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M.i-, -. q-,I),,I?-;C",?!7".q.'?..,- I? -I -,?, '?'',- 1- I - -.. ?? ??." ?- CLEAR LAKE POMO SOCIETY BY EDWARD WINSLOW GIFFORD UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Volume 18, No. 2, pp. 287-390 Issued March 19, 1926 THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA THE CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON, ENGLAND CLEAR LAKE POMO SOCIETY BY EDWARD WINSLOW GIFFORD CONTENTS PAGE Introduction ............................... 288 The village of Cigom ................................ 289 Location, and neighboring villages ................................ 289 The inhabitants of Cigom ............................... 291 Nativity of the Cigom villagers ............................... 297 Composition of the Cigom families ............................... 298 Relationships within joint houses ............................ , 304 Cigom interhouse relationships ............................ 307 Individuals other than Cigom residents ............................... - 310 Marriage ............................... 319 Postnuptial residence ............................... 321 Divorce and second marriages among Eastern and Northern Pomo .............. 324 Parent-in-law taboos ........................................................ 327 Infant mortality in Cigom ........................................................ 327 Occupations ........................................................ 327 Shamans ........................................................ 330 Berdaches ........................................................ 333 Chieftainship ........................................................ 333 Eastern Pomo chiefs ........................................................ 335 Northern Pomo chiefs ........................................................ 339 Southeastern Pomo chiefs ........................................................ 339 War chief ........................................................ 342 Chieftainship of the twenty Cigom houses ........................................................ 343 Allegiance to chiefs ........................................................ 344 Dance houses and sweat houses ........................................................ 347 Ceremonies and dances in general ........................................................ 347 Ceremonial participants ........................................................ 351 Secret society members .........................................................353 Correlation of ancient ceremonial and other activities ...................................... 360 Common dancers ........................................................ 362 Non-participants ....................................................... 366 Maru dancers ....................................................... 369 Southeastern Pomo dancers ....................... 374 Cremation ....................... 376 Money ....................... 377 Games ....................... 378 Personal names ....................... 379 Eastern Pomo transmission of names .............................. . 379 Meaning of names ............................... 379 Relationship terms .............................. 382 Biographies ....... 383 Summary ..... . 388 288 University of California Publi-cations in. Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 TABLES PAGE Table 1. The composition of the Cigom families .................................................... 300 Tab'e 2. Cigom houses connected by blood ........................................................ 308 Table 3. Marriages of Cigom natives to other villagers ........................................ 320 Table 4. Marrying individuals ........................................................ 320 Table 5. Cases of patrilocal residence immediately after marriage .................. 322 Table 6. Cases of matrilocal residence immediately after marriage ................ 322 Table 7. Residence after marriage, by linguistic groups ...................................... 323 Table 8. Residence after marriage, by villages ........................................................ 323 Table 9. Second marriages of men ........................................................ 325 Table 10. Second marriages of women ........................................................ 326 Table 11. Eastern and Northern Pomo shamans ...................................................... 331 Table 12. Matrilineal and patrilineal chieftainship ties .......................................... 344 Table 13. Percentages of matrilineal and patrilineal chieftainship ties .............. 344 Table 14. Individual chieftainship ties ..................................... 345 Table 15. Ceremonial activities of physically-fit Cigom residents before 1870.. 352 Table 16. Functions of secret society members as recorded by E. M. Loeb.... 355 Table 17. Relatives of secret society members ..................................... 356 Table 18. Matutsi relatives of matutsi ..................................... 357 Table 19. 'Common dance' relatives of matutsi ..................................... 358 Table 20. Non-participating relatives of matutsi ...................................................... 359 Table 21. Frequency of non-secret society activities among men ........................ 360 Table 22. Non-matutsi activities of 47 male matutsi .............................................. 361 Table 23. Activities of 15 physically-fit male common dancers who were not matutsi ............................................................... 361 Table 24. Activities of 30 physically-fit men who were neither matutsi nor common dancers .............................................................. 362 Table 25. Officials and dancers of common dances .................................................... 364 Table 26. Cigom secret-society and common-dance non-participants .................. 366 Table 27. Secret-society and common-dance non-participants not resident in Cigom .............................................................. 368 Table 28. Participation in maru, secret society, and common dances ................ 369 Table 29. Maru dancers and officials .............................................................. 370 Table 30. Maru non-participants .............................................................. 372 Table 31. Individual ceremonial activities of Southeastern Pomo men .............. 375 Table 32. Individual ceremonial activities of Southeastern Pomo women ........ 376 INTRODUCTION A census of the Eastern Pomo village of Cigom, located on the eastern shore of Clear lake, Lake county, California, was obtained in May and June, 1919, from a former resident of that village, Jim Pump- kin (individual 113), now residing at Danobidau, a Pomo village two or three miles south of the American town of Upper Lake. The in- formant was born in Cigom and was five or six years old at the time of the Bloody Island massacre in 1850. The population of Cigom, as enumerated by the. informant, totaled 235 individuals. As A. L. Kroeber, the most eminent authority on 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 289 aboriginal Californians, places the average population of Californian villages at one hundred souls, it is apparent that Cigom was a town of unusual size. Of the Cigom adults, there were recorded 106 males and 104 females. Considerable information concerning other Eastern Pomo, and also Northern and Southeastern Pomo, communities was obtained. In fact, a few days were spent at Sulphur Bank, the present seat,of the South- eastern Pomo, in interviewing an old shaman named Wokox or Tom (469), a man about ten years older than Jim Pumpkin.' Some data concerning the Hill Patwin of Long valley were obtained incidentally from the Eastern Pomo informant. THE VILLAGE OF CIGOM LOCATION, AND NEIGHBORING VILLAGES The Eastern Pomo village of Cigom was located near Morrison's landing on the eastern shore of Clear lake. The village site is a tract of level land, a deep bay in the abrupt hills that front the lake shore. The site is studded with magnificent oaks, which furnished the staple acorn diet of the villagers. Dwellings were not built beneath the oaks for fear of the great limbs breaking off. There was no spring at this site, so the informant said; the natives depended upon the waters of Clear lake for their supply, which they obtained by digging holes along the shore and allowing the water to filter into them. Cigom could be visited as readily by boat as overland and most visitors from the western and southern shores of the lake came by water. Travel between the Southeastern Pomo villages and Cigom was invariably by balsa, as bears were said to be abundant and troublesome in the hilly country south of Cigom. Two Southeastern Pomo informants were residing temporarily with Eastern Pomo in 1850; Wokox (469), my principal informant, had been brought home to Elem by his father just before the Bloody Island massacre by troops in 1850; Saiis (507), of Kamdot, another informant, was about twenty years old when the massacre took place. He was visiting with Indians who were cut off on Bloody Island and escaped death only by hiding in the tules. These two examples show that there must have been considerable intercourse between the Eastern and Southeastern Pomo. The informant Wokox was at pains to point out, however, that people did not travel in the old days such distances as they do today. 1 For an account of land holdings see E. W. Gifford, Pomo Lands on Clear Lake, present series, xx, 75-92, 1923. 290 Untiversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 The lands of the village of Cigom extended eastward to the top of the mountain ridge beyond which lay the territory of the Hill Patwin of Nauwagina village in Long valley, southward to the lands of the Southeastern Pomo village of Kamdot, and northward to the lands of the Eastern Pomo village of Danoxa. The location2 of the village and the extent of its lands3 are shown in three published maps.4 The name.Cigom was said to mean "Standing Blanket" (ci, blanket; gom, standing), and was assigned by Marumda, the creator, whom the informant equated to Coyote.5 The inhabitants of Cigom were not designated by any term comparable to KuLanapo (Water-lily people) or Kabenapo (Rock people), as are the Eastern Pomo on the western shore of Clear lake. Cigom was abandoned in 1871 on account of American encroach- ment. This was at the time when the first Ghost Dance movement was at its height. Twenty-five per cent of the residents of Cigom hailed from neigh- boring villages, most of which are shown on Barrett's map, cited above. These villages are as follows: 1. Eastern Pomo village of Danoxa. 2. Eastern Pomo village of Xowalek. 3. Eastern Pomo village of Bohanapwena, called Sedileu on the map. In- habitants called KuLanapo by the informant (cf. Bairrett, p. 192). In his Hand- book of the Indians of California, Kroeber say? that the main town of the KuLanapo was Kacibadon at Lakeport.6 The placing of the KuLanapo at Sedileu by my informant indicates therefore a considerable shift to the southeast, doubtless brought about by American invasion. It should be borne in mind that in 1850 my informant was but 5 or 6 years old. In his time Kacibadon was a fishing camp for the village of Yima, and no one lived there permanently. He said, however, that it was a place where the Yima and Big Valley (Bohanapwena and Kabenapwena) people assembled for feasting. 4. Eastern Pomo village of Kabenapwena, called Bidamiwina on the map. Inhabitants called Kabenapo by the informant (cf. Barrett, p. 192). 5. Northern Pomo village of Yima, on Scott's creek, near La'keport. Not identified with any of the names on Barrett's map, but name doubtless derived from Yimabidame, the name given to the portion of Scott's creek from Blue lakes to the vicinity of Lakeport (cf. Barrett, fn. 156). 6. Northern Pomo village of Kayau, at Witter spring in Bachelor valley (cf. Barrett, fn. 115). Kayau is the Eastern Pomo name; the Northern Pomo called the village Homtcati or Cnaltcati. 2 S. A. Barrett, The ethno-geography of the Pomo and neighboring Indians, present series, vi, map 1, 1908. 3 E. W. Gifford, Pomo lands on Clear lake, present series, xx, 79, 1923. 4 A. L. Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California, B. A. E. Bull. 78, plate 36, 1925. 5 Of interest as to how myths are orally transmitted is the informant's volun- teered statement that he told his small grandsons stories about Marumda when they slept with him. 6 A. L. Kroeber, op. cit., p. 229. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 291 7. Northern Pomo village of Pomo. 8. Northern Pomo village of Bakohana, called Canel on the map. 9. Southeastern Pomo village of Elem, known in Eastern Pomo as Xauku- maiina. Sometimes on Rattlesnake island, sometimes on the adjacent mainland where it now is and where the principal Eastern Pomo informant (113) reports it in 1860. If I understood the informant Wokox (469) correctly the people of Elem speak of themselves as Elemfo. 10. Southeastern Pomo village of Kamdot, known in Eastern Pomo as Limak- maiina, situated on Buckingham island. None of the inhabitants of Cigom seem to have been natives of the third Southeastern Pomo village of Koi (in Eastern Pomo Kaubakulaiina) situated on Lower Lake island. 11. Central Pomo village of Yokaia. 12. Central Pomo village of Cogowaiina, near Hopland. Not identified with any of the names on Barrett's map. 13. Southern Pomo (?) village of Misauwilaiina, near Healdsburg. Not identified with any of the names on Barrett's map, but suggesting the name Mi-sal-la Ma-gun, that of a ;outhern Pomo group on the Russian river below Cloverdale.7 0 14. Hill Patwin village of Lolcel, called by the Eastern P1omo Nauwagina, in Long valley. Not shown on Barrett's map. Barrett8 gives 161-sel as name of the Long Valley Patwin. The village cited by the Eastern Pomo informant was said to be distant nine miles from Cigom, four miles up the western slope of the inter- vening mountain range and five miles down the eastern slope. The Eastern Pomo informant knew of no one living in his time at the following sites, which are shown on Barrett's map: Kacibadon, Cabegok, Boomli, Katotnapoti, Xadabutun, Xalitbem, Taawina, Badon- napoti, Yobutui. THE INHABITANTS OF CIGOM All but two of the twenty houses of Cigom were occupied by two or more families. The number of entrances and the number of fires in each house corresponded to the number of families.9 In locating each family in each joint house the informant designated the corresponding entrances as lbeing either at the north, south, east, or west side of the house. The family fire was close by the entrance. The orientation of entrances was probably not so exact as the informant's terminology would indicate. At Halika, a subsidiary settlement of Cigom, there were but two houses, which were occupied only in the winter. The occupants were the families of Makac (62) and Palatik (93). S. A. Barrett, op. cit., p. 214, fn. 8 Op. cit., p. 291. 9 The majority of the houses of the Southeastern Pomo, also, were occupied by more than one family. Saiis (507) of Kamdot lived in a four-fire house in his youth. Masi (503) of Kamdot, a very old chief, lived in a single-fire house. The three brothers 467, 456, and 447 of Elem lived with their families in a three-fire house, and sometimes their sister (8) who resided at Cigom, sojourned for a period with them. 292 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 For a full description of Pomo houses the reader should consult Dr. S. A. Barrett's paper on "Pomo Buildings."'0 A list of house occupants follows. Each individual's name is accom- panied by an indication of sex, the name of his native village, and the kinship tie that bound him to his housemates. House I, North. 1. Pateli, Cigom, younger brother of 12 and 14, mother's brother of 7. 2. Pateli's wife, Cigom. 3. Halada, their daughter. 4. Waililu, Yima, her husband. 5. Old man. 6. Old woman. House I, South. 7. Leutiri, son of 11 and 12, sister's son of 1 and 14. 8. Kasebi, Elem, wife of Leutiri. 9. Their daughter, who died young. 10. Their son, who died young. 11. Lahara, Yima, husband of 12, father of 7. 12. Datsilo, Cigom, wife of 11, mother of 7. 13. Patelu c, Cigom, lived with 7 later, marrying 12, 7's mother, after 1l's death. House I, East. 14. Kodoloye, Cigom, older brother of 1 and 12, mother's brother of 7. 15. Kodoloye's wife, Cigom, unrelated to l's wife. 16. Dacabi, their daughter. 17. Gatsigini, Kabenapwena, her husband. 18. Their infant, who died young. House I, West. 19. Hawac, daughter of 12 and 13, maternal half sister of 7. 20. Batli, Misauwilaiina, her husband. 21. Their infant, who died young. House II, North. 22. Xoskondo, Cigom, paternal half brother of 27. 23. His wife, Cigom. 24. Laltodok, their daughter. 25. Bida, Cigom, father of 22 and 27. 26. Mother of Xoskondo, Cigom. House II, South. 27. Sipahale, Cigom, paternal half brother of 22. 28. His wife, Kamdot. 29. Biluibibuk, their daughter, who lived most of the time in Kamdot. 30. Tada, Kabenapwena, her first husband. 31. Malamus, Kamdot, her second husband. 32. Sipahale, son of 29 and 31. House II, East. 33. Kalta, Cigom, mother's father of 27 and half brother of 40. 34. His wife, Cigom. 35. Keso, their son. 36. Kowi, their son. 37. Their daughter. - 38. Takabai, Cigom, mother's father of 33. 39. Hawalibu, Cigom, son of 38 and mother's brother of 33. House II, West. 40. Kawainul, , Cigom, "mother's father" of 27, half brother of 33. 41. Pitcuntcun, Cigom, wife of 40. 42. Autu, Cigom, father of 40. 40's mother was dead. House III, North. 43. Lili, Cigom, mother's brother of 48 and brother of 45. 44. Old woman. House III, South. 45. Xadasada, Cigom, brother of 43 and mother's brother of 48. 46. His wife, Cigom. 47. Old man, Cigom. House III, West. 48. Xalax, o, Cigom. 49. Hebigorl, his wife, Cigom. 50. Lili, their son. 51. Kaltarum, their daughter. House IV, North. 52. Kaidak, ci, Cigom, a relative of 62's. 53. His wife, Bakohana. 54. Malal, Danoxa, father of 52. 55. Utsdak, Cigom, mother of 52 and sister of 56 and 67. Later lived in house 13, with 158, her daughter's son. House IV, South. 56. Gilaa, , Cigom, maternal parallel cousin of 62, brother of 55 and 67. 57. Halpitau, Kabenapwena, his first wife. 58. Kapoi, Yima, his second wife. 59. Bicok, Cigom, father of 55, 56, 67. 60. Bipot, Cigom, mother of 55, 56, 67; mother's sister of 62; sister of 71. 61. Child of 56 and 58, died young. House IV, East. 62. Makac, e, Cigom. 63. His wife, Cigom. 64. Biluibibuk, their daughter. 65. Hugila, e, Cigom, probably 62's uncle. 66. His wife, Cigom. 10 Holmes Anniversary Volume, Washington, 1916. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pono Society 293 House IV, West. 67. Leuma, Cigom, mother's brother of 52, brother of 55 and 56. 68. His wife. 69. Their daughter. 70. Their daughter. 68, 69, 70 died while informant was young. 71. Salki, e, Cigom, mother's brother of 55, 56, 67; brother of 60. 72. His wife, Cigom. House V, North. 73. Poni, ci, Cigom, of Wintun paternity; sister's son of 77. 74. Xalnuwum, Cigom, his mother, sister of 77. 75. His second wife, Nauwagina. 76. Cuidum, their daughter. House V, West. 77. Hailiyehem, Cigom, mother's brother of 73. 78. Tcidam, his wife, Cigom. 79. Tamu, Cigom, old man, relative of 77's. 80. His wife, old woman, Nauwagina. House VI, North. 81. Hako, a, Cigom. 82. Wikamda, Nauwagina, his wife. 83. Hetauwil, their son. 84. Tcohop, Cigom, father of 81. House VI, South. 85. Peheteye, Cigom, mother's brother of 81. 86. Wilkuhum, his daughter. 87. Giwili, Yima, her husband. 88. Pidapilatada, Cigom, sister of 85. House VII, North. 89. Tanis, c, Cigom, older brother of 95. 90. His wife, Elem. 91. Their daughter, who resided chiefly at Elem. 92. 89's mother, Cigom. House VII, South. 93. Palatik, a, Cigom, mother's father of 89. 94. Haisidak, Bohanapwena, father of 93. House VII, West. 95. Mekolk, c, Cigom, younger brother of 89. 96. His wife, Nauwagina. 97. Codi, their son. 98. Micene, their daughter. 99. Lamo, , Cigom, probably paternal half brother of 95. House VIII. 100. Koto, a, Cigom. 101. His wife, Cigom. House IX, North. 102. Coli, a, Cigom, older brother of 107, half brother of 109. 103. His wife, Cigom. 104. Their son. 105. Their son. 106. Their daughter. 104, 105, 106, were dead in informant'c time. 107. Patup, Cigom, younger brother of 102. 108. His wife, Cigom. 109. Cingiti, Cigom, mother's father of informant (113), half brother of 102, paternal half brother of 123. 110. Letali, his wife, Cigom, mother's mother of informant. 111. Cimada, their daughter, mother of informant. 112. Heilibu, Danoxa, her husband, father of the informant. 113. Xehulum, Xalilkunak, or Jim Pumpkin, their son, the informant. 114. Their son, who died. 115. Their daughter, who died. 116. Alcibaman, Kayau, first wife of 113. 