EXPLORATIONS AT CHINCHA BY MAX UHLE EDITED BY A. L. KROEBER UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 21, No 2, pp. 57-94, 1 figure in text Issued in same cover with No. 1, September 19, 1924 EXPLORATIONS AT CHNCHA BY MAX UHLE Edited by A. L. KROEBER CONTENTS PAGE Editor's Note ..................................................... 58 The Chinchas ..................................................... 59 Chincha Valley ...................................................... 60 Population ...................................................... 62 Ruins ..................................................... 63 Towns ..................................................... 63 Huaca de Tambo de Mora ..................................................... 64 La Cumbe ..................................................... 67 La Centinela ..................................................... 70 The Temple ..................................................... 72 The Palace ...................................................... 75 Huaca de Alvarado ..................................................... 81 Huaca de Santa Rosa ..................................................... 86 Cemeteries in the northern part of the valley ..................................................... 87 Petroglyphs near Huancor ..................................................... 91 Tres Cruces at Paracas ..................................................... 92 For list of plates and figures in text, see page 2 of this volume. 58 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 EDITOR'S NOTE Dr. Uhle's definitive report on his studies at Chincha, which formed part of an account of both his explorations and his collections made at Trujillo, Huamachuco, Chincha, Pisco, and Ica, was written in German at the University of California in 1903, carried with him to Peru, and never resubmitted for publication. The present paper is a final field report in English sent by him to Mrs. Pho,ebe A. Hearst, patroness of his University of California explorations, from Bar- ranco, Peru, on July 30, 1901, some seven months after conclusion of his excavations at Chincha, and after his explorations near Ica were well under way. It is a well-digested summary of his work at Chincha and of his conclusions derived from this work. The manu- script is preserved in the IUniversity's Museum of Anthropology as part of the records accompanying Dr. Uhle's collections. It is now printed as written by him, except for stylistic editing necessitated by Dr. Uhle's use of English as an acquired language. Some repe- titive passages have been omitted; also references to photographs too numerous to reproduce in full. A section of some fifteen manuscript pages on the Inca Palace at. La Centinela has been greatly condensed, as indicated in the text, because its details are unintelligible without the map prepared by Dr. Uhle, referred to by him throughout this section, but not deposited at the University. It is hoped that this careful field report, when taken in conjunc- tion with the description and interpretation of the collections by Kroeber and Strong in the preceding paper, will provide an adequate scientific record of Dr. Uhle's important work at Chincha. 9Uhle: Explorations at Chincha THE CHINCHAS The valley of Chincha is a natural point of attraction for archae- ological studies. The Chinchas were one of the strongest and most famous tribes of Peru. They are said to have descended from a lake in the interior. They made many war expeditions into the moun- tains. They threatened, according to tradition, to conquer all southern interior Peru and to overthrow the incipient political organ- izations in formation there. We are told that they were at war with the Chiriguanos, which would signify that they went as far to the south as Bolivia, passed the Andes to the east, and erected a vast empire. All this was done before the Inca dominion won its strength, and at an older period than that of the attacks of the Chancas from the north upon the Cuzco of the first so-called Inca emperors. We have, therefore, this line of succession between the dominant tribes of southern Peru: Chinchas, Chancas, Kechuas (with Incas). The Aimaras, the probable representatives of the civilization which pro- duced Tiahuanaco, presumably preceded all three. But after them, and before the Kechuas, under whose idiom the Inca empire was subsequently erected, there was probably no tribe in southern Peru equaling in power the vigorous Chinchas. The valley of Chincha preserves their name, and they made vigorous opposition to the Incas when these descended from the mountains to conquer the coast land. It was only after fierce battles that the Incas were able to incorporate the valley in their empire. The valley of Chincha is also famous for several ruins of import- ance, which are distinguishable from the sea, especially from Tambo de Mora, the port of the valley. As I was interested in studying a distinctive ancient civilization, the scarcely known traces of which pointed to the region of lea and Chala, it seemed well to commence investigation at Chincha as being the valley adjoining on the north, in order better to circumscribe the area of this new civilization. Further, there was no record at all of the kind of civilization characteristic of Chincha valley before the arrival of the Spaniards. 1924] 59 60 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 CHINCHA VALLE'Y The valley of Chincha is one of the prettier and richer. ones of the coast land of Peru. It forms a more or less semicircular plain with the sea as diameter and an extent of about 11 kilometers from west to east. The neighboring valleys are that of Cafiete to the north, and to the south that of Pisco, that is, the valley of the Chunchanga river, the name of which suggests the tribal name Chincha. The Andean mountain provinces of Huancavelica and Huancayo lie behind Chincha valley. From the valley of Cafiete that of Chincha is sep- arated by a desert about 40 km. wide. Accordingly, there is but little traffic between the two valleys, the less so as each has its own port. While Caniete still carries on some traffic by land to Lima, Chincha maintains its relations with the political center mainly by sea. The relations to the valley of Pisco are much closer. There is a desert of only about 5 km. between it and the valley of Chincha, and traffic is continual. It answers, therefore, exactly to the geographical conditions that the valley of Cafiete is annexed to the Department of Lima, whereas Chincha, Pisco, and Ica in the interior belong to a separate department, that of Ica. Owing to the circumstance that Ica, which lies only 400 meters a.bove the sea, is connected with the coast since about thirty years ago by a railway 74 km. long, the coast traffic for Huancavelica now starts mainly from Ica. Yet when I was in Chincha valley I constantly saw people, mainly Indians, descending with llamas or asses from the region of Huancavelica and Huancayo. Before the existence of the railway from Pisco to Ica, the greater part of coastward traffic from Huancavelica no doubt passed to Chincha. The railway therefore changed the older natural line of communications; much as the valley of Lurin and Pachacamac to the north lost its former natural traffic to the interior region of Huarochiri through the establishment of Lima as an economic center and the construction of the Oroya railway. There still exist traces of an ancient road from the region of Tambo de Mora to the lower mountains. Within the mountains traffic follows down the Chincha river, which enters the valley near the hacienda San Jose (map, pl. 1). About 5 km. north, a pass-like break in the hills shortens the entrance to the inland gorge of Chincha 1Uhle: Explorations at Chincha river. This pass or ravine was used in ancient times. The remains of the ancient road are directed straight toward the mouth of the pass. Remains of ancient buildings of minor importance are observable within the ravine. The hacienda Laran stands on the road, as though this had been constructed for communication between Tambo de Mora and Laran. But the hacienda is of later date and in the location of its principal buildings the ancient road was utilized as the natural and best line of communication with the coast. One standing on the road sees its direction leading exactly to the top of the great huaca, "La Centinela," the most important in the valley (map, pl. 1). It may therefore be concluded that this structure formed the center of interest for travelers from the mountains when the road was con- structed through the valley. The road is about 5 meters wide. High walls of tapia (clay) that formerly bordered it on both sides are well preserved in considerable part. The valley of Chincha consists of two natural divisions: a larger southern part very little above sea level, and a smaller northern part, about 20 meters higher, and bordered by more or less steep slopes. These sandy slopes, cut by diminutive gorges, bound the higher north- ern part of the valley on the south side, and to the west lies the sea. These slopes can be recognized in pl. 10, and possess no little im- portance for the archaeology of the valley, as discussed below. There is perhaps a greater difference between the higher and lower parts of the valley in irrigation than in climate. The higher part is now principally occupied by vineyards. The lower part is chiefly oceupied by plantations of cotton, beans, and, in the interior, sugar cane, together with pasture-grounds. The cotton is not the indigenous American variety but the Egyptian one. It may be that the cultivation of this variety came to be preferred for particular reasons. Thus, apart from the beans, which are famous over Peru for their quality, no plant of native origin is now produced in quan- tity in Chineha valley-contrary, for instance, to the valley of Ica, whose bountiful cultivation of indigenous cotton can probably be considered as a continuation from ancient times. Formerly, Chincha produced a good many oranges, this dating of course only from the Spanish period. Owing to a disease there remains perhaps not one orange tree in the valley. Besides beans, cotton, sugar cane, the valley yields alfalfa, corn, camotes, native cucumbers, bananas, etc., and it seems possible to cultivate tobacco and coffee, though experi- ments have been made only on a small scale. 1924] 61 62 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 Irrigation is scant. The river brings its water down in the direc- tion of San Jose in the southern part of the valley and does not reach the sea. There are some subterranean filtrations, but not on so great a scale as in the valley of Ica. For want of water the climate is hot, though during my stay in October and November, 1900, it was tem- perate and agreeable. POPULATION The present population of the valley belongs to all the races of which so great a variety exists in Peru: Indians, mixed Peruvians, Negroes, Chinese, Italians. The Indians are of course not so pure as in the interior, and all knowledge of indigenous speech has gone. But it may be observed that the Indians still keep as separate as they can from the Peruvians, even in the capital, Chincha Alta. They are superstitious and fanatic, and it seems that the numerous Christian crosses erected over the heathen huacas throughout the valley may have something to do with this fanaticism. Either the missionaries were eager to extirpate heathenish superstition, or the inhabitants remained as superstitious and fanatic as Christians as they had been before. White people in the valley sometimes complain of the passive resistance of the Indians. The Indians now keep vineyards and make wine and aguardiente. Every one owns at least some piece of ground. But I am not sure that they advance in economic condition. They frequently suffer from the deceits of Italian colonists. As workmen they generally showed willingness, but also some laziness. The valley may have held 20,000 inhabitants in ancient times, and may hold as many now. Chincha Alta, the capital, two leagues east by railway from the poor port, Tambo de Mora, may contain 4000 souls. Smaller towns are Sunampe and Chincha Baja, the latter founded by Alvarado after his agreement with Pizarro for the re- partition of Peru. Chincha valley was the most northerly coast valley which was to belong to Alvarado, and Alvarado planned to found his capital there. But nearly all signs of the ancient splendor