio tako is clearly a local manifestation of the Juanenio takwe or " eater, "54O and secondly because these two officials preclude the employment of the paha who has been tacitly accepted by former writers as a general ceremonial assistant.541 This latter office is definitely connected with the jimsonweed or toloache rite among the Luiseijo, and has no connection with the more widespread and apparently older mourning ceremonies. Toltcinic, the Image Ceremony542 The burning of the images was supposed to take place a year after the death of one or more clan members. Actually it occurred when there was a considerable number of dead persons to mourn for, and when sufficient material had been gathered to give such an expensive ceremony. A rela.ted clan was asked to supervise at this ceremony and their puhmutevi seems to have been the presiding figure. He was called pallakut, and he appointed a special fire-tender for the occa- sion. No clear statement concerning the exact nature of the relation- ship between the two clans involved was obtained. The actual case of this sort that was remembered included the wassuk and awalii clans, which, as we have seen,543 were related in the paternal line. The informants claimed however that clans related by marriage and not by blood often reciprocated in this manner, so the exact nature of the reciprocity involved remains a matter of surmise. The invited clan in turn summoned other clans with which they were ceremonially connected, and these clans arrived on certain nights appointed for their coming. Recent ceremonies seem to have lasted only one or two days, but formerly a week was the usual duration. The images made by clan members of the deceased were concealed in the house of the nota. They were dressed in native fashion, the 540 See Kroeber 's reference to this character mentioned by Boscana, in Handbook, 643. 541 Kroeber, Handbook, 678. Sparkman in one place however states that the paha is "manager of morahash dance and of mani" (jimsonweed initiation for boys). See Du Bois, op. cit., 78, n. 11. 542Du Bois, op. oit., 101 and n. 43, gives Tochinish, and Sparkman, Tauchanish. The above account is based primarily upon information received from La Jolla informants, supplemented by the various published data. 543 Present paper, genealogy 23. X9029] 303 304 University of California Publications in Am.; Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 frames being made of tule matting,544 and were believed to resemble the persons they represented. When all the people had gathered, the various pulhmutevi took the images and assembled them in the center of the wdmkic.545 There the nota gave each image to a relative of the deceased thus represented, and these people added finlery to the costume of the image, weeping and wailing as they did so. Then the images were again put in the center of the wamkic with their faces hidden. When the images were turned facing the audience it was a signal for much lamentation. A woman, of uncertain clan affiliation, then led the singing accompanied by all the women.546 This was called peenic, and afterwards the men sang, which was called niikwanic.547 The images were then taken outside the wamkic and piled up, while the various puhmutev! took all the clothes from them to the guests. Then each puhmutecv donated one garment and put it in a pile with the others. These were tied in a bundle with the denuded images and the paliakut carried it on a trot to the wamkic. Followed by all his clan he circled the fire three times and then stopped, saying, "They are sending the soul up to the milky way (piwilc) " 548 Then he threw the bundle on the fire. Many gifts were distributed by the local clan at this time, while the pallakut and fire-tender received special pay- ment. Then a special dance called shuniuinic, accompanied by many songs, was performed until the last coal had burned out. The cere- money ended with the local nota thanking all present for their help and sympathy. He stated that he was glad it was all over and that he was now content. The above description is almost verbatim that given the present author by La Jolla informants. The aecount of Du Bois differs in certain details and includes some rites not mentioned by my inform- ants.549 An outline of her account is as follows: One night of singing precedes the making of the images, which takes place in seclusion. Then the main ceremony starts, the images are put in holes dug by the 544Not mentioned by my La Jolla informants, but Davis, op. oit., 101, 102; and Kroeber, see Du Bois, op. cit., 100, 180, refers to this custom. This matting was probably associated with the maswut concept. 545 When there were more images than puhmutevi any outsider, called taw, was asked to carry them. 546 According to Du Bois, op. cit., 101, and Sparkman, op. cit., Tauchanish songs are sung. Tauchanish said to be derived from Towish, spirit, corpse, or devil. 547 Du Bois states that the invited clan painted the faces of the images and conducted the entire ceremony, the clan of the deceased not even participating in the singing. Op. cit., 101. 548 This is a crude translation of the Kwinamish song series. See Du Bois, op. cit., 109. 549 Op. Cit., 101-103. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California nota, and gifts are piled around the base of each. There is a long period of singing ended by the nota whirling the bullroarer three times, when the images are again removed to a distance. Then at a signal from the bullroarer the dancers, painted and wearing head- dresses, reappear and march around the wamkic accompanied by a turtle-shell rattle. At this time a long series of songs is sung, and the images are then burned. While these are burning the Sungamish or finishing, and Topasish (meaning not given) songs are sung while the men dance. Morahash, the Whirling Dance Then a special dancer performs the eagle or whirling dance, in which he represents the circling and soaring of the eagle as it goes up into, the sky to the land of the dead. The dancer wears an eagle- feather skirt, palat; head plumes of owl, crow, or raven feathers, cheyat; ropes of owl feathers wound around head and neck, piwish; and a headdress of long eagle feathers, apuma, worn upright on the head. A rapid whirling motion causing the eagle-feather skirt to stand out straight from the body seems to have been the most difficult and climactic part of the dance. The dancer was called totawish, and among the Dieguenio the dance is commonly known as the "tatahuila" dance, a word which they say is not their own.550 At La Jolla the amago clan owned this dance and all other clans had to ask permission from the amago nota in order to perform it. Pturt her Details Concerning the Image Burning While they burn the clothes (and the images), Pikmakvul or death songs are sung describing the sickness, death, and burning of Wiyot. The features of this song mentioned by Du Bois are very similar to the Cahuilla image-burning songs describing the death and cremation of Milkat. At the end of this series all grunt three times and blow toward the sky, while they throw many things on the fire. Then the relatives of the dead distribute baskets and other presents to those conducting the ceremony. After this interlude they sing, in order, songs from ten song series, listed by Du Bois as: 1. Pikmakvul, the Wlyot songs of death. 2. Temengamesh, songs of seasons (concerning frog, earthworm, and water). 3. Chum towi, our spirit; the same as kwinamish (sending the spirit to the milky way). 4. Kamalum, the children of the earth mother. 550 See Du Bois, op. oit., 183. 305 1929] 306 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 5. Kish, the house (of the dead man?). Probably refers to the ceremonial house. 6. Anut, the ant; possibly referring to the ants who spread out the earth as in the Oahuilla creation myth (see p. 133, present paper) instead of the ant ordeal connected with the jimsonweed initiation for boys.551 7. Nokwanish, songs in memory of the dead. (According to Sparkman this word is nuikwanic, or men's songs, mentioned above.) 8. Totowish, songs mentioning the Chungichnish avengers. Probably a later addition. According to Sparkman the term refers to the Morahash or eagle dancer. 9. Munival, songs of places and migration. 10. Nyachish, enemy songs. Such songs ended many of the Cahuilla cere- monies. In these they ridicule other clans. Since Du Bois obtained her account from Lucario Cuevish, an old Luiseiio born at San Luis Rey who remembered when the eastern Luiseiio from La Jolla and Potrero were brought down to the Mission and initiated into the toloache rites,552 it is probable that this account represents the ceremony of the west. The two accounts taken t,ogether give a comprehensive view of the entire rite and, allowing for slight local variations, in their totality suggest a ceremony very similar to that practiced by all three divisions of the Cahuilla, the Cupefio, and the Serrano. In other words, while the Luiseiio had introduced a few western additions, the image-burning ceremony as carried out by them shared all its fundamentals with that of their eastern neighbors. Of the songs sung by the Luiseiio at this time, only one (no. 8) and possibly another (no. 6), differ from songs of the creation sung by Cahuilla, and Cupeiio at their image-burning ceremony. It is eertain that we have here an early and widespread ceremony, rooted in fear of the spirits of the dead and primarily seeking to drive them away, common to nearly all the Indians of southern California. Notush. Ceremony553 This ceremony, never performed by the eastern Luisefio groups, was an addition to the va,rious mourning rites probably introdueed by 551 Du Bois, op. cit., 112, Record 387, mentions the death of Wlyot in connec- tion with this song, and the origin of death among the animals; also the chief hunting animals who took control after Wiyot's death. It is more probable that this song became attached to the ant ordeal at a later time, for it seems to contain no reference to such a rite. As the ant ordeal made boys hardy and strong for hunting, it is possible that this older hunting song came to be connected with it. 552 Op. cit., 74. 553 No references to this ceremony were secured by the present author. The above account is drawn from that of Du Bois, op. cit., 103, 104, and Kroeber, Handbook, 676. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the Juaneino or Gabrielino. It was apparently brought to San Luis Rey mission in the time of the padres. No images of the dead are mentioned, but the tall painted pole called kimul chehenish (little house, appearances or show; referring to objects hung on pole) was said to represent the spirit of the dead. The different colors on the various portions were supposed to represent the parts of the body. The top of the pole was always painted white and bore a raven skin called levalwash, "wide," below which were hung baskets and other valuables. The pole is said to have been "as high as a house" which must apply to a Caucasian house, the native habitation of southern California having a very low elevation. There was singing and dancing when the pole was set up, and contests of skill were a prominent feature. A mythical contest of this kind at the first notush ceremony has been previously quoted (p. 288). The pole-climbing to reach the baskets and other valuables was undoubtedly a contest of this sort. Notush was a large ceremony involving several villages and was very costly. Lacking any detailed data concerning this rite among the coastal peoples, we can only point out its close resemblance to similar pole-climbing rites among the Pueblo peoples.554 It was undoiubtedly one of the many Pueblo traits received at an early time by the people of the California littoral, and diffused by them toward the east once more. Among the Luiseino it was clearly a late arrival. Moknic Ashwiti, Killing the Eagle555 As among the Mountain Cahuilla, eagles were killed ceremonially a year after the death of a chief or his close relatives.556 As was true of all the southern California groups so far considered, eagles and their nests were owned by certain clans, or more exactly by the notas of the different clans.557 Mr. Frank Salmon, a white man of Pala, describes an eagle-killing ceremony he attended some thirty-five years ago, as follows. In this case the eagle 's nest was on Palomar mountain,558 and during the early 554 See Goddard, illustration and text, 105, 106, Indians of the Southwest, Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., Handbook Series no. 2, 1921. Also Strong, op. cit., 52. 555 Kroeber, Handbook, 676, gives ashwut maknash or eagle-killing. 556 The Dieguefio dance leader for whom eagles were killed and the Luisenlo "chief" or n6ta are identical in position. See Kroeber, Handbook, 676. 557 The California condor was ranked with the eagle in this regard. Sparkman, op. cit., 227. 558 The acketum clan at La Jolla owned an eagle's nest on Pine mountain. ;929] 307 308 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 spring it was watched by members of the Luisefio clan that owned it. When the watcher saw that game of rather large size was being taken to the nest he notified his n6ta, and the village prepared for the c.ere- mony. The next day a large number of people, nearly three hundred, went to the nest leaving sentries stationed within shouting distance of one another strung out all the way to the village. When they came to the edge of the cliff, to Mr. Salmon's surprise, the heaviest Indian present, weighing some three hundred pounds, was selected to be lowered over the edge to the nest. Just what the ceremonial position of this individual was, Mr. Salmon does not know, but he alone was allowed to handle the young birds. When the young eagles were hauled up with their portly captor, a shout was raised which was immediately passed on by the sentries to the village. There all the old people, especially, began to shout and sing with great rejoicings. The captor carried the two birds to. the nota's house where a special cage had been built for them. While they were confined here all who wished to communicate with the spirits of the dead brought the eaglets food and then gave them their messages to the spirit world. After a week or so a ceremony was held at night, various men dancing and singing with one of the eagles; and after it had been given many messages it was killed by pressure over the lungs a.nd the skin removed. The above is a very brief description of such a ceremony which usually involved a contest between shamans to see who could kill the bird by means of his personal magic. This connection of shamanism with the eagle-killing rite is most marked among the western peoples in southern California, and undoubtedly has some connection with the toloache cult. According to Kroeber the actual lung-compression which killed the bird was a trick known only to toloache initiates,559 but it was practiced among the Desert and Palm Springs Cahuilla where the toloache cult seems to have had but a slight hold. As in the other mourning ceremonies an invited clan presided at this cere- mony, while the home clan provided the food and gifts. After the skin of the eagle had been removed, the body was buried or burned with the proper ceremonies. Two songs secured by Du Bois refer to the eagle-killing. The first is a part of the Wlyot story and relates the attempt of the eagle to escape in each of the four directions, but everywhere death was waiting for him. Thus in this song, which he sang when he became sick just before he died, he told the people of the spirit and of death 559 Kroeber, Handbook, 676. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California which must come to all. The second song refers to the dance with the eagle, which took place one year after a death and ended the period of mourning. The eagle connected with the spirits of the dead was killed amid universal lamentations.560 La Jolla informants said that the first eagle was killed after the death of Wiyot, therefore the ceremony was always performed after a death, and the songs were all about Wlyot and the original eagle killing. Local n6tas sometimes killed their own eagles and sometimes sent them to other clans with whom they were ceremonially related. Kroeber notes that the dead eagle was covered with gifts and pre- sented to the chief of another village, who, divided the presents among his people and burned the body of the eagle. Such a ceremony was given in honor of a dead chief by his successor. The same authority notes that the condor was employed in the same way, while the people of the coast used the bald eagle and chicken hawks.56 Mani Paic, the Jimsonweed Drinking The following account of this ceremony, "the heart of the Chungichnish religion" among the Luisenfo, was obtained from Juan Antonio Wassuk at La Jolla, and refers to a ceremony at Yapitca (near La Jolla) some sixty-odd years ago. This was the last time the ceremony was ever performed so far as Juan knows; he was a boy at the time but does not seem to have been initiated.562 Since the last ceremony of this type was performed so long ago and the rite varied in detail among different Luiseflo groups, further details not men- tioned by the informant but recorded by other authorities are included and their sources indicated. The ceremony occurred whenever several fathers told the nota that their sons were the right age to be initiated. The correct age for this was believed to be between sixteen and twenty and before the youths were married. It was strictly a clan affair and all food used during the rites was gathered and prepared by clan members. When suffi- cient material was at hand the nota sent word to the n6ta of another clan with which the first clan was closely related by maxriage.563 This 560 Op. oit., 113-114, Records, 391, 392. 561 See Du Bois, op. cit., 182. 562 According to Lucario Cuevish, a very old informant of Du Bois in 1906, the toloache or jimsonweed ceremony was first performed by the Mountain or eastern Luisefio in mission times when a group of them went down to San Luis Rey and were initiated. Du Bois, op. oit., 74. 563 This in general accords with Sparkman 's statement, op. cit., 221. 