117. Kaldjama, Pomo, second wife of 113. 118-122. 5 children of Xehulum by his two wives, died young. House IX, West. 123. Hatciye, a', Cigom, paternal half brother of 109. House X, North. 124. Sawalnim, a, Cigom, younger maternal parallel cousin of 129. 125. His wife, Elem. 126. Their son, died young. 127. Their daughter, died young. 128. 125's mother, Elem. House X, East. 129. Micun, a, Cigom, older maternal parallel cousin of 124. 130. Halahomin, Danoxa, his wife. 131. Caipadak, their daughter. 132. Their son, who died young. 133. Their son, who died young. 134. Halahomin's mother, Danoxa. House X, West. 135. Djalakoic or Djabu, Cigom, stepfather of 124 and son of 67. 136. Baken, Cigom, his wife, mother of 124, maternal aunt of 129. 137. Das, a, Cigom, berdache, mother's brother of Baken. Not certain if he belongs in this house. House XI, North. 138. Tamandu, a, Cigom, younger paternal parallel cousin of 143. 139. His wife, Nauwagina. 140. Their male infant, who died. 141. 138's mother, Cigom. 142. Dibi or Hairik, Xowalek, 138's father. 294 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 House XI, West. 143. Helidjai, ", Cigom, older paternal parallel cousin of 138. 144. Mudet, Xowalek, his wife. 145. Helidjai's half sister. 146. Her hus- band. House XII, East. 147. Holboi, e, Cigom, mother's brother of 152. 148. Xadanau, Yokaia, his wife. 149. Molit, their son. 150. His wife, a woman from the coast. 151. Holboi, their son. House XII, West. 152. Lepok, e', Cigom, sister's son of 147. 153. His wife, Kabenapwena. 154. Batxo, their daughter. 155. Caiyoko, Bohanapwena, her husband. 156. Huilu, their son. 157. HebuL, their son. House XIII. 158. Hatabada or Djamra, Cigom. 159. His wife, Nauwagina. 160. Their child, died young. 161. CiliL, 158's sister. 162. Dabaten, Cigom, 158's 9 parallel cousin. 163. Kalayo, Cogowaiina, her husband. 164. Lakobitus, their son. 165. Dacaga, Cigom, wife of Lakobitus. 166. 158 and 161's mother, Cigom. 167. Boohai, Elem, father of 158 and 161. House XIV, North. 168. Budihal, , Cigom, of Southwestern Wintun pater- nity. 169. Yugalme, Nauwagina, his wife. 170. Moki, Nauwagina, his father, younger brother of 174. 171. Haduk, Cigom, mother of Budihal and older sister of 175 and 186. 172. Daughter of Budihal, died at age of three. House XIV, West. 173. Tapabik, younger maternal male parallel cousin of Budihal. 174. Gunulasimamel or Galdak, Nauwagina, father of 173, older brother of 170. 175. Eria, Cigom, younger sister of 171 and mother of 173. 176. Hal- kapum, Danoxa, wife of 173. 177. Xalkamamna, sister of 173. 178. Yabit, sister of 173. House XV, East. 179. Kalauw, e, Cigom, related to 182 on mother's side. 180. Kalauw's mother, Cigom. 181. Gilak, Danoxa, Kalauw's father. House XV, West. 182. Baci, e, Cigom. 183. Hatesoi, his wife, a Healdsburg woman, probably Southern Pomo. 184. Baci's mother, Cigom. His father, Cigom, died before advent of the whites. House XVI, South. 185. Djasut, e, Yima. 186. Wisin, Cigom, second wife of 185. 187. Omakatala, Cigom, mother of 171, 175, 186. House XVI, East. 188. Adi, CT, Cigom. 189. Xeda, Kabenapwena, his wife. 190. Padili, Kabenapwena, Adi's father. 191. Adi's mother, Cigom. House XVII, North. 192. Caila, e, Cigom. 193. Heimin, Bohanapwena, his wife. 194. W% Danoxa, his father. 195. Dagunula, Cigom, mother of 192. House XVII, West. 196. Kilsili, ci, Cigom, 194's paternal half brother or male paternal parallel cousin. 197. His mother, Cigom, not Wu's mother. 198. His father, Cigom. 199. Kilsili's wife, Kabenapwena. House XVIII, North. 200. Kanariwa, ci, Cigom. 201. Gatiya, Danoxa, his wife. 202. Their son, who died. 203. Sonma, Kabenapwena, 200's father, 205's half brother. 204. Saiyai, Cigom, 200's mother. House XVIII, West. 205. Tcahen, a , Cigom, half brother of 203. 206. Ud- jewic, Bohanapwena, his wife. 207. Their daughter, who died young. 208. Their son, who died young. 209. Auauda, Cigom, mother's mother of 205. 210. Kokul, Cigom, mother's father of 205. 211. Mapul, their daughter, but not 205's mother. House XIX, East. 212. Obituk, ci", Cigom, mother's father of 216. 213. Daboo, Cigom, his wife. 214. Cela, their son. 215. Daharatc, Cigom, Obituk's mother. House XIX, West. 216. Damaiye, e, Cigom. 217. His mother, Cigom. 218. Dacubak, Cigom, his wife. 219. Bumsu, their son. 220. Their daughter. 221. Bidacina, Kayau, her husband. 222. Their infant who died. 223. Daukai, , Kayau. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 295 House XX, North. 224. Xas, e, Cigom, mother's father of 229. 225. DauwiLa, his wife, Cigom. 226. Their son. 227. Wubitau, Cigom, father of 224. 228. 224's mother, Cigom. House XX, West. 229. Aidano, e, Cigom, daughter's son of 224. 230. Pitax, Cigom, his wife. 231. KalsaL, their son. 232. Another son who died at age of two years. 233. Tinurl, Cigom, father of 229. 234. Alkapo, Cigom, mother of 229. 235. 230's mother, Cigom. The following genealogical data are supplementary to the house by house list of Cigom inhabitants. The individuals to whom the data refer are indicated by number. Thus, individual 1 has 100 as father, 109 and 14 as brothers, and 12 as sister. The abbreviations used for relatives are as follows: f father, m mother, b brother, ss sister, sb sibling, d daughter, s son, w wife, h husband, / half, // parallel, c cousin, mat. maternal, pat. paternal, o older, y younger. The rela- tives designated as half-siblings and with designation enclosed in quo- tation marks are probably maternal parallel cousins in most cases, for it was discovered about the end of the investigation that the informant had been using the term 'half sibling' in that sense as well as in the ordinary English sense. 1. F 100, b 109, ss 12, b 14. 2. M 55, ss 166, b 52, lst h 73, s by Ist h 239. 3. S 248, d 249, mat /b 239. 4. F 355, ss 58 and 370, s by 1st w 248, d by 1st w 249, 2d w 292, d by 2d w 302. 7. Ss s 205 and 203, "ss" s 179, mat "/b" 129, 2d w 175, d by 2d w 165. 8. F 486, m 485, b 467, b 447, b 456. 11. Y b 377, ss 383, d 369, 1st w 386. 12. F 100, b 109, b l, b 14. 14. F 100, b 109, ss 12, b 1. 17. Mb344. 22. B 109. 27. M f 33, "im f" 49, "/b" 77, "/b" 158, "/ss" 74, "/ss" 161. 40. D 245 and 246. 41. D 245, d 246. 48. M "b" 67, m b 143, 84, and 138, m ss 187. 49. F 314, m 240, b 129. 50. W 366. 51. 1st h 56, 2d h 168, s by 2d 247. 52. Ss 2 and 166, s 237. 53. S 237. 55. D 166 and 2. -56. 3dw51. 58. F 355, b 4, ss 370, 2d h 380, d by 2d h 376, s by 2d h 381. 60. Ss 250. 62. -M 250. 64. D 259, h 83, s 354a. 67. S 135, "ss" s 48. 73. F 536, 1st w 2, 2d w 75, s by 1st w 239. 74. "/b" 27, h 536. 76. Pat /b 239, 1st h 533, 2d h 281. 296 University of California, Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 77. "/b" 27. 81. M 244. 83. D 259, w 64, s 354a. 84. O ss 187, o b 143, w 244, ss s 48. 85. Ss 244. 88. Ss 244. 100. S 1, 14, 109, d 12. 109. F 100, b l, b 14, ss 12, b 22. 112. 9 relative 134. 113. 3dw 405. 116. F 402, m 408, ss 394, b 404. 124. 2d w 415, s by 2d 252, d by 2d 253. 125. Ss 450. 129. F 314, m 238, d 271, ss 49, mat /b 7. 130. D 271, mat /b 357. 131. Ss 271. 134. 0 b 269, ae relative 112, d by 1st h 130, 2d h 377, s by 2d h 357. 136. Ss 238, y "/ss" 209, s by 1st h 124, 2d h 135. 137. Ss d 209. 138. Ss s 48. 142. B 306. 143. B 84, ss 187, ss s 48. 144. F 322, m 304a, ss 297, ss 298. 158. "/b" 27, 2d w 420. 161. "/b" 27. 164. S 241. 165. F 7, m 175, s 241. 166. M 55, b 52, ss 2. 168. 2dw51, sby2dw247. 169. Ss 534, b 535. 171. M 187. 173. S 242. 175. M 187, ss 186, 2d h 7, d by 2d 165. 176. F 264, m 271, s 242, d 243, ss 268. 177. H 532. 179. "M b" 7. 185. F 306, m 389, s 236, o b 361, 1st w 328. 186. 0 ss 171, ss 175. 187. Y b 84 and 143, ss s 48. 188. Ss 204, o mat //2d or 3d c 236. 189. F 531, m 345, 2d h 239, 3d h 325, s by 3d 338. 190. D 204. 191. D 204. 193; H 380. 203. M b 7. 204. F 190, m 191, b 188. 205. M b 7. 209. O/ss 136, o /ss 238, m b 137. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pamo Society 297 NATIVITY OF THE CIGOM VILLAGERS An examination of the list of inhabitants of Cigom reveals the fact that 176 of the 235 inhabitants, or about 75 per cent, were of Cigom birth. The rest were of foreign or doubtful origin. The foreigners residing in Cigom invariably did so because of matri- monial alliances. We may summarize briefly the derivation of the principal foreign elements of Cigom, as follows: Individuals from other Eastern Pomo villages .................................. 22 Individuals from Northern Pomo villages .................................. 10 Individuals from Hill Patwin villages .................................. 9 Individuals from Southeastern Pomo villages .................................. 7 It is evident that marriages with people speaking the same language (Eastern Pomo) as Cigom were the most favored. Alliances with the Northern.and Southeastern Pomo and with the Hill Patwin were about equal in number. Distance as well as language must have been a factor. The places of nativity of the inhabitants of Cigom, by villages, are as follows: Number of Number of Eastern Pomo villages- individuals individuals Cigom ......................... 176 Bohanapwena .......... ; . 4 Kabenapwena ......................... 8 Xowalek. 2 Danoxa ......................... 8 198 Northern Pomo villages- Yima ..........................5 Kayau.. 3 Bakohana ..........................1 Pomo ....................... 1 10 Southeastern Pomo villages- Elem ..........................5 Kamdot ....................... 2 7 Central Pomo villages- Yokaia ..........................1 Cogowaiina ........................1 2 Hill Patwin village of Nauwagina . . .9 9 Southern Pomo (?) villages- Misauwilaiina ........ 1 Healdsburg .1 2 "Coast" Pomo (?) . . .1 Uncertain, but probably chiefly Cigor . .6 6 Total inhabitants of Cigom ................... 235 298 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 COMPOSITION OF THE CIGOM FAMILIES The Cigom family did not differ materially from an American family. The nucleus was a man, who was apparently the head of the family, his one wife (for monogyny was the rule), and the offspring of the couple. Other relatives living with these varied considerably and the frequency of the presence of the different relatives will be discussed later. The word family is used in the same limited sense in which we gener- ally use it, to wit, the related members of one household. In Cigom the equivalent of our household, at least numerically, was the fireside group of which there were from one to four in each house." Such a group sometimes had its meals together, and always, or nearly always, breakfast. A person ate whenever he felt hungry, which resulted in people frequently eating alone. Breakfast was called maai haaranum (morning food); supper was called maai duweganam (evening food). The family or fireside groups in Cigom totaled forty-eight, com- prising 228 apparently contemporaneous individuals. These family groups ranged in size from one to ten individuals, and averaged about four and one-half individuals each. This average is probably below the actual fact, as it is likely that the informant omitted some individuals in his census. In enumerating the members of each family, the informant, in forty-seven out of forty-eight families,12 mentioned a man first. In one case (I W) he mentioned a Cigom woman; her husband was a man from Misauwilaiina near Healdsburg. Of the forty-seven men, all but one were natives of Cigom. The exception was a man from the Northern Pomo village of Yima (XVI S). The man mentioned first by the informant, and whom he evidently regarded as head of the family, was not always the oldest man. Often the father of the man first mentioned was also in the family. Such was '1 Nothing was learned concerning adoption by persons other than blood relatives. A widower might bring up his children, as in the case of 300 of Xowalek, or grandparents might care for orphaned grandchildren, as in the case of 205, whose mother died when he was a baby, whose father died in his boyhood, and who was brought up by his mother's mother. Wokox (469) of the village of Elem said that his mother died when he was two weeks old and that his father's rela- tives cared for him. E. M. Loeb, investigating the Pomo in 1925, reports that adoption of others than blood kin was important among Northern, Central, and Eastern Pomo. If a person died, another person of similar age, sex, and appear- ance was adopted and given the name of the dead. Payment was made to the relatives of the adopted person. The adopted person was considered as a rein- carnation of the dead, and was received through a four-day ceremony. The adopted person was always treated with great consideration by the adopting family. See Pomo Folkways, present series, in press. 12 The forty-eight families are designated in this discussion by the house number and the initial letter of the directional word employed. Thus I W stands for the family in House I, West; XVI S for the family in House XVI, South. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 299 the case in eighteen families: I S, II N, II W, IV N, IV S, VI N, VII S, XI N, XIII, XIV N, XIV W, XV E, XVI E, XVII N, XVII W, XVIII N, XX N, XX W. It is very likely that physical fitness in matters of daily life automatically constituted a man the head of the family. On this point, however, no statement was obtained. The oldest wife in a joint house is reported to have been the owner of the house.13 A man constituted the nucleus of each of the forty-eight fa.milies. Forty-three of these men had wives, but only a single wife each. In twenty families the man's mother dwelt with him; in eighteen, the man's father, and in fifteen families both mother and father of the man dwelt with their son. The married daughter and her husband dwelt with her parents in seven families. The wife's mother occurs in only four families, in marked contrast to the nineteen occurrences of the husband's mother. The man's sister dwelt in his family in three cases and the man's mother's brother and the man's mother's father in but two cases each. The other relatives which enter into various Cigom families occur in but one fa.mily each. They are as follows: man's brother, wife's mother's brother, married son, man's mother's mother, man's mother's brother's wife, man's mother's sister, man's stepfather, man's brother's wife, daughter's son's wife, man's half-sister, man's half-sister's husband, man's female parallel cousin, man's female parallel cousin's husband, man's female parallel cousin's married son. It should be noted that only two relatives of the wife enter into the Cigom families: the wife's mother in four families, the wife's mother's brother in one fa.mily, and that a doubtful case (X W). It is evident that the family is largely augmented by the man's kin to the almost total exclusion of the wife's kin. The composition of the forty-eight families of Cigom is presented in table 1. The abbreviations for relatives used at the head of the table have the following meanings: Mn, man of the family; W, his wife; Mn m, man's mother; Mn f, man's father; Md d, married daughter; W m, wife's mother; Mn ss, man's sister; Mn m b, man's mother's brother; Mn b, man's brother; W m b, wife's mother's brother; Md s, married son; Mn m f, man's mother's father; Mn m m, man's mother's mother; Mn m b w, man's mother's brother's wife; Mn m ss, man's mother's sister; Mn stf, man's stepfather; Mn b w, man's brother's wife; D s w, daughter's son's wife; Mn / ss, man's half-sister; Mn / ss h, man's half-sister's husband; Mn 9 // c, man's female parallel cousin; Mn 9 // c h, man's female parallel cousin's husband; Mn 9 // c md s, man's female parallel cousin's married son. 13 A. L. Kroeber, op. cit., p. 256. 300 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 8pmU3//6UN Ii o//6U j OH1/6 U qSS/uw quX x JAWqUN x pst u[; SS TU UN IAi q ui UN X 5 U1tUUJ UN SpJ4 qM m O ~ q E q uN x qxuuN x X O Ss UN X PPN X X X X H JUN X X X X X X X tUXUjA X X X X X X 1W X XX XX X XX XX XX X X XXX X XX X UI ..q * * . - . * x ZZo3ZZxBZzWZci!SZZcZz Z - - - --- - - x U]x x xx x x- - - 0~ PT4 ~- j -- 1926] GAifford: Clear Lake Pono Society 301 8pml //6UW X - O//6UN X - tl 99/uN X- .Fj/UNx - 88/U i X - Ail I1 x x- A, q ,UI 8UIII UN1 x hi tuu^ UN * -/ PW ~~ ~~x T-- .. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~rI qt M x IRS UN ~~~~x x C X~~~~~X pp x X X _ O ui UNx xxxx xxxxxx ? 86U[ X XXXX XX X - - -U^^, - - - a ppx I X X X b4 JUK I X X XX X X X X X 302 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 In table 1 unmarried offspring have been omitted. In seven of the families there were other adult individuals in addition to those listed in the table. They were as follows-: Family I N, an old man, an old woman. Family III N, an old woman (the man's wife?). Family III S, an old man. Family IV E, an old man, probably the "uncle" of the man of the family; also the "uncle's" wife. Family V W, a male relative of the man of the family; also the male relative's wife. Family VII W, the paternal half brother (?) of the man of the family. Family XIX W, a man from the same village as the daughter's husband, probably a relative of the latter. Table 1 and all that has been written so far pictures the Cigom families from the point of view of the informant; namely, a family was composed of a man, his wife, their offspring, and chiefly his relatives. Now let us disregard the informant's viewpoint and lobk at the matter impartially. First, as to patrilocal residence. There are twenty-two cases of a married man and one or both of his parents living together; in other words in nearly half of the forty-eight Cigom families patrilocal residence obtained. Second, as to matrilocal residence. There are eleven cases of a married woman and one or both of her parents living together. Just how far the above cases are true examples of patrilocal or matrilocal residence can be determined only upon closer scrutiny. The four cases of the wife's mother dwelling with her daughter are in point. In family X N the wife and the wife's mother are both foreigners from the Southeastern Pomo village of Elem. The situation in family X E is similar: the wife and her mother are from the Eastern Pomo village of Danoxa. In family XVI S, a foreign man is married to a Cigom woman and is living with her Cigom mother, apparently a true instance of matrilocal residence. In family XX W, not only the wife's mother but also the husband's parents are included. It is impossible to deter- mine definitely whether this is a case of patrilocal or matrilocal residence, since all are natives of Cigom, but the chances undoubtedly favor patri- local residence. In the seven instances of the married daughter living in her father's house, the father, in each case, is a native of Cigom. These seven undoubted cases of matrilocal residence, together with the case in family XVI S mentioned above, make a total of eight families giving unquestionable evidence of matrilocal residence, either temporary or permanent. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Poimo Society 303 In critically examining the cases of married men and their parents living together, the question at once arises as to whether the man is making his home with his parents or they with him. Where one or both parents are natives of Cigom, we can probably waive this point and regard the case as a true example of patrilocal residence. Inspec- tion shows that, in the twenty-two cases of married men and one or more of their parents living together, one of the parents at least was a native of Cigom. The living together may have been due to age of the parents in some cases. In two families the man's mother's brother and in one the wife's mother's brother dwelt, certainly not a very high frequency for the occurrence of this relative. Later we shall find that he frequently lives in the same joint house with a man, though not in the same family or fireside group. There were three families in which the man's sister dwelt with him, but she had no offspring, so that these cases offer no example of the man's sister's son in the family of the uncle, or vice versa. In two families- the man's mother's father and in one the man's mother's mother appear. The man's paternal grandparents and the wife's grandparents are lacking. If, however, we view the matter from the standpoint of the offspring of the man of the house instead of from that of the man, we have every man's father transformed into a paternal grandfather and every man's mother transformed into a paternal grand- mother; were there offspring in each of the families where the man's parents dwell, we would have a total of eighteen paternal grandfathers and twenty paternal grandmothers. Similarly, the four wives' mothers who dwelt with their daughters may be regarded as maternal grand- mothers. The number of potential grandparents may be still further increased by viewing the man and wife who head each family from the standpoint of the offspring of their married sons and daughters. Thus the offspring of the one married son (XII E) are provided with paternal grandparents and the offspring of the seven married daughters are pro- vided with maternal grandparents. All in all, the informant's viewpoint as set forth in table 1 is the more important, for it presents the family relations as viewed by the native. 