of Chincha Baja have vanished. There exist only a few walls of an old Spanish convent, and Chincha Baja has dwindled to an unimportant and quiet village. Economically, Chincha is now one of the better valleys of the Peruvian coast, and progresses more than others owing to increasing production of wine and aguardiente, which is mostly in the hands of Uhle: Explorations at Chincha industrious Italians. The valley would possess still higher importance if it had not lost nearly all its traffic to the interior because of the railroad from Pisco to Huancavelica and Ayacucho. RUINS Remains of antiquity are found in all the valley as huacas of adobes or tapia (clay), mostly deformed by decay. They are different in height and extension; different in original shape, so far as it can be recognized; different in construction and age; and different in importance. The most important huacas (maps, pls. 1, 24) are: La Centinela, about 1 mile from Tambo de Mora and 4 mile from the sea (pls. 2-5, 23). La Cumbe, about 1400 m. from Tambo de Mora and 800 m. from the sea (pl. 8). La Huaca de Tambo de Mora, about 900 m. from Tambo de Mora and the sea (pls. 4, 6, 7). Further, there are the Huaca de La Rosa, about 5.5 km. southeast of Tambo de Mora, and the Huaca de Lurin Chineha, about 7 km. south of Tambo de Mora. These are the huacas most prominent in size. Besides them, there are innumerable smaller ones, mostly representing dwelling houses of chiefs of less importance, in part, perhaps, also small sanctuaries. There are various huacas and walls on the northern plain near the sea, northwest of the Huaca of La Cumbe; a great number in t.he region between th.e Huaca La Centinela, the village of Sunampe, and Chincha Alta; many near the coast between Tambo de Mora and the Huaca de la Rosa; several on the road to the hacienda of Laran; and many in the region south of Laran, where they gave the name "Las Huacas" to an extensive hacienda. (See map, pl. 1.) TOWNS Ancient towns seem to have exist.ed only in the vicinity of Tambo de Mora, if one understands by town something more than many castle- like buildings (huacas) crowded together. The na.me of "La Centi- nela" applies not only to the high mound but to an adjoining group of ruins of town-like extension, and at the distance of a kilometer to the east, in the plain, the eye distinguishes from the summit of La Centinela another vast group of ruins, completely town-like. Many mounds are strewn over the ground between these town-like settle- ments and mark places where chiefs may have dwelt. The nearer environs of the Huaca de Tambo de Mora also present a village-like 1924] 63 64 Unilversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 appearance on account of many ancient walls and smaller huacas. It can therefore be said that the vicinity of Tambo de Mora gives indication of having held the principal part of the ancient population of the valley, since nowhere else are there evidences of a similar density of ancient population. But this observation may be valid only for the last periods of pre-Spanish history of the valley, since the ruins around Tambo de Mora prove to have been inhabited immediately before and after the invasion of the Incas, whereas there are almost no remains exist- ing indicating an earlier population in this tract. All huacas visited by me about Laran and Chincha Alta apparently were in use in the same relatively late periods, to judge by fragmentary pottery col- lected there, and yield no signs at all of older populations. There is no doubt that the valley was peopled in early times and some singular remains observed by me' must have reference to these times. But these remains were very scarce, and the precise time to which they belonged was not clearly pronounced. Besides, they failed to indicate where the older political center of the valley had been estab- lished. I found these remains not far from Tambo de Mora, but it seems certain to me that if that, older civilization to which they refer possessed any higher importance in the history of the valley, its center must have lain in another part of the plain, perha.ps to the south. HUACA DE TAMBO DE MORA The three principal groups of ruins near Tambo de Mora (Iluaca de Tambo de Mora, La Centinela., La Cumbe, pl. 24) are of diverse character. Middendorf, who seems to have been the only explorer to visit the ruins of the valley, described the Huaca de Tambo de Mora as a temple-like building, with four tower-like constructions at the corners. But in this he was mist.aken. As my photographs show (pls. 6, 7), there are only two such structures and they flank the middle part of the building. A huaca at the rear may have been taken by Mid- dendorf as the third of the supposed four towers; but of the fourth there is not a trace. Moreover, the building as a whole is t.o be under- stood differently. Plate 7 gives a panoramic view of the great cluster from the southwest.2 From this view it is clear that the middle por- tion was a wide court, with entrance from the southwest and several 1 At the Huaca de Alvarado, discussed below. 2 ''South'' in the description of the negatives. 1Uhle: Explorations at Chincha terraces one above the other at the northeast or rear. These terraces had access from the court by stairways much as the terrace-houses inhabited by chiefs at Pachacamac are reached by stairways con- necting the successive terraces. The only outstanding difference is that, in the Huaca de Tambo de Mora, the court and terraces are flanked by the tower-like constructions. But considering that these show no fundamental difference from the common type of chief 's dwelling in the valley of Lima and in other parts of the valley of Chincha; considering further that the general type of chief's house presents many varieties; and, lastly, considering that the type of construction of this huaca shows closer affinity with all types of ancient dwellings than with sanctuaries, I think it may be concluded that the destination of the building was profane, to serve as a dwell- ing place, though without doubt for a prominent chief. The several smaller huacas around may have been the dwellings of chiefs of lower dignity dependent from the supreme lord, or may have served special purposes of the latter. This huaca like most of the others in the valley is constructed of tapia work. The plain north of the grand huaca is dry for some distance (pl. 4) and ancient tapia walls, as well as about six small huacas, indicate a considerable population. Holes in the soil suggest excava- tions provoked by indications of graves. My horse once stuck its foot into an ancient grave. Immediate excavation showed an empty grave. It had probably been opened previously. Notwithstanding, I found in it a round stone club head and a fragment of a small doll-like figure of clay similar to those in other parts of the valley. The grave was very small, .9 m. long, .7 broad and high. Its base was 1.3 m. below the surface. Its original entrance was intact and consisted of a nearly horizontal round hole in the ceiling of the grave, blocked by boulders about 15 cm. in diameter, a longer one in the middle sup- porting the others. I made no further excavations in this plain, being of the opinion that results would not be proportionate to the expense. But on the basis of fragments, especially of pottery, which I collected on the surface of the plain around the great Huaca de Tambo de Mora and on the huaca itself, I may say that these buildings were constructed in the last period preceding the invasion of the Incas in the valley, and remained in use during the Inca period. But no signs of any older civilization were observable. I should not, therefore, date these 1924] 65 66 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 buildings earlier than about 1100 A.D. in the provisional chronology which I am using. In consideration of the story of the war between the Chinchas and the Incas as related by Garcilaso, it seems probable that the Huaca de Tambo de Mora was the abode of the principal chief of the valley finally subdued by the Incas. Garcilaso says that the Chinchas had a king of their own (v. vi, C. 17). He calls him the "Curaca Chincha," and says that he was pardoned by the Inca and distinguished by many signs of benevolence. I incline therefore to believe that the few relics of the two latest periods of pre-Spanish civilization found near this huaca answer to the intrinsically probable story of the continuation of indigenous government after the conquest of the valley by the Inca. Garcilaso also tells about the worship of a deity peculiar to the valley. He says that the Indians of this beautifull valley had a famous idol worshiped by them as God and called Chincha Camac. They elevated this god in imitation of Pachacamac, who was especially worshiped in another valley. In the belief that Pachacama.c in his support of the world would take less particular care of them, they invented a deity who would be the special supporter of the welfare of their own country and therefore called him Chincha Camac. Other authors tell us that the great deity, Pachacamac, of the valley near Lima, had four sons, among them the idol, Chincha Camac, of the valley of Chincha. As one misses elsewhere in the valley huacas as important as those of the environ.s of Tambo de Mora, and as the abode of the most im- portant chief of the valle.y lay there too, one must naturally suppose that among these huacas near Tambo de Mora there is to be identified also the sanctuary of the principal deity, Chincha Camac. Further, Garcilaso's quite credible tradition is that the Incas constructed a temple of much solemnity to their tutelary god, the Sun. According to the custom of the Incas in other parts, it is also to be supposed that they erected their Sun temple in the vicinity of the principal indigenous sanctuary in order to eclipse, as much as possible, the splendor of the latter, perhaps also to control the services offered to the god who had been their adversary. Now, there are Inca buildings which are not temples near La Centinela. We have, therefore, the latter ruin indicated as the Sun temple erected by the Incas. Numer- ous fragments of pott.ery in the pure style of the Incas, lying among the ruins at the foot of this pyramid, and the pyramid itself, support this suggestion. Uhle: Explorations at Chincha LA CUMBE There remains only one great huaca open to determination as the ancient temple of the god, Chincha Camac, that is, the huaca, La Cumbe. The origin of the name is not quite clear. "La Centinela" means a sentinel, and the name has been attributed owing to the free position of the ruin in the valley. The name "La Cumbe" might seem to be a degeneration of the Spanish word la cutmbre, a summit. To prove this, it would be necessary to adduce dialectic influences accounting for the change of "Cumbre" to "Cumbe" in the local pronunciatlon. In no part of the valley is there trace of an older pronunciation like "Cumbre." Notwithstanding, I am inclined to accept this as the origin of the name, especially as it would have been difficult to find a fitter designation of the spot which rears so promi- nently over the surroundings. Historical inference from a name like this being impossible, it is necessary to identify the ruin from internal evidence, the more so since no tradition of a sanctuary of the in- digenous deity remains in the valley. The ruins of L,a Cumbe (pl. 8) represent a platform about 15 m. above the general surface of the plain or low table-land at the southern border of which the building was erected. The sides slope down like hills. Ancient walls are scarce but mostly made of tapia, though adobes are also represented. More walls of tapia are observable east of the platform. They are low and form courts without details of special interest. On digging at the sides of the platform, one observes that the original soil is covered by a layer of small boulders, and this by a thick layer of sand. It all looks so simple that one might conclude it not to be the sanctuary of Chincha Camac. Some lower ruins to the southwest, which disclose the inner construction of a high bordering wall of adobes and traces of similar walls to the east along the southern border of the table-land, may have been outworks of the principal ruin. Altogether, however, these remains fail to produce any deep impression, nor would a map of them show any- thing peculiar or different from many other ruins which have left only indifferent walls not worth