1929] 309 310 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 is the first definite statement received as to th.e exact relationship involved in these reciprocal functions among the Luiseiao. The nota thus notified presided at the ceremony and he in turn invited another clan with which his clan had intermarried. Several clans were notified in this manner and were given special nights on which they were to arrive. The boys were not informed of the impending event until the two clans had assembled and the paha of the invited clan gathered all the neophytes. According to Juan Antonio the term paha meant "red racer" and this official was painted red and black, the two colors being divided vertically-the red half representing the male snake, the black half the female snake. This symbolism, considered in relation to the fa.ct that two intermarrying clans were represented, suggests the moiety idea.564 The Diegueino in their image-burning ceremony painted the faces of images representing males black and females red.565 This inversion of the two colors representing sex dichotomy weakens the resemblance between Luiseiio and Diegueiio practice in this regard, but even so the parallel is striking. The paha was in actual charge of the ceremony and kept order among all the assembled guests. Du Bois adds the following: One Paha is detailed to supervise the main place; the other, the place for drinking the toloache. By a well understood law no one is allowed to run around or make any noise. The Paha must be a hechicero, or shaman, of repute; and he could tell by looking at the mother of a boy whether she had been doing wrong in any way. No woman could be admitted to the ceremony who was unclean, unchaste, or menstruating.566 In addition to the paha, the puhmutevl of the visiting clan was active in preparing the jimsonweed; in this role he was called nokt6mic. The decoction was prepared in a secluded spot away from the wamkic where all the people were assembled, but close enough so that the pounding of mortar and pestle could be heard. The visiting paha and his clan members supervised the preparation of the drug. The paha would go to the waimkic. every now and then and trot around it three times, telling the assembled people that the jimsonweed was being prepared. While doing this he talked constantly in a low voice. Then he would return to the place where the decoction was being prepared. The paraphernalia used in this preparation were sacred. 564 At Zuni the use of red and black paints seems to be a reflection of the moiety idea, as is the case at Isleta. For a discussion of these occurrences, see Strong, op. cit., 13, 15, 47, 48. 565 Waterman, present series, 8:313, 1900. 566 op. cit., 78. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Du Bois gives more detail on these points: In the main place the sacred enclosure of brush, the wamkish, is built in a circle to about the height of a man. On the ground inside are placed the sacred ceremonial objects: the tamyush or sacred stone toloache bowls, large and small-all but one which is to be used in the other place in drinking the toloache; feather head-dresses and eagle-feather skirts; and the paviut, the sacred sticks with flint in the end. The tamyush, which since the last celebration of the ceremony have been buried in the ground, in a place known only to the chief, are taken out in good time and freshly painted so that they look nice. They are painted red, white, and black. Of the sacred ceremonial objects the tukmul is not in the main enclosure but at the other place. The tukmul is a flat winnowing basket sacred to the Chungichnish rites. It belongs to the men, that is, is possessed by every initiate, and during every ceremony it is placed on the ground con- taining grain, the sacred stone pipes, or other objects .... . It is dark in the place where they take toloache. The large tamyush selected for the pur- pose is placed on the ground before the chief. It contains the root, previously prepared and dried, perhaps a year before. The chief pounds the dry scraped bark with the stone mano (muller or pestle) to the accompaniment of a curious recitative, not a song: "Chanyoko, yoko," while the boys stand waiting in the darkness. The powder is then placed in a small twined sifting basket and sifted again into the tamyush, which is filled with water. The Paha goes about whispering: "Keep quiet all of you. Do not talk. Everyone keep quiet." The chief superintends the drinking, and as the candidates kneel in turn before the big tamyush to drink out of it, he holds the head of each with the palm of his hand under the forehead, and raises it when they have drunk a sufficient quantity of the liquid, watching to see that they do not drink too much. They drink from the tamyush in which the toloache was mixed. They give the toloache to the boys in the dark; and while it is being adminis- tered, the Paha goes over to the main place three times in succession, and the third time tells them to get ready for Mani is coming. Ile sings a curious recitative.567 According to Juan Antonio, at the La Jolla initiation he witnessed the presiding puhmutevi gave each boy a small drink of the decoction out of a small basket, tcilkut, or a small pottery jar, peclic. After this the boys were given a lecture by the puhmutevl and others, which warned them to be good, to marry, not to run loose, and especially not marry any relative. Then the paha returned to the wamkic and told the people there to brighten up the fire, but before entering the enclosure he circled it three times chanting as he did so. In.his hand he carried a stick painted red which was called wakut.555 The naaked bodies of the men and boys were painted and they wore feather head- bands.5e9 The paha dashed back and forth clearing the way to the 567 Du Bois, op. cit., 77, 78. 568 Possibly one of the "Chungichnish" sticks mentioned by Du Bois, op. cit., 82. 5569 White clay and charcoal on the backs of the dancers helped them withstand the heat, Du Bois, op. cit., 81. 1929] 31 312 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 waimkic, and all the dancers followed him, daneing and uttering a deep guttural "heritha" so constantly that it became like hiccoughing and they could not stop. It was believed that any spectator who might laugh at this time would be killed by the magic power of the paha. The Fire Dance On reaching the wamkic the dancers circled the fire three times and the neophytes began to drop from the narcotic effect of the drug they had taken. The paha dragged these away from the fire and the various shamans, pulalem, sought to bring them back to consciousness. Outside the ring of male dancers all the onlookers danced clockwise around the fire, chanting the man! songs as they did so. Then the fire was stirred up, the dancers took off their headdresses and carried them in their hands, while the paha exhorted them to come up close to the fire. After circling the fire three times all the men sat down in a ring and, gradually approaching, feet first, put it out. Lead by the paha, they then rose and danced on the embers until all was dark. According to Du Bois the fire was put out by witcheraft, and many feats of legerdemain were performed by the various shamans. The songs sung during these ceremonies referred to the sacred toloache mortar, which like the sacred winnowing basket walked of its own accord. Various Chungichnish songs were sung and new songs were sometimes composed. In the procession to the wainkish and in the dance which followed, certain of the dancers imitated the cries and actions of various animals.570 Boseana makes a positive and clear statement concerning the acquisition of personal guardian spirits at this time,571 and it is very probable that the above-mentioned antics are a reflection of this widespread belief. Unfortunately no very clear data on this point have yet been secured in southern California.572 570 Op. cit., 79-82. See pl. 1, figs. 1 and 2. This imitation of animals extended well to the north and west for, in an unpublished letter written by Senlor Don Jose Bandini in December, 1828, is the following statement: " I saw once at the Mission of San Luis Obispo a body of these gentiles who had arrived there to attend a fiesta, .... Their dances consisted of an attempt to imitate the coyotes, the deer, and other animals and are accompanied by a series of intolerable howls. The Catholie Indians in everything resemble the gentiles." 571 See Alfred Robinson, Life in California (ed. 1; New York, 1846), 270-271. 572 The best reference on this question in southern California is Benedict's paper on the Serrano, op. &t., 382-385. Sparkman, op. cit., 215-221, and Du Bois, op. cit., 80, 81, n. 17, touch on it. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California Tanic Dan,ce To return to the La Jolla ceremony described by Juan Antonio, the fire dance was followed by the tanic ceremony as soon as the fire had been rekindled. This ceremony among the La Jolla clans was owned by the wassuk people, and any other clan wishing to give the ceremony had to ask the wassuk nota to perform it. This special clan ownership probably was due to the wassuk nota's having been the first to learn the ceremony from the western clans at San Luis Rey mission. In addition to being a regular part of the toloache initiation, tanic was also performed to avoid evil when any man dreamed of the va.rious Chungichnish avengers.573 If a man in an outside clan had such a dream he told his nota, who in turn asked the wassuk nota to come and hold tanic. Such a ceremony seems to have had no initiatory aspects. However, as a part of the initiation rite, the tanic dance lasted for the remainder of the night with the half-conscious neophytes clinging to the older men who dragged them around the fire as they danced. When a boy became totally unconscious he was carried away to the place where the drink was administered and left to sleep off the effects of the drug. All the dancers, aside from the neophytes, were from the invited clan. In the morning all slept, the boys being kept together in seclusion by the paha. The neophytes received a small amount of food given them by the paha, but the entire period of their initiation ceremony was one of fasting and seclusion.574 Each morn- ing they bathed in cold water and their bodies were painted. The La Jolla ceremony lasted four days, and on each of the first three nights the above ceremony was repeated with a different clan and paha in charge of the boys. As soon as one invited clan had per- formed the night-long ceremony they departed and another took their place.575 The paha and the older members of each clan seem to ha.ve given instructions, songs, and esoteric knowledge to the neophytes. 573 This is similar to the Mountain Cahuilla custom of holding jimsonweed ceremonies to ward off disaster, pestilence, or drought. This belief among the Luiseflo is mentioned by Kroeber, in Du Bois, op. omt., 179. 574 Salt and meat especially were taboo, Du B.ois, op. cit., 80-82. 575 Du Bois, op. cit., 82, states that four or five clans participated in such a rite. According to Sparkman, op. cit., 221, the ceremony continued for a month, and for a year they were forbidden to eat meat or salt. Only at the end of this period were the final rites performed. As Kroeber suggests, Handbook, 670, the exact duration of the ceremony may not have been definitely fixed. 1,929] 313 314 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Fiinal Initiation Rites Juan's account of the toloache rites is unique in that he combines the ceremonial ground-painting and the wanawut pit into one figure. There seems to be no doubt that this was actually the case in the ceremony he describes, but it is probable that it was due to a local lapse in ritualistic accuracy rather than a general custom. The unifi- cation of the two figures was described to Kroeber in 1904, by Pauma and Rincon informants,576 so there seems to be no doubt that this departure from general usage was a definite loc.al trait. On the morning of the fourth day of the La Jolla ceremony a rect.angular pit was dug (4 by 3?/2 by 2 feet deep), in which were placed three small rocks. Around these evenly spaced central rocks were several figures designed with colored earths. The bear, rattle- snake, tree, house, devil (tovic), "stick beetle" (nahatcic), and Tcungiknish (La Jolla pronunciation of Chungichnish.) were repre- sented, as well as other figures which the informant did not remember clearly. Juan was very vague concerning this symbolism; he believed th.e figures for the devil (t6wic) and Chungichnish were the same, and any figure might represent them for no one had ever seen either of them. The former was heard only in the squeak of the ba.t (tisuk), and the latter was an evil spirit whose crying was sometimes heard but whose person had never been seen. He was not the raven,577 and any design called by his name might represent him. Among the eastern Luisefio, Chungichnish seems to have been a dangerous spirit rather than a great deity. The rattlesnake was symbolized by a series of diamonds meeting end to end, and the "stick beetle" by a small heap of gray ashes. (According to Juan this insect was about two inches long, gray in color, and was poisonous.) The other figures were not remembered by the informant. At this time the wanawut was not in the pit.578 The neophytes were grouped around this pit., with all the people forming a circle outside. The paha, or a near male relative of each 576 See Du Bois, op. cit., 177-179. 577 Contrary to Sparkman's statement, op. cit., 218, but in accord with other authorities. The raven was closely associated with Chungichnish, usually as his messenger, but the god does not seem to have been actually identified with the bird. The Cupenso however do call the raven teingitnic. 578 According to Juan Antonio Wassuk the figure, or ground-painting, without the w&nawut, was called tor6haic, identical with eskanish tarohayish given by Du Bois, op. oit., 89. The double term is characteristic, eskanish meaning any kind of images or figures, and tarohayish this particular kind of image. The term nahish or nawish (marking, writing, or painting) is also used. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California boy, explained the meaning of the figures, telling the boys that the house would harm them, the rock fall on them, the tree break under them, and bear and rattlesnake kill them if they were evil; but if they were good, married in the right way (that is, outside their clan), and did the right things for the old people, none of these figures would harm them. Then all present grunted "heritha" three times and exhaled. Then the n6ta took a hair rope or string, the wainawut, out of his mouth. The wanawut had previously been carried all around the village to keep away evil spirits. This string the paha placed around the sand painting in the pit, shaping it into a human form with a head, two legs, and outstretched arms.579 The three rocks were within this figure, one at about the waist, another in the middle, and the third near the head. One at a time the neophytes stepped into the pit with both feet on the first rock (near the waist of the figure), then jumped from that to the next two rocks and out of the pit. Should a boy slip off a rock all his relatives mourned loudly, for that was considered an evil sign, and he would die young. All cheered and rejoiced as every boy successfully passed over the stones. After this last ordeal the boys were entitled to dance at all ceremonies. The above description of the final rites applies to the last ceremony of the sort at La Jolla, and is obviously much condensed. This may be due to the youth of the informant at the time, the fact that he was not fully initiated, or to an incomplete performance of the ceremony itself. Other informants, quoted by earlier investigators, go into more detail concerning the ground-painting and wanawut. Sparkman gives a full translation of the lecture and warnings received by an initiate,580 and Kroeber gives a detailed and comparative discussion of the ethics involved.581 There seems no need to repeat these statements here: sufficient is it to say that an exemplary conduct of life from the native viewpoint was demanded of the initiate, failing in which he would meet disaster at the hands of the Chungichnish avengers. According to Du Bois582 the wanawut rite came before the explanation of the ground-painting. Her synoptic account of the lecture given over the latter figure is similar to but less detailed than that given by Spark- man. There is however no doubt that the wanawut and the ground- painting were separate figures in the usual Luisefio ceremony; as has 579 See wanawut, figured in Du Bois, op. cit., 85, fig. 1. 580 Op. cit., 223, 224. 581 Handbook, 683-685. 582 op. cit., 82-84. 1929] 315 316 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 been shown, this was true even among the Cupeino still farther east than La Jolla, so Juan 's account of their combination may be regarded as a local anomaly. According to Du Bois, the boys' initiation closed, as did that of the girls', with the mastication and expectoration of a lump of salt and sage seed into the center of the ground-painting.583 Before the performance of this act the nota touched the lump to the forehead, shoulders, breast, knees, and feet of the initiates, telling them to always make an invocation to the rising sun by grunting three times and exhaling. This seems to be a customary ceremonial act, and is said to waft away evil or dead spirits. When the lump of sage seed is put into the mouth of the candidate he kneels over the ground-paint- ing and spits it into the central hole.584 The lecturer examined this: if it was dry he said the youth had heeded his advice; if wet he had not. In the latter case the spectators showed their disapprobation by shouting.585 Then the central portion of the painting was carefully covered up by the old men who thus obliterated the sand-painting.584 Du Bois suggests the probability that the boys had a race and painted certain rocks as was done in the ant ordeal, but no mention of this has been recorded.586 A feast, distribution of presents, and cere- monial burning of the wamkie ended the ceremony.587 The foregoing account of the toloache initiation ceremony has only touched on the technical detail and symbolism involved in the wanawut figure and the sand-paintings. A consideration of these features, which have been dealt with at considerable length by other writers,588 leads too far afield into the realm of native religion. Since the present study is primarily concerned with the organization of society, further consideration of these ceremonial details may well be left for a later study of religion and mythology in the area. 583 Op. oit., 83. 