304 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 RELATIONSHIPS WITHIN JOINT HOUSES In studying the constitution of the Cigom family we find that the husband's relatives preponderated over the wife's, so in this respect the family appeared to be patrilineal. Now in studying the component families of the joint houses we find them linked together chiefly by matrilineal connections. The total of fifty-eight connecting links is divided as follows: Matrilineal .................... 36 Patrilineal .................... 16 Neutral .................... 5 Unknown .................... 1 By far the most important bond between families in the communal houses is that between man's mother's brother and man's sister's son, which comprises eleven of the fifty-eight bonds which have been adduced. Furthermore, there are two cases of woman's mother's brother and man's sister's daughter forming the bond between families in com- munal houses. Of the total of sixteen connections in the uncle-aunt and nephew-niece classes all are on the matrilineal side. The same is true of the seven grandparent-grandchild connections. Now follows a list of the fifty-eight bonds which link the families in the eighteen joint houses of Cigom. The number of family connections to be examined is forty-one; i. e., in the eighteen joint houses there are forty-one pairs of families. As some pairs of families are bound by more than one important tie, the total number of ties shown in the following list exceeds forty-one. The letters M, P, N, and U, placed after the numerals showing the number of connections in each class of relatives, stand for matrilineal, patrilineal, neutral, and unknown they indicate the author's interpretation of the connections. Total connections in parent-offspring class . ............................................................. 8 Parents to daughter ..................... 2 M Father to daughter ..................... 3 M Mother to son ..................... 2 P Father to son ......................... 1 P Total connections in sibling class .. 12 Brothers ......................... 6 P Sisters ..........................1 M Brother to sister ......................... 5 N Total connections in half-sibling class .............................................................. 7 Half brothers ................................... 3 P Paternal half-brothers ................................... 3 P Maternal half-brother to maternal half-sister .................................. 1 M 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 305 Total connections in cousin class ...............................................................4 Male maternal parallel cousins .................................................. 2 M Male paternal parallel cousins .................................................. 1 P Male maternal parallel cousin to female maternal parallel cousin .................................................. 1 M Total connections in grandparent-grandchild class ................................................... .7 Man's mother's father to man's daughter's son .............................. 5 M Man's collateral "mother's father" to man's collateral "daughter's son-" ..................................................... 2 M Total connections in uncle-aunt and nephew-niece classes . . 16 Man's mother's brother to man's sister's son .................................. 10 M Man's collateral "mother's brother" to man's collateral "sister's son" ........ 1 M Woman's mother's brother to man's sister's daughter .................. 2 M Man's mother's sister to woman's sister's son ................................ 3 M Total connections in relative-by-marriage class ....................................................... .2 Stepfather to stepson ........................... 1 M Daughter's husband to wife's father ........................... 1 M Total connections uncertain or lacking ................................................................2 Man related to man on mother's side ............................ 1 M Connection not apparent ............................ 1 U Lastly, it remains to show in detail the principal relationships which subsist between the two to four families within each joint house. In the following presentation directional letters refer to families within each house, the Arabic numerals to individuals. House I N to S: Man's mother's brother (1) to man's sister's son (7); brother (1) to sisteiS (12). N to E: Brother (1) to brother (14). N to W: Woman's mother's brother (1) to man's sister's daughter (19). S to E: Man's sister's son (7) to man's mother's brother (14); sister (12) to brother (14). S to W: Maternal half-brother (7) to maternal half-sister (19); parents (12, 13) to daughter (19). E to W: Woman's mother's brother (14) to man's sister's daughte'r (19). House II N to S: Paternal half-brother (22) to paternal half-brother (27); father (25) to son (27). N to E: Daughter's husband (25) to wife's father (33). N to W: Man's collateral "daughter's son" (22) to man's collateral "mother's father" (40). S to E: Man's daughter's son (27) to man's mother's father (33). S to W: Man's collateral "daughter's son" (22) to man's collateral "mother's father" (40). E to W: Half-brother (33) to half-brother (40). 306 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 House III N to S: Brother (43) to brother (45). N to W: Man's mother's brother (43) to man's sister's son (48). S to W: Man's mother's brother (45) to man's sister's son (48). House IV N to S: Man's sister's son (52) to man's mother's brother (56); sister (55) to brother (56); daughter (55) to parents (59, 60). N to E: Man's collateral "sister's son" (52) to man's collateral "mother's brother" (62); man's mother's sister's daughter (55) to woman's mother's sister's son (62). N to W: Man's sister's son (52) to man's mother's brother (67). S to E: Man's maternal parallel male cousin (56) to man's maternal parallel male cousin (62); man's mother's sister (60) to woman's sister's son (62). S to W: Brother (56) to brother (67); sister (60) to brother (71). E to W: Man's sister's son (62) to man's mother's brother (67). House V N to W: Man's sister's son (73) to man's mother's brother (77); sister (74) to brother (77). House VI N to S: Man's sister's son (81) to man's mother's brother (85); woman's sister's son (81) to man's mother's sister (88). Horse VII N to S: Man's daughter's son (89) to man's mother's father (93); daughter (92) to father (93). N to W: Older brother (89) to younger brother (95); mother (92) to son (95). S to W: Man's mother's father (93) to man's daughter's son (95). House IX N to E: Half-brother (102) to half-brother (109); half-brother (107) to half- brother (109). N to W: Brother or half-brother (102, 107) to brother or half-brother (123). E to W: Paternal half-brother (109) to paternal half-brother (123). House X N to E: Younger a' maternal parallel cousin (124) to older a, maternal parallel cousin (129). N to W: Stepson (124) to stepfather (135); son (124) to mother (136). E to W: Woman's sister's son (129) to man's mother's sister (136). House XI N to W: Younger d paternal parallel cousin (138) to older ci paternal parallel cousin (143). House XII E to W: Man's mother's brother (147) to man's sister's son (152). House XIV N to W: Younger brother, Patwin (170) to older brother, Patwin (174); older sister and wife of 170 (171) to younger sister and wife of 174 (175). 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 307 House XV E to W: Man (179) related to man (182) on mother's side. House XVI S to E: Connection not apparent. House XVII N to W: Man's paternal half-brother or paternal e parallel cousin (192) to man's paternal half-brother or patemal e parallel cousin (196). House XVIII N to W: Half-brother (203) to half-brother (205). House XIX E to W: Man's mother's father (212) to man's daughter's son (216); father (212) to daughter (217). House XX N to W: Man's mother's father (224) to man's daughter's son (229); father (224) to daughter (234). CIGOM INTERHOUSE RELATIONSHIPS But a small fraction of the contractants in the endogamous Cigom marriages could be allocated to their respective prenuptial houses in Cigom. The following are the few traced: Houses I and XIV: Husband (7) s6nd wife (175). Houses I.and V: Wife (2) and husband (73). Houses III and IV: Wife (51) and husband (56). Houses III and XIV: Wife (51) and husband (168). Houses IV and VI: Wife (64) and husband (83). Our data reveal each Cigom house to be connected by blood with at least one other house. The maximum number of connections is ten, in House I. Table 2 shows a total of sixty-three interhouse connec- tions. Needless to say, there must have been more blood connections between houses than the data show. Whether the total of sixty-three connections out of a possible 380 is relatively high or relatively low cannot be stated without comparative data from other villages. There is one criterion that indicates indirectly that it is relatively high. In the section on Marriage it is indicated that seventy Cigom individuals married fellow-villagers against sixty-nine who married inhabitants of other villages, while at Elem forty-eight people married fellow-villagers against only eleven who married inhabitants of other villages. The greater prevalence of exogamy at Cigom perhaps indicates that relation- ship ties were more numerous than at Elem, and thus people were forced to seek mates elsewhere. 308 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 x - x 1 > x x x x I x x x x x x x x x 1 3 \ 81 - ~~~ ~~~~~~~~~x x x : 0 -_ _ _ ___X___X x x x X _ o4 z o ;, I ~X X X X - t-1 x xx xx . ie~~~~x frI X X X X x X ce 0-4 . x - X X X X* X X X x x x xxxx xx x xx 0 x x x x x x x x x . 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 309 The interhouse blood connections are distributed between various classes of relatives as follows: Siblings, 15 cases, linking 11 pairs of houses. Parents and offspring, 13 cases, linking 10 pairs of houses. Maternal uncle-aunt and sororal nephew-niece, 7 cases, linking 5 pairs of houses. "Half-siblings" (doubtless including parallel cousins), 5 cases, linking 3 pairs of houses. Maternal half-brothers or parallel cousins, 1 case, linking 1 pair of houses. Indefinite consanguineal ties, 9 cases, linking 9 pairs of houses. The details of the blood ties between the various houses are given in the sub- joined lists. Siblings Houses I and IV: Sister (2) and brother (52). I and IV: Brother (4) and sister (58). I and IX: Sister (12) and brother (109). I and IX: Brother (1) and brother (109). I and IX: Brother (14) and brother (109). I and XIII: Sister (2) and sister (166). II and IX: Brother (22) and brother (109). III and X: Sister (49) and brother (129). IV and XIII: Brother (52) and sister (166). VI and XI: Younger brother (84) and older brother (143). VI and XVI: Younger brother (84) and older sister (187). XI and XVI: Brother (143) and sister (187). XIV and XVI: Older sister (171) and younger sister (186). XIV and XVI: Sister (175) and sister (186). XVI and XVIII: Brother (188) and sister (204). Parents and Offspring I and IV: Daughter (2) and mother (55). I and VIII: Son (1) and father (100). I and VIII: Daughter (12) and father (100). I and VIII: Son (14) and father (100). I and XIII: Father (7) and daughter (165). IV and X: Father (67) and son (135). IV and XIII: Mother (55) and daughter (166). VIII and IX: Father (100) and son (109). XIII and XIV: Daughter (165) and mother (175). XIV and XVI: Daughter (171) and mother (187). XIV and XVI: Daughter (175) and mother (187). XVI and XVIII: Father (190) and daughter (204). XVI and XVIII: Mother (191) and daughter (204). Maternal Uncle-aunts and Sororal Nephew-nieces I and XV: "Mother's brother" (7) and "sister's son" (179). I and XVIII: Mother's brother (7) and sister's son (205). I and XVIII: Mother's brother (7) and sister's son (203). III and IV: Sister's son (48) and mother's brother (67). III and XI: Sister's son (48) and mother's brother (143). III and XI: Sister's son (48) and mother's brother (138). III and XVI: Sister's son (48) and mother's sister (187). 310 University of California Publicatioons in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 Houses "Half-siblings" (including parallel cousins) II and V: "Half-brother" (27) and "half-brother" (77). II and V: "Half-brother" (27) and "half-sister" (74). II and XIII: "Half-brother" (27) and "half-brother" (158). II and XIII: "Half-brother" (27) and "half-sister" (161). X and XVIII: Older half-sister (136) and younger "half-sister" (209). Maternal "Half-Brothers" or Parallel Cousins I and X: Maternal "half-brother" (7) and maternal "half-brother (129). Indefinite Consanguineal Ties I and VII: 12 ( 9 ) related to 89 (e) and 95 (e). I and XII: 7 (e) parallel cousin to I and XIX: 7 (e) related to 216 (e) through mother. II and V: 27 (e) related to 74 ( 9 ). II and VI: 27 (e) related to 81 ("). II and XX: 27 (e') related through mother. III and XVI: 48 (e) related to - III and XVII: 48 (d)related to -- IX and X: 112 (e) and female relative (134). INDIVIDUALS OTHER THAN CIGOM RESIDENTS In the following pages are listed individuals 236 to 540, who were mentioned in connection with the data obtained at Cigom and at Elem. The relatives of each individual are indicated in abbreviated fashion, followed in each case by the name of the relative's village. The indi- viduals are grouped by villages. One or both of the parents of indi- viduals 236-262 were of Cigom nativity. Had it not been for the abandonment of Cigom, these individuals would doubtless have lived there. 236. Sapal or Little Fisher '. F 185 Yima, m 186 Cigom, e mat // 2d or 3d c 188 Cigom, 1st w 261 Cigom, d by 1st w 257 Cigom, s by 1st w 256 and 258 Cigom, 2d w 524 Yokaia, 3d w 399 Kayau. 237. Bokono e. F 52 Cigom, m 53 Bakohana, w 293 Xowalek. 238. - 9. D 49 Cigom, s 129 Cigom, ss 136 Cigom. y / ss 209 Cigom, h 314 Bohanapwena. 239. Podogot or Charles Rakibo e. F 73 Cigom, m 2 Cigom, mat / ss 3 Cigom, pat / ss 76 Cigom, 1st w 263 Danoxa, 2d w 189 Kabenapwena. 241. Ortley Dick e. F 164 Cigom, m 165 Cigom. 242. Jack Davis a^. F 173 Cigom, m 176 Danoxa, ss 243 Cigom. 243. Norene Davis 9. F 173 Cigom, m 176 Danoxa, b 242 Cigom. 244. 9. S 81 Cigom, b 85 Cigom, ss 88 Cigom, h 84 Cigom. 245. Halkitem 9. F 40 Cigom, m 41 Cigom, d 260 Cigom, ss 246 Cigom, h 419 Bakohana. 246. Yoknim 9. F 40 Cigom, m 41 Cigom, ss 245 Cigom. 247. Heledjai or George Boxie e. F 168 Cigom, m 51 Cigom, w 376 Yima. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 311 248. Solomon Moore e. F 4 Yima, m 3 Cigom, ss 249 Cigom, pat / ss 302 Xowalek, w 406 Kayau, offspring Elmer, Andy, Hazel. 249. Nitcmin 9. F 4 Yima, m 3 Cigom, d 254 Cigom, s 255 Cigom, b 248, pat / ss 302 Xowalek, h 300 Xowalek. 250. 9. Ss 60, Cigom, s 62 Cigom. 251. Tcelapowis e. Danoxa. 252. Yaila e. F 124 Cigom, m 415 Pomo, ss 253 Cigom. 253. Xaltilomda 9. F 124 Cigom, m 415 Pomo, b 252 Cigom. 254. Tuno 9. F 300 Xowalek, m 249 Cigom, b 255 Cigom. 255. Gawatcu e. F 300 Xowalek, m 249 Cigom, ss 254 Cigom, w 396 Kayau. 256. Clyde Fisher d. F 236 Cigom, m 261 Cigom, ss 257 Cigom, b 258 Cigom. 257. Hekani (English name) Ike 9. F 236 Cigom, m 261 Cigom, b 256 and 258. 258. Giwili e. F 236 Cigom, m 261 Cigom, ss 257 Cigom, b 256 Cigom. 259. Yonak or Nora Dick 9. F 83 Cigom, m 64 Cigom, b 354a. 260. Norene 9. F 419 Bakohana, m 245 Cigom. 261. Haldapamen 9. F 337 Bohanapwena, m 262 Cigom, d 257 Cigom, s 256 and 258 Cigom, h 236 Cigom. 262. 9. D 261 Cigom, h 337 Bohanapwena. Eastern Pomo Village of Danoxa- 263. -- 9. F 275 Danoxa, m 385 Yima, ss 273 Danoxa, h 239 Cigom. 264. Cabediram (Jim Bucknell) e. F 397 Kayau, m 276 Danoxa, d 176 and 268 Danoxa, ss 270 Danoxa, w 271 Danoxa. 265. Carrie 9. F 318 Bohanapwena, m 268 Danoxa, b 274 Danoxa. 266. Djasbi e. D 309 and 308 Bohanapwena, w 317 Bohanapwena. 267. Guki e. Ss 279 Danoxa, w 305 Xowalek. 268. Halkahurm 9. F 264 Danoxa, m 271 Danoxa, d 265 Danoxa, s 274 Danoxa, ss 176 Danoxa, h 318 Bohanapwena. 269. Halus e. D 294 Xowalek, s 285 and 288 Xowalek, y ss 134 Danoxa, w 304 Xowalek. 270. Hetilak. 9. F 397 Kayau, m 276 Danoxa, b 264 Danoxa. 271. Kalsigada 9. F 129 Cigom, m 130 Danoxa, d 176 and 268 Danoxa, ss 131 Cigom, h 264 Danoxa. 272. Matsu e. S 320 and 324 Bohanapwena, w 323 Bohanapwena. 273. Modok 9. F 275 Danoxa, m 385 Yima, ss 263 Danoxa. 274. Okalul &I. F 318 Bohanapwena, m 268 Danoxa, ss 265 Danoxa. 275. Yali ce. F 423 Bakohana, m 279 Danoxa, d 263 and 273 Danoxa, w 385 Yima. 276. 9. D 270 Danoxa, s 264 Danoxa, h 397 Kayau. 279. Q- 9. S 275 Danoxa, b 267 Danoxa, h 423 Bakohana. 279a. Andres d. 279b. Djamasa ce. Eastern Pomo Village of Xowalek- 280. Buibui e. F 400 Kayau, m 298 Xowalek, ss 293 Xowalek. 281. Cagopagal e. F 326 Bohanapwena, m 295 Xowalek, ss 299 Xowalek, w 76 Cigom. 282. Cayu e. F 286 Xowalek, m 358 Yima. 283. Cicai c. Ss 304 and 304a Xowalek. 284. Cimatolbi 9. F 530 Healdsburg, m 294 Xowalek. d 292 Xowalek, s 300 Xowalek, 1st h 533 Nauwagina, 2d h 407 Kayau. 312 University of California Publications in Anm. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 285. Damot d. F 269 Danoxa, m 304 Xowalek, s 291 Xowalek, b 288 Xowa- lek, ss 294 Xowalek, w 417 Pomo. 286. Danoyahem e. F 307 Xowalek, m 301 Xowalek, s 282 Xowalek, ss 305 Xowalek, w 358 Yima. 287. Danoyahem e. F 320 Bohanapwena, m 293 Xowalek, d 289 Xowalek, b 296 and 303 Xowalek, pat / b 401 Kayau, pat / ss 395 and 396 Kayau. 288. Diwisamo ci. F 269 Danoxa, m 304 Xowalek, b 285 Xowalek, ss 294 Xowalek. 289. Gadic 9. F 287 Xowalek. 290. Halaba d. D 399 Kayau, w 403 Kayau. 291. Halus e. F 285 Xowalek, m 417 Pomo. 292. Heisiyum 9. F 407 Kayau, m 284 Xowalek, d 302 Xowalek, b 300 Xowalek, h 4 Yima. 293. Hetali 9. F 400 Kayau, m 298 Xowalek, b 280 Xowalek, 1st h 237 Cigom, 2d h 320 Bohanapwena, s by 2d 287, 296 and 303 Xowalek. 294. Hetilak 9. F 269 Danoxa, m 304 Xowalek, d 284 Xowalek, b 285 and 288 Xowalek, h 530 Healdsburg. 295. Ic 9. S 281 Xowalek, d 299 Xowalek, h 326 Bohanapwena. 296. Jay Joe c. F 320 Bohanapwena, m 293 Xowalek, b 287 and 303 Xowalek, pat / ss 395 and 396 Kayau, pat / b 401 Kayau. 297. Katcis 9. F 322 Bohanapwena, m 304a Xowalek, ss 144 and 298 Xowalek. 298. Kudekenik 9. F 322 Bohanapwena, m 304a Xowalek, s 280 Xowalek, d 293 Xowalek, ss 144 and 297 Xowalek, h 400 Kayau. 299. Libubida 9. F 326 Bohanapwena, m 295 Xowalek, b 281 Xowalek. 300. Pidac or Billy Gilbert o'I. F 407 Kayau, m 284 Xowalek, ss 292 Xowalek, 1st w 249 Cigom, s by lst w 255 Cigom, d by lst w 254 Cigom, 2d w 317 Bohanap- wena, s by 2d w 317a Bohanapwena. 301. Pitcuntcun 9. S 286 Xowalek, d 305 Xowalek, h 307 Xowalek. 302. Susanna Moore 9. F 4 Yima, m 292 Xowalek, pat / b 248 Cigom, pat / ss 249 Cigom. 303. Tsaibal d'. F 320 Bohanapwena, m 293 Xowalek, b 287 and 296 Xowalek, pat / ss 395 and 396 Kayau, pat / b 401 Kayau. 304. Xabeda 9. S 285 and 288 Xowalek, d 294 Xowalek, b 283 Xowalek, ss 304a Xowalek, h 269 Danoxa. 304a. 9. D 144, 297, and 298 Xowalek, b 283 Xowalek, ss 304 Xowalek, h 322 Bohanapwena. 305. Xabedakun 9. F 307 Xowalek, m 301-Xowalek, b 286 Xowalek, h 267 Danoxa. 306. Xatonton e. S 185 and 361 Yima, b 142 Xowalek, w 389 Yima. 307. e. S 286 Xowalek, d 305 Xowalek, w 301 Xowalek. 307a. Dandocka e. Eastern Pomo Village of Bohanapwena- 308. Edith Adams 9. F 266 Danoxa, m 317 Bohanapwena, ss 309 Bohanap- wena. 309. Letty Adams 9. F 266 Danoxa, m 317 Bohanapwena, ss 308 Bohanap- wena. 310. Bukalnis c. S 316 and 325 Bohanapwena, w 311 Bohanapwena. 311. Butckulu 9. S 316 and 325 Bohanapwena, h 310 Bohanapwena. 312. Cadabo e. F 364 Yima, m 317 Bohanapwena. 313. Caicina e. M 327 Bohanapwena, b 332 Bohanapwena, ss 323 Bohanap- wena, w 319 Bohanapwena. 314. Cakodano d'. D 49 Cigom, s 129 Cigom, w 238 Cigom. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pono Society 313 315. Cida e. D 359 Yima, w 367 Yima. 316. Cuk or Capt. Augustine ce. F 310 Bohanapwena, m 311 Bohanapwena, b 325 Bohanapwena, w 333 Bohanapwena. 317. Daboo 9. F 332 Bohanapwena, m 328 Bohanapwena, d by 1st h 308 and 309 Bohanapwena, s by 2d h 312 Bohanapwena, 1st h 266 Danoxa, 2d h 364 Yima, 3d h 300 Xowalek, s by 3d h 317a Bohanapwena. 317a. Nobrey Gilbert e'. F 300 Xowalek, m 317 Bohanapwena. 318. Kadjil e. D 265 Danoxa, s 274 Danoxa, w 268 Danoxa. 319. Kalaxhemi 9. H 313 Bohanapwena. 320. Kalitc a1. F 272 Danoxa, m 323 Bohanapwena, b 324 Bohanapwena, 1st w 406 Kayau, s by 1st w 401 Kayau, d by 1st w 395 and 396 Kayau, 2d w 293 Xo- walek, s by 2d w 287, 303, and 296 Xowalek. 