mapping. Notwithstanding, one feature of this huaca repeats a feature dis- tinctive of the ancient temple of the god Pachacamac in the valley of Lurin, which, externally, is also somewhat unimpressive. As there, 1924] 67 68 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 the land on one side of the temple is occupied by a wide cemetery. This cemetery may not have received burials in such density as that in the sacred soil on the northern side of the temple of Pachacamac. On the other hand it is of much greater extension, for it shows a length from north to south of about 400 and a width of about 250 m., while the corresponding cemetery of the valley of Lurin has, accord- ing to my memory, a length of only about 200-250 and a width of 70-100 m.3 But the greater density of the interments at Pachacamac is readily explained by the more numerous centuries through which it was in use, and by the wide renown possessed by the sanctuary over all Peru. As tradition says, the temple of Chincha Camac was only a daughter sanctuary to that of the valley of Lurin. The La Cumbe cemetery has been nearly exhausted. Though hundreds and thousands of ancient burials were made there, it was extremely difficult to find even a few unopened ones. It was of course important to find at least some, as the only way of determining the age of the cemetery and huaca. While on the surface of the cemetery at Pachacamac there lie thousands of small articles and fragments which guide the observer's ideas to a determination of its age, I found scarcely even a small piece of pottery in the La Cumbe ceme- tery. This circumstance seems to prove that the excavation of this cemetery may be dated back to early modern times, especially since there remains no tradition of excavations. It may therefore be con- cluded that the time at which those burials were reopened was not long after the Spanish conquest and that the graves were rich in silver and perhaps in gold, too, since the ancient Spaniards did not work from love of curiosities alone. Yet the few excavations which I could make showed no riches. I opened about SiX4 graves at the immediate western foot of the hill- like La Cumbe, which were covered by soil from above. They were, according to my conception, ordinary ones. It is not necessary to expect treasures in graves at the foot of prominent temples, since my experience at Pachacamac was contrary. It may be that an avaricious temple clergy deprived of their accompanying treasures those who had the honor of being buried near the temple. I made one observation which was quite unexpected: the time in which the La Cumbe cemetery was in use cannot have extended over many historical periods. At the temple cemetery of Pachacamac, four 3 " 750 feet long by a general width of 200 feet," Uhle, Pachacamac, 12. 1903. 4 Ten according to the catalogue. See the preceding paper, "Site B," p. 26. Uhle: Explorations at Chin-cha historical periods were represented, all of pre-Inca character. At La Cumbe I distinguished only one historical period. This is not much for the life of a renowned temple of which tradition has reached our time. Notwithstanding, the fact may be explained without great difficulty. First, the period represented by this cemetery was pre- Inca. I do not remember any object of Inca provenience or type found in it.5 This goes to prove that the sanctuary of La Cumbe was wholly pre-Inca. Further, the pre-Inca period represented was the last one. This proves the sanctuary to have been found in use by the Incas on their invasion of the valley. Nothing could be in better concordance with the identification of La Cumbe as the sanc- tuary of the god, Chincha Camac, which was destroyed by the Incas. That the age of the cemetery comprises only one period is to be ex- plained in accord with what we are told by Garcilaso, namely, that the Chinchas made their god, Chincha Camac, in imitation of the earlier god, Pachacamac. It would therefore be surprising if, in the cemetery of La Cumbe, we should meet such ancient periods as that of the Tiahuanaco monuments which is represented in the cemetery of Pachacamac. It may seem strange that the time of the La Cumbe cemetery is only that of the last pre-Inca period, which I here learned to determine as that of the Chinchas proper and covering perhaps not more than three centuries, perhaps from 1100 to 1400, the latter date marking the approximate time at which the Incas invaded the valley. In the end, however, this determination shows that the god Chincha Camae was of late origin, quite uncomparable with the god Pachacamac. The deity Pachacamac, therefore, was of importance for the general historical development of Peru, while Chincha Camac cannot have obtained more than a local importance; though his wor- shipers, as indirect followers of Pachacamac, may still have been involved as allies in the wars with which the followers of Pachacamac at Andahuailas, the ancient Chancas, menaced the first growth of the Inca empire. 5 This agrees with the determination in the preceding paper, loc. cit., of site B as Late Chincha I. 1924] 69 70 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 LA CENTINELA The Huaca La Centinela is the most important and prominent in the valley. Its position northeast of Tambo de Mora, about 450 m. east of La Cumbe, in the lower part of the valley, about 900 m. north- northeast of the Huaca de Tambo de Mora, is indicated in my maps of the valley (pls. 1, 24) and ruins.6 Formerly, all environs of La Centinela were marshes, and the soil at the southern side of the ruin still is such. The marshes whieh formerly bordered the ruin at the west and north dried up duriing recent decades, in consequence, if I reme-mber correctly, of a great swelling of the small creeks in one of the summer rainy seasons of the mountains. Fertile fields now border the huaca on these sides. The creeks passing the huaca on the north and south spring only a few hundred meters to the northeast and southeast, and are appar- ently the result of subterranean filtrations from the irrigation canals of the higher parts of the valley east and north of the ruin. The soil east of the huaca is dry and bears ruins which may be considered to have been ancient palaces crowded together like a tow,n. Their exten- sion is indicated in the map, plate 24. Plate 4 gives a good general view of these ruins from the summit of La Centinela. The extent of territory occupied by these town-like palace buildings east of the main huaca may be estimated at about 360 m. from east to west and 160 m. from north to south. This part of the ruins was not mapped by me, as I shortened my stay in Chincha in order to make excava- tions of greater promise in the valleys to the south. The main part of the huaca proper measures about 175 m. from east to west and about 200 m. from north to south. It is bordered on the south by moist marsh-like ground; on the west, at the present time, by an azequia conducting water to neighboring fields of recent origin; on the north, by a road about 8 m. wide and bordered by tapia walls; on the east, by a long narrow street only 2 to 2.5 m. wide. It is beyond the latter street that the above-mentioned ruins of town- like palaces extend to the east. Beyond the road on the north there is another palace-like building, now much destroyed. 6 "A separate map of all walls and detailed remains of the principal ruin of La Centinela on the scale of 1:500,"' which the author refers to in this passage of his report, was not filed by him at the University. Uhle: Explorations at Chincha The general outline of the ruins is quite irregular at the western and southern fronts. Especially at the west many irregular corners project into the plain (pl. 3). A few rooms and open halls rise slightly above the level of the valley. These are in the southern part of the ruins. Most of the rooms lie on castle-like elevations, or ex- tended terrace-like ones, or belong to the principal pyramid, which now bears a cross. All these elevations are artificial; and it is indeed wonderful how platforms, nowhere less than 8 m. in height and some- times rising to 13 and 15 m. above the level of the valley, were made to cover an area 140 m. in length and 110 m. in width. The height of the summit of the main pyramid may be estimated at 30 m., its length from west to east is 102 m., its width from north to south 66 m. However interesting the details of these buildings may have been at the time of their perfection, at present they form only an indistinct mass in many parts. Various circumstances have contributed to their destruction. First is the salty quality of the soil. The natural salt of the ground penetrates the adobes and makes them fall to pieces. The dark spots in the ruins in plate 10 are effects of salt, and extensive traces are visible of walls and terraces so destroyed. For instance, in front of the palace-like building in plate 3 there were originally many more rooms which, though relatively low, must originally have risen about 4 m. above the general level of the valley. Of these almost nothing is left beyond some lines of walls distinguishable on the sur- face by the different character of their vegetation. I marked them in my map of the ruin.S7 as far as I could follow their direction. Another cause of destruction is damage by the hand of man. Some parts of the ruins are of adobe bricks (pl. 5), others of tapia (pl. 23). The adobes are extremely well made and hard, and, so far as the condition of the ground has not lessened their original quality, they still resist atmospheric influences better than the adobes made now. This has brought it about that adobes taken from these ruins and delivered at Tambo de Mora for construction of new houses are paid for at the rate of one sol (50 cents gold) each, while those newly made on the spot bring no more than 10 centavos silver (5 cents gold). Of course, an extensive destruction of the ancient walls of adobes has resulted; and such adobe walls are found only in the ruins of La Centinela. The destruction has been the greater because more adobes have been left as useless than have been taken to the town of Tambo de Mora as building material. The consequence is that many of the 7 Evidently the unfiled map. 1924] 71 72 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 most interesting details of construction, especially in that part of the ruins for which "Inca constructions" has been inscribed on the map, have been lost without hope of ever divining what they represented, what their shape was, and their use. But, besides commercial interest, religious factors have contributed to destruction. Religious fanaticism at the time of the conquest may have harmed the condition of the ruins. But evidences of damage from modern religious inclinations are even more visible. High crosses have been erected on all the principal huacas of the valley, including the Centinela. These hea-7vy crosses, about 9 m. high, could be set up only on wide, high, and solid pedestals, and the material for these was of course taken from the huacas themselves. Thereby the whole character of the huaca was changed. What originally had been a platform, was transformed into a pointed summit, making it difficult to imagine the original shape of the huaca. There is still visible something like an inclined road leading up to the summit of the pyramid from west to east on its southern face (see pl. 5), and there is tradition of a complete stairway there, up to ten or twenty years ago, when it was destroyed in the construction of the cross. Treasure hunters have also been busy on this huaca. Of course, the whole pyramid was not of solid adobe. Chamber-like spaces between walls had been filled with sand and floored over with adobes. Discovering the sand below the flooring, people imagined hidden treasures. And so a hole 6.5 m. long, 4.5 m. wide, and 11 m. deep was excavated between walls in the center of the huaca, entirely dis- figuring its original aspect. From the base of the hole a tunnel was dug to the western front of the pyramid in order to carry out the excavated earth. Nothing at all was found during this excavation, but it is worth mentioning that this injury to the huaca also dates only from the last two decades. THE TEMPLE Two main parts are distinguishable among the ruins, the pyra- midal construction which was undoubtedly a temple, and a palace- like building at the southwestern corner of the ruins. The first of these (pls. 2, 3, 5) originally had a platform 16 m. wide