584 Op. oit., 83. 585 op. oit., 222. 586 op. cit., 84. Such a race closed the Serrano and Cupeflo toloache ceremony. 587 According to Kroeber, Handbook, 672, the wanawut is buried, a final tanic dance lasts through the night, ending with a fire dance. 588 Du Bois, op. cit., discusses the wanawut concept, 85-87; and the sand- painting, 87-91. Sparkman gives some detail on the ground-painting, op. cit., 221, 222, and pl. 20. Kroeber discusses both concepts, the wanawut, Handbook, 671, 672, and the ground-painting, 661-665, and fig. 56. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California ANTINIC,559 THE ANT ORDEAL This rite seems to have been a follow-up of the toloache drinking, aimed at demonstrating and increasing the hardihood and endurance of the older initiates. It was performed at varying intervals depend- ing on the number of candidates for the ordeal. Prior to the actual ant ordeal there was a night of singing, or whistling,590 and early in the morning the chosen candidates were taken into the house or sacred enclosure and given warm water to drink; then they were conducted to the place where the ants had been gathered. A pit had been dug and this was filled with hard-stinging ants gathered beforehand by the chief. The candidates, one at a time, lay down in the pit and their naked bodies were covered with ants, while a special song was sung. After a time the boys got up and the ants were whipped off their bodies with nettles.59' When all was over, the sand-painting was made as in the toloache rite and the lump of sage seed and salt used in the same way. A race was then run, similar to those at the time of a new moon, and the winner of the race painted the designated rock with red and black paint. After this the anut songs were sung to the accompaniment of ringing stones. TATTOOING It seems that there was once a similar ceremony for ta.ttooing, when the subject lay down in a certain place, and was tattooed by persons who had previously fasted. The songs connected with this ceremony are not remembered.592 Women were tattooed on the chin, with a vertical line down the forehead and a small eircle on each cheek. On their wrists there were bands of tattooing and across the breast a curved band or line from which lines extended downward. Men tattooed less than women.593 Since similar ceremomes ourred among all the southern California Shoshoneans as far east as the Desert Cahuilla there seems no reason for connecting these rites with the Chungichnish or toloache cults. 589 Given as antish and tivihayish by Kroeber, Handbook, 672. 590 Du Bois, op. oit., 91. 591 According to Juan Antonio Wassuk a sister of each boy was supposed to do this. 592 This account, as well as that of the ant ordeal, is taken almost entirely from Du Bois, op. oit., 91, 92. Modern informants remember that there was such a ceremony but can recount none of the details. 593 Kroeber, see Du Bois, op. cit., 184. 1929] 317 318 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 UNISH MATAKISH,594 THE BURIAL OF A CHUNGICHNISH INITIATE'S PARAPHERNALIA This occurred on the death of a man who had drunk the jimson- weed in his youth, and was held to bury the feather headdress, sacred stick, and other ceremonial objects he possessed. It was performed by the chief of his party or clan. As in the jimsonweed drinking two places are prepared, one in which the ceremonial objects such as the tamyush (sacred toloache. mortars) are cleaned and painted, and another in which the sand-painting is made. The latter appears to be the same as that used in the boys' initiation rite. Tukmul, the sacred winnowing basket, is in the painting and represents Chungich- nish. All march out from the place of preparation, led by the n6t,a, and singing Chungichnish songs proceed to the place where the sand- painting has been made. The ceremonial equipment of the deceased is pla,ced in t,he central hole of this figure and is buried by pushing in the sand from t.he edges. All the songs sung at this time refer to Chungichnish and the sacred objects, always ending with the taamyush. Thes,e songs were given the people by Chungichnish and were not subject to clan ownership. The sa,cred Chungichnish objects bear a close resemblance to those contained in the sacred maswut bundles of the various clans. Whether among the western Luiseflo the Chungichnish cult had taken over the sacred-bundle concept from the local clans has not been determined. Among the eastern Luiseiio the maswut bundles: seem to have been definitely associated with the separate clans, and such paraphernalia a,s were connected with the Chungichnish or toloache rites were of a purely personal nature. This burial of the Chungichnish objects among the Luiseiio suggests the burial of the maswut bundle recorded among the Mountain Cahuilla.595 OTHER CEREMONIES The foregoing rites almost exhaust the list of known Luisefno cere- monies, but there are a few minor activities which deserve mention. There was. a. race at the time of a new moon deseribed by Du Bois.596 594 Sparkman translates yunish, as burying an initiatel's ceremonial feathers; and matakish, as grinding stone. See Du Bois, op. cit., 92, n. 34. This transla- tion seems rather dubious, but no other has yet been obtained. The above account is taken from Du Bois. 595 Present paper, p. 155. 596 op. cit., 135. This seems to be a part of the ereation myth. Also see Sparkman's note concerning hayish, the race at the time of the new moon, ibid., 110, n. 93. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California The chief men who had charge of these things would know when the new moon was expected and would watch for it. Then they would get ready, and just as the moon appeared one man would start a fire and shout, and all would come together. They would shout three times, and then all start together in a straight line, side by side, and run until the fastest runner got ahead of the others, when he cut across in front of them, and that was the end of it. There might be twenty to fifty who did the running. They made the indescribable guttural invocation to send their spirits to the moon, and they had to have a fire as they did in every religious ceremony. The head men always started the fire, and the long ceremonial pipes they smoked were lighted at it.. Certain songs were sung and rites performed to bring an abun- dance of rain, grass, and acorns. Namkush was such a ceremony to make acorns, rabbits, etc., plentiful. Tu'nish was, a similar ceremony to make plants, which were valued, such as chia, grow.597 Some shamans claimed to have power to bring rain.598 Sometimes several shamans met together to kill some certain man. At such an occasion tukmul chayut (flat coiled basket and flat twined basket) were made ready, each man bringing his own basket. This was done at the command of Chungichnish.59 Whether this meeting of sha,mans had any relation to the cont,ests of shamans, previously mentioned as occurring among the Mountain Cahuilla, is uncertain. The above are the merest fragments of beliefs which may formerly ha,ve played a prominent part in Luisefno life. THE RELATION OF SONG AND CEREMONY Thanks to the efforts of Du Bois it is possibk6 in part to c,orrelate Luisefio songs with the various ceremonies. While the songs which she secured on phonographic, records have not, so far as I know, breen fully annotated or translated, in many cases they have been briefly summarized in her paper on the Luisenio.600 In the following sum- mary I have attempted to give under the heading of each ceremony the songs known to have been sung in connection with it, and to give a brief resumen of their content. Page and record numbers given below refer to Du Bois' paper. 597 Du Bois, op. cit., 111, n. 104, 105. 598 Sparkman, op. cit., 217, 218. Compare the Yokuts beliefs on this score, Kroeber, Handbook, 518. 599 Du Bois, op. cit., 111, 112. Kroeber, Am. Jour. Folklore, 21:41, 1908, mentions a Gabrielino (at San Fernando) rite wherein thirteen men caused sick- ness and earthquake by forming a ground-painting, with twelve strings which were shaken. This may refer to a shaman's meeting similar to the above, but it certainly refers to the use of the ground-painting among the Gabrielino. 600 Op. cit., 1908. 1929] 319 320 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 TABLE 20 ALIGNMENT OF SONGS AND CEREMONIES 1. Mourning and Image-Burning Ceremonies: Song Series and Content Tauchinish (p. 101), the image ritual. Ree. 1098, p. 121, refers to making images in sacred enclosure. Shangamish (p. 101), finishing songs. Tapa'sash (p. 101), for men's dancing. Pi'mukvul (pp. 101, 102), death and burning of Wlyot. Rec. 401, p. 117, Wlyot enumerates months in which he may die; p. 114 same; Rec. 412, p. 118, cremation of Wlyot; Rec. 379, p. 108, admonition concerning daily bath; Rec. 413, p. 119, Wlyot sick, enumerates months in which he may die; Ree. 1082, p. 121, woman's song of Wlyot, mentions months in which he may die; Rec. 1100, p. 121, Wiyot counts the months in which he may die. Temenganesh (p. 102), song of seasons. Rec. 375, p. 107, mentions wanawut and humming sounds prior to the cremation; p. 108, mentions things in the ocean; Rec. 416, p. 121, mentions stars and Wlyot's talk concerning the east where he will rise; Rec. 1082, p. 121, woman's song of Wiyot, mentions months in which he may die. Chumtowi and Kwinamish (p. 102), our spirit. Rec. 379, p. 109, mentions Wlyot, his death, council, and sand-painting. Ree. 408, p. 117, mentions First People, and hollow coffer in which sacred feathers are kept. Recs. 379, 380, 381, 382, pp. 109, 110, refer to sending the spirit to the milky way; Yula Wanawut, the spirit of the dead; the tying of the spirit in the sky; death. Kamalum (p. 102), mentions "our sons or children." Children of the earth- mother, and the mountains that were the first people. Kish (pp. 102, 105), of the house. Anut (p. 102), the ant ordeal (f). Rec. 387, p. 112, mentions the arrange- ment of ceremonies and the first killing of various animals after the death of Wlyot. Nokwanish (p. 102)p songs in memory of the dead. Tovit, the little rabbit, first sang them when they burned Wiyot. General name for men 's songs (Sparkman, n. 49). Totowish (p. 102), refers to the avengers of Chungichnish. (Sparkman however translates totowish as the dancer of the morahash ceremony, n. 50.) Monival (p. 103), songs of places and landmarks. Rec. 383, p. 110, an indi- vidual and inherited song. Nyachish (p. 103), enemy songs. 2. Songs Directly Connected with the Image-Burning Ceremony Rec. 406, p. 117, about Tomaiyowit the earth-mother and the noise when the first people were born. Ree. 405, p. 117, Tomaiyowit making the earth larger for her children. Rec. 1080, p. 121, song of Wiyot after he was burned. Ree. 1102, p. 122, song of the dead, not used in dancing, sung in Image ceremony. When relatives come to console family they stay all night and sing this song. Mentions Antares and Altair rising in the early morning. When Antares rises winter is at an end, etc. Rec. 393, p. 114, Wiyot names months in which he may die. P. 95, Ashish (girls' puberty ceremony) songs used in Image ceremony. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California 3. Eagle-Killing Ceremony Rec. 391, p. 113, song of eagle trying to escape death. Died at Temecula. Part of Wlyot story. Rec. 392, p. 113, connection of eagle with spirits of dead. Song to which they dance with eagle. 4. Moraha8h or Whirling Dance P. 183, songs descriptive of dancing. La Jolla informants say songs describe flight and death of the eagle. Said to refer to the Wlyot story. P. 102, n. 50. Sparkman translates totowish as morahash dancer. Du Bois says totowish is a song referring to Chungichnish avengers. This point is obscure. No songs recorded. 5. Notish Ceremony 6. Girls' Adolescence Ceremony Rec. 410, p. 118, Ashish song, deer trying to escape death, killed by buzzard and blue fly. P. 93, 95, mentions ashish songs. Rec. 379, p. 109, Kwinamish songs (see above), come second in girls' ceremony. Rec. 379, p. 115, first races, travels of first people. Rec. 411, p. 118, Anut song, said to be a very ancient song, only sung at girls' initiation at a later time. Rec. 414, p. 120, song of the rabbit hunt. An Ashish song which mentions the man who leads hunt. Rec. 415, p. 121, mentions hill where painted rock is. Rec. 1084, p. 121, sung to the accompaniment of ringing stones. Gives instruction to girls. 7. Jimsonweed Drinking Rec. 394, p. 79, n. 14, refers to the tamyush (toloache mortar) walking and twisting of its own accord. (Also p. 114.) P. 80, Chungichnish and newly composed songs sung. P. 80, n. 18, song referring to placing bones of Wiyot in a receptacle and pouring them into a hole in the ground. Rec. 1085, p. 121, toloache drinking song. Refers to the first feeling of intoxication. 8. Ant Ordeal P. 91, toma no kwato (no meaning given). P. 92, songs of Anut, four or five of which are remembered, sung to acepm- paniment of ringing stones. (See also above under Mourning and Image-Burning Ceremonies.) 9. Wdnawut Rite No songs recorded. Considerable symbolism related to it, see pp. 85-87. Connected with death, which came from Wlyot, and the Milky Way where spirits of the dead go. 10. Sand-Painting No songs recorded. Symbolism related to it, pp. 87-91. Connected with mountain lion, wolf, and sea-fog who first made it. They also were the first to institute mani or toloache drinking. Used in four initiatory (or allied) ceremonies: girls' puberty rite, boys' initiation, ant ordeal, and burial of dead initiate's feathers. 1.929] 321 322 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 11. Chungichnish Ceremony of Unish Matakish P. 93, Chungichnish songs sung at this time. Ree. 1095, p. 123, Chungichnish dance song, tells about the feather head- dress and the owl whose feathers are used to make it. 12. Chungichnish Songs P. 105. Chungichnish songs include Chatish, Numkish, and Tuknish. Chatish is a poisoning song. Numkish and Tuknish are songs to make acorns, rabbits, chia, etc., plentiful; p. 111, n. 104, 105. Rec. 390, p. 113, Chungichnish song, mentions horned owl whose feathers make sacred headdress. The seaweed on the seashore, one of the first people, sacred to Chungichnish. Rec. 404, p. 117, Chungichnish song, in the extinct language of the coast. Rec. 1085 (second song), p. 121, a Chungichnish song sung when they reach the dancing place. Rec. 1078, p. 122, Chungichnish song, in the extinct language of the coast (Gabrielino). Brought from Los Flores, originally from Los Bolsas south of Santa Ana. Ree. 10f95, p. 123, Chungichnish dance song, sung when feathers of dead initiate are buried. Sung in the Unish Matakish ceremony (see above). (Other songs which do not fit into this classification are shamanistic or individual clan songs, but the greater majorty of Luisefno songs recorded by Du Bois are included in the above list.) The foregoing tabulation brings out several significant points. It shows that all songs connected with the mourning ceremonies601 seem to refer to the creation story, especially that portion concerning the dying god Wlyot. Only one song has any reference to the Chungichnish cult, and that, the Totowish song, is said by Sparkman to refer to the morahash dancer. Until it is further verified as a definite part of the song series connected with the mourning ceremonies, it may be left out of consideration. This dependence on the creation myth extends to the allied eagle-killing ceremony, and probably to the morahash or whirling dance. These two rites seem to be especially connected with the dying-god portion of the myth. The songs of the girls' adolescence ceremony seem to refer to the creation myth, but they have no direct reference to the death of Wlyot, nor have they any apparent connection with either the toloache or the Chungichnish series. The ant or anut song, said to be very old, is connected with the ant ordeal as well. It is not recorded for the boys' initiation. Apparently the mythical substratum from which the songs for the girls' puberty ceremonies are derived is not represented to any degree in other ritualistic activities. 601 The Notish ceremony for which no songs are recorded is clearly a late addition to the ritualistic calendar of the eastern Luisefio. The above remarks do not refer to this ceremony. Strong: Aboriginlal Society in Southern California Toloache songs refer mainly to the jimsonweed, the sacred mortars, and the intoxication. One song refers to Wlyot, and a. reference is made to Chungichnish songs, though none are given in this connection. In general it seems that the rites connected with the jimsonweed drinking combine both the Wlyot and Chungichnish. motifs with others revolving around the sanctity and narcotic effect of the drug itself. The same relationship seems to be involved in the symbolism of the ground-painting and the wanawut, but the mythical basis of these two concepts seems rather free from the various fea.tures; that mark the Chungichnish cult. It would seem, therefore, that they repre- sented older concepts readapted to the rites and ideas connected with the Chungichnish cult, but were more closely allied to the various initiat.ory aspects of the toloache complex. The Chungichnish songs refer to shamanistic activities, to various objects connected with the coast, and are often in the language of that region, presumably Gabrielino. These songs are sung at the Unish Matakish ceremony when the feathers of the Chungichnish initiate are buried. On the basis of historical evidence alone they might be assigned to a relatively recent period for the Luisefno, and a consideration of the limited distribution of ceremonies with which they are connected bears this out. To attempt to delineate too sharply the different cults or cere- monial complexes, and the songs with which they are associated, does some violence to- the facts. In the nature of things there has been much intermingling of older and later ceremonies and song series, but, as the foregoing table demonstrates, lines of cleavage are still discern- ible. Purely on the basis of these associations we may set aside the girls' puberty ceremony as unique, while a glance at its distribution shows it to be ubiquitous in the area, and presumably of great antiquity.602 In the same way we may set aside the mourning cere- monies, their mythical counterparts and their distribution, assigning them to an old and basic cultural level in southern California.603 With the exception of the notish ceremony which is clearly a late addition from the west, and the morahash or whirling dance which is limited in distribution, the other mourning rites extend beyond the borders of all the groups we have thus far considered. The jimsonweed drinking, its associated ground-painting and wanawut rite, and the initiatory and other concepts which the three 602 See Kroeber, Handbook, 864, table 9, for a tabular treatment of this wide- sprea.d rite in California. Also see Anthropology, 300, 301, 1923. 