321. Kapalga d. D 328 and 331 Bohanapwena, w 409 Kayau. 322. Katcas d. D 144, 297 and 298 Xowalek, w 304a Xowalek. 323. Katsau 9. S 320 and 324 Bohanapwena, b 313 Bohanapwena, h 272 Danoxa. 324. Kunucubak e. F 272 Danoxa, m 323 Bohanapwena, b 320 Bohanapwena. 325. Lepusa e. F 310 Bohanapwena, m 311 Bohanapwena, s 338 Kabenap- wena, b 316 Bohanapwena, w 189 Kabenapwena. 326. Monamona e. S 281 Xowalek, d 299 Xowalek, w 295 Xowalek. 327. Nate 9. S 313 and 332 Bohanapwena. 328. Picekawat 9. F 321 Bohanapwena, m 409 Kayau, d 317 Bohanapwena, ss 331 Bohanapwena, 1st h 185 Yima, 2d h 332 Bohanapwena. 329. Sapal or Hulyo (Spanish Julio) dI. Ss d 330 Bohanapwena, w 369 Yima. 330. Teulak 9. M b 329 Bohanapwena, h 398 Kayau. 331. Wetcwetc 9. F 321 Bohanapwena, m 409 Kayau, ss 328 Bohanapwena. 332. Yookanu c?. M 327 Bohanapwena, d 317 Bohanapwena, b 313 Bohanap- wena, w 328 Bohanapwena. 333. 9 . H 316 Bohanapwena. 334. 61. W 369 Yima. 335. 9 . S 371 Yima, h 379 Yima. 336. 9 . H 419 Bakohana. 337. c. D 261 Cigom, w 262 Cigom. Eastern Pomo Village of Kabenapwena- 338. Joe Adam ci. F 325 Bohanapwena, m 189 Kabenapwena. 339. Djino d'. F 342 Kabenapwena, m 346 Kabenapwena, b 340 Kabenap- wena. 340. Djodaraha a. F 342 Kabenapwena, m 346 Kabenapwena, b 339 Kabe- napwena. 341. Dutuk 9. B 343 Kabenapwena. 342. Gecawi c?". S 339 and 340 Kabenapwena, w 346 Kabenapwena. 343. Gunulahatida or Perieto e. Ss 341 Kabenapwena. 344. Xunumida e. Ss s 17 Kabenapwena. 345. Q9. D 189 Kabenapwena, h 531 Healdsburg. 346. 9. S 339 and 340 Kabenapwena, h 342 Kabenapwena. Eastern Pomo of Big Valley (Bohanapwena or Kabenapwana)- 347. Atcukwi 9. D 454 Elem, h 501 Kamdot. 348. 9. H 472 Elem. 349. 9. H 457 Elem. 350. 9. H 435 Elem. 314 University of California Publications in Am7. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 Eastern Pomo of Modern Village of Danobidau- 351. Jack Anderson d. Ss 352 Danobidau, w 353 Danobidau. 352. Sally Antone 9. B 351 Danobidau. 353. Mattie 9. Ss 354 Danobidaui, h 351 Danobidau. 354. Lucy 9. Ss 353 Danobidau. 354a. Charles Gunther e. M 64 Cigom, f 83 Cigom. ss 259 Cigom. Northern Pomo Village of Yima- 355. Aitox d. S 4 Yima, d 58 and 370 Yima, ss 367 Yima. 356. Balai cI. S 380 Yima, w 383 Yima. 357. Burukalciwe c. F 377 Yima, m 134 Danoxa, mat / ss 130 Danoxa. 358. Caimida 9. S 282 Xowalek, mat // 9 c 360 Yima, h 286 Xowalek. 359. Calecelik 9. F 315 Bohanapwena, m 367 Yima. 360. Cmahidin 9. Mat 9 // c 358 Yima. 361. Dobalu e. F 306 Xowalek, m 389 Yima, b 185 Yima, w 418 Pomo. 362. Dugak d. B 379 Yima, ss 388 Yima, mat 9 / relation 389 Yima, w 525 Yokaia. 362a. Giwili e. 363. Gunula e. M 388 Yima, w 527 Cogowaiina. 364. Halbidom c. F 375 Yima, m 372 Yima, s 312 Bohanapwena, b 382 Yima, w 317 Bohanapwena. 365. Haleda 9. S 368 Yima, h 414 Kayau. 366. Hetanum 9. H 50 Cigom. 367. Kabutcal 9. B 355 Yima, 1st h 315 Bohanapwena, d by 1st h 359 Yima, 2d h 392 Kayau. 368. Kadu c. F 414 Kayau, m 365 Yima, 1st w 528 Cogowaiina, 2d w 370 Yima. 369. Kaldihai 9. F 11 Yima, m 386 Yima, h 334 Bohanapwena, 329 Bohanap- wena. 370. Katukatu 9. F 355 Yima, b 4 Yima, ss 58 Yima, 1st h 374 Yima, 2d h 368 Yima. 371, Kutcula &I. F 379 Yima, m 335 Bohanapwena. 372. Lesidu 9. S 364 and 382 Yima, h 375 Yima. 373. Matobikus 9. B 374 Yima. 374. Matsada e. Ss 373 Yima, w 370 Yima. 375. Patolahala e. S 364 and 382 Yima, w 372 Yima. 376. Patolmida 9. F 380 Yima, m 58 Yima, y b 381 Yima, 1st h 247 Cigom, 2d h 382 Yima. 377. Pisoso &I. Ss 383 Yima, o b 11 Yima, 1st w 134 Danoxa, s by 1st w 357 Yima, 2d w 384 Yima. 378. Sala e. W 394 Kayau. 379. Tabeltabel c. S 371 Yima, b 362 Yima, ss 388 Yima, w 335 Bohanapwena. 380. Tibeyel e. F 356 Yima, m 383 Yima, s 381 Yima, d 376 Yima, 1st w 58 Yima, 2d w 193 Bohanapwena. 381. Tinbako c. F 380 Yima, m 58 Yima, o ss 376 Yima. 382. Xabesamai e. F 375 Yima, m 372 Yima, b 364 Yima, w 376 Yima. 383. 9. S 380 Yima, b 11 and 377 Yima, h 356 Yima. 384. 9 . H 377 Yima. 385. 9 . D 263 and 273 Danoxa, h 275 Danoxa. 386. - . D 369 Yima, h 11 Yima. 388. 9 . S 363 Yima, b 362 and 379 Yima. 389. - 9. S 185 and 361 Yima, mat e / relation 362 Yima, h 306 Xowalek. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 315 Northern Pomo Village of Kayau- 390. Cipacima e. S 393 and 398 Kayau, w 391 Kayau. 391. Datowin 9. S 393 and 398 Kayau, h 390 Kayau. 392. Halcalgim a. W 367 Yima. 393. Halkii e. F 390 Kayau, m 391 Kayau, b 398 Kayau. 394. Halsalida 9. F 402 Kayau, m 408 Kayau, d 406 Kayau, ss 116 Kayau, b 404 Kayau, 1st h 398 Kayau, 2d h 378 Yima. 395. Maggie Joe 9. F 320 Bohanapwena, m 406 Kayau, b 401 Kayau, ss 396 Kayau, pat / b 296, 287, and 303 Xowalek, mat / sb Elmer, Andy, and Hazel Moore. 396. Maude Joe 9. F 320 Bohanapwena, m 406 Kayau, b 401 Kayau, ss 395 Kayau, pat / b 296, 287, and 303 Xowalek, mat / sb Elmer, Andy, and Hazel Moore, h 255 Cigom. 397. Kalbil e. S 264 Danoxa, d 270 Danoxa, w 276 Danoxa. 398. Kauwinak d. F 390 Kayauw m 391 Kayau, d 406 Kayau, b 393 Kayau, 1st w 394 Kayau, 2d w 330 Bohanapwena, 3d w 420 Bakohana, s by 3d w 419 Bako- hana. 399. Kutcimen 9. F 290 Xowalek, m 403 Kayau, h 236 Cigom. 400. Lihadihauk ce. S 280 Xowalek, d 293 Xowalek, w 298S Xowalek. 401. Midjebida or Allec Joe e. F 320 Bohanapwena, m 406 Kayau, ss 395 and 396 Kayau, pat / b 287, 303 and 296 Xowalek, mat / sb Elmer, Andy, and Hazel Moore. 402. Mitsedikam e. F 413 Kayau, m 412 Kayau, s 404 Kayau, d 116 and 394 Kayau, w 408 Kayau. 403. Oonai 9. F 410 Kayau, d 399 Kayau, b 407 Kayau, h 290 Xowalek. 404. Tcobok e. F 402 Kayau, m 408 Kayau, ss 116 and 394 Kayau. 405. Xalipomna 9. H 113 Cigom. 406. Xeyawoimen 9. F 398 Kayau, m 394 Kayau, s 401 Kayau, d 395 and 396 Kayau, 1st h 320 Bohanapwena, 2d h 248 Cigom, children by 2d h Elmer, Andy, and Hazel Moore. 407. Yema d. F 410 Kayau, s 300 Xowalek, d 292 Xowalek, ss 403 Kayau, w 284 Xowalek., 408. 9. S 404 Kayau, d 116 and 394 Kayau, h 402 Kayau. 409. 9. D 328 and 331 Bohanapwena, h 321 Bohanapwena. 410. Pidac e. S 407 Kayau, d 403 Kayau. 412. - 9. S 402 Kayau, h 413 Kayau. 413. e. S 402 Kayau, w 412 Kayau. 414. d. S 368 Yima, w 365 Yima. 414a. Maacic or Kopopopo e. 414b. Isla e. Northern Pomo Village of Pomo- 415. Hetilak 9. S 252 Cigom, d 253 Cigom, h 124 Cigom. 416. Kasisiui d. Ss 418 Pomo. 417. Umarhaugoki 9. S 291 Xowalek, h 285 Xowalek. 418. 9. B 416 Pomo, h 361 Yima. Northern Pomo Village of Bakohana- 419. Somuke e. F 398 Kayau, m 420 Bakohana, 1st w 336 Bohanapwena, 2d w 245 Cigom, d by 2d w 260 Cigom. 420. Widjidji 9. F 421 Bakohana, m 422 Bakohana, 1st h 398 Kayau, s by lst h 419 Bakohana, 2d h 158 Cigom. 421. e. D 420 Bakohana, w 422 Bakohana. 422. 9. D 420 Bakohana, h 421 Bakohana. 423. - . S 275 Danoxa, w 279 Danoxa. 316 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 Southeastern Pomo Village of Elem- 424. Balakkak a. F 482 Elem, m 481 Elem, ss 485 Elem. 425. Cotboi d. F 476 Elem, m 475 Elem, d 471 Elem, ss s 465 Elem, w 474 Elem. 426. Dupesauwai or Jake e. F 497 Elem, o pat // cI c 469 Elem. 427. Grace Elliott 9. M 454 Elem. 428. Gucibuk e. F 466 Elem, m 477 Elem, ss 478 Elem ss s 469 Elem. 429. Haitca e. W 496 Elem. 430. Lottie Harum 9. F 449 Elem, m 488 Elem, d 437, 441, and 444 Elem, ss 433 Elem, h 505 Kamdot. 431. Hilepokel e. F 438 Elem, m 499 Elem, ss 452 Elem. 432. Hukuyu or Mary 9. F 461 Elem, m 436 Elem, ss 446 and 468 Elem, b 440 Elem, h 448 Elem. 433. Huyapi 9. F 449 Elem, m 488 Elem, ss 430 Elem, h 442 Elem. 434. Ile cT. F 519 Koi, m 451 Elem, w 445 Elem. 435. Kaaiwa e?. F 539 an Eastern Indian, m 513 Kamdot, w 350 Big Valley. 436. Kayelpi or Etta Ike 9. F 517 Koi, m 491 Elem, d 446, 432, 468 Elem, s 440 Elem, h 461 Elem. 437. Kalkahum or Lena Leon 9. F 505 Kamdot, m 430 Elem, ss 441 and 444 Elem, h 540, a half-breed. 438. K!ek d. S 431 Elem, d 452 Elem, w 499 Elem. 440. Lebadi or Ike 6. F 461 Elem, m 436 Elem, ss 468, 446, 432 Elem. 441. Eva Leon 9. F 505 Kamdot, m 430 Elem, ss 437 and 444 Elem. 442. Liya d. F 490 Elem, m 489 Elem, b 470 Elem, w 433 Elem. 443. Louisa 9. D 445 Elem. 444. Luwipi or Nora Leon 9. F 505 Kamdot, m 430 Elem, ss 437 and 441 Elem, h 516 Koi. 445. Mary 9. M 443 Elem, h 434 Elem. 446. Nancy 9. F 461 Elem, m 436 Elem, ss 432 and 468 Elem, b 440 Elem. 447. Notau e. F 486 Elem, m 485 Elem,.b 456 and 467 Elem, ss 8 Elem, w 452 Elem. % 448. Osmen c. F 465 Elem, m 500 Elem, b 472 Elem, w 432 Elem. 449. Pitcudu d. D 430 and 433 Elem, w 488 Elem. 450. Potaka 9. Ss 125 Elem. 451. Ramona 9. S 434 Elem, h 519 Koi. 452. Sumkitumai 9. F 438 Elem, m 499 Elem, b 431 Elem, 1st h 447 Elem, 2d h 469 Elem. 453. Suyasabi 9. F 467 Elem, m 508a Kamdot. 454. Tolmepi or Fannie Mateo 9. F 501 Kamdot, m 347 Big Valley, d 427 Elem. 455. Tsebik e. F 480 Elem, m 479 Elem, s 464 Elem, w 459 Elem. 456. Tsetsuk e. F 486 Elem, m 485 Elem, b 447 and 467 Elem, ss 8 Elem, m b 424 Elem, w 484 Elem. 457. Tcalaktcauwai or Frank Knight e. F 508 Kamdot, m 498 Elem, o e mat // c 469 Elem, w 349 Big Valley. 458. Tcalpda 9. H 462 Elem. 459. Tcebeli 9. S 464 Elem, h 455 Elem. 460. Tcelapowis e. B 466 Elem. 461. Tcelapowis or Grant di. F 469 Elem, m 492 Elem, s 440 Elem, d 432, 446, and 468 Elem, w 436 Elem. 462. Tceptcebi e. W 458 Elem. 463. Tcetcuk e. S 469 Elem, b 497 Elem, w 493 Elem. 464. Tcidife e. F 455 Elem, m 459 Elem. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 317 465. Uipukel or William a. S 472 and 448 Elem, m b 425 Elem, w 500 Elem. 466. Wesli e. F 495 Elem, m 494 Elem, s 428 Elem, d 493 and 498 Elem, d s 469 Elem, b 460 Elem, w 477 Elem. 467. Wilbak e. F 486 Elem, m 485 Elem, d 453 Elem, b 447 and 456 Elem, ss 8 Elem, m b 424 Elem, w 508a Kamdot. 468. Wildahum or Josephine Grant 9. F 461 Elem, m 436 Elem, b 440 Elemi ss 432 and 446 Elem. 469. Wokox or Toto cI. F 463 Elem, m 493 Elem, pat c' // c 426 Elem, mat 1/ c 457 Elem, m b 428 Elem, 1st w 509 Kamdot, 2d w 492 Elem, s by 2d 461 Elem, 3d w 452 Elem. 470. Xiduldul cI. F 490 Elem, m 489 Elem, s 505 Kamdot, b 442 Elem, w 510 Kamdot. 471. Yemapi 9. F 425 Elem, m 474 Elem. 472. Yuilkis or Lightner c. F 465 Elem, m 500 Elem, h 448 Elem, w 348 Big Valley. 474. 9. D 471 Elem, h 425 Elem. 475. 9 . S 425 Elem, h 476 Elem. 476. a. S 425 Elem, w 475 Elem. 477. 9 . S 428 Elem, d 478 Elem, h 466 Elem. 478. 9 . F 466 Elem, m 477 Elem, s 469 Elem, b 428 Elem. 479. 9 . S 455 Elem, h 480 Elem. 480. e. S 455 Elem, w 479 Elem. 481. 9 . S 424 Elem, d 485 Elem, h 482 Elem. 482. - I. S 424 Elem, d 485 Elem, w 481 Elem. 483. 9 . S516Koi. 484. 9 . H 456 Elem. 485. 9. F 482 Elem, m 481 Elem, b 424 Elem, s 447, 456, and 467 Elem, d 8 Elem, h 486 Elem. 486. d. S 447, 456, and 467 Elem, d 8 Elem, w 485 Elem. 488. 9 . D 430 and 433 Elem, h 449 Elem. 489. 9 . S 442 and 470 Elem, h 490 Elem. 490. d. S 442 and 470 Elem, w 489 Elem. 491. 9. D 436 Elem, h 517 Koi. 492. 9. S 461 Elem, h 469 Elem. 493. - 9. F 466 Elem, s 469 Elem, y ss 498 Elem, h 463 Elem. 494. - 9. S 466 Elem, h 495 Elem. 495. a. S 466 Elem, w 494 Elem. 496. 9. H 429 Elem. 497. a. S 426 Elem, b 463 Elem. 498. 9 . F 466 Elem, s 457 Elem, o ss 493 Elem, h 508 Kamdot. 499. 9 . S 431 Elem, d 452 Elem, h 438 Elem. 500. 9 . S 448 and 472 Elem, h 465 Elem. Southeastern Pomo Village of Kamdot- 500a. Betel a. 501. Cela or Mateo a. F 506 Kamdot, m 502 Kamdot, d 454 Elem, ss 513 Kamdot, w 347 Big Valley. 502. Loho 9. S 501 Kamdot, d 513 Kamdot, h 506 Kamdot. 503. Masi a. S 506 Kamdot, w 514 Kamdot. 504. Nada a. S 507 Kamdot, w 515 Kamdot. 505. Paiyoko a. F 470 Elem, m 510 Kamdot, d 437, 441, and 444 Elem, w 430 Elem. 318 University of California Publications in, Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 506. Penma e. F 503 Kamdot, m 514 Kamdot, s 501 Kamdot, d 513 Kamdot, w 502 Kamdot. 507. Saiis or Book cI. F 504 Kamdot, m 515 Kamdot, w 529 Russian River Indian. 508. Uiakno or Jack Knight c. S 457 Elem, w 498 Elem. 508a. - 9. D 453 Elem, h 467 Elem. 509. 9. H 469 Elem. 510. - 9. S 505 Kamdot, h 470 Elem. 513. 9. F 506 Kamdot, m 502 Kamdot, s 435 Elem, b 501 Kamdot, h 539 an Eastern Indian. 514. 9. S 506 Kamdot, h 503 Kamdot. 515. 9. S 507 Kamdot, h 504 Kamdot. Southeastern Pomo Village of Koi- 516. Kelsey e. M 483 Elem, w 444 Elem. 517. Ike (English name) e. F 518 Koi, m 520 Koi, d 436 Elem, b 519 Koi, w 491 Elem. 518. Kutcol d. S 517 and 519 Koi, w 520 Koi. 519. Tobic or George Patch e. F 518 Koi, m 520 Koi, s 434 Elem, b 517 Koi, w 451 Elem. 520. Yikgiya 9. S 517 and 519 Koi, h 518 Koi. Central Pomo Village of Yokaia- 521. Batono 9. D 524 Yokaia, h 522 Yokaia. 522. Haltcawino e. D 524 Yokaia, w 521 Yokaia. 523. Pitabadoya e. W 524 Yokaia. 524. Xotel 9. F 522 Yokaia, m 521 Yokaia, 1st h 236 Cigom, 2d h 523 Yokaia. 525. - 9. H 362 Yima. Central Pomo Village of Cogowaiina- 527. 9. H 363 Yima. 528. ? 9. H 368 Yima. Miscellaneous Pomo (?) 529. - . H 507 Kamdot. 530. Paa d. D 284 Xowalek, w 294 Xowalek. 531. . D 189 Kabenapwena, w 345 Kabenapwena. Hill Patwin Village of Nauwagina (Lolcel)- 532. Ben Davis a?. W 177 Cigom. 533. Ekali e. 1st w 284 Xowalek, 2d w 76 Cigom. 534. Holulu 9. S 538, b 535 Nauwagina, ss 169 Nauwagina, h 537 Hainapwena. 535. Billy Himter e. Ss 169 and 534 Nauwagina. 535a. Benmai or Kamabatin c. 536. a. S 73 Cigom, w 74 Cigom. Hill Patwin Village of Hainapwena- 537. Tacodak 6. S 538, w 534 Nauwagina. Unplaced- 538. Tahawe e. F 537 Hainapwena, m 534 Nauwagina. 539. John Home. Eastern Indian, soldier. W 513 Kamdot, s 435 Elem. 540. Brown e,. Half-breed. W 437 Elem. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomno Society 319 MARRIAGE The great majority of individuals who reached adult life seem to have married. A notable exception was Burukalciwe, who succeeded his father Pisoso as a chief in Yima village. Pisoso and his wife (134) of Danoxa village were divorced, and Burukalciwe lived part of the time with one parent and part with the other. He never married. Four or five other cases of celibacy are less striking since the individual in each case died in early adult life. Only two cases of licentiousness were cited and both concerned Southeastern Pomo women. No details were obtained and it is possible that the intrigues involved white men instead of Indians. The prohibition against a man marrying a cousin or a niece, men- tioned by the Cigom informant, had a limiting effect upon the tendency toward village endogamy. Moreover, according to the principal Cigom informant, the levirate was not practiced either, and the sororate only rarely, following the death of the wife. The genealogies show none of these disfavored forms of marriage, thus bearing out the informant's general statements. Among the Southeastern Pomo there was no polygyny and the levirate might be practiced only in case the surviving brother was not already married. No example of the levirate was recorded. Marriages of 139 Cigom natives were recorded. Of these, 70 individuals married fellow-villagers. Sixty-nine marriages were between Cigom natives and inhabitants of other villages. Viewed from the standpoint of individuals rather than marriages, the people of Cigom were about equally divided as to home and foreign matrimonial alliances. Of the sixty-nine Cigom marriages to people of other villages, twenty- seven were to Eastern Pomo, eighteen to Northern Pomo, six to South- eastern Pomo, three to Central Pomo, three to other Pomo or perhaps Wappo, and twelve to Hill Patwin. The Hill Patwin village of Nau- wagina was the most favored single village in foreign matrimonial alliances. The following list shows in detail the marriages of Cigom natives to other villagers. The division of the Cigom contractants according to sex is shown. Forty Cigom men married foreign women; twenty-nine Cigom women married foreign men. It seems likely that the Cigom foreign marriages are a fair sample of what took place in much of central California wherever friendly neighbors dwelt. 320 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 TABLE 3 MARRIAGES OF CIGOM NATIVES TO OTHER VILLAGERS Village Cigom c3 Cigom 9 Total Eastern Pomo: Danoxa ........................................ 4 4 8 Xowalek ........................................ 2 3 5 Kabenapwena ........................................ 5 4 9 Bohanapwena .................. 2 3 5 Northern Pomo: Yima ........................................ 3 4 7 Kayau ........................................ 5 1 6 Bakohana ........................................ 2 1 3 Pomo ........................................ 2 ...... 2 Southeastern Pomo: Elemr ........................................ 3 1 4 Kamdot ........................................ 1 1 2 Central Pomo: Yokaia ........................................ 2 ...... 2 Cogowaiina . ....................................... ...... 1 1 Southern Pomo (?): Healdsburg region ...................... 1 ...... 1 M isauw ilaiina ................................ ...... 1 1 "Coast" Pomo ........................................ 1 ...... 1 Hill Patwin: Nauwagina ........................................7 5 12 Cigom was the only village of which a careful census was made. The fragmentary data for the other villages are of less value, but they reveal the marriages between various villages and within certain villages and are presented in table 4. TABLE 4 MARRYING INDIVIDUALS* a a Y F 0~~~~~~ Csa 0 a 0 Cigom ..................... 70 852 9 53 7 6 31 2 4 2 2 1 12 Danoxa ......................................... 8 2 3 2 1 1 Xowalek ......................5 2 8 4 3 3. 1 1 Kabenapwena ...................... 9 2 1 Bohanapwena ...................... 5 3 4 1 8 7 3 1 Yima.............................................. 7 2 3 7 16 3 1 1 2 Kayau ......................6 1 3 3 3 8 1 Bakohana ....... .. 3 1 1 1 2 Por o ....................................... 2 1 Elem.........................4 48 5 2 Kamdot ..................... 2 5 6 K o ............................................2 Yokaia.......................2 1 4 Cogowaiina ...................... 1 2 Nauwagina ..................... 12 1 1 Hainapwena 1 Total marrying individuals .... 136 19 21 12 32 42 25 8 4 59 13 4 7 3 14 1 * Remarrying individuals have been counted anew, i. e., a person who marries twice is counted as two individuals. Three marriages of Cigom persons to persons not definitely allocated are omitted. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 321 Next to Cigom with its seventy endogamous individuals, and sixty- nine exogamous individuals, Elem boasts forty-eight endogamous and only eleven exogamous individuals. Undoubtedly these figures are significant in indicating the greater prevalence of endogamy at Elem. It seems safe, even without a complete census of Elem, to contrast Cigom, as relatively exogamous, and Elem, as relatively endogamous. It is possible that the insular location of Elem was a factor in increasing endogamy. POSTNUPTIAL RESIDENCE Jim Pumpkin, the Eastern Pomo informant, formulated the follow- ing rule as to residence immediately after marriage between individuals of different villages. In the beginning a woman goes to live with her husband's folks. Later, there is more or less traveling between the villages both of the husband's and the wife's parents. The informant's generalization as to immediate postnuptial residence applies in only half the recoyded cases, twelve being patrilocal, and twelve matrilocal (see tables 5 and 6). The informants related anecdotes concerning a few of the newly married couples, which illumine more clearly the marriage institution. When 64, a woman of Cigom, married 30 of Kabenapwena, they remained a year with her father at Cigom, then went to Kabenapwena. There- after they alternated more or less between the two places, frequently living a year at one, then a year at the other. Similarly, 64 alternated her residence between Cigom and Kamdot when she married 31, her second husband. When the Cigom informant 113 married 116, of Kayau village, he resided two years in the house of her father before he took his bride to Cigom. He helped in the maintenance of the family by hunting and fishing. After 116's demise he married 117, of Pomo village, where he resided for one year. When the Hill Patwin 533, of Nauwagina village, married 76, of Cigom, he came to reside in the house of 76's father. After a time he set up a house of his own at a new site to which the Cigom people had moved after being driven from their village. Lahara (11) deserted a wife in his home village of Yima to espouse a Cigom woman. His brother 377, on the other hand, was originally married to a Danoxa woman (134), whom he later forsook in favor of a woman of his home village of Yima. Baci (182), of Cigom, espoused 183, a woman from the vicinity of Healdsburg, when her people came to Big valley one spring to fish. He 322 University of California Publications in -Am. -Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 took her at once to Cigom to live. Later they alternated between Cigom and Hoaldsburg. The second wife of 124, of Cigom, following the death of his first wife, was 294, of Pomo. He married her when she and other Pomo people came to Clear lake to catch and dry fish, and went to live with her in Pomo. This was after Cigom was deserted. Leutiri (7), of Cigom, espoused his wife (8) on the occasion of a ceremony at Elem, and brought her at once to Cigom. Hako (81), a man of Cigom, married 82, of the Hill Patwin village of Nauwagina. They lived in Cigom, but made occasional visits of three or four months' duration to Nauwagina. TABLE 5 CASES OF PATRILOCAL RESIDENCE IMMEDIATELY AFrER MARRIAGE Wife Wife's village Hus- Husband's village Initial residence Duration band 183 Healdsburg ...... 