and about 28 m. in length. The sides were occupied by steplike terraces, plat- forms, and courts, disposed so that none of the sides corresponded to 1Uhle: Explorations at Chincha the others in configuration. Though the general shape of the pyramid shows some similarity to that of the Sun Temple of the valley of Lurin at Pachacamac, the two structures are quite different in detail. The Pachacamac temple is not only much larger, but possesses a fair and regular system of open terraces, which, though all sides reveal im- portant particularities, nevertheless stand in accord with one anotber. In La Centinela none of the sides resembles the others in scarcely any regard. The southern side shows a long terrace, the height of which may be as much as 22 or 23 m., but whose width is only 4.5 m. The wall retaining this terrace is somewhat inclined for reinforcement of the terrace itself and of the temple behind it. At the foot of the terrace wall, perhaps 9 m. lower, there are some smaller terraces, some of them bearing niches of Incaic architectural character on their south- ern face. But without doubt these smaller terraces belonged rather to the system of Inca buildings surrounding the foot of the temple than to the latter itself. The main southern terrace possessed a low balustrade like a wall and some chamber-like cross partitions. At the southern front there was, further, the temple entrance in the form of the inclined stairway the remnants of which are now represented by the long slope down to the west. This side of the temple must have presented a solemn aspect 'when the high terrace and the brilliant stairway were still complete and the Inca ascending with the high priest could be discerned, miles away, from the southern part of the valley. The eastern front of the temple fell in six or seven narrow terrace- like steps-the upper ones are now completely decayed-to a wide terrace lying about 18 m. above the plain. This terrace was faced on three sides with high, thick walls of tapia, and there is little doubt that it was used for the enactment of religious ceremonies, similarly to parts of the temple of Pachacamac. This terrace, 45 m. long and 29 m. wide, had the space between its walls filled with sand-as treasureless, no doubt, as the sand in the center of the huaca. The western front is formed by several step-like terraces which descend to a court lying between high walls about 13 m. above the valley. The before-mentioned 11-m. excavation was made here, and the southern wall broken for removing the soil, which still lies in terrace-like heaps that cover many of the lower details of the southern front. 1924] 73 74 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 In spite of the destruction to this western court, one can perceive that the outer part of the west front was formed by two terraces, one above the other, both provided with breast walls (like the southern terrace) now almost covered with earth and half-destroyed (see pls. 3, 5). The northern side of the pyramid now slopes like; a hillside, with nearly no details preserved, so that it is quite uncertain what the original character of its architecture may have been. Only at the eastern end of this front, at the foot of the platform, some ancient details can still be recognized. Several rooms adorned with Incaic niches were there constructed against the wall of the platform, and were continued from there at the western end by a right angle to the north. I have already expounded how, for external reasons, the Huaca La Centinela should be interpreted as the temple of the Sun erected by the Incas. The question remains, Can the same conclusion be derived from internal reasons? It is the largest huaca of the three near Tambo de Mora. It has a more distinctly pyramidal shape than the other huacas, which presumably served as abodes to caziques. It has a platform somewhat similar in extent to that of the temple of the Sun at Pachacamac. But there is a great difference between the two in respect to the approach, which in the latter is cut into the terraces and winds up brokenly, while in La Centinela it has the shape of a straight, inclined open stairway, outside, and parallel to, the terrace. In other respects, there are greater similarities, for instance, as regards the chamber-like divisions on some of the ter- races, which may have served as magazines for sa.crificial birds and animals and vessels of chicha, or as rooms where adornments for temple service were fabricated. There is another feature of simi- larity: at both temples small chambers, of pure Incaic character and containing niches, were built against the terrace walls at the foot of the temple, which itself in both cases bears a different architectural character. Though we are told by ancient chroniclers that all temples of the Inca empire were constructed in imitation of the temples of the Sun at Cuzco, one must undoubtedly concede some freedom to have existed toward the particular needs of the provinces. This seems to be the clearer because while palaces and convents frequently repeat the Inca style of Cuzco exactly, the Sun temples of the provinces were constructed by the populations of the provinces, according to orders given by the Incas indeed, but no doubt in great part according to 1Uhle: Explorations at Chincha detailed plans made locally. Thus the Sun temple at Pachacamac, constructed according to an order of the Inca, shows Incaic archi- tectural peculiarities only in a few details, and not very clearly in those, so that it was long possible to believe this temple ordered by the Inca to be the older indigenous temple of Pachacamac. The same thing seems to have happened with the principal huaca of La Centinela. Though the pyramid does not show clear Incaic details of construction, and in its simple type and in its tapia material resembles the indigenous style rather than that of the truly Incaic buildings at its foot, which are full of Incaic niches and show the same kind of small rooms with well constructed walls as other Incaic buildings, and are made of adobes; nevertheless, it is to be concluded that the temple as a whole was that of the Sun constructed by order of the Incas, and differed from other Incaic works because the execu- tion lay in the hands of the indigenous population. There is also a tradition preserved by Pachacuti Salcamayhua that the Inca called on various indigenous devils of the neighboring provinces f'or the construction of several important works planned by him, among them one at Pachacamac and another at Chincha. Perhaps the "devils" represent the people adhering to them as provincial deities. THE PALACE The most curious parts of La Centinela are the Incaic buildings which entirely surround the temple. A series of characteristic niches along the walls are to be found not only in those parts of the ruins specially mapped by me, but also in the eastern portion of the ruins and in the separate group of ruins resembling a town east of La Centinela. All this shows that Inca civilization penetrated the struc- tures, perhaps was dominant. Perhaps Inca civilization was already established in the valley when these groups of other buildings were constructed which partly show Inca influences and partly do not. But the Incaic ruins at the foot of La Centinela form a compact mass coherent in itself. There are courts; halls divided into rooms; rooms provided with niches; open galleries with niches like those of plate 3, reminiscent in style of buildings in the mountains. Incaic are small galleries or passages like that which forms the western entrance to the court in plate 3. A most interesting, palace-like Incaic building must have existed in the area of the letters "1," 'n, " o, "u, on the map, which 1924] 75 76 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 formed a terreplein about 9 m. above the plain but is now covered with debris of walls the direction of which can be divined only incom- pletely. The entrance to this group seems to have been partly from the east through a small street-like passage. Communication from the level of courts and rooms in this building to the level of the hall rooms and court lying about 7 m. deeper, took place also by a stair- way; and one or more entrances may have existed. But the main entrance, that for the highest ceremonies, was undoubtedly from the west, and it is fortunate that enough has been left of this to divine its former splendor (pl. 3). A niched terrace arose above a lower simpler one. Two big walls descending in steps from east to west bordered an elegant stairway of seven or nine steps, which was cut through the lower terraces and led up to the gateway, conducting through a gallery wall to a wide court. This court was flanked on the left by a low terrace-like elevation, at which guests may have encountered their first reception from the inhabitants of the palace- like rooms. But the most prominent part of these constructions was iin- doubtedly the castle-like building on the right with its two principal divisions, A and B. One entered by a small gate from one court to another, and from that by a neat stairway (pl. 4) to the interior of the square building A. This stairway I cleared of debris.5 . . . Fromn the first larger room of building A, one reaches, by a small gate to the left, a long narrow gallery which separates this building into a northern and a southern subdivision. Two steps, one up a few centimeters, the other down, break the level of the passage, which leads at its western end ouLt to a wide hall open at its western border (p]. 3), like the lookout terrace of a modern castle. As this terrace lies about 11 m. above the general level of the valley, the view from it dominates an extended strip, about 1 km. wide, of coast land, open sea, and ruinis of La Cumbe. There is only one direct entrance from the long gallery or passage to the southern subdivision of building A, which is reached by return- ing along the passage to the eastern front wall of the castle-like build- ing. There one enters a narrow gallery facing east. This gallery is unequal in width from north to south. Its eastern front wall is not more than about 1 m. high. The back wall shows four large niches I8From here much of Dr. Uhle's description of the palace buildings becomes imnpossible to follow with certitude in the absence of his detailed map or plan and of a series of drawings made by him. A number of passages have therefore been omitted. They are indicated by periods. Uhle: Explorations at Chincha of the finest type of this kind of Inca architecture. When I first saw them they were nearly unrecognizable for debris, but after clearing they appeared (pl. 4). They are all more or less incomplete at the top from intentional destruction, made perhaps in getting out bricks. . . . The walls of the niches are whitewashed. It was at the foot of the second niche from the left that I found a wooden wind instrument which seems to have served in religious ceremonies. As the gallery is open to the east, separate from other rooms of apparently more pro- faine character, and backed with fine solemn niches, I do not hesitate to conclude that it must have been intended for daily greeting of the rising sun with prayer.... The fourth niche, that is the first to the left, forms a gate (quite according to Inca architecture) which leads to three squarish and equal-sized rooms, behind the solemn niches of the gallery. Each of these three rooms again has a niche. The floor of the first room is a step higher than the floor of the gate. On this step there was found a piece of fine purple fabric of vicunia wool. The gallery of the four niches ha.s another entrance from the south. Passing one wall, one meets a narrow passage; passing another wall, another narrow passage which makes the division of the whole castle- like building into its two main parts, A and B. With the exception of one large court, all the rooms of B (pl. 4), and all the rooms of the southern subdivision of A except four western ones, are oni a higher level than the gallery of the four niches and the second or dividing passage. ... It is curious how the rooms of A are elevated with reference to the base and to one another. One of the courts is about 9 m. above the level of the plain. The general interior level of the building is about 1.7 m. higher than this court. Three rooms and the passage leading to them are about .3 m. higher still and from them a stalrway leads about 1.7 m. higher to what was probably the most elevated room