603 Kroeber, Handbook, 859-861. 1,929] 323 324 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 involve, may very well be summed up under the term toloache cult. Disregarding for the time being the larger problem involved in the basic diffusion of the use of this narcotic, we can safely say that in southern California it has spread from the shores of the Pacific east as far as the Santa Rosa and San Jacinto mountains and south well into Dieguenlo territory. With this secondary diffusion604 it has carried the complex of ideas and ritualistic practices which may be termed the toloache cult. The last cult to be distinguished in southern California had a late, almost historic start,605 and a very limited range of diffusion. This is the Chungichnish cult, associated with the god of that name and the avengers or mythical monsters who enforced his dictates. As the fore- going study shows, this western cult reached the eastern Luisefno in some degree, but beyond them it does not seem to have penetrated. The Chungichnish and t.oloache cults have often been grouped together as the Chungichnish toloache cult,606 but the foregoing con- sideration of the Serrano, Cahuilla, and Cupefno demonstrates the need of splitting these terms. Beyond the boundaries of the Luiseino and Cupeino the term Chungichnish is unknown, but the toloache cult has in part penetrated to all these groups.607 This is a matter for later consideration, but the point is here made that the content of Luiseflo songs (in so far as they are known) associated with the different Luisefio ceremonies, clearly shows these ceremonies to be grouped. When the groups of ceremonies thus distinguished are studied in regard to distribution, they show that those connected with the crea- tion story are the most widely spread, those connected with the toloache songs are intermediate in range, and those connected with the Chungichnish songs are limited almost entirely to the Luiseio! and their western neighbors. Since the relationship of song to ceremony has such important correlates, it may be well to consider the even more fundamental relationship between Luisenio songs and myths. 604 See Kroeber, Handbook, 793, and Anthropology, 810, 1923. 605 Kroeber, Handbook, 622, 656. 606 Kroeber, Handbook, 712, although they are clearly distinguished in Anthro- pology, 309-316, 1923. 607 Waterman, op. oit., 274-276, in his discussion of Dieguenlo religion brings out the above distinction. The importance attached by the Diegueflo to adolescence and their fear of the spirits of the dead, beliefs which motivate their main ceremonial activities, likewise find expression among the Cahuilla, Cupenio, and Serrano. The later cult rituals have overlaid this more universal pattern in a degree which decreases markedly to the east and the south of Luisefio and Gabrielino territory. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California RELATION OF SONG AND MYTH Cahuilla, Cupen-o, and Serrano informants all state that the majority of their ceremonial songs are derived from their respective creation myths, with the occasional addition of certain alien song series acquired from near-by peoples. The Palm Springs Cahuilla story of the creation is actually a long song series translated into prose.608 It was dictated, or rather sung by the clan leader, each verse being translated without the reiteration which made its recording last three days. At the ceremony which had just been concluded this song furnished the main theme for nearly a week's singing. My informants were definite in their statements coneerning the agree- ment between song and myth. This applied to all mourning cere- monies, the only exception to the rule being the inclusion of the Mohave song series previously mentioned.609 Whether this close accord applied to all other ceremonies is more doubtful. The song series con- nected with the toloache rites among the above mentioned groups con- tain many in alien western dialects, but those used at the girls' adolescence ceremony are said to be in the language of the respective groups and in accord with their individual mythologies. Apparently the! Luiseiio songs are aligned with their various cere- monies in the same manner, and it seems equally probable that the song series used with the girls' adolescence and mourning rites is derived from their creation myth. That these creation myths and the songs derived therefrom vary locally accords with the universal scheme of small autonomous groups throughout southern California. Each group was a political and ceremonial unit, and while regional patterns are clearly discernible, the amount of minor differentiation in myth and ceremony is almost infinite. The fragmentary nature of recorded songs, and the seeming variety in myth tend to obscure the relationship between the two, but that there was a strong linkage between both manifestations seems certain. In this regard Kroeber makes the following statement concerning the Luisenio. It appears that nearly all the songs except those of a specific shamanistic character consist of mythological allusions. They may be said to float in a web of tradition. Those that are not mythological are directly descriptive of the ritual to which they pertain ... . Precisely to what extent the Luisefio and Gabrielino songs of each kind constitute a series strung on a single plot can not yet be said. But it is clear that they approach closely to the song cycles of the Mohave and Yuma. On the coast, song and ceremony are two parallel developments, interconnected at innumerable points, yet essentially pursuing 608 Present paper, pp. 130-143. 609 Present paper, p. 127. 1,929 ] 325 326 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 separate courses. In the Colorado valley ritual has been nearly effaced, or has come to consist essentially of singing, with the choice of the series dependent on the singer rather than the occasion.610 Since it appears that Luiseino song series and ceremonies are not as dissociated as seemed to be the case, while native testimony among the Cahuilla, Cupenlo, and Serrano closely identify the two, the resemblance between Luiseiio and Colorado river ceremonial practices becomes less striking. Among these latter groups song cycles vary widely with the individual performers, and on the whole they bear slight relationship to the actual creation myths.61' Waterman has shown how similar are the Luiseino and Mohave versions of the crea- tion,612 but Kroeber's treatment of Mohave ritualistic singing tend% to isolate their origin myth from their various song cyeles. Since the latter strongly predominate in actual group religious activities, while the origin myth seems to be outside this pattern, it is possible that the origin stories of the Colorado river peoples were taken over from the Luiseiio and their neighbors, or from the Pima and Papago,613 whose creation myths in turn resemble those of southern California. There is the alternative possibility, as Kroeber suggests, that ritual has faded away in Colorado river society to be replaced by the singing of these dream songs, but the fact that these song cycles contain little that is fundamentally connected with the old ideas of the creation, militates against this view. The song series of southern California on the other hand are saturated with such ideas, and in all but the later cult activities a.re derived directly from the creation myths. This is a question whose final answer may only be given after a more intensive comparison of the religions of the groups involved, but it seems highly probable that there is more fundamental similarity in myth and ceremony between the Piman peoples and the southern California Shoshoneans than between the latter and the Yuman peoples of the Colorado river. The unique nature of Diegueino myth- ology is undoubtedly significant in this regard,612 but until more is known of the Yuman peoples of the northern portion of Lower California many Diegueiio concepts will remain obscure. Concerning the basic similarity of Luiseflo and Cahuilla mythology there can be no doubt.614 Like those of the Cahuilla, the Luiseno 610 Handbook, 656-685. 611 Kroeber, Handbook, 770. 612 Am. Anthr., n.s., 11:41-55, 1909. 613 Prank Russell, The Pima Indians, 26th Ann. Rept. Bur. Am. Ethn., 3:389, 1908, and Carl Lumholtz, New Trails in Mexico (New York, 1912), 357, 358. 614 In the following comparison the Palm Springs Cahuilla creation myth, present paper, pp. 130-143, is used as a basis of comparison with the various Luisenfo myths on record. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California myths state that in the beginning all was dark and quiet; there was a working together in the darkness, a cessation,615 then the formation of two balls that became the two creators,616 Tomaiyowit and Tukmit, the first of whom may be identified with the Cahuilla Temalyauit, and the second with Muikat (who was of the tuktum or wildcat moiety) .617 The same conditions surround their birth,618 and the quarrel concern- ing their respective ages which in each case is settled by the tobacco pipe incident, and their actions in making the earth larger for their children.619 At this point in the Luise-no myth the difference in sex between the two creators is mentioned, their cohabitation is suggested or inferred, and a subsequent series of births takes place. This series of events also characterized the Juanenlo myth620 and probably that of other westerly groups, but to the east of the Luiseiio they seem to have been unknown. Commenting on Luiseiio mythology, Kroeber refers to this matter as follows: The basis of the Luisefio origin tradition is a group of ideas that are wide- spread in southern California. But in the ritualistic cosmogony these appear in a very specialized shape. First, the concept of prime origins by birth, instead of a process of making, is more thoroughly worked out than by per- haps any other American tribe except possibly the Pueblos. Secondly, there is a remarkable attempt at abstract conceptualizing, which though it falls short of success, leaves an impression of boldness and of a rude but vast grandeur of thought. The result is that the beginning of the Luise-no genesis reads far more, in spirit at least, like the opening of a Polynesian cosmogonic chant than like an American Indian tradition of the world origin.621 While this portion of the Luiseiio creation story is markedly different from that of the Cahuilla, there are in their respective 615 Du Bois, Jour. Am. Folklore, 19:52, 1906. 616 Du Bois, present series, 8:129, 1908. 617 Sparkman translates tukmit as sky and tukomit as night. Du Bois uses these two terms rather indiscriminately, but nearly always in connection with the other creator, Tomaiyowit. The term mokat, which may have no etymological connection with mfikat, is used in connection with the seasons and the moon, meaning large or full. Du Bois, Jour. Am. Folklore, 19:56, 1906. The connection between Luiseiio and Cahuilla creators seems highly probable, but the exact linguistic relationship of terms is obscure. 618 Du Bois, op. oit., 52, and present series, 8:129, 1908. 619 Ibid., 117, 129, 143. 620 Kroeber, Handbook, 637. 621 It may be significant that these rather alien concepts are found among the littoral peoples in southern California. The possibility of Polynesian or other Oceanic influences along the Cialifornia coast should not be ignored in future archaeological and ethnological research in this area. Not only the slight similarities in myth and ceremonial exchange of shell money, but details of material culture such as shell fishhooks, plank boats, stone images of fish suggest- ing fetishes, use of lime and tobacco, etc., may be the result of casual contacts between the islanders of southern California and those much farther to the west. 1029] 327 328 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 versions of the dying god story many other siimilarities. Among these are the linguistic differences which developed when the sun arose,622 the offense of the creator against a beautiful woman that led to his death, the connection of the frog with this event, the shaman doctor- ing of Wiyot, the long recital of the various periods of the month in which he may die, the death and cremation, the action of coyote in stealing and eating the heart,623 and the somewhat extraneous addition of the first eagle killing to the creation myth.624 Among both groups these songs are accompanied with the same triple invoca- tion and blowing into the air to drive away dead or evil spirits, while both versions abound with the characteristic double esoteric names for all legendary phenomena. Such are the most outstanding similarities indicating the close relationship between Luiseino origin myths and those of their near eastern neighbors. The foregoing discussion has shown the close accord between myth, song, and ceremony in the religious activities of the Luiseilo. Thanks to the detailed and painstaking work of Du Bois it has been possible to demonstrate objectively how close this relationship actually was. Among the Cahuilla this accord is accepted on the basis of informants' statements, and a complete story of the creation and dying god myth said to be a condensed song series. Future work in studying the religion of the Cahuilla and their neighbors should follow further along the line adopted by Du Bois, for when the actual songs have been recorded and translated it will then be possible to absolutely check this hypothesis. Such a detailed study will throw much light on the exact nature of religion in the region and form a sound basis for wider comparisons. 622 Du Bois, present series, 8:145, 1908. 623 Ibid., 132 146. 624 Du Bois, Jour. Am. Folklore, 19:56-60, 1906. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California VII. SUMMARY AND COMPARISON The social and ceremonial organization of the Serrano, Cahuilla, Cupeiio, and Luiseino have been discussed in considerable detail. It may therefore be of value to sum up their outstanding characteristics so as to gain a coherent picture of each group, while indicating the many differences as well as the wider and more fundamental similari- ties between all of them. With these points clearly in mind it will be possible to visualize the relationships existing between the various groups, and to understand, in part at least, the reasons for the known distribution of social factors in southern California. THE SERRANO The early breakdown and almost complete disappearance of Ser- rano culture accounts in large part for the fragmentary and often con- tradictory state of our knowledge concerning their social organization and group activities. However it appears certain that the localized, autonomous male lineage was the political unit among the Serrano. These local units have been termed clans in the present paper, because in addition to the tie of kinship there was also present another bond formed by the possession of a group fetish bundle, priest, and cere- monial house. Among the Cahuilla, Cupeino, and Luiseiio to the south of the Serrano, each clan was characterized by the possession of these three features, which formed one complex of associated traits. But the southeastern Serrano ceremonial organization seems to have been more complex and there were larger units each made up of two clans of opposite moiety who commonly intermarried. The Serrano there- fore differed from their southern nreighbors in that the very important fetish, priest, and house complex was often shared with another clan of the opposite moiety; and while each clan was largely autonomous it was dependent on this other clan for the performance of all cere- monies. Whether this unique organization applied to the extinct nort.hern Serrano clans is unknown. Every Serrano clan was designated as either coyote or wildcat, and according to native theory could not intermarry with any other clan bearing the saame animal name. Aside from the animal names of the moiety divisions there was very little of totemic import connected with 329 1929] 330 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 them. Since clan names are for the most, part place names the same may be said of them. As two or more intermarrying clans of opposite moieties formed one ceremonial unit, both moiety reciprocity and exogamy were present. Obviously, dichotomy played a large part in Serrano social organization, as was also the case among the various south central Californian groups625 to the north and west of Serrano territory. The details of many Serrano ceremonies are forgotten, but the following appear to have been the most important. The girls' adoles- cence ceremony and the boys' initiation or toloache ceremony were both practiced, but so far as existing data are concerned the Serrano do not seem to have employed the ground-painting in either of them. The biannual mourning or image-burning ceremony included the naming of children, ceremonial eagle killing, and eagle or "whirling" dance, in addition to the rites connected with the clan fetish bundle and the making and burning of the death images. The clan leader among the Serrano was known as the kika, and the ceremonial assist- ant as the paha. The latter official had more important duties in con- nection with the fetish bundle than was the case among the southern neighbors of the Serrano. Moreover, one clan of the Serrano char- acteristically possessed the kika and ceremonial house, while the cere- monially allied clan of the opposite moiety had the paha and the ceremonial bundle. Whether this state of affairs applied to all Serrano clans is uncertain, but it was so among the southeastern groups in regard to whom information is available. A special clan singer (teaka) was formerly recognized among the Serrano, as well as a certain man who danced the eagle or "whirling" dance. The shaman (huremitc) was not a. clan official, but was a man of individual power, who through visions was able to cure sick persons. Such individuals took part in many of the ceremonies but were not regarded as regular group officials. THE DESERT CAHUILLA These people were likewise organized in male lineages, or paternal clans of several collateral lineages, each characterized by the possession of a clan fetish bundle, priest, and ceremonial house. Such clans were occasionally grouped in villages at the infrequent sites where water was available in sufficient quantity, but each clan was an autonomous 625 Gifford, Dichotomous Social Organization in South Central California, present series, 2:379-392, 1916; and, Miwok Moieties, present series, 12:105-164, 1916. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California unit, and the grouping of independent clans into villages has the appearance of a rather late aboriginal custom. Such village territories were used communally by the clans that occupied them, but away from the village each clan had special food-gathering territories that were jealously guarded. All the Desert Cahuilla clans were aligned with either the wildcat or the coyote moiety, and intermarriage between clans of the same moiety was strictly forbidden. Actual cases of marriage found among these people show that the rule was closely observed until recent times. Moiety reciprocity might occur between intermarrying clans of the opposite moiety, but it was not regarded as a definite rule. The main function of the moiety division among the Desert Cahuilla seems to have been the regulation of marriage. The mourning ceremonies of the Desert Cahuilla included a night of singing after a death, and concluded in the morning by burning the body and possessions of the deceased. About a year later a week-long ceremony for the dead was held, concluding with the burning of the death images. The girls' adolescence ceremony was performed, but there was no initiation rite for boys. A small ceremony when specially selected boys had their nasal septa pierced and links of bone inserted was the nearest equivalent. At this ceremony all young girls had their chins tattooed. Later, a special ceremony was held in the dance house, and all boys and girls; were given their clan names. At both these ceremonies "enemy songs" against other clans were sung. The only other Desert Cahuilla ceremony was the ritualistic killing of young eagles accompanied by a night of singing and dancing. While certain of the Desert Cahuilla clans had eagle-feather skirts wrapped in their fetish bundles they were not used in any eagle or "whirling" dance. The clan leader (net) was the only important official among the Desert Cahuilla. His office was marked by the possession of the clan bundle or maswut, which was regarded as "the heart of the clan." He likewise resided in the kicumnawit or "big house," where he kept the clan bundle. The duties of the net were largely ceremonial, but he had considerable advisory and some judicial power. Since he knew all the ritual and mythology of the clan, presided at all ceremonial functions, and had in his possession the 'all important clan fetish bundle, his influence was great. The ceremonial assistant or paha was unknown to any but the extreme northwestern Desert clans; and the feast manager, or takwa, was unknown to all of them. Shamans 1929] 331 332 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 (pilalem) were common to each group but were never regarded as elan officials although they had certain ceremonial duties. Singing at the larger ceremonies was lead by certain skilled men and women known as hauiniks. No other tribal or clan officials seem to have been recognized. Simplicity of organization and ritual characterize the Desert Cahuilla, who ma.nifested their native ability more in the ingenuity of their food gathering and water seeking than in the complexities of their material or social culture. A comparison with all the other groups considered in the present section shows that the Desert Cahuilla possessed fewer ceremonies and a more simple organization than any of their western neighbors. Since more of the old life exists today among the Desert Cahuilla than among any of the western groups, it is obvious that their lack of ceremonies is not due to the partial disappearance of their native culture. THE PASS CAHUILLA The Cahuilla-speakiing people of the San Gorgonio pass and its vicinity were in basic social organization identical with those of the Desert. Unlike the latter, however, the Pass clans seem to have been isolated, and villages composed of several clans were unknown. The priest, fetish bundle, and ceremonial house complex possessed by each of these clans was of even greater importance here than among the Desert Cahuilla. The Pass Cahuilla fall into two main groups, first the three clans near Palm Springs which might well be called the Palm Springs Cahuilla, and secondly the six Cahuilla clans that actually lived in the San Gorgonio pass and were therefore the true Pass Cahuilla. It may be well to repeat onee more that this latter region was formerly occupied by Cahuilla-speaking groups, and not by the Serrano as has been recently claimed.626 These western clans were much influenced by the Serrano, while the Palm Springs Cahuilla were formerly more closely in touch with their desert kinsmen. While both the Palm Springs Cahuilla and the Pass Cahuilla proper recognized the coyote and wildcat moiety alignment of clans, only the former followed'-the rule of moiety exogamy. Among the Pass clans the rule was known to exist, but it seems to have been largely ignored, and treated as a mere tradition. Undoubtedly the 626 See the discussion in the present paper, pp. 9, 10. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California paucity of wildcat clans in this region had much influence in bringing about such a state of affairs. The ceremonial life of the Pass Cahuilla was fundamentally the same as that of the Desert Cahuilla, but the calendar of the western groups was marked by more numerous and elaborate ceremonies. Traces of jimsonweed drinking or manet, the "whirling" or eagle dance, and analogies to the ground-painting are found. The Palm Springs story of the creation is one of the most coherent and sche- matically complete accounts yet recorded for southern California and appears to be almost entirely free of any late western or Chungichnish influences. On the other hand the breakdown of moiety exogamy, the modern tendency to group clans into "parties," and the elabora.tion of ritual- istic det.ails among the Pass Cahuilla are all significant evidences of western influence. In this regard the, intricate mortuary exchange of shell money seems to indicate a former ceremonial linkage that in aboriginal times may ha.ve indirectly connected these clans with the coastal peoples.627 The situation may be summed up by saying that in their ceremonial and social organization the Pass Cahuilla were intermediate between their southwestern.neighbors, the Mountain Cahuilla, Cupeiio, and Luiseiio, and their eastern neighbors, the Desert Cahuilla; while in almost everything save clan organization and language they were identical with the Serrano. THE MOUNTAIN CAHUILLA The Mountain Cahuilla groups were under alien influences longer than were their Pass and Desert kinsmen. In aboriginal times they came under western cultural domination as the presence of many tra.its associated with the toloache cult demonstrates. Then the Spanish mission fathers and later the Mexican government dominated them, and for the sake of more unified control brought about. the merging of the formerly independent clans into larger political units. This tendency was also aided by the United States government, and today, had not disease, sterility, and changed conditions almost wiped 627 "Chumash money appears to have been the clam-shell disk bead currene-y that was the ordinary medium of all those parts of California that did not employ dentalia. In fact, it is likely that the Chumash furnished the bulk of the supply for the southern half of the state, as the Pomo did farther north." Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California, Am. Bur. Ethn., Bull. 78:564, 1925. 1929] 333 334 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 out the native population, there would probably have existed a unified tribal organization with appointed leaders, entirely resulting from alien pressure on once isolated groups. Since the northern Mountain Cahuilla clans were for the most part influenced by the Luiseno groups at or near Saboba, and the southern Mountain Cahuilla influenced by the Cupefio and Diegueno to the south, there is a slight cultural split between them. However, it seems certain that under native conditions the autonomous, localized paternal clan was the Mountain Cahuilla social and political unit. In the north, owing to alien influences, these tended to unite in larger villages and fuse into religious parties; while in the extreme southern Cahuilla range one formerly vigorous clan had subdivided into various lineages still under central control, that externally had much the appearance of a typical party. The characteristic moiety alignment of all clans into either a wild- cat or a coyote division was recognized by all the Mountain Cahuilla. Moreover, up to within the last generation the rule of moiety exogamy seems to have been closely followed. There are also distinct traces of former moiety reciprocity in the annual mourning and the eagle- killing ceremonies of the Mountain clans. The Mountain Cahuilla clans had the full fetish bundle, priest, and ceremonial house complex, and it was this complex that later formed the center of the religious parties made up of broken-down clans. Besides the leader or net, the Mountain Cahuilla clan officials were the paha, and kutvavanavac among the southern groups, the takwa or feast manager, the eagle dancer, manet dancer, and singer or hauinik. Furthermore the Mountain Cahuilla clans made ceremonial use of long strings of eagle feathers similar to the Serrano "sacred feathers. ' 628 All the ceremonies known to the Desert and Pass Cahuilla were practiced by the Mountain Cahuilla, and in addition they made use of the ground-painting, the jimsonweed drinking or boys' initia- tion, the "whirling" or eagle dance, the stinging-ant ordeal for boys or young men, and the fire dance. Thus, to the social and ceremonial framework possessed by the Cahuilla of the Desert, these western groups constituting the Moun- tain Cahuilla had added a great number of the elaborations char- acteristic of the Luisefio and other coastal peoples. These elaborations were all well integrated into the texture of Cahuilla ceremonialism, 628 This is a very definite analogy to the sacred feathers of the Papago, described by Lumholtz, New Trails in Mexico, 49, 1912. Strong: A boriginal Society in Southern California and appear to have been closely adapted to the local pattern in all cases. That these traits had spread eastward in a somewhat va.riable grouping is certain, but among the Cahuilla they do not seem to have brought with them any organized religious beliefs. The name Chung- ichnish seems to be unknown among all of the Cahuilla, the majority of their songs are in their own language, and their ceremonies accord with their own mythology. Hence the distinction may well be made between the widespread toloache cult, of which the above special fea- tures are an integral part, and the much more restricted Chungichnish cult, which had an almost entirely littoral distribution. THE CUPENO The complexity of Cupenio social organization is in part due to the fact that the favorable nature of the site allowed the localizationi of larger groups than elsewhere in the Santa Rosa mountains, and partly to the fact that they are a composite group, half the Cupeiio lineages claiming Shoshonean and half Yuman ancestry. There are six Cupenlo clans on record, two living at Wilakal and four that formerly lived at Kuipa. Each of the Wilalcal clans seem to have consisted of one lineage, but a.t Kuipa the wildcat clan was composed of three separately named lineages, and the three coyote clans of one lineage each. The wildcat. clan possesses unusual interest for it was identical with the wildcat moiety, and was composed of two main lineages claiming Diegueino and one subordinate lineage claim- ing Luisei-io ancestry. It was believed however that all three were kinsmen, and the three lineages actually formed one exogamous clan. Similarly, the three coyote clans at Kfipa claim to have been once related and to be of Cahuilla ancestry. Since each of these supposedly related coyote clans was an independent unit their political organiza- tion resembled that of the Los Coyotes Cahuilla, only in the latter case the five branch lineages were still ceremonially united. Each of the Cupefno clans possessed the full clan fetish bundle, priest, and ceremonial house complex. Moiety exogamy was the rule, and actual cases demonstrate that it was closely followed at Kilpa, but not at Wilakal. Informants stated that this observance of moiety exogamy at Kilpa was entirely due to the assumed relationship of the two main clan groupings, and not at all to any rule of moiety exogamy as such, which they said was always unimportant. At Wilakal one clan claimed Cahuilla and the other 1929] 335 336 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 Dieguenlo ancestry; Kupa informants stated that both belonged to the wildcat moiety but actual cases of marriage do not bear out this assertion. Since Wilakal has been more conservative than Kuipa, there seems no reason why such a rule, were it ever present, should not be demonstrated by the actual cases of marriage at hand. It is advisable therefore to place the inhabitants of Wilakal outside the area where moiety exogamy prevailed, at least until more data are at hand to settle this and other obscure points concerning their social and ceremonial organization. It has been suggested that the animal names applied to the two moieties in southern California owe their origin to the mingling of Cahuilla and Dieguefio lineages in the formation of the Cupeino popu- lation. Considering the strong Yuman attachment to the wildcat and the equally strong Los Coyotes canyon Cahuilla attachment to the coyote, in large part shared by the other Shoshoneans, the theory seems tenable. It is given much corroboration by the lineage and moiety alignment at Kfipa., where the clan mainly Diegueino in origin forms the wildcat moiety, and the three clans of the coyote moiety claim descent from the Los Coyotes canyon Cahuilla. It must be remembered, however, that while the idea of dichotomy and its asso- ciated features is widespread in southern and south central California., different names are applied to the dual division in the various regions. Thus while the Cupenio situation may account for the particular moiety names used by Cupenfo, Cahuilla, Serrano, and Luiseino (Saboba), it does not pretend to account for the occurrence of dichotomy itself. Cupeiio ceremonialism was more elaborate than that of the Moun- tain Cahuilla, but slightly less complex than that of the Luiseiio. In addition to all the ceremonies listed for the Cahuilla, the Cupeino used a more elaborate ground-painting, and the watnawut pit in connection with the boys' toloache initiation ceremonies. There was also a system of reciprocal gift presentation, including food, ceremonial impedi- menta, and shell money, that was carried on between clan leaders. The exchange included the Cupenfo and their neighbors irrespective of linguistic affiliation, and was called by the former people "the nuut's road." There is close similarity here to the system of shell money exchange that formerly occurred between the clans living in the vicinity of the San Gorgonio pass, both cases demonstrating an early ceremonial linkage between local groups that seems to have once con- nected nearly all the native peoples of southern California west of the desert. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California The Cupeiio clan leader was called nuut, and was. associated with the clan fetish bundle and dance house (which was called wamkic, as among the Luisefio). He was assisted by the kutvovoc, who in his official capacity assumed the duties of the takwa and kutvavanavac among the Mountain Cahuilla. The paha was also employed in con- nection with the jimsonweed or manet dance. The hauinik or singer, eagle dancer, and probably the manet dancer completed the list. Shamans played a considerable part in all ceremonies, especially in the ceremonial killing of the young eagles,.but here as elsewhere their activities were largely individualistic and not ac.cording to definite ritualistic pattern. Thus the basis of Cupeiio social and ceremonial organiza.tion was identical with that of the Cahuilla, but there were in addition certain ceremonial elaborations which they shared with the Luiseilo. Like- wise their clan organization and the relation of the clans to the moieties were unique in certain particulars. Undoubtedly many of the ritualistic practices of the southern Mountain Cahuilla and the Yuman Dieguenio reached them through the Cupeiio, who in turn received them from their northwestern neighbors. The trend of cul- tural influence in early historic times was clearly from west to east, and from north to south. THE LuIsEgo It would be a safe assumption to say that almost all the social and ceremonial features described among the foregoing groups may be assigned to the Luiseiio as well. But since the latter had also made or received several additions to this common stock, and had decidedly modified certain other features, the matter must be dealt with at some- what greater length. * To briefly sum up the similarities it may be said that the basis of Luisefio clan and party organization was certainly the male lineage, and that to the fundamental kinship nature of this grouping was added the important. house, priest, and fetish bundle concept. While the Luiseiio as a whole did not recognize the moiety division, there were traces of this institution to be found among them, and they laid great stress on the feature of reciprocity between intermarrying clans. This latter cust.om is closely correlated with dichotomy throughout southern and south central California. Luise-no creation myths were fundamentally similar to those of their eastern neighbors, and not only were certain rites common to all reflected in these myths, but the 1929] 337 338 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 songs sung at such rites were derived from a common mythic sub- stratum. Such ceremonies included the mourning rites, girls' adoles- cence ceremony, and eagle killing. In all these features the Luisenfo present no obvious departure from the general Cahuilla, Cupefno, and Serrano pattern. With the jimsonweed drinking initiation of boys, the ground-paint- ing, and wanawut rites, the morahash, eagle, or whirling dance, fire dance, and ant ordeal, we find a complex of traits which may be con- veniently called the toloache cult that the Luiseino shared with the Cupenlo, the western Mountain and Pass Cahuilla, and in large part with the Serrano clans. Confined to the Luisefno, and it may safely be assumed to their extinct northern and western neighbors, were the rites centering around the god Chungichnish, including the symbolic avengers of that god and the teaching of certain moral precepts. Unish matakish, the burial of a Chungichnish initiate's feathers; the pole-climbing or notush ceremony, and a considerable number of minor ritualistic features are associated with these beliefs. This entire group of beliefs and ceremonial acts may best be designated as the Chungichnish cult. The clan leader, or nota, was the primary Luiseflo official and his priestly duties were the same as those of the more eastern clan leaders. The paha was closely associated with the toloache ceremonies, and the general Luiseflo ceremonial assistant was the puhmutevi. Whether the Luiseflo tak6, who drank the ashes of the dead, had any connec- tion with the Cahuilla feast assistant or takwa, is not clear. The maswut complex associated with the clan leader was identical for all the groups, but the union of dismembered Luiseilo clans into religious parties tended to obscure this similarity. To very briefly sum up the apparent integration of myth, cere- mony, and social grouping among all these peoples, and to show the temporal relationships indicated, the following statement might be made. The ubiquitous girls' puberty ceremony based on a marked physiological and social change in status may well be older than any other ceremony in the region. Its antiquity and obvious physiological motivation preclude the presence or need of explanatory myths. Second, a creation story based on two creators, including mythological reference to the mourning rites, the idea of dichotomy and the priest, fetish, and ceremonial house complex, was once held in common by Luiseiio, Cupenfo, Serrano, and all three divisions of the Cahuilla. In the third place, additional ceremonies and myths featuring the use Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California of the jimsonweed and apparently the ceremonial importance of the eagle reached all these groups save the most easterly Desert Cahuilla, who do not seem to have more than traces of the toloache cult. And last of all, a comparatively late series of ceremonies relating to the god Chungichnish originated in the west and reached the. Luiseino in considerable strength, being diffused by them in only a slight degree to their eastern neighbors. This last florescence of native religion appears to have been largely contemporaneous with the mission period and was apparently only the last of a series of ritualistic and cere- monial concepts that had emanated from the now extinct coastal peoples and been passed on well to the east. The limits of this secondary diffusion seem to have been reached among the Desert Cahuilla, the arid reaches of the Colorado desert separating them from the Yuman peoples of the Colorado river, whose culture seems to have been markedly different. An int.ensive study of southern California. society, west of the Colorado desert, indicates that the coastal region was the fountainhead of all the more complex social and philosophical systems herein considered, but a wider survey suggests still other sourc.es of inspiration.629 TABLE 21 Di8tribution of Ceremonies West to East - 0 ~Q 1. Burial of initiates' feathers .................. X 2. Ceremonial pole climbing ......................X 3. Ceremonial cannibalism (Tako) .......... X 4. Clothes-washing rite ...............................X 5. Tanic dance ...............................X ? 6. Wanawut rite ............................... X X 7. Fire dance ................................X X X 8. Ant ordeal ................................X X X 9. Ground-painting ................................ X X X 10. Jimsonweed drinking ..............................X X X X ? 11. Whirling or eagle dance . .........................X X ) X X 12. Image-burning ................................. X X X X x x 13. Cremation ceremony ..............................X X X X X X 14. Girls' puberty rites ................................X X X X X X 629 Strong, An Analysis of Southwestern Society, Am. Anthr., n.s., 29:1-61, 1927. 1929] 339 340 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 co :U . S v0 on 0 ao -4 m B 0 C3 o 9 bo z wm 14 1 C) Ca "a 0 a. _4 0 .0 ~~~ C)0 0 Ca cda 0~~~~~~~~~~~~~ r12 4 - ~~~~~ 0a.~C1 bi o ~~~~~~ad 0 4 " o -~~ ~ a *a ~~ .~o ~Ca 0 0a Ca ~ ~' a -a N aa o aa~~~~~~~b cd a aa a S o0 4- 'o 'IC " d 4 0 0 -e m -- a V 0a U M '-a" 4- .QC)0 P. c 0~ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 0-W C "a a a 0 a r2 4)) a _ 5- 3 . C 0 V a) It G3 C) 4 Ca H- a b2 .= -4 CL) ri 0 -4 a ._ 0 C) $-4 C) 0 ._ a C) 0 a - Ci2D Q lt C) e-D c3 0 0 a 0 a 0 0 Q4' Eq e.I P.4 Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California @5 ~ _ :~ : : : : o 'a ?? , 0)~ _ . : : : : 0 "a ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ :::: @5 X ?? 3o ... ..... i 4) 0 ..z_ .. . o1~4 0 @50 f l .o ..... 00 ...? . 05 B 0 a. 4 0< ] o p ?? . 5 . b ... H ~ ~ 0 iW g p ?.? 005 ~ ~ - :: @0.. . 0. "t . vz g ; ~~~~~~~ '4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ '4 4 Ca)tA ' 0 4 0 ' 0 4 4 ' 341 1929] '4a c3 PAK CO c0 Eq 0 -4%' 0) co co I '4 -.N *_4 -4 O, ce -'40 40 4). . o. bDa S @C 10 ~ E P4 4-D 00 4) - '~O ,4 1:Z 'H 00 @- 0 e hz gcO CZo ? 0 ~ 0 7 @0n C 0 0 , ?) Q t 5 $) 0 4 d h1 4 5 ,, P E-4 0 50. d (D 0 0) 0) . to4- 11 11 P? 0 co .0 t 4) ci =1 4) P40 342 University of California Publications int Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 VIII. CONCLUSION Since the primary purpose of the present study has been to set forth the available facts concerning the nature of aboriginal society in southern California we will first confine our attention to that region alone. For this area the term tribe with the political concepts thereto pertaining seems altogether inapplicable, for if the large number of local groups segregated under the linguistic appellations of Cahuilla, Serrano, Cupeiio, and Luiseflo ever had the slightest feeling of tribal unity it is not apparent today. Since practically all the alien influ- ences of historic times have tended toward centralization the per- sistence of this entire lack of cohesion can only be a reflection of the true native pattern. The primary importance of the local group, in this case the male lineage, as the unit in native Californian society cannot be overestimated.63' The relatively more advanced peoples of the southern California coast may have had something resembling tribal organization but in the light of the present study this seems exceedingly dubious. Eastward from the shores of the Pacific this condition of local autonomous groups extends until the warlike tribes of the Colorado river Yumans are reached. To the north and east the localized male lineage is found among Yokuts, Miwok, western Mono, and probably many of their neighbors, while to the south among northern and southern Dieguefio the lineage is still ubiquitous. Since the adoption of a system of unilateral descent with matrilocal or patrilocal residence suffices to, bring about the change from bilateral family to lineage, the phenomenon seems easily accounted for. Never- theless among Great Basin and Plateau peoples to the east the bila.teral or natural family alone appears as the social unit. Cahuilla, Serrano, Cupefio, and Luisefio lineages, however, are dis- tinguished by a new factor in the very important soial and religious functions associated with the group priest, ceremonial house, and sacred bundle. The addition of this complex often welds several col- lateral lineages into one group and the latter organization may well be called a clan to distinguish it from the component lineages. Furthermore this complex forms an added bond to the primary one of kinship and transmutes, the lineage into a religious body, or clan, 681 First clearly stated by Gifford, Miwok Lineages and the Political Unit in Aboriginal California, Am. Anthr., n.s., 28:389-401, 1926. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California capable of many modifications under various influences. The rather recent religious parties of the Luisefno are examples of such modifica- tion. Myths relating to the priest, house, and fetish complex point to the west as the source of the ideas thereto pertaining, and among the Gabrielino and probably their western neighbors the importance of the complex has been recorded.632 From these littoral peoples the ideas were diffused eastward to all the groups herein especially con- sidered, and in part at least. reached the northern Diegueiio.633 The Yuman peoples of the Colorado river, however, are almost without traces of this complex and their clan organization is different. While the lineage may lie at the basis of these Yuman clans, whose names are borne by the women and are indirectly totemic, they do not closely resemble those of the western Shoshoneans. A dichotomous organization of society is more widely spread in southern and south central California than is the clan (or lineage, plus the priest, h'ouse, and fetish complex), but is more restricted than the simple male lineage. In the various concepts associated with this dichotomy there is such uniformity over the entire area that its his- torical unity cannot be doubted. Exogamy, reciprocity, a dual con- ception of the universe especially as regards animals (see table 23), use of dotted and striped facial designs to distinguish the moieties, and a similar use of red and black paints are the most important of these concepts. While records concerning the coastal peoples are sadly incomplete, there is evidence that the Chumash and the Salinans once possessed a dichotomous organization.634 The occurrence of a moiety classification at Saboba and the extreme importance of ceremonial reciprocity in addition to the symbolism relating to the paha, all point to a former recognition of the custom among the Luiseiio. While the recorded manifestations of dichotomy, especially exog- amy, seem to have been stronger on the peripheries among Miwok, Yokuts, and Desert Cahuilla, there seems reason for believing that it was once an equally important concept on the coast. The situation among the Luiseiio suggests that moiety names and their associated exogamy had largely gone out of vogue among the coastal peoples, while the relatively greater importance of dichotomy among Miwok, Tachi Yokuts, and Desert Cahuilla was probably due to its later diffu- sion from the west and the characteristic c.onservatism of peripheral peoples. 632 Boscana, op. cit., 246-261. 633 Waterman, present series, 8:281, 1910. 634 Strong, op. cit., 9, and Mason, present series, 10:189, 1912. 1929] 343 344 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 In an earlier consideration of this problem Gifford came to the conclusion that from the distribution of clan and moiety in southern California two interpretations were possible: fir;st, that both institu- tions had originated on the coast perhaps among the Gabrielino, from which center they spread north, south, and east, losing the clans in the north (Miwok, Yokuts, and Salinans) and the moieties in the south and east (Luisefio, Dieguefio, and Colorado Yumans); second, the alternate hypothesis that the two were separate institutions originating in their respective areas and then diffused, giving the intermediate groups (Serrano, Cahuilla, and Cupefio) both institu- tions.635 Of these two interpretations he favored the second as being most in accord with the then known facts. Since that time the recog- nition of the male lineage as the more important unit within the dichotomous organization of south central California has shown that between this lineage and the somewhat elaborated clan of southern California there exists only a, difference of degree and not of kind. Moreover, the discovery of the uniformity of the concepts associated with dichotomy throughout all southern California, as well as the facts strongly suggesting its earlier western distribution, leads the present writer to accept the first of Gifford's alternate theories as by far the most probable. Certainly the distribution of the priest, house, and fetish complex, like the various rituals connected with the toloache and Chungichnish cults, must be explained in this way, and it seems reasonable to believe that the idea of dichotomy and reciprocity -had the same history in native California. The fact that the moiety divisions throughout this region, despite their general similarity in function, were often given different animal or directional names among the various linguistic groups, suggests that the idea. of dichotomy was superimposed on the localized lineage organization. Cases cited a.mong Serrano, Mountain Cahuilla, and Cupenlo indicate that one moiety name was applied to lineages known or believed to be branches of a common ancestral stock, while the other moiety designation was applied to those clans with which mar- riage was permissible and with which it commonly occurred. The ceremonial pattern of reciprocity that inclined intermarrying clans to officiate in a reciprocal manner at one another's ritualistic activi- ties seems to have brought about the clan groupings. most clearly recorded among the Serrano and Cupeno. In many ways this reci- procity appears more important as a social force in the groups under 635 Present series, 18:217-218, 1918. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California consideration than does nominal dichotomy and exogamy. While regulation of exogamy was apparently the primary function of the moiety among the Desert Cahuilla., for example, there is no reason to assume that this was equally true of all dichotomous groupings in the region. The way in which dichotomy manifested itself may well have been a matter for local autonomy although this dualism in its inception seems to have had a. common source. In south central California the reasons for adopting the respective moiety designations are. obscure, but in the case of the Cupeiio there is good rea.son to believe that the spec.ific moiety names originated with the intermarriage of Shoshonean and Yuman lineages, each clinging to the animal name of greatest importance in their respective myth- ologies. This use of coyote and wildcat moiety designations applied equally to Cahuilla, Serrano, and Luiseno, and since an examination of the maps (1, 2, 4, 5, 6), showing the respective distribution of the various clans, indicates that wildcat clans were most numerous in the south and east and coyote clans in the north and west, the origin of the moiety designations used in southern California seems ra.ther clearly indica.ted. From the standpoint of kinship terminologies thi.s secondary a.doption of a dichotomous organization to a, fundamental lineage organization explains the fact that designation of lineage and not moiety characterizes the classification of relatives among all these groups.636 From the fa.ct that an idea of dichotomy was more widespread in south and south central California than was the priest, house, and fetish complex, it might be assumed that the moiety was of greater antiquity. However, the comparatively light impress of the moiety on the social structure in conjunction with the fact that it necessarily involves a number of groups, whereas the priest, house, and fetish complex is essentially loc.al in nature, suggests that the idea of dichotomy was merely more volatile and diffused more rapidly. Apparently the original idea of dichotomy was only one of several important concepts introduced into southwest.ern California a.t a very early time. This brings us to the second phase of our problem, that concerning the external agencies that have ac.ted upon the older native patterns in southern California.637 At present there is no direct archaeological evidence to indicate the exact time and manner in which these import- 636 Kroeber, present series, 12:378-379, 1917; Gifford, present series, 22:7, 246, 1922; and Benedict, op. cit., 373. 637 Discussed at some length in an earlier publication, Strong, op. cit., 45-57. 