182 Cigom .............. Cigom ......... 1 year (?); later alternated 16 Cigom .......... 17 Kabenapwena.. Kabenapwena.. 2 years 57 Kabenapwena.. 56 Cigom ......... Cigom ... Continuous 58 Yima 56........... Cigom . Cigom ... 1 year (?); later alternated 369 Yima .329 Bohanapwena Bohanapwena.. 1 year (?); later alternated 524 Yokaia . 236 Cigom . Cigom ......... 1 year (?) 508a Kamdot ............ 467 Elem .. Elem ....... Continuous 509 Kamdot .469 e469 Elem Ele..... Continuous 82 Nauwagina 81 Cigom . Cigom .... 1 year (?) 169 Nauwagina 168 Cigom . Cigom .... Continuous Yima .275 Danoxa . Danoxa .... Continuous 8 Elem .7 Cigom . Cigom .... Continuous save for visits to Elem TABLE 6 CASES OF MATRILOCAL RESIDENCE IMMEDIATELY AFTER MARRIAGE Hus- band Husband's village Wife Wife's village Initial residence Duration 113 Cigom .......... 116 Kayau .............. Kayau . 2 years 113 Cigom .......... 117 Pomo .............. Pomo .1 year 188 Cigom .......... 189 Kabenapwena.. Kabenapwena "Long time" 124 Cigom . 415 Pomo .Pomo . Continuous 30 Kabenapwena.. 64 Cigom ... Cigom . 1 year 11 Yima .......... 12 Cigom . Cigom . Continuous 317 Yima .......... 266 Danoxa . Danoxa . Continuous 435 Elem .......... 350 Big valley . Big valley . Continuous 507 Kamdot .......... 529 Russian river Russian river 2 years 533 Nauwagina 284... 284 Xowalek . Xowalek . Continuous 533 Nauwagina 76 Cigom . Cigom . 1 year (?) 185 Yima .186 .. Cigom . Cigom . Continuous 1926] Giifford: Clear Lake Po'mo Society 323 Wilbak (467), of Elem, married a Kamdot woman (508a), whom he brought to Elem to reside. Sometimes, when he had an abundance of fish or venison, he took some to his father-in-law, 'remaining away from Elem three or four days or perhaps a week. As Elem and Kamdot are both on islands, 467 traveled by tule balsa. Xiduldul (470), a cripple of Elem who walked with the aid of a stick, was married to a Kamdot woman and lived alternately in Elem and Kamdot. Wokox (469), the Elem informant, married a Kamdot woman (509), whose mother was dead, but whose father was living. He took his bride to Elem at once. Wisin (186), a woman of Cigom, married 185 of Yima. They lived in Cigom, 185 occasionally visiting Yima. Kalayo (163), a Hopland man and husband of 162, of Cigom, was an intermittent Cigom resident. After marrying 193, a woman of Bohanapwena, 380, of Yima, lived in Bohanapwena part of the time. Yali (275), of Danoxa, and his Yima wife (385) sometimes lived in Yima in the winter. Xalkamamna (177), a woman of Cigom maternity, now lives near Cigom with her husband, 532, a Long Valley Patwin. The allocation of adult individuals whose parents are from two villages throws much light on the matter of postnuptial residence. Of ninety-nine such individuals from the various Pomo communities about Clear lake, twenty-four are patrilocal in residence, seventy-five are matrilocal. By linguistic groups they are distributed as follows: TABLE 7 RESIDENCE AFTER MARRIAGE, BY LINGUISTIC GROUPS Linguistic group Patrilocal individuals Matrilocal individuals Eastern Pomo .................................. 21 59 Northern Pomo .................................. 2 9 Southeastern Pomo ..................................1 7 It is evident that identification with the village of the mother is the rule, as is shown in table 8. TABLE 8 RESIDENCE AFTER MARRIAGE, BY VILLAGES Village Patrilocal individuals Matrilocal individuals Cigom ................................... 15 29 Danoxa ................................... 2 6 Xowalek .................................. 2 17 Bohanapwena ................................... 2 5 K abenapw ena ................................... ........ 2 Yima ..........................2 4 Kayau ........................................... . 4 Bakohana ........................................... ..1 Elem .................................. 1 6 Kamdot ............................................ . 1 324 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 DIVORCE AND SECOND MARRIAGES AMONG EASTERN AND NORTHERN POMO The Pomo on the shores of Clear lake are not polygamous. There- fore, the taking of a second spouse is always preceded by divorce or death of the first spouse. There was no ceremony about divorce so far as I could learn. The total number of individuals, among the Eastern and Northern Pomo enumerated in this paper, who contracted marriage was 299. This figure counts twice individuals who married twice. Of these, thirty (14 men, 16 women) contracted second marriages, and six (4 men, 2 women) contracted third marriages; 18 men and 18 women in all, of whom four were widows, and six were widowers. Every case of divorce recorded was followed by remarriage. This suggests that, in each instance, a corespondent was involved. Actual instances of such were recorded (see biographies 11 and 357). The total number of divorces recorded was thirteen; three were of spouses of the same village, ten of spouses of different villages. Village endo- gamy was apparently more conducive to matrimonial success than village exogamy. In six divorces the couple had living children, in six cases the offspring had died in infancy before the divorce took place, and in one case the couple had no offspring. It is possible that, in the seven cases in which there were no living offspring at the time of divorce, this very fact constituted grounds for separation. The ratio of divorces to marriages, 13 to 299, is probably far too low owing to the incomplete data. The list of marriages terminated by death and followed by a second marriage as shown in tables 9 and 10 is doubtless incomplete. No case was recorded of an individual having more than three spouses in a lifetime. Only four men and two women married thrice. There are a number of cases in which information was lacking, and it seems likely that death rather than divorce terminated these unions. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 325 C ND 0 cn CAD NI co W -4 co I- 1-P. PPI 00 W cQ oo cR c 4o -4 c co o9c * I Q Q Fd, t C ~~Q A aq A1 A 8 QCCQ 03 3w 3; 3 3q 0 0 0 0 2W ** .*: :.* * v_ w a.. ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~CD C7 t*, * 4 CA t * * C*AD . w, AA . - ; ** - : :5 : : : : : : : : : : Oa O__ t__ _ o ---Ill-C ('0DCD C CD CD O W CD awwm W t5D O X tl CADr Q3t tot 01 -4 = W W = -. -4 0 00. W~h. .H O -o- O C D DC O OD 0- 0 X( - .0 Po 0 ~~~~~~~~~ C o~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~l 0 O O CD M C CD m m mY O aq i :3 'SB33S BBS WX* Wt SD e . 326 University of Californiia Publications in. Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 0 ra r ad cd~~~~~ 0 0. P Ob t SS Ca Ca "02 00 00 0 t-..0'-40' 0 towC 4 -14c C- c mm m C4m ? 1 0 000 0000000 00C a~ SS '.S .. .>aS S z ____ __ ~q H H ,-- > Z __ P_ Z a~~~~~~~~~~a i 0 *~~~~~~~~~~~~~~0 > . * .0 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ I ~~~~~~~Ot.- d Cd o O n O0 00 0 0 CD _ _ O 00 00 - 0C0 sd0 C - C0 U 0 sq o r2 M 1I cI M cD I- o M co I M ? P; r eV ~ ~M M M M CeD tO co M -- M xV M -- q Cd~~~~~~. 0 -W~~~~~~~~~~~~~ a ) Ca Ca Ca S~~~~~~i b? o C, U Ebi Ib? Eo5o i? Ca Ca c t. te 0 to 00 O00 C M L O cq W - : t o l- cO cq =s ao I- - Ms 1-4 Ns>* "~~~ M 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 327 PARENT-IN-LAW TAEOOS Among the Eastern Pomo bashfulness and use of the plural in address characterize the intercourse of parents-in-law and children-in-law. Among the Northern Pomo marked avoidance prevailed.'4 INFANT MORTALITY IN CIGOM In thirty-one of the forty-eight Cigom families, fifty-seven offspring are mentioned. Twenty-nine died in infancy or childhood; twenty- eight presumably matured. This gives a death rate of approximately fifty-one per cent among children, which is probably low, as it seems likely that the informant overlooked a number of infant deaths. More- over, the number of offspring per family, which averages less than two, seems rather low. The following list presents the data on which the above paragraph is based. Roman numerals and letters refer to families in the list of Cigom inhabitants; "D" stands for died, "L" for lived. Thus, XII W 2L means Family at West fireplace in House XII, 2 children who lived. I N 1L; I S 2D; I E 1D; I W 1D; II N 1L; II S 1L; II E 3L; III W 2L;IVS 1D;IVE lL;IVW2D;VN lL;VIN lL;VIS lL;VIIN 1L; VII W 2L; IX N 10D, 1L; X N 2D; X E 2D, IL, XI N 1D; XII E 1L; XII W 2L; XIII ID; XIV N 1D; XIV W 3L; XVIII N 1D; XVIII W 2D; XIX E 1L; XIX W ID, 2L; XX N 1L; XX W lD, 1L. OCCUPATIONS Certain occupations fell to the lot of all men at Cigom: fishing, hunting, house-building, balsa-making, and manufacture of fish-traps and fish-baskets. Basketry in general was produced by women with the exception of the fish baskets and with the further exception that men as well as women manufactured basketry cradles. All women learned the art of basket making. Acorns were gathered mostly by women, including the chief's wife, who seems to have been exempt from none of the ordinary occupations of women. Men at times gathered acorns. Both Eastern and Southeastern Pomo informants said that their people possessed no dogs before the coming of the whites. 14 A. L. Kroeber, op. cit., p. 255; also California Kinship Systems, present series, xii, 371, 1917. 328 University of California Publications in Amn. Arch. antd Ethn. [Vol. 18 The making of nets for catching fish and snaring waterfowl was in the hands of a few skilled workmen. A net was usually owned by five to ten men, although the village was invited to share in the catch. One style of net employed in fishing was about 150 yards in length and was used extended between two balsas. Nets were used also for snaring ducks. Every man fished, particularly in spring. Trout, blackfish, perch, and silverside were among the fish caught. They were roasted and dried. Later in summer such dried fish were boiled and eaten. Night fishing was done mostly with nets from balsas. The net used was said to have been fifteen to twenty feet across and had a stick in the middle to keep it distended. Some of the especially notable fisher- men, all natives of Cigom, were 1, 27, 33, 62, 67, 77, 85, 93, 102, 129, 152. Certain men seem to have been especially proficient as deer hunters (14, 17, 20, 65, 67). Although the data indicate a certain amount of transmission of occupations, including shamanism, from father to son and from maternal uncle to sororal nephew, there seems no reason to believe that func- tional families existed such as W. C. McKern describes among the Valley Patwin.15 In fact, the coexistence of patrilineal and matrilineal transmission among the Pomo would make a patrilineal functional family such as McKern describes impossible. McKern bases his paper upon native formulations, not upon genealogical data. It is possible that genealogical data among the Patwin might show many exceptions to the native formulations. Fishnet-makers.-In Cigom there were six fishnet makers: 13, 27, 40, 48, 71, and 81. Xatonton (306), of Xowalek, was also a manu- facturer of fishnets. Of these individuals none were interrelated so far as the record shows. Evidently songs and charms were used in net-making, but it was impossible to get a clear conception of them. The informant knew of their existence but claimed never to have heard or seen them. At the Southeastern Pomo village of Elem every man is said to have made his own fishnets and to have owned his own balsa. Ducknet-makers.-Sawalnim (124) was the only ducknet maker at Cigom. Although 11 of Yima, the father of the Cigom chief 7, was one, 7 never learned the art, or, if he did, he never practiced it. Pisoso (377), of Yima, the brother of 11, was also a maker of ducknets, but his son (357) was not. Pisoso (377) was also an ardent duck-hunter. Every winter he hunted ducks at Danobidau at the northwest corner of Clear lake, and gave ducks to the relatives who visited him there. 15 Functional Families of the Patwin, present series, xiii, 235-258, 1922. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 329 Arrow-makers.-Arrow-making in Cigom was the special trade of a few men. The Cigom arrow-makers (14, 48, 67, 84, 135, and 143) obtained their obsidian (xaga) by the balsa-load from the Lower Lake country. Danoyahem, Jr. (287), of Xowalek, also made arrows. Tcohop (84) and 143 were brothers; 48 was sister's son of 84 and 143; 67 was father of 135. It appears upon this scanty evidence that the art may have been transmitted from father to son and from maternal uncle to nephew. Djalakoic (135) and 84 each charged two hundred clam-shell beads per arrow. They sold their arrows principally to Cigom and Big Valley people. At the Southeastern Pomo village of Elem only certain individuals made arrows, which they sold for forty clam-shell beads each. Forty clam-shell beads were the equivalent of twenty-five cents. Usually a buyer purchased fifty or sixty arrows at a time. Bows were not made at Elem, but were purchased from the Long Valley Patwin, who in turn obtained them from peoples to the northeast. The price of a bow at Elem was two hundred clam-shell beads. This makes one wonder if the above-mentioned Cigom price for arrows may not really have applied to bows. Among the Southeastern Pomo of Elem only certain men made and used ducknets. They sometimes gave away some of the ducks cap- tured. Food was not sold. It might be given away, but being "wild stuff" should not be sold, according to Pomo etiquette. Manufactured articles only were bought and sold, such as baskets, bows, and arrows. Every man of Elem made his own fishnet, which was not sold, "because it was too hard to make," said the informant. Deerskins, rabbitskin blankets, and baskets were made and sold to the rich men. Rich men often gave their parents and sisters baskets of which they possessed many. The recipient might sell the basket and keep the money. Magnesite beads were also sold to rich men, the informant saying that forty beads sold for the equivalent of sixty or seventy dollars. Of the inhabitants of Elem 447 was noted as a hunter of deer and ducks, for which he used the bow entirely. He was neither an arrow- maker nor a ducknet-maker. Tsetsuk (457), his brother, was an industrious maker of clam-shell money (see his biography, p. 386). His "relatives and friends" supplied him with food. Cotboi (425), a shaman, was an arrow-maker. Money-manufacturers.-At Cigom the principal maker of clam-shell money was 27. The informant stated that most men indulged in its manufacture to some extent. Gamblers.-Noted gamblers at Cigom were 35 and 143. 330 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 SHAMANS16 Neither massage nor blowing was utilized by the Clear Lake Pomo in curing the sick. The principal Cigom informant also denied the presence of malevolent shamans or "poisoners" at Cigom or neighboring 'villages, but professed to know of them at Colusa and Chico. Curing in the old days was in the hands of two types of doctors, the sucking doctor, or madu, and the outfit doctor, or ko'o. All informants emphasize the difference in the acquisition of power. The sucking doctor got his power by dream (as in the case of 406) or vision (as in the case of 7); the outfit doctor learned from an older shaman, usually his father, father's brother, mother's father, mother's brother, or other relative. For an example of the manner in which a sucking doctor obtains his power see the biography of 7, p. 383. According to Pumpkin (113), a sucking doctor sucks four times in one day and the sick man gets well. Blood only is sucked out. In 1919 there were four sucking doctors at Danobidau near the American town of Upper Lake. The informant said that he was sick four times while living at Cigom and was cured each time by suction by the shaman 7, to whom he paid four or five dollars' worth of shell money on each occasion. The outfit doctor employed a medicine bundle, containing various objects which he spread out near the sick person, and also treated the sick by singing.17 He sang for four days and four nights, then rested for a like period, and if necessary resumed his singing for another four- day period. The informant 113 was such a shaman and stated that he had successfully treated four young women. Their sickness was caused by bad dreams. Pumpkin did not derive his ability to cure through a dream or vision, but learned the art by listening to an old singing doctor when .he was curing people. This shaman was 398 of the Northern Pomo village of Kayau, and he had learned the art from his father. Kauwinak (398) was the mother's brother of Jim's present wife 405. Pumpkin professed not to be a very expert practitioner. E. M. Loeb, who interrogated Pumpkin in 1925, derived the impression that Pumpkin's cures by singing did not exemplify an ancient practice, but were a phase of modern ghost dance (maru) activities.18 16 Cf. L. S. Freeland, Pomo Doctors and Poisoners, present series, xx, 57-73. 1923. 17 Ibid., pp. 59-63. 18 Loc. cit. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 331 The following fourteen Eastern and Northern Pomo individuals, listed by the informant Jim Pumpkin, were, or are, shamans: TABLE 11 EASTERN AND NORTHERN POMO SHAMANS Person Sex Village Shaman Remarks 113 o1 Danobidau ........ Outfit (?) .......... Instructed by 398. Secret society member. 351 a' Danobidau ........ Sucking .......... Brother of 352, husband of 353. 352 9 Danobidau ........ Sucking .......... Sister of 351. 353 9 Danobidau ........ Sucking .......... Sister of 354, wife of 351. 354 9 Danobidau ........ Sucking .......... Sister of 353. 7 e Cigom ......... Sucking .......... Chief, secret society member. 84 e Cigom ......... Outfit .......... Not a secret society member. 216 ci Cigom ......... Outfit .......... Secret society member. 87 e Yima ......... Outfit .......... Resident at Cigom where married. Not a secret society member. 155 e Bohanapwena.. Outfit .......... Resident at Cigom where married. Not a secret society member. 307a c?' Xowalek .. Outfit ................ Not a secret society member. 390 e Kayau ... Outfit, rattle- . Chief, father of 398. snake. 398 e Kayau ... Sucking, outfit Chief, son of 390, father of 406, in- structor of 113. 406 9 Kayau ... Sucking .......... Daughter of 398. There is no instance of a female outfit doctor. An interesting case of shamans in three generations of one family is revealed by 390, 398, and 406. Dreams were said to be the basis of 406's power as a sucking doctor. In the Southeastern Pomo villages outfit doctors seem to have been the more popular aforetime. None were women. Among the South- eastern Pomo, the word tsukal denotes a sucking doctor, the words kowi and kohoyelkel, an outfit doctor. The informant could give the name of no sucking doctor of ancient times, though he mentioned a living sucking doctor, 435, of Elem nativity, who was endowed with the power in a dream, but who lives himself among the Eastern Pomo of Big valley. The Southeastern Pomo informant named eight outfit doctors, including himself. They were 504, of Kamdot, and 469, 466, 429, 438, 431, 462, and 425, of Elem; 438 was the father of 431; 466 was mother's father of 469. The following is 469's account of the outfit doctor of the South- eastern Pomo. Outfit doctors touch the sick person with the objects in their bundles. When treating the sick the doctor abstains from meat, 332 U1niversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 fish, and water for four days. Wokox's (469) bundle, which he shows to no one, was obtained from his mother's father 466, who taught him to be a doctor. Kohuyoli is the term for bundle, also for treating the sick with it. Wokox said he had not taught his son (461) to bt- an outfit doctor lest he might eat too much, like most young people, and consequently die from infraction of food tabu. Wokox's knowledge dies with h m because he is teaching no one. He said that his bundle had been passed down to him through "hundreds of years." Outfit doctors also administered medicines. They never sucked. Sucking doctors gave no medicines. Of the Southeastern Pomo shamans enumerated above, 425, an out- fit doctor, was famous for his cures and became wealthy through his fees. He was, moreover, an arrow-maker. Haitca (429), another of the profession, was not rich when 469 knew him, and was not very friendly with 425. Wesli (466), 469's mother's father, earned much money as a doctor. He was also an ardent fisherman. Wokox (469) said he fished "every night." Hilepokel (431), an outfit doctor who died relatively young, learned the profession from his father (438) and made considerable money at it. According to 469 there were no bear shamans at Elem and no shamans who knew how to cure rattlesnake bites. At Cigom when a person was bitten by a rattlesnake no one in the village smoked tobacco until the person was well again. The, bitten person's father or brother went for the rattlesnake doctor (xas gauk), who ordered the people not to smoke until he had completed his treat- ment. The doctor rubbed the wound with medicine put in water. He did not sing or use a pipe. Forty or fifty dollars in clam-shell money was paid for a cure. If the patient died his relatives paid only half the amount. There seems to have been no rattlesnake doctor living in Cigom. According to 113, there were no bear shamans at Cigom. His father saw two, however, at Elem. They were reputed to travel from Elem to Mt. St. Helena and back in half a day. They were said to keep their costumes hidden at Mt.Kanaktai, and were careful to allow no boys or women to see them. Jim Pumpkin (113) said that he had heard of them in the vicinity of Healdsburg and on the coast.19 19 For a detailed account of the Pomo bear shaman, see S. A. Barrett, Pomo Bear Doctors, present series, xii, 443-465, 1917. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomro Society 333 BERDACHES Jim Pumpkin, the Cigom informant, knew of but one berdache at Cigom, a man called Das (137), a term which means berdache but which seems to have been used as a personal name. It may be based on the stem da, woman, just as the corresponding Central Miwok term osabu is based on osa, woman. E. M. Loeb informs me that the word das also means a beardless man or a sterile woman. As a boy of five or six 137 started wearing a deerskin skirt20 like a girl. He learned to make baskets and pound acorns just like a woman. He did not dance, however. Many men associated with him for short periods, some sleeping with him. None married him permanently. Jim Pumpkin (113), the principal Eastern Pomo informant, knew of four other berdaches, two in Round valley and two in Potter valley. In the Southeastern Pomo language, a berdache is called t !um. The informant Wokox said there were none that he knew of in Elem, Kam- dot, or Koi. CHIEFTAINSHIP Chieftainship among the three Pomo groups considered in this paper (Northern, Eastern, and Southeastern), was hereditary, with inheritance subject to the candidate possessing the qualities of "good- ness of heart," oratorical ability, and apparently, sometimes, wealth. One case came to my attention in which the son of a Southeastern Pomo chief was inacceptable for his father's office because of his quarrelsome disposition and lack of oratorical ability. This son's son succeeded the old chief. Since the Clear Lake Pomo were monogamous, the chief's ability to entertain was not increased by a plurality of wives, as among the Sierra Miwok. Both the Eastern and Southeastern Pomo nform- ants insisted that contemporaneous chiefs in villages like Cigom and Elem were all of equal power without any superior village chief. The absence of a head chief disagrees with Barrett's statements,2' and my information being of a negative nature, is possibly erroneous. Although Barrett makes the statement for the Pomo in general, he actually cites only the case of the Centra Pomo, of whom he writes in his Pomo Ethno-geography, page 15: 20 Panther skins and rabbit-skin blankets, also, were used by women as skirts, the informant said. Probably the common daily garment of women was a skirt of tule fiber or grass. 21 The ethno-geography of the Pomo and neighboring Indians, present series, VI, 15. 1908; also Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians. present series, xii, 399, 1917. 334 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 These captains were of two classes, the ordinary or lesser captains, called in the Central Pomo dialect malada tcayedul, or surrounding captains; and the head captains, called tcayedul bate, or big captains. A lesser captain looked after the welfare of all those directly related to him; and the result was that there were usually, though not always, as many captains in each community as there were partially distinct groups of individuals in that community. These lesser captains formed a kind of council that looked after the general welfare of the community at large. From among these lesser captains a head captain was chosen by the people at large, whose chief duties were to arrange for and preside over ceremonials, welcome and entertain visitors from other villages, council with the lesser captains as to proposed measures for the communal welfare, and particularly to give good advice to the people in general by means of discourses both at times of gatherings for various purposes and at other times. The head captain had slightly more authority than the lesser captains, though so far as conducting the affairs of government was concerned there must be a unanimous agreement among the captains before any particular project affecting the public good could be carried out, and all such action was influenced in the greatest measure by public opinion. While the office of head captain seems to have been entirely electoral, that of lesser captain was hereditary..... The information obtained by the writer from the Eastern Pomo agrees with Barrett's formulation except that nothing was learned as to the "head captain," or community chief.22 'No honorary chiefs and no chiefesses were encountered among the Eastern and Northern Pomo of the shores of Clear lake, although Barrett definitely refers to them as follows: "What may be termed an honorary captainship was accorded any man who, through his wealth or his prowess as a hunter, made himself very popular by providing large quantities of food and numerous feasts for the people. A similar honorary office, that of female captain, daxalik (E) was based upon a woman's popularity, which depended in turn on her good-heartedness and her fame as a cook. Neither of these honorary offices, however, was hereditary. In spite of the ambiguous nature of the office, in- cumbents were accorded great respect at ceremonies and other public functions."23 22 The Eastern Pomo informant said that in the Hill Patwin village, called Lolcel in Patwin and Nauwagina in Eastern Pomo, situated in Long valley, there were two contemporary chiefs. The name of one was Benmai in Patwin, Kama- batin in Pomo. Kamabatin and Benmai are said to mean "big foot." 23 S. A. Barrett, Ceremonies, present series, xii, 399, 1917. 1926] G-ifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 335 EASTERN POMO CHIEFS Jim Pumpkin, the Eastern Pomo informant from whom the census of Cigom was obtained, characterized the contemporaneous chiefs Leutiri (7), Sipahale (27), and Xalax (48) of Cigom as ghaxalik batin, "chiefs big." For each communal house he said there was no special chief. The people in the various houses owed allegiance to the three ghaxalik batin only, and not to any inferior chiefs. It is possible that one of these three chiefs may have been the elected village chief and that the informant failed to recall which it was. Early records men- tion Leutiri as chief of Cigom.24 The Cigom informant, however, stated that Leutiri spent considerable time (sometimes a whole winter) at Elem, his wife's home, which means that -if he was the village chief of Cigom he was not on hand much of the time to perform his duties. Moreover, Sipahale (27), who was married to a Southeastern Pomo woman of Kamdot, is said to have sojourned a year at a time in Kamdot. If both he and Leutiri (7) were absent synchronously, it must have left Cigom with but the single chief Xalax (48), who himself died while on a winter fishing trip in Big valley on the west side of Clear lake, some- time before 1870. The informant did not know if the houses occupied by a chief's dependents formed a special group within the village. In Bohanapwena, or the erstwhile seat of the KuLanapo, the in- formant maintains that there were likewise three contemporaneous "big" chiefs (ghaxalik batin) of equal rank: Sapal or Hulyo (Julio) (329), as the Spanish called him, Cuk or Augustine (316), and Caicina (313). Slocum, Bowen and Company mention 316 as the chief of this village in 1880.25 Barrett was informed by an Indian that 329 was the chief at the time of Colonel M'Kee's visit in 1851.26 It is possible that 316 and 329 were not contemporaneous, even though my informant stated that they were. Perhaps Salvodino, who is mentioned as Augustine's predecessor,27 was the contemporary of Hulyo; or Hulyo, Salvodino, and Augustine may have been successively elected village chiefs. In Kabenapwena or Bidamiwina, the seat of the Kabenapo, there were likewise three contemporaneous chiefs, Gunulahatida or Perieto,28 Xunumida, and Gecawi. The chief, in addition to Perieto, who is mentioned elsewhere in print is Ba-cow-shum,29 whom I have not 24 Barrett, Ethno-geography, fn. 204. 27 Barrett, Ethno-geography, p. 194. 25 Barrett, Ethno-geography, p. 194. 28 Barrett, Ethno-geography, fn. 15. 26 Barrett, Ethno-geography, p. 46. 29 Barrett, Ethno-geography, fn. 219. 336 University of California Publications in. Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 identified with any individuals mentioned by my informant, unless perchance it is Gecawi mentioned above. The Eastern Pomo villages of Xowalek and Danoxa have each but a single line of chieftains attributed to them. Damot was chief of Xowalek in 1880 (cf. Barrett, fn. 198); Guki was apparently chief of Danoxa in 1880 (cf. Barrett, fn. 199), though my principal Eastern Pomo informant stated that he died about 1855. Damot died about 1885. Yali, Guki's successor, died in 1885. In the modern settlement of Xabematolil near Upper Lake, which is inhabited by both Eastern and Northern Pomo, a man named Cabediram, or Jim Bucknell, who died in 1919, was chief. He held this office in virtue of the fact that his father, Kalbil, was a chief of the Northern Pomo village of Kayau. Cabediram was said also to have been the last chief of the Eastern Pomo village of Behepal. How he came to hold this office was not learned; but it was probably through his mother, who was an Eastern Pomo of Danoxa, of which Behepal was a dependency. Behepal was last inhabited in 1912 or 1913. At Danobidau, another modern village near Upper Lake, Charles Gunther (354a) is chief, by virtue of relationship to the Cigom chief Sipahale (27). Sipahale's mother was the sister of Gunther's mother's mother. Gunther's mother (64) proposed him for the chieftaincy and the people approved. The Eastern Pomo informant stated that there were no chiefesses (daxalik) in the same sense that there were chiefs. This statement emphasizes the masculinity of the chiefly office, even though the trans- mission of the office was usually through females, i. e., from a man to his sister's son. The individual Poni (73), a man of Hill Patwin paternity and obvi- ously a bilinguist, was characterized as a ghaxalik kutci, chief new. Although not of chiefly blood, he attained to chiefly influence through his leading role as introducer of the ghost dance (maru) cult of 1870. As Barrett points out,30 the leaders of this new cult sprang into such prominence as to largely replace the chief in functions. My Cigom informant stated that the chief arranged for the ceremonies of the old Kuksu cult and sometimes those of the new maru cult. More often, however, the latter were under the management of a maru priest. Succession to chieftainship was usually matrilineal, a man succeeding his mother's brother. This Eastern Pomo custom agrees with Barrett's formulation for the Pomo in general: 30 Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians, present series, xii, 440, 1917. 1926] GifJord: Clear Lake Pomo Society 337 While the office of head captain seems to have been entirely electoral, that of lesser captain was hereditary, passing from an incumbent to the family of his sister nearest his own age, kinship and descent here being in the female line, a man's real descendants being the children of his sister instead of himself. If he had no sisters, the captainship went to one of his own children or could under certain conditions be passed to other relatives, or even to the family of an intimate friend.3' Curiously enough, my Eastern Pomo informant's formulation of chiefly succession disagrees with his concrete data in making trans- mission from father to son primary, and to sororal nephew or brother secondary. It is of interest to note that two brothers were not chiefs simultaneously. Indeed, the data seem to indicate that only a single individual of a given lineage held office at a time. Of eight Eastern Pomo examples of succession to chieftaincy, four are from the mother's brother to the sister's son, a fifth perhaps so; two are from brother to brother, and one is from father to son. The cases follow: Damot (285) of Xowalek succeeded his mother's brother Cicai (283), who arranged that 285 should succeed him. The informant thought it likely that Guki (267) of Danoxa had succeeded his mother's brother. Yali (275) of Danoxa succeeded his mother's brother Guki (267). Xalax of Cigom succeeded his mother's brother Xadasada (45). Kalitc (320) of Bohanapwena succeeded his mother's brother Caicina (313). Sipahale (27) of Cigom succeeded his older paternal half-brother Xoskondo. Lepusa (325) of Bohanapwena succeeded his brother Cuk or Augustine (316) at the latter's death. Djino (339) of Kabenapwena succeeded his father Gecawi (342). Of the following Eastern Pomo chiefs it was definitely ascertained that their fathers were not chiefs; moreover, in some instances, the 'father was from a village other than that over which the son became chief, but the mother from the village over which he became chief. This serves to emphasize the reality of matrilineal transmission. The cases of chiefs whose fathers were not chiefs follow: 22 and 27, Cigom chiefs, were the sons of 25, a Cigom man. Leutiri (7), Cigom chief, was the son of 11, a Northern Pomo of Yima village. Cuk (316) and 325, Bohanapwena chiefs, were the sons of 310 of Bohanapwena. Yali (275), Danoxa chief, was the son of a Northern Pomo (423), of Bako- hana village. Damot (285), Xowalek chief, was the son of 269 of Danoxa. The mother of 316 and 325, chiefs of Bohanapwena, was 311 of Bohanapwena. The mother of 22, Cigom chief, was 26 of Cigom. 31 Ethno-geography, p. 15. 338 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 The mother of 7, Cigom chief, was 12 of Cigom. The mother of 275, Danoxa chief, was 279 of Danoxa. The mother of 285, Xowalek chief, was 304 of Xowalek. A few instances will throw some light on the actual manner of suc- cession to the chiefly office. Leutiri (7), of Cigom, was said to have become "chief through his mother;" probably he succeeded his mother's brother, though the informant did not know. Damot (285), of Xo- walek, was made chief by 283, his predecessor and mother's brother. Sipahale (27), of Cigom, succeeded his older paternal half-brother 22, presumably at the latter's death. Kalta (33) and 40, two half-brothers, and maternal "grandfathers" of 27, proposed 27 for chief. His rela- tives, those who would be under him, assented, as did the rest of the villagers, all gathered in the dance house. Lepusa (325), of Bohanapwena, was selected by his brother 316 as his successor; 325 was living in 1919. The informant made the general statement that, where there was a choice of candidates, as for example the sons of a chief, the people made the selection at a special gathering. In matters of public interest the three chiefs of Cigom conferred and co6perated. If a ceremony was to be given and 7 chanced to be away at Elem in Southeastern Pomo territory, he was recalled. Then the three chiefs discussed their plans, assembled the people in the dance house, and talked about the proposed ceremony, each chief in turn standing by the center post and talking to the people. When a chief finished talking, the people would shout: "Very well. It is good. 0! 0! O!" An Eastern Pomo chief was supplied with game by village hunters, presumably his kinsmen. The wife of a chief, however, gathered acorns and seeds like any other woman. When a chief resided in a foreign wife's village, he had to hunt for himself, for he had no one to provide him with game as at home. Such was the plight of 7, Cigom chief when he resided in Elem, the village of his wife. From the informant's replies to general questions, it appears that a chief had but little mandatory power. If one of his people was killed, a chief might tell his men, following the appeal of the immediate kins- folk of the deceased, to seek out the murderer and kill him; but if the murdered person were known to be in the wrong nothing would be done. In case of elopement with another's wife, the injured husband must attend to his own interests. He need expect no aid from the chief. The chief had no power to prevent a marriage that might be distasteful to him. In four-day ceremonies, the chiefs furnish the feasts, but call upon their people to supply them with the greater part of the food. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pono Society 339 NORTHERN POMO CHIEFS Some information concerning Northern Pomo chiefs was furnished by the Eastern Pomo informant, Jim Pumpkin. For Kayau village he mentioned two contemporaneous unrelated chiefs, 398 and 397, characterizing them as ghaxalik batin, chief "big." Barrett quotes Slocum, Bowen and Company to the effect that Ba- cool-ah was the chief in 1880.32 He is apparently a third contem- poraneous chief for this village. For Yima village in Scott's valley, two contemporaneous chiefs, both ghaxalik batin, were mentioned: 377 and 362. The latter is evidently "Du-goh, chief of the Cum-le-bah tribe in the upper end of Scott's valley," mentioned by Slocum, Bowen and Company.33 The Eastern Pomo informant stated that Yima village was bilingual, Eastern and Northern Pomo being spoken. Furthermore he said that 377 spoke Eastern Pomo and 362 spoke Northern Pomo. It looks very much as though the informant's Yima village were an amalgamation of two or more originally distinct communities. Of the three clear cases of transmission of chieftainship which I have recorded, two are from father to son, one is from mother's brother to sister's son. The cases follow: Burukalciwe (357) of Yima succeeded his father 377. Gunula (363) -of Yima succeeded his mother's brother 362. Kauwinak (398) of Kayau succeeded his father 390. The manner in which 357 came to succeed his father (377) was related as follows: After his father (377) died the matter of 357's suc- cession was discussed by the old men and the people were asked. They all said: "All right. Good fellow, good man." Thus he became ghaxalik batin like his father. See biographies of 377 and 357, page 385. The chief 363, of Yima, who succeeded his mother's brother, 362, was the son of a Yima woman, 388. SOUTHEASTERN POMO CHIEFS Wokox (469), the Southeastern Pomo informant, insisted that there was no village or head chief in his home town of Elem. There were a number of contemporaneous chiefs (balakui) of equal rank. Chiefs were not wealthy men as a rule, he said. 32 Ethno-geography, fn. 115. 33 Barrett, Ethno-geography, fn. 158. 340 University of Califortia Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 118 The informant seemed to be acquainted with three generations of chiefs in Elem. These were apparently as follows; it should be borne in mind though that the informant's memory seemed somewhat hazy. Earliest Intermediate Present Day Balakkak (424) Wilbak (467) Yulkis or Lightner (472) Tceptcebi (462) Ile (434) Tsebik (455) Cotboi or Blanco (425) Paiyoko (505) Gucibuk (428) Tcelapowis or Grant (461) The informant definitely stated that Notau (447), the brother of the chief 467, was not a chief. Slocum, Boweli and Company speak of No-tow, chief of the Cow-goo-mah tribe at Sulphur Bank.34 I should add that Jim Pumpkin, the Eastern Pomo informant, agreed with the Southeastern Pomo informant in designating 467 as chief at Sulphur Bank. For the village of Kamdot on Buckingham Island the following chiefs were mentioned: Early Intermediate Present Day Masi (503) Cela or Mateo (501) Betel (5O0a) Nada (504) Saiis (507) In addition, Slocum, Bowen and Company mention Beu-beu as chief of the Le-mah-mah on an island just west of Sulphur Bank, viz., Buckingham Island.35 For the village of Koi on Lower Lake island, the information is even less satisfactory than for Kamdot. The chiefs were as follows: Early Intermediate Present Day Ike (English name) (517) Tobic or George Patch (519) Kelsey (516) Slocum, Bowen and Company mention Sam Patch as chief of the Shoat-ow-no-ma-nook, or Koi, tribe in 1880.36 My informant said that the father of Ike was not a chief, so that this would seem to exclude the possibility of Sam Patch being his father. Whether Sam Patch is identical with Ike or with George Patch I do not know. Succession to chieftaincy seems to be indeterminate. Chiefs succeed the grandfather, either maternal or paternal, the mother's brother, the father, or the brother. The following are the examples: Wilbak (467) of Elem succeeded his mother's brother 424. Cela (501) of Kamdot (now of Elem) succeeded his father's father 503 of 34 Barrett, fn. 239. 