of the building, now destroyed. ... One of the three rooms on the next to the highest level, entered from a passage at the foot of the stairway just mentioned, contained a large niche rising from the floor, with two recesses, one in the other. Though this niche may have been important, it did not possess the two lower steps which add such particular quality to the four large niches of the gallery. Into this room there enters a T-shaped passage, the second arm of which forms the entrance to a remarkable small room. . . . This small room is hidden on all sides by walls. . . . Its 1924] 77 78 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 southern part is elevated and shows wall painting on three sides. The painting, which is of pure Incaic character in every sense, forms a strip continued from the first wall, over the second, to the third, and is similar to the designs frequently met with on Inca vessels of the amphora or aryballos type. The colors are red, black, and green (the latter nearly faded away), on white. The pattern consists of rhomboid figures cut in triangles as well as the spaces left between them. Each triangle of a pair shows the same color, either red or green, while the confining triangles are of opposite color. Within each triangle a maeander-like hook is spaced out in white, in such a way that the hooks of the confining triangles are turned in opposite directions. It seems that this room must have been of especial dis- tinction, both on account of its peculiar situation and its ornamen- tation. It may have served a high priest, or the Inca himself, for lodging or adorations.... There is a barrel-like hole with wide mouth on the fine lookout terrace of division A. . . . I did not observe any difference in its construction from the other masonry work of these buildings, but it is quite clear that it was used to hold water. I could still discern the remains of ancient green vegetation on the inner sides. The hole, being floored, was not a well; a channel from it led water down and away, not into it. This channel was made of broken stones set together on four sides, square in section and narrow, bedded in earth, not in adobes. . . . At the southern end of A the channel falls about 1 m., still remaining subterranean, to the long narrow passage which separates A and B of the building, follows this to the east, and seems to end near a stairway leading down to rooms of a lower level. Another channel seems to have had its head in the small apart- ment north of the room with the two-recessed niche. . . . This sub- terranean channel follows southward along a passage which lies open to the east, but seems to end in open air a little above the passage which divides A and B. This channel is likewise formed of broken stones set together and is bedded in earth, but the floor in this case is formed of adobe above A. . .. Either the two reservoirs served for bathing: in this case the canalization would have served to lead away water after use; or they were reservoirs for clean water: in this case the water would have been used where it discharged. But I am unable to understand why two reservoirs existed if their contents were made use of at a single place. Therefore I incline to believe that there were baths near the Uhte: Explorations at Chincha heads of the two channels. One might then suppose that the principal bath on the fine western terrace with its lookout served the Inca per- sonally. He would have possessed an entrance of his own to this terrace, namely, the east-west passage separating the northern and southern parts of A. From there he might easily have reached the gallery of the four niches, supposing that this was his praying-room; and quite as easily he could have got down, by two gates and a stairway, to the court and numerous rooms lying to the north and east. I would suggest that some fifteen or more rooms, including all the upper ones in A except the three of which the one with painted walls is one, constituted the sphere of his regular affairs for the Inca; while these three rooms in A, and the southern and lower ones in B, formed the sphere of the Coya, his wife. With this idea it seems in accord that the three rooms in A are all much smaller and more proper for home-staying, more removed from the outer world, more separate and difficult to enter, than the others, which I ascribe to the Inca. As to the two baths, I would also suppose that one was for the Inca, the other for the Coya. . . . It seems to me reasonable, also, that the remote room with wall painting was the special room of the lady of the house.9 The little of tradition that the people cultivating their fields at the foot of La Centinela could tell me about the huaca, was that the Inca came each summer to La Centinela to enjoy the sea baths. This may well be, but it seems to me that he took his baths on the terrace of his palace. People in the valley know nothing at present of an ancient convent of women of the Sun founded there by the Inca. But Gracilaso speaks of such. If it existed, it must have lain on that side, or in that part, of the buildings attributed by me to the Coya as her special range of dominion. But I must confess that I feel unable to deter- mine the special locality which was occupied by those convent women. It cannot be denied that a few details in some of the rooms present a certain harmony with those of the ancient convent, Mamacona, at Pachacamac. The gallery of the four niches resembles the front wall provided with fine large niches which faces the court of the convent of Pachacamac on its western side. The three rooms including the painted one resemble in some ways the rooms occupying the northern 9 From here on Dr. Uhle 's manuscript is once more reproduced withouit onmis- sions. 1924] 79 so University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 terrace of the two terrace-like buildings which border the court of the convent at Pachacamac on its western side. This similarity is as much in the general elevation of the rooms, as in their separation from the outer world and in the subdivision of the floor into many regular small rooms. As in the convent of Pachacamac, a long narrow passage running from east to west separates two terrace-like buildings irregularly bordering it from north and south. At this point the similarities end. I am not courageous enough to consider them sufficient to establish the theory that A and B of La Centinela repre- sent the ancient convent. Should it be that A and B are the convent, one would have to look for another explanation of the two baths in different suites of rooms in one building. It should be said that all these buildings are constructed of adobes, like the others of Incaic character. The walls are mostly somewhat thicker below (pl. 3), and thick lower walls are built against higher walls to reinforce them (pl. 3). Gates and niches show the usual trapezoidal character of Inca buildings. The walls of many doors are cut out in angles at one side, as in many Inca buildings. Niches are roofed, like those of the convent constructed by the Incas at Pachacamac, by laying over them several long pieces of wood bound together with ropes. Niches are of various types: large ones rising immediately from the floor; others of middle size, much like ordinary windows; small vertical ones, and small horizontal ones. Various of the small vertical niches are characterized by a special manner of decoration. Two small corresponding niches on opposite sides of a wall communicate by a small window, which enters from each side of the wall as the inner part of a double-framed niche. The iniches at the front of the two walls facing the main western entrance of the Incaic buildings are similar double-framed niches, the interior, deeper part of which, however, does not pass through the thick wall (pl. 3). It must be acknowledged that the decoration of these walls with a row of such splendid niches facing the open plain of the west is one of the masterpieces of Incaic architecture. The large opening visible in the high wall at the right of plate 3 is of recent origin, made by treasure hunters, and is superficial, the excavators apparently soon tiring. 1Uhle: Explorations at Chincha HUACA DE ALVARADO During my stay my attention was attracted by a hill-shaped huaca about one kilometer east of the Huaca de Tambo de Mora, near the road to Chincha Baja. This is the so-called "Huaca de Alvarado." Many holes, apparently graves, covered it, and, as I showed interest in the age of the huaca, permission to excavate was given by the owners. While directing the work, I had time to make a general map of the huaca,10 from which I hoped to get a clearer understanding of what it represented than from a rapid survey. The huaca now presents an irregular shape, of hill-like configura- tion. It is about 230 m. long from west to east. Its outline is more or less pear-shaped, with an inner curve along the northern front. The eastern part attains a width of about 120 m., the western of about 80. The whole hill consists of adobe. Its height may be 18 m. at the narrow western end. The middle is somewhat less in height, about 15 m. in parts. As the general proportions show, the huaca cannot have repre- sented an original pyramidal structure, which has subsequently decayed. Notwithstanding that nearly all its sides slope smoothly as in natural hills of earth or loose stone, and notwithstanding that the greater part of the surface, slopes, and foot contains innumerable chamber-like graves cut into the huaca (pl. 9) and increasing the impression of a hill of natural origin, or at least of one heaped up without intention of architectural construction, yet several parts indicate that an architectural shape lay at the basis of the present configuration. This is, for instance, clearly visible at the eastern end, which still forms a straight architectural front with a small tower-like promontory on the south. Several straight lines (pl. 9) contribute to the same effect. The same holds for a regular corner in the northwestern part of the huaca. As the narrow but highest western part of the huaca was smooth, showing no holes or graves that might have been opened, I soon transferred operations there. But, instead of graves, I found small chamber-like partitions, resembling narrow passages like those of a house, subsequently intersected by stones. Then I discovered some- thing like a passage not intersected by stones, an open entrance, with 10 Also not filed at the University. 81 1924] 82 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 a square pillar of stones in it. At first I entertained the idea that these rooms were part of a building and had served as habitations, having been filled with st.ones later to elevate the floor or for some similar purpose. Since seeing a huaca cut into by the river near Pisco. I incline to another opinion, namely, that these passages and apparent entrances are merely the result of the general system of construction followed in the solid parts of the huaca, without ever having possessed value as habitable rooms. But in any case this shows that the huaca was heaped up according to a plan; and if there was no exact plan in the interior, such a plan must have existed for the architectural parts, for which the solid parts of the huaca were constructed as base. It is clear that an especially high age has to be attributed to a huaca whose architectural exterior is so worn; a considerably higher age, it would seem, than t.o the other huacas in the vicinity. This circumstance alone would have justified excavation. I was puzzled by the observation that the adobe-clay which had served for con- struction possessed neither the character of shapeless tapia, nor that of bricks made of adobe, as in the Incaic buildings of the valley, but that it formed irregular pieces, ea.ch more or less of the size of a pair of joined fists. I had never seen this kind of masonry before. I was finally inclined to suggest that it might have been a manner of masonry of higher age than the others, and looked to find similar examples, being ready to ident.ify the traces of civilizations of high age with the same masonry that I might find in other parts of the valley, though at that time I had not yet full realization of the typical periodical value which this masonry possesses. This sig- nificance which it has as a criterion of an older period of coast civiliza- tion than those commonly found, I subsequently realized at Ocucaje, when I discovered