1929] 345 346 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 ant cultural traits reached the coastal peoples of southern California. It seems probable however, that the constantly extending frontier of early Pueblo cultures being revealed by the archaeologist's spade in western Arizona and Nevada, when combined with equally careful and extensive excavations in southern California and the Channel islands, will go far towa,rd solving the problem. That there was once such a connection between the ancestral Pueblo peoples and their contemporaries of the Pacific coast, later severed by the movements of alien groups, seems certain from the many and complex identities, existing in the two cultures. Ethnology clearly reveals this early cultural similarity, but the direct causes lost in the obscurity of the past may only be determined by archaeological investigation. For the purposes of our present argument we may take this com- paratively early intrusion of culture traits, tentatively assigned to the early Pueblo culture, into the coastal regions: of southwes.tern California as demonstrated. In briefest form these traits include the priest, house, and fetish complex, the idea of dichotomy, and a, large series of ceremonial concepts including the use of the ground-painting, placing of plume offerings in certain shrines,638 asperging of water brought from certain springs,639 ceremonial smoking of tobacco, con- sec,ration of fetishes with toba,cco smoke, ceremonial pole climbing, sprinkling of meal at ceremonies,640 ritualistic employment of ants, clan ownership of eagles and eagle dances. All these concepts are found a.mong the coastal peoples of southern California while farther to the north, south, and east they gra,dually disappear. This, ma.rked areal concentration suggests a common origin and at least a general contemporaneity. . This is rather at variance with the generally accepted view that t.he infiltration of "southwestern" influences was a, gra,dual process continuing until recent, times.641 Such a hypothesis neglects the fact that such diffusion would perforce proceed from east to west whereas the actual distribution of culture traits indicates clearly that, in south- ern California. the reverse has been true. Table 21 is a striking demonstration of this fact as concerns ceremonial aetivities. If on 638 This is definitely recorded for the Santa Ynez mission in Chumash territory, Kroeber, present series, 8:16, 1908, which contradicts a later statement made by the same authority, California Handbook, 1925, 867-868, "that there is no refer- ence to anything like the offering of feather wands in southern California.." 639 Boseana, op. cit., 293-295. 640 Kroeber, Handbook, 868. 641 See Kroeber, The History of Native Culture in California, present series, 20:125-142, 1923. A gradual influx of Southwestern traits is indica.t.ed for the last three of the four periods. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California the other hand we assume that early communication existed between the ancestral Pueblo culture and the contemporaneous culture of the south Californian coast, that this communication was interrupted by the incursion of alien groups, and that in both of the former regions somewhat parallel but independent institutions arose on this common ceremonial groundwork, the hypothesis is consonant with the actual distribution of social and ceremonial features. Such an interpretation however seems to neglect other important factors less directly connected with social organization. Primary among these is the fact that agriculture does not seem to have been practiced on the California coast, and secondly that pottery while known in the area is crude, poorly decorated, and suggests no great antiquity so far as present archaeological records are concerned. Among the Yuman peoples of the Colorado river, however, agricul- ture was practiced and pottery attained a more important place and a better technique. Since both pottery and agriculture are known to have been of considerable antiquity among the Pueblo peoples, it seems strange that they were not introduced into southwestern Cali- fornia at the early period of contact we have assumed on other evidence.642 It has been shown that in southwestern California ceremonialism, female puberty rites, and ceremonies to drive away the spirits of the dead underlie all other ritualistic activities. On this widespread Cali- fornian substratum have arisen the elaborate cult activities containing the many Pueblo-like features. But the old basic religious ideas con- nected with crisis rites and fear of spirits persisted, and with all these other additions may still be observed today as the most important sourees of ceremonial motivation in southern California. Similarly it would seem that the ingrained importance of the acorn complex as a source of food supply had never been supplanted by other methods. It is possible that the presence of the acorn as an abundant food staple largely precluded the need of agriculture, while the high development of basketry and the presence of steatite deposits on the Channel islands made the use of earthenware of equally little value. Whether there exists any causal relationship between the high development of Chumash steatite working and the introduction of earthenware vessels 642 It is of course possible that this period of contact involves peoples of the Basket Maker culture whose agriculture was rudimentary. Certain isolated finds in south and south central California rather strongly suggest this culture. Compare present series, 23:49-51, 1926, Kroeber, Handbook, pls. 41, 54, and 63 with illus- trations and text in Kidder and Guernsey, Basket Maker Caves of Northeastern Arizona, Papers Peabody Museum, 8 :no. 2, 1921. 1929] 347 348 University of California Publcations in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 26 from the east is an interesting question for the archaeologist. Suffi- cient for our present purposes is it to say that underlying the influx of eastern ceremonial and industrial complexes were earlier native Californian concepts many of which have persisted until the present day. For the sake of clarity it may be well to sketch the development of culture in southern California as indicated by the present study. The present analysis somewhat amplifies but in general agrees with Kroeber 's previous conclusions concerning the problem.643 The earliest stage which can be predicted on ethnological grounds indi- cates that people of the Hokan linguistic stock were living along the southern California coast. The culture of the Hokan peoples then in southern California was in the main that Kroeber's first period, the acorn being the food staple and ceremonial life centering around the female adolescence ceremony and the propitiation of the dead. The second stage seems to have involved a rather close contact with the ancestors of the sedentary or Pueblo peoples to the east. It was these contacts, perhaps due to trade relations,644 that added the important clan priest, house, and fetish complex to the autochthonous lineage, along with the idea of dichotomy and the special ceremonial features listed above. At about this time the southwesterly drift of the Shoshoneans brought them into contact with the Hokan groups, and as the later and more easterly groups pressed in, tended to sever the relations between the relatively high cultures of the coast and the interior. The Yuman division of the Hokan, who seem to have been little affected by these early Pueblo influences, were thus cut off from their northern kinsmen. In time this period probably coincided with the early Pueblo period,645 and the causes leading to the retraction of the latter culture likewise severed any western connection with the Pacific. 643 Present series, 20:130-142, 1923. 644 There are many records suggesting this early trade in shells between coastal and interior groups. The occurrence of shell ornaments, especially abalone, in Basket Maker caves in Arizona is perhaps the earliest. The ceremonial bundle also described from such a cave strongly suggests those of southern California. See Kidder and Guernsey, op. cit., 49, 102, 103. In the Gila and Salt river regions shell ornaments are commonly found in early ruins, Hough, Antiquities of the Upper Gila and Salt River Valleys in Arizona and New Mexico, Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull. 35:23, 1907. For shell objects from early Hopi ruins see Fewkes, Pacific Coast Shells from Prehistoric Tusayan Pueblos, Am. Anthr., o.s., 9:359*-367, 1896. 645 Kidder, An Introduction to the Study of Southwestern Archaeology (New Haven, 1924), 124-128. Strong: Aboriginal Society in Southern California The third stage was marked by the cultural domination of the littoral Hokan groups and the assimilation of their culture, including the priest, house, and fetish complex, by the most westerly Sho- shoneans who first reached the Pacific. In this period also arose the series of ritualistic activities, here designated as the toloache cult, which in slightly variable form spread east as far as the Desert Cahuilla. In a like manner many traits were passed on to the north, a fact which seems to account for the occurrence of isolated Pueblo- like features among peoples as far away as the Pomo.646 As Kroeber has pointed out this was a period in which the local cultures developed more or less uninterruptedly and the Chumash and Yuman centers became dominant in their respective areas. It was at this time that many of the generally distributed "Southwestern" traits seem to have been carried into southern California. These certainly included agri- culture, decorated pottery, and perhaps the curved throwing stick and cactus-fiber sandals. All these features show a normal distribution from an eastern center to a gradual fading out western periphery. The last stage brings us into historic times, being especially marked by the spread of the Chungichnish religion and the development of an elaborate system of shell money exchange. Since all the data in the present paper naturally pertain to this last period there is no need to recapitulate that which has gone before. The study of native society in southern California lays emphasis on the fact that a clear understanding of such a culture seems only to be obtained by determining the temporal relationships as well as the functional importance of its component parts. Such a society can be conceived as a composite whole based on comparatively simple patterns that, stimulated by external influences, have developed into the his- toric institutions encountered by the ethnologist. Neither the inten- sive study of one culture from the functional standpoint, nor the cursory study of a great number of cultures solely to show diffusion, can make clear such universal cultural laws as may exist. Their deter- mination would rather seem to rest on detailed linguistic, ethnological, and archaeological investigation of definite areas, whose cultures when fully understood and evaluated may then be fitted into the general pattern. In this way will the dynamics of social development gradually become clear. Transmitted December 9, 1927. 646 See Loeb, Pomo Folkways, present series, 19:399, 1926. 1929-] 349 INDEX Acketum clan, 279. Adolescence ceremonies, 30, 81, 102, 116, 117, 172, 255, 297, 321-323, 325, 330, 338, 339. Affiliation, ceremonial, 15, 17, 68, 92. Agriculture, 48, 51, 347, 349. Agua Caliente, 8, 184. Agua Dulce, 42, 49, 69, 86. Aguanga, 149, 276, 277, 284. Akawenekiktum clan, 42, 55, 69. Aki clan, 279, 281. Alamo, 50, 58, 69. Aliniawiteem, 220. Alliklik, 5. Amago clan, 279, 281, 305. Amutcakaiem clan, 13, 14. Andreas canyon, 91, 93, 97, 100, 101, 118. Anom, 291. Ant ordeal, 176, 306, 317, 320-322, 338, 339. Antinic, 317. Ants, 133, 247. Anut songs, 306, 317, 320-322. Apapatcem clan, 154. Apihavatum clan, 13. Aquila chrysaetos, 119. Arizona, 348. Arrowhead Lake, 11. Arrowhead Peak, 11. Arrowhead Springs, 11. Arrowweed, 182, 254, 257, 260, 294, 295. Artemisia ludoviciana, 182. Atcitcem clan, 97, 101, 102, 108, 114. Aturaviatum clan, 12, 14, 17, 18, 20, 32, 93, 94, 129. Auliatim, 247. Aulinlawiteem clan, 223, 227. Autaatem clan, 41, 48, 51, 61, 67. Awel pitcava, village, 54. Awilem clan, 38, 41, 44-48, 51, 59, 61, 67, 79, 81, 82. Awiii clan, 281. Banning, 10, 68, 73, 153. Banning Water canyon, 10, 91, 94, 95. Baptiste canyon, 147. Barrows, D. P., cited, 5. Battle, 103, 149. Bautiste, 50, 164. Basket, 175, 257, 260, 292. Basket Maker culture, 347, 348. Bears, 35, 115, 169, 235, 254, 271, 314, 315, 341. Bear cult, 116. Bear, grizzly, 72, 76, 115, 116, 128, 252. Bear shaman, 169. Bear valley, 11. Beaumont, 10, 76. Benedict, R., cited, 5, 10. Big Bear lake, 11. Birth, 30. Blaisdell canyon, 101. Blake sea, 37. Blowing, ceremonial, 166, 268, 297, 301, 316, 328. Boas, F., cited, 5. Boats, plank, 327. Bones, preservation of, 300. Boscana, cited, 9. Bullroarer, 22, 79, 164-166, 168, 174, 181, 258, 305. Bundle, fetish, 12, 13, 143, 162, 226, 249, 293, 329, 330, 332, 337, 348. Bundle, sacred, 15, 18, 19, 20, 21, 24, 60, 83, 94, 105, 128, 135, 153, 154, 155, 163-165, 227, 293, 295, 296, 318, 340. Burial, 32. Burning, 122, 180, 265. Buzzard, 25. Caballeria, Juan, cited, 6. Cabezon, 53-55, 81, 91. Cactus, 18, 38, 95, 239, 248. Cahuilla, 19, 25, 28, 36, 183, 185, 188, 226, 236, 237, 289, 296, 305, 306, 324-326, 335. Cahuilla, Desert, 20, 36-87, 111, 119, 152, 166, 167, 180, 181, 225, 243, 287, 291, 294, 308, 317, 330, 333. Cahuilla, Mountain, 7, 8, 19, 29, 31, 40, 45, 53, 63, 69, 72, 82, 88, 89, 91, 92, 95, 96, 113, 123, 144-182, 185, 221, 225, 227, 243, 254, 275, 286, 307, 313, 318, 319, 333. Cahuilla mountain, 147. Cahuilla, Pass, 5, 6, 8, 10, 13, 14, 15, 22, 23, 30, 31, 32, 40, 42, 56, 88- 143, 167, 169, 172, 180, 190, 222, 332. Cahuilla peak, 144. Cahuilla reservation, 9, 146, 147. Cahuenga, treaty of, 149. Cajon, 150. Calendar, 253. Cannibalism, 296, 301, 339. Canoe, sacred, 292. Caps, 30. Carrying net, 261, 271, 272. Catalina island, 96. Cathedral canyon, 101. Cat's cradles, 136. Cave, 270. [351] Index Census, of Pala, 215. Channel islands, 346. Chemehuevi, 6, 20, 80, 116, 150, 172. Chino canyon, 101. Chukehansi, 341. Chumash, 1, 5, 96, 152, 155, 333, 343, 349. Chumtowi songs, 320. Chungichnish, 176, 256, 295, 297, 309, 311-313, 315-320, 322, 323, 333, 335, 338, 339, 344, 349. Clan chief, 286. Clan fetish, 33, 155, 165, 226. Clan groupings, 22, 335. Clan leader, 13, 14, 17, 21, 24, 33, 177. Clan territories. See Territories, clan. Clothes, 300. Clothes-burning, 300. Clothes washing, 301, 339. Clowns, 166. Clowns, Pueblo, 125. Coachella, 42, 43, 50, 55, 68, 81. Coahuila, 36. Colorado desert, 37, 55, 339. Colorado river, 37, 72, 326, 347. Colton, 7. Coluber flagellum, 290. Coluber flagellus frenatus, 62. Communal hunts, 77. Condor, 109. Constellation, 123. Contests, shamans', 319. Corpse-carriers, 284. Costakiktum clan, 150, 153, 154. Cow-ang-a-chem, 5. Coyote, 72, 76, 77, 108, 109, 125, 134, 135, 139, 140, 171, 269, 285, 328, 341. Coyote canyon, 146. Coyote moiety, 7, 12, 13, 14, 18, 23-25, 40, 42, 70, 91, 110, 112, 136, 148, 157, 181, 186, 225, 227, 235, 238, 249, 255, 257, 258, 290, 291, 329, 331, 332, 334, 335, 336, 345. Crafton, 8, 13, 90. Creation, 61, 70, 130, 235, 238, 268, 294, 306, 318, 322, 325, 326, 333, 337, 338. Creator, 108, 109, 301. Cremation, 32, 84, 141, 269, 299, 300, 320, 328, 339. Crescentic stone, 299. Crow, 25. Cuca ranch, 277. Cucamonga, 6, 7. Cuevish, Lucario, 277, 288, 306, 309. Cupeiio, 19, 20, 21, 24, 25, 28, 29, 62, 69, 70, 73, 74, 110, 128, 146, 151, 155, 170, 178, 182, 284, 286, 290, 296, 302, 316, 324, 325, 326, 334, 335. Curing, 169. Dakwish, 293. Dance. See Feather dance. Dance house, 12, 13, 20, 45, 50, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56, 60, 69, 71, 77, 85, 93, 94, 105, 115, 117, 123, 128, 154, 157, 163, 164, 166, 168, 172, 175, 176, 179, 180, 181, 331. Datura meteloides, 31. Davis, E. H., cited, 121, 294. Dead, tracks of the, 122, 130. Death, 13, 98, 121, 135, 171, 260, 305, 320, 321. Deer, 22, 35, 77, 115, 166, 185, 248, 289, 341. Dichotomy. See Moiety. Dieguefno, 28, 92, 146, 166, 183, 185, 188, 237, 238, 243, 251, 254, 270, 275, 299, 310, 324, 326, 335, 336, 337, 342. Division of food, 123, 129, 167, 172, 255, 300. Dixon, Joseph, 72. Dogs, 136. Dreaming, 169. DuBois, cited, 95. Eagle, 20, 83, 109, 119, 165, 171, 177, 245, 254, 261, 307, 331, 339. Eagle dance, 31, 34, 61, 120, 164, 166, 179, 334. Eagle feather skirt, 34, 163-165, 177, 226, 256, 263, 305, 311. Eagle killing, 34, 83, 119, 169, 170, 177, 261, 307, 321, 322, 328, 337. Ear piercing, 80, 254, 270. Earth covered lodge, 184. Earth mother, 285, 294, 305. Eclipse, 35. Ekwawinet, 52. El Casco, 7, 150. Embryos, 131. Enclosure, brush, 295, 296, 311. Endogamy, 22. Enemy songs, 72, 80, 117, 174, 181, 254, 256, 266, 306, 320, 331. Epidemic, 7, 113, 146, 151, 154, 174, 238. Exchange, ceremonial, 94. Exogamy. See Marriage, Moiety. Farming, 38. Feather dance, 257. Feathers, sacred, 18, 20, 22, 23, 164. Fernandefio, 96. Fetish, 15, 327. Fetish, clan, 33, 155, 165, 226. Fetish bundle, 12, 13, 143, 162, 226, 249, 293, 329, 330, 332, 337, 348. Fewkes, cited, 348. Fig Tree Johns, 41, 42, 49, 81. Fire dance, 120, 169, 176, 312, 334. Fish Springs, 49. Fish traps, 87. [352] Index Fly, 140. Food, 38, 48, 80, 106, 108, 115, 118, 122, 123, 129, 167, 174, 177, 226, 239, 249, 255, 261-266, 302. Food-gathering, 17, 40, 43, 47, 52-56, 74, 106, 152, 224, 238, 244, 331, 332. Food taboos, 78, 115, 235, 240, 257. Free, E. E., cited, 37. Frog, 139, 285, 305, 328. Gabrielefio, 95, 96, 98, 152. Gabrielino, 6, 8, 9, 13, 14, 111, 112, 275, 319, 325. Games, 129. Garra, Antonio, 185, 250. Gashowu, 341. Gatschet, cited, 6. Ghosts, 34. See Tii-iv. Gifford, E. W., cited, 8, 26, 183, 190, 215, 330. Gifts. See Presents. Gila river, 348. Goddard, P. E., cited, 307. Gourd, 117. Great Basin, 342. Great Spirit, 119. Grizzly bear. See Bear. Ground painting, 175, 176, 256, 259, 260, 293, 298, 314, 315, 317, 318, 319, 321, 323, 333, 334, 336, 338, 339, 346. See Sand painting. "Guachama, " 6. Guardian spirit, 169, 312. Hair, 253, 257, 267, 268, 293, 299, 315. Haliaeetus leucocephalus leucocepha- lus, 119. Harrington, J. P., cited, 79. Hauinik, 65, 85, 108, 118, 167, 332, 340. Havaikiktum elan, 13. Heart, 61, 105, 125, 126, 131, 132, 141, 142, 171, 227, 256, 270, 293, 300, 301, 328, 331. Heart of the clan, 153. Heart of the house, 128, 155. Heart of the world, 132. Heintzelman, Major, 184. Hemet, 2. Henshaw dam, 185, 255, 278, 281. Hereditary names. See Names. Hereditary offices, 17, 18, 107, 158, 278. Highlands, 11. Hokan, 348, 349. Hokwitcakiktum clan, 153, 154, 181. Hooper, cited, 35. Horse canyon, 146. Hot Springs mountain, 244, 245, 261. Hough, cited, 348. House, 182, 184, 320. House, ceremonial, 22, 24, 32, 136, 226, 329, 330, 334, 338. Hunger belts, 117, 118. Iltcufialofii, 52. Images, 34, 61, 62, 72, 84, 85, 95, 99, 108, 120, 128, 130, 143, 170, 179, 180, 181, 226, 266, 294, 296, 303, 306, 320, 331. Image ceremony, 303. Image-making, 267. Image burning, 339. Indian Wells, 53, 56, 58, 62, 63, 73, 86, 87, 88, 91, 97, 101, 102, 107. Indio, 42, 49, 50, 52, 56. Initiation ceremony, 31, 62, 174, 176, 258, 293, 314, 318, 321, 322, 330. Islam, 73, 186, 235. Isleta, 310. Ismailem, 5, 8, 10, 13, 23, 129. Istam, 70, 72, 109, 111, 157, 170. Iswitim clan, 153. Iviat, 173. Iviatim, 10, 36, 37, 42, 50, 69. Jaguar, 72, 76, 77. Jimsonweed. See