the curious finely painted vessels'1 which form the most interesting part of my collection from the lea area. These vessels were met with in close association with lumpy adobe like that which mainly composes the Huaca de Alvarado. Without insisting unduly that the people who built this huaca must have possessed absolutely the same civilization as the one associated with the same building material at Ocucaje, I must maintain that the period of construction of this huaca must have been about equally remote, and therefore long antecedent to the remains of later Chincha time gen- erally found in the environs of Tambo de Mora. 11 Proto-Nazea. Uhle: Explorations at Chincha I spent some three or four weeks in excavations in this huaca and found scarcely anything. Such often happens if scholarly interest and not mere curiosity or desire for treasures directs the work. I fulfilled, as I believe, my duty in attempting excavations, which, if I had been successful, would have solved one of the most important problems of the ancient history of the valley. During the excavations in the small elevated platform at the west end, I found several skulls. During excavations in the wide eastern portion of the huaca, I found a very few small fragments of pottery, of interest on account of the difference of their painting from that of the vessels generally found in the valley. The most interesting of these frag- ments I preserved for the museum collection. I discovered also a burial shut in by a larger pottery fragment, the burial containing a child's disintegrated skeleton. Digging a ditch to locate graves, I discovered, in the middle part of the huaca, a few skulls and some large and small fragments of textiles. All this did not suffice to give me a clear idea of the period and civilization to which this huaca had belonged. I was nevertheless surprised by several observations favoring the idea of a high age of the structure. These were: (1) Some of the fragments of pottery indicated a higher art of painting than that found elsewhere in the valley. I had also, at times, the impression of a relation of this style of painting to the period of the construction of the monuments of Tiahuanaco. (2) Near the middle part, where I was making a ditch not more than 50 cm. deep, I found several long, deformed skulls, quite strange among all the others found by me in the valley. As the oldest civiliza- tion everywhere in Peru came from the mountains, and as in the mountains, at least in the south, long, deformed skulls are particu- larly characteristic of ancient finds, I brought the newly discovered skulls into connection with an old civilization brought down to the coast from the mountains. I now believe this suggestion the more correct in that skulls of the same strange type were equally character- istic of the period of the fine vessels at Ocucaje, the pertinence of which to one of the oldest periods of the valley of lea is absolutely sure. (3) The fragments of textiles found in the middle of the huaca appeared extremely curious and strange to me in respect to their colors. Nevertheless, I realized that some characteristic peculiarities of their technique were identical with textiles found by me in graves 83 1924] 84 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 of the oldest period at Pachacamac; and as the latter represented a style which I considered as especially derived'2 from that of the pure Tiahuanaco period, I had to conclude that these textiles found in the Huaca de Alvarado must also belong to one of the oldest periods of Peruvian civilization, and to one derived from the mountains. It should be stated that all these finds were made in the solid soil outside of the chamber-like graves hollowed out in the huaca. I sup- pose that the spots where I found the textiles and one or two of the deformed skulls were their secondary resting places. They might have been met with when the chamber-like holes were first dug, thrown on the soil outside, and afterwards covered onee more. But in any event they would appear to have belonged to the oldest period of the huaca. On seeing the surface of the huaca dotted with innumerable pit- like holes made for ancient graves, it was one of my first and prin- cipal interests-in the belief that these square holes had been cleared before me-to find others of identical nature but not yet excavated. I must confess that in this endeavor I had no success whatever. While I held to the opinion that these chamber-like graves had been filled with earth to the top after burial in them, I had to assume that the Spaniards, in their hunt for treasures, perhaps already in the period of the conquest, had opened possibly all of them. But on one of the final days of my work on this huaca, I fell upon the idea that the square openings perhaps represented an original condition of the graves and had never been filled. I then tried to discover the ancient graves below them, according to the plan of graves discovered by me in other parts of the valley, namely, cave-like tombs having a side or upper entrance at the base of chamber-like holes. In this endeavor I was successful in so far as I discovered that the chamber-like holes did not represent graves, but entrances to graves. But I was; unsuc- cessful in so far as I found that all their graves must have been opened and plundered before. I did not find one of these graves intact. Even where a hole was full of earth and therefore promised to contain an intact grave at its bottom, I always discovered finally that the grave had nevertheless been plundered, either through a side entrance made from the bottom of a neighboring grave, or from above, in which latter case the chamber-like hole had been refilled. But I observed that one or another small article had been left in the graves by the plunderers-even a small vessel of silver. I then 12 ''Epigonal.'" Uhle: Explorations at Chincha decided at least to verify the age of these graves and to get all possible evidences of the period represented by them, by surveying them and mustering the scattering contents still left in one or the other of them. In this way I got a small but representative collection of the period of these graves, with the surprising outcome that the age of these graves proved to have nothing to do with the age of the original huaca into which the graves had been sunk. The contents of these graves belonged to the last pre-Inca period of Chincha as found in all other parts of the valley. Without exception no similarity or relationship existed with the scattered superficial finds mentioned. The two series belonged to two quite different periods. The few rem- nants found on or near the surface of the Huaca de Alvarado belong to a much older period than those found at the bottom, in which, in fact, traces of Incaic influences occurred here and there. This extra- ordinary fact can be explained only in this way: The huaca was old. Remains of its oldest period were preserved superficially, because in the oldest time it formed a solid mass, upon which contemporaneous remains could only be deposited superficially. Then the ancient building decayed. In the course of time it became a shapeless hill-like mass. Dry places fit for deposition of the dead being rare in the environs, people of a much later time conceived the idea of profiting by this hill-like elevation as a cemetery. It is to this use made of it that we owe the remains of the last pre-Spanish periods found from 4 to 7 m. in the bowels of the huaca. But if this is so, does it not serve as an exceptionally good proof of the high antiquity attained by Peruvian civilization at the time of the Spanish conquest? The people of the last pre-Inca period undoubtedly would not have made use of this huaca as a cemetery unless all memory of what it had anteriorly been had decayed com- pletely, if, in fact, it did not already appear to them to be a hill, though perhaps one made by human hands, as it appears now. I cannot calculate the number of centuries which must have passed to transform a building into the shapeless hill it must have appeared to be when the late pre-Inca people began to make their inter- ments there. But I should mention that hliacas of apparently late pre-Inca origin are not yet, after about 500 years, in such condition of destruction as to let it appear probable that if Indians could see them in their present condition they might be willing to use them as ground for a cemetery. If this is correct, I do not hesitate to attribute to this huaca a greater age than 500 years before the 1924] 8a 86 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 entrance of the Incas into the valley, around 1400 A.D.; and I should not be surprised if some day we shall be.able to state positively that the huaca originated 1000 years before the historical event, that is, in t.he period around 500 A.D. I should be the less surprised because I was always impressed by the way in which traces on the surface of the cemeteries of the period of the above-mentioned vessels of Ocucaje'3 have been obliterated by the centuries so that it requires particular care, or rather luck, to discover them. This is quite con- trary to the remains of the last pre-Inca epoch; innumerable evidences of which in the shape of painted potsherds are strewn (to speak with some hyperbole) over nearly all the soil of the valley of Ica. We are therefore probably not wrong in comparing those periods whose super- ficial signs have been so well obliterated, with the prehistoric periods of Europe; in which case we should have a great many centuries previous to 500 A.D. at our disposition in which to place the remains from the oldest periods of Peruvian civilization yet known. HUACA DE SANTA ROSA There exists in Chincha valley another huaca that bears in every respect the same features as that named after Alvarado. This is the Huaca de Santa Rosa, about 5 km. to the south. It lies at the southern edge of the dry bed of the Chincha river, and was probably erected at a time when the river still carried water and was not yet absorbed as now by irrigation. This time must have been far from the present, since it is reasonable to suppose that in the first periods of agriculture on the coast much less ground was taken under culti- vation, the area growing with the centuries. It is even reasonable to believe that the huaca dates from the first civilization of which there is record in the valley, since its essential similarity with the Huaca de Alvarado goes far to prove this. The Huaca de Santa Rosa is shape- less, hill-like, made of lumps of adobe, covered with boulders like the other, and pitted also with chamber-like holes for interments made centuries later. The only difference observed consists in the Huaca de Santa Rosa being, especially in height, decidedly larger than the Huaca de Alvarado. I might easily be disposed to attribute to it a height of 40 meters. 13 Proto-Nazea period. 1Uhle: Explorations at Chincha CEMETERIES IN THE NORTHERN PART OF THE VALLEY I extended excavation in the valley along the southern and western borders of the. elevated plain or low table-land on which Sunampe and Chincha Alta lie. Some of these excavations were made, as I have said, at the western foot of the huaca, La Cumbe.'4 Others were made at various spots east of the railroad along the southern border of the table-land ;15 still others at its western edge a little to the north of the spot marked on the map (pl. 1) as "El Socorro. 2' ' These borders of the table-land offered specially good conditions for inter- ments and the preservation of bodies. For they are dry, the water used in irrigation about Sunampe and Chincha Alta filtering to the lower plain through the sand behind the bordering slopes, though springing forth again in front of them and there forming pools. As I have said before, these borders of the table-land or higher level of the valley are cut by several ravines, originally formed by water draining from the higher plain. All these borders, both along the slopes and above them, were utilized for graves, and it may be said that the whole border strip from north of El Socorro to the south- western corner of the table-land near La Cumbe and from there easterly to be.yond the modern village of Sunampe, anciently formed only one cemetery nearly 9 km. long, with but few interruptions. Of course, these borders were not set densely with graves. Graves as close as is usual in grave-fields are met with only at certain points, perhaps three or four in number, where conditions of the soil permit; and these three or four grave-fields cover a considerable tract of the plain above the slope. But in almost all parts one may expect some, graves, and there is scarcely a stretch of 20 meters wholly free of them. Considering that even the borders of the ravines are dotted with graves, some of them densely, one obtains an idea of the great number of burials made. They are to be found at all heights in the precipitous slopes. Some can be reached from the ground below, others are at middle height, still others immediately below the upper edge and possible to reach only with ropes, as if they were nests made by birds on the precipices. As these precipices attain a height of 20 or more meters, the study of these graves is difficult and sometimes dangerous. Nevertheless, many of them have been plundered; prob- ably in the older Spanish period, since there remain no signs or tra- 14 Site B. 15 Site C, also E and B. 16 Site A. 1924] 87 88 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 ditions of modern excavations. While such rifling has occurred in all parts of the 9 kilometers of the grave-field, enough material re- mained to make possible the incorporation in my collection of the contents of many interments found intact,'7 and still leave innumer- able graves to serve collections that may be made in the future. The civilization met with in these graves'8 is generally the samte in all parts of the 9 kilometers of grave-field, as my collection amply proves. It is a civilization typical of the coast, not particularly high in development, but good. Many objects of clay were found, mostly associated in numbers, also objects of bone and of thin silver plate; fragments of solid copper implements were scarce, and textiles even more so. On the one hand, this civilization may be compared with the manufactures of the last period of the coast style as it presents itself in the valleys of Lurin and Lima and in the civilization of the Chimus vanquished by the Incas. On the other hand, one becomes aware of occasional slight Inca influences, so that it becomes difficult to distinguish in every case whether an object was made before or after the Inca conquest of the valley.19 But with rare exceptions all objects found in these graves are different from those from the middle part of Peru, suLch as the valleys of Lurin and Lima. It seems to me to be quite intelligible that in the graves opened east of the rail- road Inca influences are the more pronounced, since in front of these cemeteries there were large Inca settlements, or at least settlements into which many Incaic elements had entered. On the corner verging toward the Huaca La Centinela east of the entrance of the railroad into the ravine leading up to the table-land,20 I opened a number of graves showing particular traces of Inca influences or even objects of pure Inca manufacture. This spot appears in plate 10, in which the diggers as well as spectators mark the place of the excavations. At this spot I found a little gold (a bracelet), and horizontally laid mummies, which seemed to me proof that these graves date partly from the first Spanish occupation and partly from the last pre- Spanish period of the Inca epoch. My later studies in the valley of Ica prove that the last pre-Inca civilization of Ica and of Chincha were nearly identical. Besides mentioning the similarity of many of the vessels to those from Ica, I may call attention to heavy sword- like implements,2' since similar objects have not yet been found by 17 All the artifacts from sites A, C, E, F; and from B, previously discussed. 18 LCa I of the preceding paper. 19 LCa II, ibid. 20 Site E. 21 Fig. 16a-f, 1, of the preceding paper. 9Uhle: Explorations at Chincha me in any part of Peru other than these two valleys. Of course, the intermediate valley of Pisco must have possessed the same type. I was struck especially by the shape of the graves in the borders of the Chincha table-land, which are completely different from those in the valleys of Lurin and Lima and farther north. The principal difference consisted in the cave-like character of the Chincha graves. Most though not all of the graves formed cave-like holes, which took four principal types, as shown in figure 28. The graves of the Huaca de Alvarado were of the fourth type, but presented several minor variants shown in the same figure. Other graves possessed several caves, as shown in figure 28. 5ZC7n V Or 2- 7ea / it.'.I t I It I 2/ I I'l' ;VF~ 2 t _~L4Nr O rI 7- YACA-I w- 31,,-- Fig. 28.-Grave types, site C. I I $1Z,A4t- ''" ''7E,x-D,C,,V ,r - - 1924] 89 90 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 Graves of the first type were repeatedly provided with valuable objects of silver; skulls were not numerous in them. Graves of the second type generally contained innumerable mixed bones of skeletons: 10, 20, and 30 more or less well preserved skulls in a single half-globular grave were common. Undoubtedly, these graves had been used as family cemeteries. Artifacts were scarce in these graves. Objects of silver, such as ear plugs, were several times mixed with bones; pottery vessels were mostly in comparatively small quantities and generally not especially fine in quality. Graves of the third type generally made much trouble to enter and clear below. Two or three of them were met with, and, curiously, absolutely nothing was found in any of them. The above-mentioned three types are those presented by most of the graves in the border strip of the Sunampe table-land. South of Chincha Alta there are some rocky hills, in the upper plain of which many graves, more or less of the first type, had been made. The time of their construction was the same as that of the graves at the edge of the Sunampe table-land, as I am able to state on the basis of fragments of textiles I found in some that had been previously excavated. Many of them seemed to have been thus opened. I made no excavations of my own here. The fourth type I found especially in the large cemetery west of the Huaca la Cumbe.22 As the evidences of civilization in them were not different from those in the graves of the other three types, it seems that local conditions were the circumstances deciding which of the several types was used. In every case cave-like holes excavated horizontally were an essential feature of the graves of this period. The same is to be said of the graves of the Huaca de Alvarado. With the entrance of Inca civilization, the type changed, and we find graves of the Inca period excavated cylindrically 3 to 4 meters deep and the bodies set around the walls at the bottom. Horizontally stretched mummies may have belonged only to the beginning of the Christian period, and I do not hesitate to ascribe to the Christian time even a stretched female mummy whose white clothes seem to indicate it to have been that of a sacred woman of the Sun. 22 Type 4 has already been mentioned as found at IHuaca de Alvarado, site D. Uhle: Explorations at Chincha PETROGLYPHS NEAR HUANCOR23 Ten leagues inland from Tambo de Mora there are petroglyphls in the valley of Chincha river between Huancor and Santa Rosa near Yauri-tambo, which last name means "copper harbor" in Quechua. A hill slopes from the right, about 160 m. to the southeast, down to the river bed. The bed has an elevation of perhaps 270 m. above sea level, and a road runs some 10 m. higher. Blocks of rock lie at the foot of the slope. There is an old copper mine about 90 m. above the road, and traces of coal 30 m. higher. As the copper has been worked in Spanish times, traces of the ancient Indian mining are obliterated, but there can be little doubt that the petroglyphs found over an area of 60 m. in width and some 50 m. directly below the mine had reference to the latter. The petroglyphs, which occur on various faces of the scattered blocks, measure from about 20 cm. to 130 cm. in height. Some of the finest are among the smallest. The drawing of these petroglyphs is, of course, not fine. They are lighter in color than the rock surface, pecked or gouged into shallow hollows, and nowhere deeper than 2 mm. Some seem to have been refreshed by scraping over. Some are possibly of recent origin, but the majority of the 200 figures must be pre-Spanish (pl. 22). The following are some of the more notable figures: A mythical, feathered, worm-like animal,24 curved like certain monkey patterns on pottery,25 though this figure is probably not a monkey. The body bears a tail, a crowned human head, apparently with lip plug, and human arms and legs. It holds an instrument or weapon, and a smaller fish-like figure is attached to the body. The whole is about 25 cm. high. I believe the period of this figure to be old, certainly older than Incaic. An instrument, curved like a tobacco pipe, in two of the figures may represent a large trumpet. One figure holds two instruments or scepters. I have the impres- sion that the one in the right hand is a spear-thrower, the other a dart. A barbarous deity holds in its left hand the hair of a small figure or human head. The square head of this figure is characteristic of the older periods of Peruvian civilization. 23 The following two sections are from a report dated at Ocueaje, February 26, 1901. 24 Probably the *mali figure in middle foreground of upper view, pl. 22. 25 Middle Ica style. 1924] 91 92 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 Other petroglyphs show the sun, a snake, an owl, a curious quad- ruped, and a falling man.26 These petroglyphs seem to have originated with reference to the copper mine at the spot, since there are none anywhere else in the vicinity. That the name Yauri-tamnbo is Quechua, does not preclude the mine having been worked in pre-Inca times; in fact, none of the petroglyphs impress me as Incaic in style, while many of them seem typical of older periods. TRES CRUCES AT PARACAS Many travelers going by steamer from Mollendo to, Pisco have observed a large landmark visible 10 miles out to sea. This land- mark, which seems never to have been examined by a serious student, lies 150 m. from the shore on the northern slope of the mountainous peninsula of Paracas, some 8 or 10 miles south of the port of Pisco, whose valley is separated from that of Chincha by a strip of desert only 5 km. wide. It can be reached on land only by a trip of 20 miles, without pasture or water, but I visited the site by boat from the fish- ing village of San Andres. The monument is about 128 m. long and 74 m. wide. Excavated in trenches on the slope, it represents a tree-like stem with branches, leaves, and flowers, and appears quite unique (pl. 23). The slope is a natural one of about 420, with a small depression in the middle. At the foot of the slope there is a small plain about 80 m. wide, beyond which the peninsula falls sheer to the sea about 60 m. farther out. On account of the slope, the monument is difficult to see as a whole. I measured it with a tape and drafted it.27 The rock of the peninsula consists largely of red porphyry, cov- ered by a layer of wind-driven yellow sand about 12 cm. thick. I thought at first that the monument had been excavated in the porphy- ritic rock, but soon became aware of another layer, 15 to 40 cm. thick, of a kind of stony salt such as can be met with in many parts of the Peruvian coast between bedrock and surface sand. It is in this salt that the figure was excavated to a depth of from 10 to 30 cm. The figure therefore varies in depth between 20 and 60 cm. Sand and pieces of the salt crust are heaped up along the borders. As the 26 The figure appearing most frequently in plate 22, human, with left arm raised over the head, is not mentioned by Dr. Uhle. 27 This plot is also not on file at the University. 