Toloache. Joking, 170, 259. Joking relationship, 25-30, 72, 73. Juanenlo, 275, 276, 278, 327. Jumping, 260, 315. Juncus, 292. Jurupa, 7, 150. Kaiwiem elan, 13. Kamalum songs, 305, 320. Kauicpam5auitcem clan, 69. Kauisiktum clan, 14, 15, 52, 92-94, 97, 100, 101, 103, 108, 110, 114, 117, 119, 123, 124, 128. Kaunukalkiktum clan, 42, 50, 69. Kauwiepameauitcem clan, 41, 53, 55. Kavalim clan, 221, 243, 247, 248, 250, 252. Kavinic, 87. Kawaiisu, 6. Kaweah, 36. Kawia, 36. Kearney, 149. KRefiic clan, 281. Kicamnawut, 123. Kidder, A. V., cited, 348. Kidder and Guernsey, cited, 347. Kika, 12, 17-20, 24, 25, 89, 94, 330. Kiksawel, 117. Kiktum, 279. Kiliwas, 36. Kinship, 26, 27, 160, 329, 337, 342, 345. Kintanos, 67. Kish songs, 306, 320. Kisiannos, 8, 98, 112. Kisil-piwic, 220, 238, 270. [353] Index Kitanemuk, 5, 6, 14, 20. Kroeber, A. L., cited, 5, 6, 9, 26, 155, 237, 268, 319, 324, 346. Kupa, 182, 185, 186, 187, 220, 242, 244, 246, 254, 270, 284, 335, 336. Kupa, census of, 192. Kutvavanavac, 166, 178, 179, 251. Kutvovoc, 166, 251, 255, 256, 259, 260, 261, 263-266, 296, 337, 340. Kwinamish songs, 305, 320, 321. La Jolla, 118, 173, 223, 278, 279, 286, 287, 297, 304, 306, 307, 309, 313, 316. La Mesa, 41, 42, 52. La Puerta, 152. Labrador, 116. Land ownership, 244, 248. Lawilvan, 50. Laws, 222. Leader, clan, 239, 325, 331, 337, 340. Legends. See Mythology. Lineage, 15, 17, 40, 43, 221, 224, 227, 263, 279, 285, 328, 334, 335, 342, 344, 345. Linkage, ceremonial, 69. Linkage of clans, 14, 15. Little San Bernardino mountains, 37, 42, 54, 56. Loeb, E. M., cited, 125, 349. Lookout mountain, 185. Los Angeles, 54, 116. Los Coyotes, 42, 113, 123, 146, 147, 153, 157, 158, 162, 166, 167, 169, 171, 173, 177, 178, 179, 182, 184, 190, 223, 224, 237, 238, 251, 254, 335. Los Flores, 276. Lost Valley, 245, 271. Lower California, 326. Lowie, R. H., cited, 33, 79. Luhkutcic clan, 279. Luisefio, 13, 19, 20, 21, 24, 28, 32, 45, 62, 69, 92, 18, 112, 118, 146, 148, 149, 152, 153, 164, 175, 179, 188, 190, 220, 235, 237, 238, 243, 252, 255, 257, 258, 262, 273, 333, 334, 335, 337. Lumholtz, Carl, cited, 87, 326. Luvakwis clan, 284. MacDougall, D. T., cited, 37. Magic, 64. Maiswut, 105, 120, 123, 143, 153, 158, 163, 180-182. Malki, 10. Mamakwot, 32. Mamaitum clan, 13, 18, 20. Manet dance, 62, 83, 116, 117, 120, 165, 166, 168, 173, 258, 333, 334. Mani Paic, 309. Manitc, 32. Maronia, 5. Marifia clan, 12, 13, 14, 17, 18, 20-24, 30, 32, 92-94, 97-98, 123, 129. Marriage, 48, 55, 70, 73, 112, 162, 169, 170, 171, 236, 239, 331. Martinez reservation, 38, 41-47, 51, 58, 61, 62, 67, 68, 69, 73, 76, 87, 127. Mason, cited, 343. Massacre, 149. Masuwitcem clan, 42, 51. Masvut, 226, 227, 249, 262, 265, 268, 271. Maswut, 60, 61, 62, 83, 279, 292-294, 318, 331, 340. Maswut helaanut, 53. Matrilocal residence, 46, 74; 239. Matting, 20, 33, 61, 94, 128, 226, 262, 292, 293, 294, 304, 340. Mauulumii, 52. Maviatem clan, 13. Measuring, 95, 107. Mecca, 42, 53, 54. Mendenhall, 277. Merriam, C. Hart, cited, 72. Mesa Grande, 178, 254, 299. Mescal, 101. Mesquite, 38, 43, 48, 50, 68, 121. Migration legend, 37, 86, 100. Milky way, 294, 304, 320, 321. Mill creek, 11. Millard canyon, 105. Mission, 184, 275, 284, 287. Mission creek, 10, 12, 73, 95. Miwok, 26, 27, 70, 288-290, 341, 343, 344. Mohave, 54, 80, 127, 325, 326. Mohave river, 5. Mohlatniyim clan, 12-20, 23, 24, 33. Moiety, 7, 19, 22-25, 27, 40, 63, 70, 110, 112, 169, 171, 172, 177, 182, 221, 227, 238, 242, 243, 259, 262, 288, 329, 341, 343, 344, 345. Mollhausen, cited, 6, 150. Money, 19. Money, shell, 13, 18, 20, 34, 94, 95, 96, 98, 99, 107, 108, 121, 130, 153- 155, 165, 166, 182, 263, 267, 302, 333, 336, 349. Monival songs, 320. Mono, 289, 341, 342. Months, 253, 320. Moon, 85, 109, 134, 135, 137, 138, 140, 235, 253, 269, 285, 317-319, 327. Morahash, 305. Mormons, 38, 56. Morongo, 5, 10, 14, 17, 28, 88, 90, 91, 93, 146. Mortar, 173, 174, 185, 187, 245, 246, 310-312, 318. Mountain lion, 25, 72, 76, 77, 109, 115, 116. Mountain sheep constellation, 123. [354] Index Mourning ceremonies, 12, 15, 21, 22, 32-35, 63, 71, 72, 84, 92, 120, 170, 177, 180, 226, 264, 288, 290, 293, 294, 296, 303, 320, 322, 323, 330, 331. Muimletcem clan, 42, 51, 58. Mimiikwiteem clan, 42, 49. Murray canyon, 100. Muurte, 18, 20, 33, 340. See Bundle, sacred. Mythology, 36, 76, 100, 102, 109, 130, 184, 220, 221, 235, 236, 268, 284, 288, 293, 294, 301, 322, 325-327. Mukat, 61, 70, 72, 85, 108, 109, 112, 124-126, 131, 235, 253, 256, 260, 268, 305, 327. Mukunpat, 12. Naming, 19, 33, 68, 73, 78, 79, 109, 181, 222, 224, 238, 254, 255, 265, 267, 270, 281, 289, 330, 331, 343. Narbonne ranch, 44, 47. Naskapi, 116. Nateftakiktum clan, 150, 154, 156- 157. Nauhaniaviteem clan, 158, 161. Net, 43, 45-57, 59, 64, 77, 81, 89, 94, 100, 105, 120, 122, 124, 128, 130, 151, 153, 154, 163, 174, 178, 181, 331, 340. See Carrying net. Nettles, 176, 285, 317. Nevada, 346. Nicknames. See Naming. Nokwanish songs, 320. Nombres, 67. Nonhaiam clan, 102. North, A. W., cited, 36. Nose piercing, 80, 254, 331. Nota, 279, 281, 283, 286, 292, 296, 297, 300, 307-309, 316, 338, 340. Nota's road, 302. Notish mourning ceremony, 288, 289, 321-323. Notush, 306, 307. Nukil, 122. Numhut. See Treasure. Nuut, 93, 94, 105, 239, 249, 252, 254, 255, 259, 260, 264, 271, 337, 340. Nuut's road, 262, 336. Nyachish songs, 320. Ocean, 134, 139, 143, 173, 285, 294. Orion, 123. Ouiot. See Wiyot. Pachawal, 146. See Pateawal. Paha, 12, 13, 17, 21, 22, 25, 30, 31, 33, 34, 53, 62, 63, 95, 98, 130, 154, 165, 173-175, 181, 252, 259, 290, 303, 310, 311, 312, 314, 330, 331, 334, 337, 340, 343. Painting, body, 25, 31, 80, 82, 110, 117, 118, 170, 173, 235, 240, 257, 258, 290, 298. Painted canyon, 53. Paiute, 150. Pakrokitat, 22, 25. Pakut clan, 281. Pal hiliwit, 51. Pala, 128, 148, 183, 188, 215, 224, 276, 277, 279, 284, 286, 289, 300. Palaiyil, 55. Palawhiteem, 281. Palm, 140. Palm canyon, 100. Palm Springs, 8, 14, 15, 32, 33, 41, 52, 53, 56, 57, 61, 63, 70, 72, 73, 76, 87, 88, 89, 91, 92, 97, 100, 101, 110, 111, 118, 146, 147, 151, 153, 164, 173, 182, 294, 308, 325, 332. Palomar mountain, 307. Palpisa, 157. Palpunivikiktum clan, 41, 50. Palpunivikiktum hemki, village, 50. Palseta, 55. Palsetahut, 55, 69. Palsetamul, 42, 55, 68. Palsikal, 50. Paltewat, 42, 56. Pafiakauissiktum clan, 41, 52, 70. Paniktum clan, 93, 97, 101, 103. Panukemal clan, 279, 281. PanuksWkiktum clan, 55. Papago, 87, 326, 341. Parsons, E. C., cited, 155. Parties, 13, 19, 61, 67, 98, 103, 146, 152-155, 158, 162, 165, 182, 251, 279, 284, 286, 333, 334, 337, 343. Pateawal, 146. Patrilocal residence, 17, 74, 115, 239. Pauata, 157. Pauatakiktum clan, 157. Pauatlauiteem clan, 150, 154. Paui, 146, 149, 151, 152, 154, 157, 175. Pauki, 147; 149, 151, 152, 157. Pauma, 227, 284, 286, 287, 293, 299, 314. Paviotso, 79. Paviut, 226. Pavul, 115. Pechanga, 148, 276, 301. Pervetum clan, 12, 18, 24. Pevesesh clan, 284. Pichanga, 258, 286. Pico, Jose A., 184. Pikmakvul songs, 305. Pima, 326, 341. Pi 'mukvul songs, 320. Pine mountain, 307. Pine trees, 19. Pipes, 61, 62, 131, 138, 256, 311, 319, 327. Pipes, The, 11, 12. Pipimul, 96. [355] Index Pisataniaviteem clan, 23, 94, 103, 105, 111, 114. Pit, 30, 82, 118, 173, 176, 255, 256, 297, 299. Piwic, 165, 259, 293. Plateau, 342. Pleiades, 277. Poisoning, 322. Pole, 179, 288, 307. Pole-climbing, 307, 338, 339, 346. Pomo, 125, 333, 349. Pomosena, 163. Population, 188, 189. Poso creek, 5. Potrero, 277, 306. Pottery, 43, 174, 298, 300, 301, 311, 347, 349. Prayer, 21. Presents, 33, 34, 75, 77, 80, 84, 114, 120-122, 129, 164, 172, 177, 239, 255, 256, 261-268, 301-304, 316. Pualem, 64, 332. Pueblo, 346-348. Pueblo clowns, 125. Puerta Cruz, 252, 278, 279, 281, 283, 284, 302. Puerto Cruz, 257. Puhmutevi, 300. Puhpuka clan, 279. Puichekiva, 43, 44, 51, 58, 67, 69. Pul, 115. Pumtumatulniktcum clan, 223, 247, 252. Quarrels, 106, 114, 240, 279, 327. Quatties, 67. Rabbit hunt, 33, 123, 261, 264, 266, 278, 321. Race, 31, 34, 118, 173, 257, 261, 299, 317, 318. Rafts, tule, 96. Ramona, 182. Rattles, 117, 167, 226, 266, 268, 293, 305. Rattlesnake, 136, 164, 314, 315. Raven, 259. Razon, 49. Reciprocity, moiety, 24, 53, 62, 72, 170, 181, 254, 265, 290, 330, 331, 334, 337, 343, 344. Red racer, 62, 252, 290. Redlan(ds, 6-8, 13, 90. Reid, cited], 9. Residence, matrilocal, 46, 74, 239. Residence, patrilocal, 17, 74, 115. Rincon, 118, 173, 277, 286, 287, 289, 290, 293, 299, 301, 314. Riverside, 7, 150, 151. Rock House canyon, 146. Rock painting, 257, 299. Russell, Frank, cited, 326. Rust, H. N. cited, 299. Saboba, 13, 92, 93, 98, 99, 100, 120, 128, 147, 153, 154, 164, 175, 182, 238, 270, 276, 277, 286, 288, 290, 334, 336, 343. Sacred bundle. See Bundle, sacred. Sacred canoe. See Canoe, sacred. Sacred feathers. See Feathers, sacred. Sacred pipe. See Pipes. Sahatapa, 150, 151, 157. Salinan, 341, 344. Saliva, 140, 257. Salt, 31, 82, 118, 173, 240, 256, 257, 259, 267, 298, 313, 316, 317. Salt river, 348. Salton sea, 37, 49, 56. Sams, 67. San Bernardino, 6, 7, 8, 38, 56, 92, 96, 150, 151, 154, 170, 175. San Bernardino mountains, 5, 6, 13, 285, 289. San Fernando, 127, 319. San Gabriel, 99, 117, 258, 263. San Gorgonio pass, 6, 9, 10, 31, 37, 54, 88, 89, 96, 98, 111, 112, 151, 155, 263, 291, 332, 336. San Ignacio, 146, 221, 237. San Jacinto mountains, 9, 37, 38, 50, 56, 68, 86, 87, 88, 91, 116, 144, 324. San Jacinto peak, 100, 101, 115, 294. San Jose del Valle, 185. San Juan Capistrano, 275. San Luis Obispo, 312. San Luis Rey, 6, 149, 185, 276, 284, 286, 287, 288, 292, 306, 309, 313. Sauiepakiktum clan, 151, 158, 161. San Manuel, 13, 90. San Pedro Martir, 36. San Timoteo canyon, 7, 8, 90, 91, 92, 96, 150, 151. San Ysidro, 146, 182, 183, 185, 187. Santa Ana river, 10, 14. Santa Barbara islands, 119. Santa Catalina, 117. Santa Clara drainage, 5. Santa Rosa, 146, 151, 161. Santa Rosa mountains, 37, 41, 42, 44, 47, 48, 49, 52, 56, 77, 88, 144, 170, 324, 335. Santa Ysabel, 184. Sauivilein clan, 151, 158, 162, 190, 223, 247, 251. Scalps, 272. Scratcher, 31, 35, 118, 257, 298. Sea fog, 288. Serrano, 5-35, 40, 53, 54, 62, 68, 69, 70, 73, 74, 88, 89, 92, 95, 97, 98, 111, 120, 123, 129, 130, 155, 164, 238, 275, 295, 324, 325, 326, 332, 333, 338. Seupa, 156. S,wahilem clan, 42, 52, 53, 86, 87, 102. [35 6] Index Shamans, shamanism, 22, 31, 32, 35, 45, 57, 64, 72, 76, '85, 115, 117, 138, 142, 163, 168, 171, 173, 175, 177, 179, 181, 238, 252, 278, 297, 308, 312, 319, 322, 323, 328, 330, 331, 337, 340. Shamans' contests, 168. Samans' wand, 132. Shangamish songs, 301, 320. Shell money. See Money. Shoshoneans, 33, 183, 274, 317, 335, 348, 349. Sierra Madre, 7. Singer, teaka, 18, 19, 21, 30, 31, 65, 85, 108, 167, 330, 340. Sivel, 50. Sivimuat, 247. Sivimuatim, 220, 223, 227. Smith mountain, 220, 273. Smoking, 124, 128, 267, 318, 327. Summer, 341. Snow Creek canyon, 91. Sokut Menyil, 52. Solstices, 253. Songs, 71, 82, 80, 85, 98, 109, 110, 115, 117-120, 124-129, 167, 173, 176, 181, 182, 221, 235, 239, 254- 256, 266-268, 293, 301, 304, 305, 312, 317, 319, 322-326. Soul, 266, 294, 304. Southern Pacific railroad, 68. Southwest, 290. Sovenic clan, 287. Sparkman, cited, 259. Spider, 132. Spier, Leslie, cited, 235. Spitting, 257, 260, 298, 316. Springs, hot, 147, 185, 244. Stockton, 149. Strong, W. D., cited, 3, 72. Stubby canyon, 91. Sweat bath, 300. Sweat house, 182. Sucking, 139, 253. Sulahic, 302. Sun, 109, 132, 135, 169, 179, 235, 238, 295, 316, 328. Sfivic clan, 279. Symbolism, color, 238, 290, 310. Taboos, 1la, 172, 173, 235, 240, 257, 313. Tachi, 341, 343. Tahquitz canyon, 101, 119. Taka'atim clan, 223, 224, 227. Tako, 339. Takwa, 63, 108, 123, 129, 164, 165, 167, 172, 174, 177, 296, 331, 340. Takwi, 163. Tamianuitcem clan, 13, 18, 20. Tamonin, 31. Tamulafliteum clan, 50. Tanic dance, 313. Tapa 'sash songs, 320. Tatahuila, 305. Tattooing, 80, 82, 95, 107, 331. Tauchinish songs, 320. Taukatim clan, 55. Tcaka, Singer, 18, 19, 21, 30, 31, 65, 85, 108, 167, 330, 340. Tcivato, shaman, 57. Teuteamic, 300. Tcutnikut clan, 221, 225. Tehachapi, 72, 127. Tejon creek, 5. Tekenetpauiteem clan, 13. Telkiktum clan, 41, 42, 49, 53. Telmekic, 125, 138. Temaiyauit, 70, 72, 109, 112, 327. Temalsekalet, 48, 51. Temalwahish, 52. Temecula, 148, 287, 289, 295, 321. Temelmekmeka, 68. Temenganesh songs, 305, 320. Temewhanic clan, 150, 153, 154, 157, 158. Temewhanitcem elan, 223, 224, 243, 247, 252. Tepaiauitcem elan, 158. Tepamokiktum clan, 150, 154. Territories, clan, 279. Terwilliger Flats, 147. Tevifiakiktum clan, 50. Tewa, 79. Thermal, 41, 54, 55. Thomas mountain, 147, 157. Thomas peak, 144. Thunder cloud, 289. Tobacco, 124, 131, 142, 169, 173, 267, 269, 298, 327, 346. Toloache ceremony, 31, 32, 33, 34, 62, 108, 116, 165, 173, 174, 259, 290, 296, 297, 303, 306, 308, 309, 321, 323, 325, 330, 332-336, 338-340, 344, 349. Toltcinic, 303. Tomaiyowit, 291, 327. Toro, 41, 58, 62, 86, 102. Torres reservation, 38, 58, 86, 127. Totem, 25, 291, 329, 343. Totowish songs, 320. T6vac clan, 279. Tracks of the dead, 122, 130, 180. Tracks, 122. Trading, 38. Traps, 271. Treasure, 226, 239, 263, 271. Treaty of 1852, 150. Trespass, 103. Tribe, 6. Tuevikinvatim clan, 221. Tflikiktum clan, 54. Tuikiktumhemki, village, 54. Tukmit, 291, 327. Tuktum, 23, 70, 72, 74, 109, 110, 111, 118, 157, 170, 235, 290, 291, 327. [357] Index Tukupar, 294. Temaiyauit, 131, 235. Tumaiyowit, 256, 268. Tuva, 49, 86. Tuvic, 299. Twenty Nine Palms, 5, 11, 24, 99. Twins, 127. Ulukuh clan, 279, 281. Unish Matakish, 318, 323, 338. Vanquech, 295. Vanyume, 5, 14. Victorville, 11, 13. Villages, 43, 49, 56, 185, 331, 332, 334. Visions, 35, 64, 168, 175, 330. Vumtc, 33. Waatcem clan, 14. Wahimaiam clan, 24. Wahiyam, 23, 74. Wakaikiktum clan, 41, 52, 59. Wakwaikiktum clan, 181. Wamkic, 45, 94, 164, 173, 174, 182, 249, 254, 255, 256, 258, 259, 262, 264, 295, 302, 304, 310, 312, 316, 337, 340. Wamkitc, 94. Wanawut, 293, 294. Wand, 132, 136, 226. Wanic6cem clan, 68. Wanikiktum clan, 15, 68, 93, 103, 128, 129. Wantcauem clan, 42, 44, 45, 47, 48, 57-59, 68. Wantcifiakik-tamianawitcem clan, 41, 49. Wanteiniakiktum clan, 41, 44, 47, 58. Warfare. See Battle. Warner's Hot Springs, 183, 185, 187, 270. Warner, J. J., 184. Warner 's Ranch, 73. Washing, 300. Washingtonia filifera, 60, 123. Wassuk clan, 279, 281. Watciepakiktum clan, 13. Water, 38, 43. Waterman, T. T., cited, 171. Wavaalkiktum clan, 42, 56. Wavitcem clan, 54. Waxan, 30. Wells, 38, 43, 52. Wewonicyauam clan, 42, 54. Whipple, cited, 6. Whirling dance, 31, 61, 84, 120, 167, 179, 257, 305, 321-323, 331, 333, 338. Whirlwinds, 133, 134. White Water, 68. Whitewater, 91, 101. Wiitem clan, 42, 51. Wilakal, 146, 182, 185-187, 208, 220, 225, 243, 244, 249, 255. Wildcat, 77, 341. Wildcat moiety, 7, 12, 13, 14, 18, 23, 24, 25, 40, 41, 70, 91, 118, 136, 148, 157, 171, 181, 186, 221, 224, 227, 235, 238, 244, 249, 252, 255, 257, 258, 291, 327, 329, 331, 332, 334, 335, 336, 345. Wiliya, 146, 148, 158, 169, 171, 237. Wilson, J. R., Dr., 2. Wineland, Reverend, 10. Winter, 341. Wiwalistam clan, 146, 151, 158, 161, 165, 171, 237. Wiyot, 112, 254, 285, 288, 301, 306, 308, 309, 320, 321, 322, 328. Wolf, 25. Woodwardia radicans, 292. Yapitea, 279. Yokuts, 36, 168, 289, 319, 342-344. Yucaipaiem clan, 14. Yucaipe valley, 8, 11, 14. Yuhavetum clan, 12, 18, 19, 24. Yuma, 15, 20, 38, 54, 68, 80, 126, 183, 275, 325, 335, 339, 342, 347, 349. Yumisevul, 12. Yuta, 150. Zufni, 310. II.??-I-;11?III I?1?_I-? ?I II I.I?... ?I?? -.,,- ? -, ,_ ? ?-, _'j, ,e I " ". ?,?I.I. .., ? ,,,,I" , . 'I I?.. -? -I ??.,I", - -?,r?,II.,?I:w-,. I:? I ?..I1. I. .II-i .I:II I, ,I.I.?..1I-II. 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", . ,?, ."IW?III -L1?-I,I I"'L. 92 I - I-, -- ';L - L, I",,II .1...II- `.?' ?,-1? ?. ?,I?.I?olpt% ?v,. 0,_?"I?-,- .,..'ta I -, ?::114,,, -'"? ,e?IIit L-, ", .:?,._l IA" St. 1IL,.9,._______-,--- --- - --- ---- -- 1. 4110.1,.' -;, I. .-I .1. -?.?. -,". ..1:7 -1. I .-?L" .-?.,-;' .w-,1, 7. ?, .L 9,00,.,, ,?,'.. ,,; ?,?"I -, ,"?l--? A. -? - ?;, ? ., ?-I III ,V,-. I,,?'_ , ", ??I I. ..I-,. .?-`7 ii,`. .pI._,L,", L.? ?-, .??. ".I?11 .L ... -- , I. ?11 -' 4 uNIVEarSIY oF (oALIFQRN14 PUBLIOA2I I%IOS(0oftnued*) 4. 'Th milePotter co'e-tions from Anc~-, by W= D a Strong - Pp. 135190, plaes 1- 49, 11 igure s Ji tz. Beptmb 1925 . .__ .900:. - -~~5 - The Ubl otr 0olec6n from Moehe, by- A. L. Eroeber. Ppb. 191-3,: : piMes 50-4% figre es ttext.*b 6. The leoe octIis fr pe, 'bPo t. 1r ober. P -Nos '5 and b.inone coyr. ber, 1925. ..........be.....-....... 1.25 1.- The hIe Potb o fro caay, byA. L. Kroebr. Pp 285.' 80-- , plate 2 g . .a 192_.8........ .. . 6 T8.-he e P OoUcon fom Nievria,, by A. HGoyton.Pp.35- : .329, p 99 g t .teb r a ,. ...................b.... ........ .. . 35 f ~~~In e , ..-..-- ''0,jPJ!i>'- - -.* VoL 22. 1 Wiyt GramSm,a and .-:Tes, by PP4y Ap ..... - Z... 275 2. -(tvhalifQniaa;Airo poiotry, ward WPp. T17-24Q0 -plates 2fi-5, S mas ad,22 .. 3. T4.. :Waho Tct,by (ara eUOanli.. Pp. 391-8443' Februry 9.. : ffrdand W.grc . Pp. 12. l map. :-y, IMtai1,50 ,3ul 2. Kitoi Aboriial 'Grups of the a~lfri Delta Xe~ii, by= W. igbert - ;Sch1ci- P 23-1486 2 -Agures tleXL. No0er, 1928 .-... ..<- .... .30 . &he Emeryvllnound (P1m lepr,-n by W. Egbx F e P. - 147--282, plates 354, 8 fgure in teXt, 1 map. 1November, 192&.... 1.75. - 4, A*rrw RlSeaae Dlbr1bution,, -by A. L. >oeber. Pp. 288- - 1 map. .1,627 .... .. ..... t.- * .. ,,s 5. Achotuawi G2og by d H.$nie Pp. 297.432,plate%, 55-69- 1 fgure in tet .2 maps, 3azmary, 12 .. ..... 6.PthACQent uHp,bypuny, Xarle 4ad p 333.Jnay 7. Notes on the A$ al ndians. ok Zer Califoria , b E. W. ior and 2. H. Le.; p. 3-32 Arl,..1928. -..~...s.~...-....z....A.+ -.2->5 -8. Pottery-aing by H. WCGIfford- Pp. 8-73 1gure -- -^: -;"9. -NatIe Vulture ini th Southwet;by A. L. lrober. -Pp. 375-9. J-*; !a0.- <^.. Vw- * W v 16 *-^ ---- !6 * -*aoww - T?*j*~vWr-~*--~;- 10. Deal Pathology, of AboAgI a alIL by H W. LQigh Pp 399-W 1 pates80-47. 8---ceber1928 .......9......-..-.. .5. In;;dOx (iwn prS). VoL 24. 1. The Uia'. Pottery Qoftlons from -,Nosa, -by A . Ga t Aj and A. L : -Broeber. *, Pp,p 1-44,plaes 11, 12fidgures in te. ebrary,- ng' .' 60' sVoL 2. L Lovelock Ci ve *eby elyiz 'I.Loud and-*hMd `. H. Ari . P. vl i + 183 pate 8, 25figres 6 i t. Febu, 192 . .,.. .......... 2.5O ; b. Mentawei gious -u-t,---------M. Lob Pp. l47-ts t9-7, : eb.uary, 1929.. ......... . ..... .- .- - 0 ; 3. Tribal I;nitiations and4 Sere S iti by lidi M$ Loeb. > 48- p-.;\e! Vol. 26. Aborigina ;ociety in Sthern alioa, by Wlliam ucat troi`g. x ,+ ;5 , ,,; 7 maps .: 1a. 1 .. *......i.....50