1Uhle: Explorations at Chincha drift sand has been from time to time removed for reasons mentioned below, the monument has never become wholly leveled with the sur- rounding surface. The planners evidently intended to make the figure visible from afar, therefore excavated its parts to a width of 1.6 m. at the mini- mum, often surpassing 2.5 and 3 m., and occasionally attaining 4.5 m. That this great "engraving" was much higher than wide served to correct the faults of perspective due to its being excavated on an incline. The figure represents a plant and not "three crosses" as inter- preted by the people and clergy of the region, who say that they do not know when the figure was made, but that it must have orig- inated in the older Spanish period. There is also a tradition that an old nun had made these "crosses '-a work 128 by 74 m. in size! Almost every year on May 3, the festival of the "Cross," people sail from Pisco to Paracas peninsula to clean the "three crosses" from the sand drifted in during the year. In October of 1898, three Franciscans performed ceremonies there with processions and candles. This ancient heathen figure has been adopted in full conviction of its Catholic origin. Three-branched trees are frequently encountered in old Peruvian work, especially on textiles. A three-branched thistle-like plant, with three thistle-like heads, is a common ornament on woolen tapestry borders forming the frame or skeleton of light, cotton, gauze-like ponchos. In my collection from Pachacamac, now at Philadelphia, there is a square tapestry, the only ornaments of which are several rows of trees with leaves on each of the branches. There is accord- ingly no doubt of the ancient, or at any rate pre-Inca, origin of this monument. As regards purpose, the monument might have been the sign of the frontier of a political dTominion or of a religious system; or a talisman of a sea deity; or a landmark for mariners. I incline to interpret it as having symbolical purpose. A piece of tapestry in the collection from Pachacamac represents a tree with deities on each side and blessings of fruit-like objects falling into the hands of kneel- ing chiefs belowr; the stem of the tree is marked with crosses, which possessed religious significance in ancient Peru. The tree figure may thus often have denoted blessings expected from a divinity. In all the region of Pisco and lea certain violent winds from the south or southwest are called "Paracas. " In the region of Ica, thev 1924] 93 94 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 21 darken the atmosphere with dense clouds of dirt. At Pisco the Paracas wind arrives from the peninsula of Paracas. Para in Quechua signifies rain. It is sometimes said the the Paracas wind brings rain. It seems not impossible that Paracas peninsula may have received its name from the rain-bringing wind, instead of the opposite, and that this may have some connection with the origin and meaning of the monument. Fr IC,~ . . . . . . . . . .4. .<.7.- co Cf . . . . .. . .. . . ~~~ ~ . . . ... .... z... .~~~~~~~.\ c\J LL] w F- IL z 0 H (I) (f) LLI m LLJ - C\j I 0 z I LI, I 0 -J m D a- LL. - z D E-4 w E-- o :s ? 0 z H4 z4 c z - -n -u c C r- F LU m I I z 0 - LU 0 m co m LT :ID 0 z C) -U F- m CO z It1 4 C z C-- z VH Q FZ 3-- Z C z - -U1 c D D I co - C) 0 p- m F (I) z N) D- 4 P1 4 Q n pl IV H :t- 3 W w ~- w 0 ti H 0 z V, FH tv C 1-3~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~' ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-4~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~- C~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C CI UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 21 IITACA DE T AMIIO DE MORA FROM THE NORTII [KROEBER-STRONG] PLATE 6 [KROEBER-STRONG] PLATE 7 UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM, ARCH. & ETHN, VOL. 21 HUACA DE TAMBO DE MORA FROM THE SOUTH -j 0~ IL z 0 In 0: CIA Li 0 z I I -J m 0~ L -i 0 z 3) 03) w -J 0~ z 0 H (n d: m 0 c'J V r- C\M 0 z I Id I 0 -J m 0) LL -z C) -) Q 0 3 0 z 0 r H r 0 :t4 Q z H t7l z H 0 r r z 0 3 H 0 H Q Q H H C z r -n c co r- -U D rm 0 F- PO m T W z 0 r- N- 0 W L -J z 0 I: U) LLI m LLI 0 Ia I H 0 1: - 043 Li m CL -J L: -i z UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 21 :( b (1 f. e JARS, LATE CHINCHA I PERIOD [KROEBER-STRONG] PLATE 12 UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 21 b c d YARN BOWLS AND JARS, LATE CHINCHA II PERIOD [KROEBER-STRONG] PLATE 13 e UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 21 POTTERY FIGURINES AND CALABASH FRAGMENT [KROEBER-STRONG] PLATE 14 UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 21 SHELL BEADS AND PENDANTS, INCA PERIOD [KROEBER-STRONG] PLATE 16 UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 21 I I A I SPINDLES AND WHORLS, LATE CHINCHA I PERIOD I i: : :: [KROEBER-STRONG] PLATE 16 UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 21 SPINDLES AND WHORLS, LATE CHINCHA II AND INCA PERIODS I I [KROEBER-STRONG] PLATE 17 UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 21 If I I I V SPINDLES OF ALL THREE PERIODS I rKROEBER-STRONG] PLATE 18 0) bLJ L * * *~~J- A - 6 * - .l . . .~1111 . .a .Sn * * 't st,r,.Fw X . . . . . . . . . . . . . I . T t i 6 r# r R 1\1'>2 -\ \ A. -A- -A-, .41111. H 1 -J-~~~~~~ -A -L./r -s -L. -A. -L .6A. J -A-B dA. -L.eo -&f -4- A- A- A- A. A. -L Acflz-L -A- ~ ~ ~ s0 ,x6 - A-L L L L f - - --A -A- ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ o S,o -A- Aq -A A A- A-~ ~~~~~~ ~ ~ ~ ~ -A- An-7 0 r-s MAP OF MAJOR RUINS IN THE VICINITY OF TAMBO DE MORA -1 t&: t~IVER8ITY O:P CALIZl ORNIA PUBLIOATIQ1 -( tim-1i*i) 8.Por, no Thdai Bakety y~ .Bret p 136-s066, plates, 16-30k' 231' 4. Shellmounfdsobf. the San FiAn'cisco Baty Region,, by C.,". Nelson. !p.'3- 5. TheElliSLandiu Shelmomud by l~ C. Nlson.Pp. 35726 plts8-5. Indq*, Ppp -427443. VoL 8. 1~~~ A Wsslo Record Of the Ct4liforflia Iindlans, from a 3a4icrptSk th~ Bpnerdt Libary',by,. A.- l. roeber. IpV 1-27. May, 1908-... 2. The Et4ndgraphy. of the Cahi.iill Inl.aEs,: "WA. ~..Krober. P. 2- 3. Vfli Religon,of tbi~ Lu1seo eind. D6,iege9I4asb SubernClioi, by,C~sae odr uo~ p 69-1$6 Imaes, 154.une, 1908.....12 4.-The Cuituto. ofthe Zulstondas ibyPili BtednlaihpSrka.P.17 234, patei2O AugUsk 1~06 . ...... 5.~tosnShsona D1aoectps of 0ou4ir* Clfornih b .~.Ke~r Pp. 235-269. Septem:ro 99......*,..., .. ..... 3 6. The ~.eligous Pritce fte, Dieguel4o'Idas by,T .Wt~a.?. 271-358, plaste 291-28. Ma,rch,I 19-.-.-----.- .... .80 Inudex 1po. 359,369. Vol. 9.' 1. an Texts, by. dwar Sar togther,,withx V',a.Mths c'ollected b olntB. Pixon P.1-235., Febj1ry 1010 .......-...... 2.50 2, The' Chumuash ' and costanQI L-anigkages byA. I Eroeber P-Pi. 2837-471 nov ----110-.......---.------3- 8 The Laigag6 f the Coapt of Oalfrni otio a racao y4 r Kroeber Pp. 27-485, ad' nip ApI 1911 . ...... . ....... . . ." Inde; pp.-437439.- Vol. 0. 1.Phoneic' Cntitents of t,h6 'Native 'Languages" of Californi1a,j. byA.L ~~roebez. Pp. 1-12. May, 1911 ........................ . .. .1 2.The POnttb Eleitients, .,f the NorthrnPalutei Lanuge T.,1.Wtr man P. 1-44, plates: 143. Xovem~ber, 1911 ............. .4 3. PRhonet Rimusof he 'm6fiave I0anguagel by . o rebfer. P~_pv4 ~45 4.The Btbntloy of th $alinan' Indasby. Aenms.-Pp9740 Plates -21437. Dqt ,--------- ,-..... Stews, b' Juan olores.Pp. 24-23. August, 19.13 .... 215 5( b;aoddarAb PpteX 258,pte331Api.11.... ..,.. ........ 0 Inde; pp. 381.805.it .41 Vo.1.1 lmepslftqKte la IdigUns,,f byoPliy Eate Godardlif1=8,pts 1-45."on Otober192 ........0 Earrlngron. Pp. 8177.80 Ap4 191, 1,i.1......... .1 3.,, QbanlaText~s by 2ln-al odad ~ 89-277, Foebrny 1915 ...1... 0 4.1-L tSmerints,ofeutlg'ateci,ado kn,db 4.K.obr Pp. 27AG,.Fb 14arZ 19115 er,....................1 5.Dcoutomos Sci Oaizaio $ti. Soih Cntra C-alldeenia:ub ~d.T*aP man Pp P9-9. 17at8h,A X196 i.....14. . .............10 byx!, I.Adz~ao.P.3042 Marc,1016 .......~.... 1.70 Index, pp. 47-479.44 2.Caiornia. Pivtatc ames~ Uokndan, Oriin byoAe. L.Eoee.Pp.0,i 31.89 June,1916 ................. ....... ......2... ..4. -. .40 35iArachOooDaets, by OrA.L. KrebIr, P.o71138 Cetin, 96..l. 4. ntWok woite,b d dWnlwGifford. Pp 3914 Jn, 96.. 5 5.DnefTttin thel Inet. o~o h oc,b onLu .Oaly ~ 9. 6. UViiibatleeIadKaasuInlpTm, lqy EdaryWnso T.lWftrd Pp 1428 ebpay 691' . .. . ......... S0 7.' Tr 3,ftidU'u'sContXbut6n'footAno the asted ofAnient MebZico,n D oia Oignesza- tl!1 b J.- A Tm W PtR,a 4 Pp.24828. ebuay,i9 . ....;3 8O,1. Mlwpp)ith,i by dad o~~ ShAm ifforb' dw p.23-3,lre6dMy 9. 0~lforla Enahip 8ys~ems A. . .r~br P.3996Ma,17.......... .60BI " Z~~. 0erOmonIiaciaoNaites'Pomo InWn, byi 5. 4.Bet.P.3744,,tx 1~~.. Poz~~'o ~ea~~ Doctors, ~~by S~~ A. Barrett. Pp.....43-465, P70 S.TAMao,Daex, ts,b46747., atee` 701. J", 1.1' .. 5 I .I - . I UNIV~~IR8ITY OF OALIFORNIA PBIA ON(ocntlnued) VOL. 1. 1. The, Position of Yana In the Hokan stok,* byE6, Sapfr. -Pp. 1-34. Juisy, 1917 ............ ..... ..... . ....-................--. i 2. The kana Inudians,l1y ~T. T. Waemn p 512 plts-1-20. ~eray S. Yahi Achery, ~by Saxton.T. -Ppop. Pp. 103-12 pltes 217. March, 1918 .75- 4.YAna Terims of Relationsi,b dar ai.P.1531473. March, 1918 .25, 5. The' ~~~~ of Ishi, b~~y Saxton T.Pope.' Pp. 17&.21'3, pae 84 8s,fig-uresin text 'Ma..12... - .----------- ----- ............ 4 6. The Fundamental 14emns fNorthrnYaa b-y Edward Sapir. Pp. 215-' 23.April 1922 ...... ............... .3 7. Functional Families of thie Patwin, by We C., Mcer p.25-258,." AVri 1922.,. . .....~.........35 8S. Zl4ments 6f Cuilturein Native Cailifornia~ by A.L. Eobr '.2938 with- 4 mapsi. November, .............. 1.00.. 9.A Study RofAws And Arrow b,Sazton~ T., ?ops. PP. 320-414 V)LAtes 45- 64.AugUst,.1923 ..............1.15 VoL 14.' 1. The LZangug ofth'e 8al64na Inin,b le ason. Pp. 1-154. Jaimary. 191~~~8 .., . ..'.......... . .~17 2,; Clans an4 OoOisI oUtbern California, by, Edwaird WnlwGod Pp. 552, 1 figulre in text. Magrch, 410 . . . ......75 3. Iltbnogeography and Archaeology -of te-WiyotTrloy yLeelnL Lsoud. Pix 221-438, plts1..1, 15' tetgue.Decempber, 18 ...... 2.50, 4. The Wintun lHegi Ceremony, ,by S. A. S"arrett. _Pp.' 43488, pates 22.23, 3figues ntet Match, 1919 . -~.r. 75 5. Te Genetic Relationship of the~ North American `Indian, Languages,0 by. Paul adin Pp. 89.6 2. Ma, 19 9 .............,.. . .. . ........... . .15 "Ind~x pp. 503-5B VOL 15 .Ia a,by R. F. Barton. E'.1-186, plates 1,33. ,Tebriury, 1919.. 800' 2.Naak Boigst by 0. R. Moss and, A. L. Eroeber- X'P, 187-206, a,11 2 8. NAbpl1 Law aAi4Ritual by0 .oss. P.207-442, plate Z~.37 Oete'ber, 1920, .-....e0k....... ................. ................. 1.75- 4. akanay 'Ceiemonies by C.3 Ms. Pp., 343--3841.Ocbe,190......6 5., Ifugao' E1contomics, b'y R ' Barton. Pp. 3854446, platea 38.45. April 1922i. 1.00 Vo*01. MtsO h So'uthe'rn SierraMiwok, by S. A. Barrett. -Pp-2.Mrh -191914.... ........... ............. .... ......... ....... .. ... .... .. .. . .3 2.Th Matrliea omlx 'by Robert H. Low1e.- PP.,, 2.5Mach,19....5 3. The L~gustic Famillies,, of.. California, by- Iolazud B. Dixon. and A. L.h Kroeer. Pp. 47.118,. map -~ uein, text. Seteber,19.......7 4Qaleid4r ofth 'Indians- North .'of M(exico, by f-Leoiila Go0 p 11-76 wIth 3 as.Nvembe6r,- 91a.............-........... . .75 5 T,"urok Geograpy,by T.T W,,AtAmsA. Pp. V 177-314', plates 1.6I tx fiue 4 map S. Mays,U,1(90. ..............2.00, 16. The, OahujMa Inin,by Lucile llooper. Pp 1.8.Arl 9(. ..75 7. TeAtbography of a Wininebiago, Indfian by`i_1~1 Radin. P.31-.3 April, 1920....................... .... .... 1.00 8.-Vunian Tribes 't~eLower Colorado,~ by A L .rober P.~- 47545. August.~ 1920, ....... .-............ .. . .5 Io.1.:1 Th0 Sourceds'std Authengtiity of- the ~Itory of. the Aclciet "Mexicans, 'by Paul RadIxi. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Pp. 1-150,1;. plts June,190 .... .7 2. allornia CuWr Pro*incel by A. ,L. ree.P.1119 as veptember, 1920 ........ .............. ----..........25 8. Winter .and SUmrDnePlsi-Zfii 98 yEseClewos Parsons. Pp. 171-216, 2 fgureR 'ft text. August~ 1922.... . ...~... .70 4., Hi4its.t oftePthIdln,aWiaDvsiou~~ by PUnyW _lArlGoddard., Pp. ~21L7-225, 3 _figures, In- text. ?ebruar,12 . .. . . 2 5.- X,%b-aloi'.Tales, by_ C.AER.3Moss Pp. 22493 Sptember 194175 6. The Stege Moudsat cmod, aliforia, by Lieelln Z LOud. Pp.~ 35.372, -plates 18, 19V Air n et etm~ 1924.3 Vol.1.1Caionn Kiniship ~Terminologie by Edward WWInso lfr.P.12 with 29 mps. -December, 922.,...........4.0 V ol. -19. 1." WpoetsF1tSre,WPuIadnPp1-4.ebruat 1M 4....175. Vol2. TePoeeApro Ha6rs Igemorlal, Vol~une.1 xvi + 380q pp -2plts 22 iue ntx.Dcme,12 ..Z..... 5.00 VoL 21., 1. The, Uhle Coll0ctioniS fo hn' by A. L. i~roee adWla uncan4 Strong. p 1-49 plates. 1-.24, 27 figur"si et 2. Exlrain atCuha, yMxThe p 5-4 lu4i text. o s. n m I n cOver.: Septem'be, 1924.,' ...... .....1... 60, Note..7-The University-of VCaIif9(rnia ~Publications~ ate, offered In exchange for the publi-, cations of learned societies'anid ins1tittionS, uni-versIUe and liUbrarie s.:i Complete liists o-0 all the pbicatlions of the Universt will,be sent- upon re `st2or sample'top1es, lists :of ulctos or ohr -Informato adrsvh-ANGRO IN J. STry 'PRIESS, ZE1 ftEL3IY, CALIORNA, . 5,A l ate eti xbag hudb addresse to6 THE M3XCI[ANGE DEPARAUM30TI, UINIV R&TY LZBI:ARY, BERRELEY, GAXLWODRNIA, U. ,S.A