35 Barrett, fn. 239. 36 Barrett, fn. 238. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 341 Kamdot. Teelapowis (461) of Elem succeeded his father's mother's brother 428. Yulkis (472) of Elem succeeded 467, a relative of his mother's. Saiis (507) of Kamdot succeeded h's father 504. Tobic (519) of Koi succeeded his brother 517. Ile (434) of Elem obtained the chieftaincy through his father 519, a Koi chief, and through his mother's folks who were Elem chiefs. The father of 428, an Elem chief, was 466, who was not a chief. In the succession of 472 to 467's position the incumbent 467 had a hand. Wilbak (467) proposed 472 as his successor and the people assented. The informant did not know whether the people concerned constituted the whole village or only 467's immediate adherents. Paiyoko (505), whom the informant considered to be the repre- sentative of the old chief 455, was the son of an Elem man (470) who was not a chief and of a Kamdot woman (510). His blood relationship to 455 could not be traced, except that the informant said 505's father was a relative of 455's. Tceptcebi (462), who was a rich man, seems to have had no imme- diate successor. Cotboi or Blanco (425) was a shaman as well as a chief, who had grown wealthy through the. fees be had received. His Spanish name Blanco was acquired because he always wore a white shirt. Osmen (448) of Elem, brother of chief 472, is also a chief, having derived his chieftaincy from his mother's mother's brother 425, who was also a relation of his father's (465). This is the only Pomo case I know of chiefly rank being attributed to two brothers simultaneously. Gucibuk (428), the old Elem chief, was a rich man. He was the mother's brother of the informant Wokox (469), who might have suc- ceeded him, but who said that he did not take the position because there was too much hard work connected with it and he did not like it. In 1889, 469's son (460) took the office which had been left vacant many years before by the death of 428. With the abandonment of Kamdot and Koi villages there was a considerable influx of population to Elem or Sulphur Bank. The erection of a new dance house some years ago occasioned the settling there of two Kamdot chiefs, 507 and 501. Cela (501) today also holds the position of ceremonial fire tender, medze. Cela (501) succeeded his father's father (503) as a Kamdot chief. Penma (506), the son of 503 and father of 501, should have succeeded, but he was never made chief by the people because he was "no good: he did not talk well and he wanted to fight and kill everybody." Evidently the statement that 342 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 "he was never made chief by the people" refers to installation in office and is a good example of how an undesirable heir may be set aside for a more desirable one. Among the Southeastern Pomo the chief was not a war leader-he never fought, but was a strictly civil and ceremonial official, with little or no mandatory power. He always derived his position from relation- ship to some older chief. He did not necessarily live in a communal house with many people. He might live in a small hut or single-fire house as did 503 of Kamdot. A chief, however, did not have to hunt or fish. His relatives (two sons or two brothers frequently) and friends, kept him supplied, while he stayed at home and made clam-shell money. Each morning and evening the chief harangued the people as to righteous and proper conduct. "Work, do not steal, do not fight, do not become angry." Where there were four chiefs as in Elem, they talked by turns. Among the Southeastern Pomo there are so-called "chiefesses" or balakbutet. Their only function seems to be to feed guests at cere- monial gatherings and also casual visitors. There are three at Sulphur Bank at present: 468, 427, and 441. Each is the daughter or grand- daughter of a present-day chief, by whom she has been appointed to this office. Eva Leon (441) is the daughter of the chief 505, 427 is the daughter's daughter of the chief 501, and 468 is the daughter of the chief 460. WAR CHIEF The war chief, xaxa ghaxalik, functioned only in war. The Cigom war leader was a man named Salki (71). He led two war parties, one against the Southeastern Pomo village of Elem, the other against the Eastern Pomo village of Danoxa. In both cases the Cigom people were defeated and failed to kill any enemies. The party which attacked Elem approached it by land. This attack took place about 1850, when Jim Pumpkin (113) was a small boy. He did not know the cause of the hostilities. Two Cigom men were killed. When 71 later led an attack against Danoxa he was slain with the first arrow of the enemy. Jim Pumpkin's father (112), a Danoxa man residing in Cigom, did not join the fighters. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 343 CHIEFTAINSHIP OF THE TWENTY CIGOM HOUSES Of the twenty houses of Cigom, nine were under the jurisdiction of chief Leutiri (7), six under chief Xalax (48), and five under chief Sipa- hale (27). It is perhaps this numerical superiority of 7's adherents that led early traders to characterize him as the chief of C,gom.37 In the following paragraphs, the reasons for allocating each house to a certain chief are given. It is unquestionably significant that the connecting link in each case is either matrilineal or obscure. In no instance is a patrilineal link given. Twelve houses, I-III, V, VII-XI, XIV, XV, XVIII-XX, are bound to their respective chiefs by matri- lineal ties; for the remaining houses the nature of the blood bond is not stated. Houses I, II, and III were respectively the residences of the contemporaneous chiefs 7, 27, and 48. Xalax (48) was chief of house IV on account of relationship to certain of the inmates. The families of this house were those of the men 67, 62, and 56. Sipahale (27) was chief of house V because of the relationship to him of the woman 74. House VI owed allegiance to 27 because of the relationship to him of 81. House VII owned 7 its chief, his mother being related to 95 and 89 of that house. In house VIII dwelt 100, the maternal grandfather of 7, the acknowledged chief. House IX acknowledged 7 as chief, because 109 was his mother's brother. Leutiri (7) was chief of house X, he and the man 129 of that house being parallel cousins through their mothers. House XI owed allegiance to 48 as 143 and 138 were his mother's brothers. House XII claimed 7 as chief as one of its male inmates was parallel cousin of 7's. Sipahale (27) ruled house XIII because he and the man 158 were either half brothers or parallel cousins. House XIV owed allegiance to 48 because 187, the mother of the females 171 and 175, was the mother's sister of 48. Leutiri (7) was chief of house XV, being the "maternal uncle" of 179. Xalax (48) was chief of houses XVI and XVII through relationship. Leutiri (7) was chief of house XVIII, being "maternal uncle" of 205 and 203. House XIX also claimed 7 as chief, for one of its inmates, the man 216, was related to 7 on his mother's side. House XX fell to 27 through some relationship on his mother's side. 37 Barrett, Ethno-geography, fn. 204. 344 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 ALLEGIANCE TO CHIEFS Each person among the Eastern and Northern Pomo on the shores of Clear lake was attached to some chief, usually by a blood tie rather than a territorial tie. In fact the evidence seems to show that mere residence in a chief's village did not create a tie. Blood alone seems to have been the only recognized tie. The following tabulations show the relative frequency of matrilineal and patrilineal ties among the Eastern and Northern Pomo. TABLE 12 MATRILINEAL AND PATRILINEAL CHIEFTAINSHIP TIES Total Matrilineal Patrilineal Indeterminate Eastern and Northern Pomo.. 97 52 14 31 Eastern Pomo ...................... 79 40 12 27 Cigom ...................... 53 27 7 19 Northern Pomo ...................... 18 12 2 4 TABLE 13 PERCENTAGES OF MATRILINEAL AND PATRILINEAL CHIEFTAINSHIP TIES Matrilineal Patrilineal Indeterminate Eastern and Northern Pomo .54 14 32 Eastern Pomo .51 15 34 Cigo m .51 13 36 Northern Pomo .67 11 22 Among the Southeastern Pomo each person had a chief who was related to him through his mother, as a rule. If a person had no chief through his mother, as when the mother was a foreigner, then his chiefly allegiance would be through his father. A person never had two chiefs, one through his father and one through his mother. Only two concrete examples of allegiance to chiefs were obtained. Wokox (469), the Elem informant, had his mother's brother 428 for chief. Cela (501) and his sister (513), bloth of Kamdot, had their father's father 503 for chief. Cela (501) succeeded him as chief. This is hardly a typical case of allegiance, as it is within a chiefly family. The following list shows the chiefly allegiance of each of the indi- viduals upon whom the above summary is based. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 345 TABLE 14 INDIVIDUAL CHIEFTAINSHIP TIES Village Person Sex Chief Chief related to person as Remarks Bohanapwena .... 317 9 Caicina (313) Father's brother. Bohanapwena .... 330 9 Sapal (329) Mother's brother. Cigom ........ 1 a' Sipa'hale (27) Later Leutiri. Cigom . ... 2 9 Xalax (48) Cigom . ... 3 9 Leutiri (7) Cigom ........ 7 d' Sipa'hale (27) Theoretically. Cigom .... 12 9 Sipa'hale Maternal parallel 2d cousin. Cigom ........ 13 ' Leutiri (7) Lived in Leutiri's house; may have had a differ- ent chief before he resided there. Cigom ........ 14 ' Sipa'hale (27) MaternaL second parallel cousin. Cigom .......... 14 ' Leutiri (7) Later. Cigom . ... 16 9 Leutiri Father's sister's son. Leutiri called her "ma- ternal aunt." Cigom . ... 17 i' None No blood ties, a man of Kabenapwena. Cigom . ... 19 9 Leutiri Maternal half-brother. Cigom . ... 29 9 Sipa'hale (27) Father. Cigom . ... 33 c' Xoskondo (22) Cigom .......... 40 i' Xoskondo "Daughter's son." Cigom .......... 40 o' Sipa'hale (27) "Daughter's son." Later. Cigom .......... 43 c' Xalax (48) Father. Cigom .......... 51 9 Xalax Father. Cigom .......... 56 c' Xalax Relative. Cigom ....... 67 c' Xalax Sister's son. Cigom . ... 71 c' Xalax Cigom . ... 73 o' Sipa'hale (27) Maternal relative. Poni succeeded Sipa'hale as chief. Cigom ...... 74 9 Sipa'hale Cigom .......... 76 9 Sipa'hale Father's maternal relative. 76's mother was a Pat- win. Cigom .......... 77 c' Sipa'hale Maternal parallel cousin. Cigom .......... 81 c' Sipa'hale Maternal relative. 84 was his father. Cigom ........ 83 ' Sipa'hale Paternal relative. Mother a Patwin. Cigom ........ 84 ' Xalax (48) Cigom ........ 113 ' Leutiri (7) Mother's father's sister's Sipa'hale was related by son. Leutiri and Xehu- marriage as nikihamige lum addressed each other (my mother's step- as brothers, Leutiri being father). older brother. Cigom . ....... . 135 Sipa'hale (27) Maternal relative. Cigom .......... 136 9 Sipa'hale Maternal second parallel cousin. Cigom . ...... . 137 ' Sipa'hale Cigom . ..... . 143 c' Xalax (48) Cigom .......... 158 c' Sipa'hale (27) Maternal parallel cousin. Cigom .......... 162 9 Xalax (48) Mother's "half-brother." Cigom . .... . . 164 c' Xalax Mother's mother's brother. Cigom .......... 165 9 Leutiri (7) Father. Cigom ......... . 168 c' Xalax (48) Maternal relative. Cigom .......... 170 i' None A Patwin of Nauwagina. Cigom .. ; 171 9 Xalax (48) Maternal parallel cousin. Cigom . ...... . 173 ' Xalax Maternal relative. Cigom . .... . . 174 c' None A Patwin of Nauwagina. Cigom .......... 175 9 Xalax (48) Maternal relative. Xalax remained her chief even after she married the chief Leutiri. 346 University of Californita Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 TABLE 14-Continued Village Person Sex Chief Chief related to person as Remarks Cigom ........... 177 9 Xalax Maternal relative. Cigom .......... 178 9 Xalax Ma.ternal relative. Cigom ........... 186 9 Xalax Maternal parallel cousin. Cigom ........... 187 9 Xalax Sister's son. Cigom . ....... 188 c Xalax Maternal relative. Cigom .......... 209 9 Sipa'hale (27) Cigom . ..... . . 236 c' Xalax (48) Chief to his mother. Cigom . .... . . 241 i' Leutiri (7) Mother's father. Cigom . ..... . . 248 c' Leutiri Had Leuitiri lived. Cigom ........... 249 9 Leutiri Would have been her chief had he lived. Danoxa .......... 134 9 Guki Mother's father. Danoxa ........... 176 9 Burukalciwei357) Mother's mother's brother. Danoxa ........... 176 9 Cabediram (264) Father, chief after Buru- kalciwe's death. Danoxa .......... 263 9 Yali (275) Danoxa ........... 268 9 Burukalciwe(357) Mother's mother's brother. Danoxa ........... 268 9 Cabediram (264) Father, chief after Buru- kalciwe's death. Danoxa ........... 269 dc Guki (267) Mother's father. Danoxa ........... 271 9 Burukalciwe(357) Mother's "half brother." Danoxa ........... 273 9 Yali (275) Danoxa . ...... . 357 e Guki Mother's relative. 377, his father, was a chief of Yima. Kabenapwena.. 17 6' Xunumida (344) Mother's brother. Xowalek ........... 144 9 Damot (285) Maternal parallel cousin. Xowalek . ....... . 281 e Damot Xowalek . .......... 282 Damot His father's (286's) chief. Xowalek ........... 284 9 Damot Mother's brother. Xowalek ........... 286 6' Damot Maternal relative. Xowalek ........... 291 ce Damot Father. Xowalek ........... 292 9 Damot Mother's "brother." Xowalek ........... 293 9 Damot Mother's "half-brother." Xowalek ........... 294 9 Damot Brother. Xowalek ........... 300 c' Damot Xowalek ........... 301 9 Damot Xowalek ........... 305 9 Damot (285) Xowalek ........... 306 a" Damot Kayau ........... 391 9 Cipacima (390) Husband. Later. Kayau ........... 391 9 Kauwinak (398) Son. Kayau .......... . 419 c' Kauwinak Father. Yima . ....... 4 i' Dugak (362) Maternal grandfather. Yima ........... 58 9 Dugak Maternal grandfather. Yima ........... 185 c' Dugak Maternal 2d parallel cousin. Yima ........... 355 c' Dugak Maternal relative. Yima .......... . 361 c' Dugak Maternal 2d parallel cousin. Yima ........... 367 9 Dugak Maternal relative. Yima . ..... . . 368 c' Pisoso (377) Mother's mother's father. Yima ........... 369 9 Dugak Mother's mother's brother. Her father's brother was the chief Pisoso. Yima .......... 370 9 Dugak (362) Maternal grandfather. Yima . ..... . . 374 c' Dugak Perhaps paternal parallel cousins through their fathers being brothers. Yima .......... 379 ei Dugak Brother. Yima . .... . . 380 c' Pisoso (377) Mother's brother. Yima .......... 382 ci Dugak (362) Yima ........... 386 9 Dugak Mother's brother. Yima .......... 389 9 Dugak (362) Maternal parallel cousin. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 347 DANCE HOUSES AND SWEAT HOUSES At Cigom during the boyhood of the informant Jim Pumpkin (113) there was one large semisubterranean dance house and one sweat house, belonging to all three chiefs. Anyone might enter the sweat house, even women. Old men slept there because it was warm, even though they had dwelling houses. They ate breakfast and supper at their dwellings, however. Young men entered the sweat house in winter, too, on account of the cold. Sweat fires were frequently built and sweating followed by a plunge in the lake. Male visitors to Cigom were evidently accorded sweat-house privileges, for it is related of 377, a Yima chief, that he sweated himself when he visited C gom to attend dances, staying there three or four nights. For descriptions of Pomo dance houses and sweat houses, the reader should consult Barrett's "Pomo Houses."38 CEREMONIES AND DANCES IN GENERAL I shall first discuss ceremonies and dances from the standpoint of whether they are of the ancient, hindil cycle or of the modern ghost dance (maru) cycle. Secondly, I shall divide the hindil dances into those which might be performed only by members of the so-called secret society and those which might be performed by non-members as well. For information concerning the "secret society" performances I am indebted to Dr. E. M. Loeb who obtained the data in 1925. The reader should consult his Pomo Folkways for a full account of the secret society.39 Jim Pumpkin (113) said that dancing was performed every year at Cigom, sometimes in the summer, sometimes in the winter. The dances performed before 1870 are classified by the Indians as hindil xe ("gentile," or native, dances) and in the recent literature are referred to as kuksu cycle; those performed as a result of the early ghost dance religion of 1870 are called maru xe and in the literature are referred to as of the first ghost dance cycle.40 Both in Long valley and Cache creek (Patwin territory) the maru dances were practiced. 38 Holmes Anniversary Volume, Washington, 1916. 39 Present series, in press. 40 Reference to the ghost dance movement among the Clear Lake Pomo is made by Stephen Powers, Tribes of California, Contributions to North American Ethnology, iII, 209, 1877. See also Kroeber, Handbook, p. 269. 348 UJniversity of California Publications itn Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 It was from the people of the latter region that the Cigom people and other Eastern Pomo received instruction at a place called Behepal. The reason that the Cache creek people went thus into Pomo territory to dance was that one of their men dreamt about dances and told the people to go to Behepal4l to dance, and for six years the Cigom people went there. The informant (113) attended maru dances thrice at Nauwagina village, in Long valley. The Eastern Pomo readily classify their dances as either ancient hindil dances or recent maru (Patwin boli) dances. The following belong to the former series: gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto (thunder), gunula (coyote), helehela, djane, karaya ("woman" dance), xahluigak, lole, badjuca, no xahluigak, guksu, sitaya, budubaxal. The last four are performed by secret society members only. The remainder are called "common" dances, because non-members may dance. The maru dances are five in number and all are said to be Patwin in origin. Their names are dutuka lehuye, toto, momimomi, and kaya- batu. In kayabatu a "big head" feather head-dress is worn, as in the guksu ceremony of the hindil series. It is said that the dream priest who supervises the maru dances never dreams of Pomo hindil dances, but always of Patwin boli dances. Moreover, hindil dances are said never to be danced in maru ceremonies. Maru ceremonies last four days and four nights and all five of the maru dances are usually per- formed.42 The songs for the various dances of the hindil series are said to be in Pomo; of the maru series, in Patwin, eighteen songs recorded on phonograph cylinders by the informant Jim Pumpkin are all Eastern Pomo of the Upper Lake region. Women participate in all five of the maru dances and in all of the dances of the hindil series except xahluigak, no xahluigak, guksu, and sitaya, the last three being performed by secret society members. Any woman might dance who wished. The chief asked and taught the women to dance. There was no initiation. For the maru dances the chief or the maru priest (hadu maru) may designate persons to dance. If it is the latter official he may say to a person, "Last night I dreamt that you were dancing this dance." The particular individual who seems to have been especially instru- mental in introducing the maru cult to Cigom was Poni (73), a man whose mother was a Cigom woman (74) and whose father (536) was a Hill 41 Ethno-geography, map 1. 42 For description of ceremonies, see S. A. Barrett, Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians, present series, xii, 397-441, 1917. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 349 Patwin of Nauwagina village. Poni (73) spoke fluently both Eastern Pomo and Hill Patwin. The informant Jim Pumpkin (113) said that the Patwin gave instructions to 73 and he in turn transmitted them to the Cigom people. Among the Southeastern Pomo the ancient dances are called hindil xe, the dances of the ghost dance cycle aupgo xe, from aupgo the name of the "big head" dance, the most spectacular of the series and the equivalent of the Eastern Pomo kayabatu. As aupgo dances, the Southeastern Pomo informant (469) listed toto, petekal, kinaupo, koi- pogo and aupgo. Wokox (469) said women did not participate in the aupgo dance, which disagrees with Eastern Pomo practice if my infor- mation is correct. The aupgo series of dances is the equivalent of the Eastern Pomo maru series. The informant (469) did not sharply distinguish between the hindil dances and the later aupgo dances. In fact, if my information is correct, some of the former are danced in the aupgo ceremonies. As hindil dances, the Southeastern Pomo enumerated kuksu (with the gods Kuksu and Calnis impersonated), koipogo, petekal (grizzly bear dance), kliwit (coyote dance), kinaupo ("devil" dance, the equivalent of the Eastern Pomo xahluigak), betelai (woman dance, the equivalent of the Eastern Pomo karaya). No women took part in kuksu and kinaupo; in the other dances both men and women took part. In the betelai, two men dance on opposite sides of the fire and fifteen or more women all around. From Eastern Pomo analogy it would seem likely that kuksu and kinaupo performers constituted a secret society. Wokox (469), the Southeastern Pomo informant, stated that the activities of the kuksu impersonator were playing, not dancing. The kuksu and calnis impersonators usually appeared after three or four dances had been performed. After the kuksu activities the ceremonies would end for the night. The widespread lole dance was not practiced by the Southeastern Pomo, according to 469. It was danced on one occasion at Elem by Cigom and Russian River people. Wokox (469) said that summer, not winter, was the ceremonial season with his people, and then only was the dance house used. The Eastern Pomo informant (113), however, said his people held dances both in the winter and summer. In summer dancers often dressed in the shade of trees, in winter in the dance house. For the guksu and xahluigak dances the dancers dressed behind a mat or screen in the dance house so that the women and boys might not see them. On occasions when the dancers dress out of doors their entry into the 350 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 dance house is preceded by that of the head singer and three or four of his accompanists. These men are already at their positions when the dancers appear at the door. The singers then begin the song for the dancers to enter, which they do one at a time. Sometimes this song is different from the regular dance song. Often too there is more than one dance song, and a different song may be sung for each circuit of the dance. At one stage of the xahluigak dance the entire audience, in- cluding women and children, arise and join the -dancers, dancing to the right. The purpose of the dances, according to 113, was "to make people feel good and to keep them from feeling 'huffy'." The same vagueness in formulating the purpose of the ceremonies of the kuksu (Pomo hindil) cycle characterizes the statements of most Central Californian informants. At a four days' ceremonial gathering all of the dances enumerated on page 348 would be danced, with the possible exception of no xahluigak, the "ash ghost" performance, concerning which the informant was very reticent. On such occasions certain gambling experts devoted much of their time to hand games. Jim Pumpkin characterized the movements of the kuksu imper- sonator as running, not dancing, which corresponds more or less with 469's characterization of "playing." Jim Pumpkin described the treatment of the sick by the guksu impersonator much as does Barrett.43 First there is the halting approach to the dance house where the sick person has been brought. This hesitating approach, entry, and depar- ture occurs three times and is accompanied by whistling by guksu and tapping with his staff. Following the fourth hesitant approach, he remains, lays down his staff, pressing the patient and whistling four times. After the treatment he departs. Another function of guksu is scarifying children. Jim Pumpkin (113) was scarified three times. Although there were often several songs for a single dance, there was but one characteristic step or set of steps for a single dance. The Eastern Pomo informant knew of sixty-five songs for fourteen dances of the hindil series and of twenty-eight songs for five dances of the maru series. The hindil dance songs are distributed as follows: gilak 6, hoho 3, yaya 15, kalimatoto 5, gunula 3, helehela 1, djane 4, karaya 2, xahluigak 1, no xahluigak 1, kuksu 2, lole 9, badjuca 12, sitaya 1. The maru dance songs were distributed among the five dances as follows: dutuka 10, lehuye 10, kayabatu 3, momimomi 1, toto 5. The hindil 43 S. A. Barrett, Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians, present series, xii, 430, 1917. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 351 dance songs are said to be in the Eastern Pomo language, the maru dance songs in the Patwin language. The informant was willing to sing all but the no xahluigak song, which was evidently regarded as esoteric. A gilak song recorded on the phonograph is in two parts, the first being the introduction sung as the dancers are entering the dance house, the second and main part being the real dance song. In this respect it resembles the Central Miwok dance songs. At both Cigom and Elem was performed a dance for pure amusement. It was called gugoma at Cigom and ala at Elem. One woman and a number of men participated. No feather ornaments were worn. The woman stands in the middle against the center post and sings. The encircling men, breathing heavily, jiggling themselves up and down, and at the same time moving sidewise, exclaim: "He-he! He-he! He-he! Hiye." The men accompany their singing or exclaiming with upward gestures of the hands, which are held nearly horizontal with the arms flexed to form less than a right angle. The dancing of the men is called hemfot in Southeastern Pomo. When the company tires they rest awhile. This takes place at night and is witnessed by the women of the village who sit around the sides. When dawn comes the par- ticipants go outside, where they repeat the "play" four times and then cease. Kasebi (8), an Elem woman and wife of the Cigom chief 7, was the only woman participant known to either the Cigom informant 113 or the Elem informant 469. CEREMONIAL PARTICIPANTS The concrete data concerning participation in ancient ceremonies and dances, prior to the ghost dance movement of 1870, will be treated under three heads: Secret Society Members, Common Dancers, Non- dancers. This treatment of the data is based upon the fact that three grades of people might be distinguished anciently; first and foremost, the secret society members, male and female; second, a considerable body of men and women who participated in the so-called common dances or exoteric performances; and third, the people who took no part, other than as spectators, in either esoteric or exoteric performances. Under a fourth heading I shall present the data concerning the Maru Dancers, the participants in the modern ghost dance cult. Table 15 analyzes the ceremonial activities of the physically fit residents of Cigom before 1870 and before the appearance of the ghost dance religion. As Cigom was the only village for which an ostensibly 352 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 complete census was obtained, it seems well to consider the results fully, as they probably give us a fair sample of the extent of ceremonial activities in Central Californian villages in general. To the informant's knowledge there were in Cigom 89 persons of proper age and phyiscally fit to participate in ceremonies. Their sex and birthplaces are shown in table 15. TABLE 15 CEREMONIAL ACTIVITIES OF PHYSICALLY FIT CIGOM RESIDENTS BEFORE 1870 Men Women Total_ _ Born in Born Born in Born Cigom elsewhere Cigom elsewhere Secret society members and com- mon dancers .......................... 32 20 5 6 1 Common dancers only ........................ 30 9 1 13 7 Physically fit non-participants 27 15 7 2 3 Total ..........................89 44 13 21 11 Table '15 also makes it clear that of the 89 at Cigom, 62 were dancers. Of these, 32 were members of the secret society. Evidently the secret society and common dances constitute respectively inner and outer, esoteric and exoteric, aspects or phases of a single god-impersonating cult. This grading of performances as to degree of secrecy and sanc- tity has parallels in other central Californian groups, e. g., the Sierra Miwok. Loeb asserts that, for the Eastern and Northern Pomo, mem- bership in the secret society is signalized by the term matutsi, which is applied to anyone who performs one or more of those acts which are listed in table 16 as secret society functions. Of a total of 57 physically fit men, 38 per cent did not participate, while of 32 physically fit women only 15 per cent failed to participate. If the data are complete, it would appear that the ceremonial partici- pation of women was more complete than that of men. Foreign-born residents of Cigom seem to have participated less in ceremonies than Cigom-born residents. Thus, 34 per cent of Cigom- born men failed to participate, while 53 per cent of foreign-born men did likewise. Of women only 9 per cent of the Cigom-born women failed to participate, while 27 per cent of the foreign-born women did not participate. On the other hand, 43 per cent of the men became matutsi or secret society members, and only 21 per cent of the women. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 353 In common dances 62 per cent of the men participated and 85 per cent of the women. Obviously the ceremonial forte of the women is common dances rather than secret society performances. Birthplace seems to have had little influence in determining mem- bership or non-membership in the secret society, except perhaps in the case of women. Thus, of Cigom-born men 45 per cent became members, of foreign-born men 38 per cent; of Cigom-born women 28 per cent, of foreign-born women 9 per cent. SECRET SOCIETY MEMBERS According to E. M. Loeb, who investigated the religion of the Clear Lake Pomo in 1925, the heart of religious activities lay in a secret society called kuhma, akin to that of the Patwin and Maidu and comprised chiefly of men, which managed the ritual of the ancient hindil or kuksu religion (so called to distinguish it from the modern ghost dance or maru cult). Members of this society are called matutsi, but not all dancers are members. The head of the society is called yomta.44 There was no yomta at Cigom in the informant's (113) time. In fact he was initiated for the pole ceremony by a yomta of the Northern Pomo village of Kayau. This man (414a) seems to have been the only yomta that Jim Pumpkin knew. Jim spoke of him as "boss" and pole dance leader, but did not use or know the word yomta. Certain ceremonial activities could be performed only by matutsi: impersonating the deities Guksu, Calnis; taking the part of ash ghost (no xahluigak); whirling the bull-roarer; carrying and climbing the pole in the budubaxal cere- mony and carrying a "flag" in the same ceremony; performing the sitaya dance. Ash ghosts, or ash devils as they have also been called, are supposed to be eaters of live coals. Women members participated only in the pole and flag carrying. Moreover, they might not witness the no xahluigak performance. Certain of the performers in the secret society ceremonies merit special mention. The guksu "doctors" who scarifies children and who impersonates the god of the south, wears a long red nose. He, as well as the god, is called Guksu. The Eastern Pomo informant knew of no cases of a "wild" guksu, that is the god or a spirit, being seen, as among the Northern Miwok. The god of the east, Calnis, is imper- sonated also and is one of the companions of Guksu. Another being appears with Guksu and Calnis. This is Sulak, the condor, represented 44 According to William Benson, an Eastern Pomo informant, but according to Jim Pumpkin, another Eastern Pomo informant, the head of the society had no special title. 354 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. antd Ethn. [Vol. 18 by a dancer with an enormous globular head-dress consisting of an open-work basket with feathers of the turkey vulture, eagle, and crow fastened to it. Down each cheek is a vertical line of down feathers. Sulak, according to Jim Pumpkin, is Guksu's friend and comes from the south. The "devil" or ghost dancer of the common hindil ceremonies is called xahluigak. The term no xahluigak is applied to the fire-eater, ash ghost, or "ash devil," of the secret society. Women and children were allowed to see the former, but not the latter.45 Nor would the informant sing the dance song for the latter. According to Loeb there were two initiations, one by the ash ghosts in the semisubterranean earth lodge, without a yomta or leader offici- ating; the other for the pole dance (budubaxal) which was held in an open-air brush enclosure, with a yomta officiating. The fact that only one yomta is recorded seems strange, as does also Jim Pumpkin's ignorance of the office and name. I suspect that the chiefs were really the heads of the secret society, a suspicion that is strengthened by their well-nigh universal membership in it. In table 16 I shall list the functions, which according to Loeb con- stitute a person a member of the secret society, under the following headings: ash (ash ghost), bull (whirler of bull-roarer), flag (flag carrier or kokokel), carry (carrier of pole), climb (climber of pole), guksu, calnis, sulak, masan (masanbatin), sitaya, bear (burukal xe or bear dancer)*46 The right to perform one or more of the acts named con- stituted a person a matutsi, or member of the secret society. In addition to the preceding list obtained by Loeb, the following data as to guksu and other performers were obtained by the author in 1919 and according to Loeb indicate the persons to be matutsi or secret society members. All are men from the Northern Pomo village of Yima. Person Guksu Calnis Sitaya Remarks 357 x x Taught guksu by his father 377 and before he learned common dances. Died 1896. 368 x 374 x 377 x x x Learnt Calnis part at Yima. The following individuals, all apparently physically eligible to become matutsi, or secret society members, being neither too old, too 45 Barrett, Ceremonies, pp. 403-423. For fire-eating, see especially pp. 418-421. 46 For a full account of the secret society and the functions of its members, see E. M. Loeb, op. cit. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 355 TABLE 16 FUNCTIONS OF SECRET SOCIETY MEMBERS AS RECORDED BY E. M. LOEB 0 .- Village Person 35g . _ Remarks Cigom . ........... 7 7 x x x x x x x Fire eater. Cigom ............. 22 dz x x x x ? Cigom ............. 27 oe x x x Cigom ............ . 48 d' X x x x x Cigom . ........... 50 5 x x x x Cigom . ........... 52 5 x x Cigom . ........... 56 5 x Cigom . ............ 73 x x x x x x Cigom . ............ 81 x Cigom ............. 89 e x x x x x x Cigom ............. 107 o6 x x x x x Cigom . ............ 109 x x x x Cigom ............. 113 6 X X x x x Cigom . ............ 124 ' x x x x Cigom . ............ 147 ' x x x x x Cigom . ........... 152 1 x x x x x Cigom . ........... 158 e x x x x x Cigom ............. 192 6 X x x x x Cigom . .......... 196 16 x x x x x x x Cigom . .......... 216 6' x x x x x x x Cigom . ........... 247 2 x x x x x x Cigom ............. 51 9 x Cigom ............. 110 9 x Cigom ............. 111 9 x x Cigom .161 9 x Cigom ............. 211 9 x Danoxa . ........... 112 1 x x x x x x Danoxa ............. 251 6' x x x x x x Danoxa ............. 267 c' x x x x x x x Danoxa ............. 274 6' x x x x x x Danoxa ............. 279b 6' x Danoxa ............. 270 9 x Danoxa ............. 271 9 x Xowalekl.ek........ 281 2' x x x x x x Xowalekl.ek........ 283 2' x x x x x x x Xowalekl.ek........ 285 2' x x x x x x Xowalekl.ek........ 286 e6 x x x x x x x Xowalekl.ek........ 288 2' X x x x x X x Xowalek ............. 290 6' x x x X x x x Xowalek ............. 303 6' X X x x x x Xowalek ............. 284 9 x Xowalek ............. 299 9 x Bohanapwena ........ 313 6' x x x x x x Bohanapwena ........ 316 e' x x x x x x x Bohanapwena ..... ... 320 e x x x x x x x Bohanapwena ........ 113 9 x Kabenapwena ........ 203 6' x x x X x x x Kabenapwena ........ 343 6' x x x x x x x Yima . ............. 185 x x x x Kayau .......... ... 221 6' x x x x x x Kayau .......... ... 414a 'x Kayau ............. 414b 6' x Nauwagina ............. 170 6' x x x 356 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 young, nor crippled, never became matutsi. Natives of Cigom: 1, 3, 14, 19, 24, 33, 35, 36, 38, 39, 43, 49, 62, 64, 65, 67, 74, 77, 78, 85, 86, 93, 95, 102, 129, 136, 137, 138, 143, 154, 162, 171, 173, 177, 179, 186, 200, 205. Natives of other villages residing at Cigom: 155, 206 (Bohanap- wena); 130 (Danoxa); 17, 30, 57 (Kabenapwena); 28, 29, 31 (Kamdot); 116 (Kayau); 20 (Misauwilaiina); 144 (Xowalek); 58, 87 (Yima). Natives of Danoxa: 264, 266, 275, 279a. Native of Xowalek: 307a. TABLE 17 RELATIVES OF SECRET SOCIETY MEMBERS 0~~~~ ;, S ; ? 8 a . 0 as 0a a) a. Matutsi with matutsi relatives ......6 3 1 9 3 2 6 3 9 42 Matutsi with common relatives ......2 5 0 7 2 0 2 3 8 29 Matutsi with non-participating relatives ...........................7 2 5 4 1 0 7 4 10 40 Table 17 attempts to show to what extent membership in the secret society is determined by relationship. No doubtful cases are included. There are forty-two cases of relatives of matutsi who were also matutsi. These are offset by forty cases of relatives of matutsi who participated in neither secret society nor common dances. If to these last are added twenty-nine cases of relatives of matutsi who participated in common dances only, it gives a total of sixty-nine relatives of matutsi who were not matutsi against forty-two who were. The preponderance of evidence is clearly against any hard and fast rule of membership in the secret society running in families. When the various relationships are exam- ined this fact becomes increasingly clear. Thus six matutsi had matutsi fathers, nine did not; three had matutsi mothers, seven did not; one had a matutsi mother's brother, five did not; nine had matutsi brothers, eleven did not; three had matutsi sisters, three did not; two men had matutsi sister's sons; six matutsi had matutsi sons, nine did not; three had matutsi daughters, seven did not; nine had matutsi spouses, eighteen did not. The best example of extensive secret society membership within a family is revealed by the family of the informant Jim Pumpkin (113). His matutsi relatives were his father (112), mother (111), mother's father (109), and mother's mother (110). 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 357 Tables 18 to 20 present the concrete cases of the relationships of matutsi to matutsi, of matutsi to common dancers, and of matutsi to non-participants. TABLE 18 MATUTSI RELATIVES OF MATUTSI Matutsi Sex 7 .............. 203 22 ......... . 27 22 ............ e109 27.... 22 48.. 50 51 50? .. 48 51 56............. 51 109.. . 22 11i 1 110 112 ............ 113 111 113... . 112 111 147 . ....... 152 158 ............. 161 192 . ....... . 161 193 203 .......... I7 247 ............. 51 281*..''''''''''1. e1 299 285... . 288 288 .;. 285 303.. . 320 320.7 .. . e 303 357.................... 377 377 ............. 357 51 . 9 . . 48 50 247 56 110 ...........9 111 109 1..............9..... 9 109. 110 113 112 161 ...........9 158 193 . 9 192 204 .9 203 299 ........ 9 Q 281 358 Untiversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 TABLE 19 "COMMON DANCE" RELATIVES OF MATUTSI . 4_ t __ ? R E M 4asi 0 X E 2482..................... 2 49 567 ... . 1491 8 1 57 73 .1. . 1e 74 239 76 89 ......................695 107 . 102 109 ........... e14 113 ............ 116 152 ........... e154 170 ........... e171 185 ..... i I I.I.I 361 203 ............ " 205 267 ............ d 305 281 ........... cl76 286 '''............... 1 305 303 . 1. eI 293 320 .a.......... 293 257 .a"......... 130 377 .. 11 51 . 1 9 49 204 .................... 9 188 271 ........... 9 129 130 284 ........... 9 300 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society .359 TABLE 20 NON-PARTICIPATING RELATIVES OF MATUTSI Matutei Sex ,=? O O 7 ._. 165 175 48... . 84 48 ............138 48.... . ....... 1 143 52 ........... I67 58 56 ........... 67 73 ............ e77 81.a,. .. . e 84 83 82 109 . . C? 100 1 113 ............ 117 158 .......... 420 170 .'....'...........I I 174 168 185 ............ 306 236 186 203 ........ 200 2474 .. 168 376 274 .......... 268 285 ............ ? 269 291 286 ............ I 282 288........... d' 269 290 . 2 399 303 ........... 287 320 ............. 287 357 ........... e134 377 ................... 134 51.................... 9 168 204 . 9 190 200 270 ........... 9 264 271 . . '' 9 268 264 284.................... 9 292 360 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 CORRELATION OF ANCIENT CEREMONIAL AND OTHER ACTIVITIES The frequency of non-secret society activities among male secret society members, common dancers only, and male non-participants is shown in table 21. TABLE 21 FREQUENCY OF NON-SECRET SOCIETY ACTIVITIEs AMONG MEN 15 Common 30 Non- 47 Matutsi dancers participants Chief ................................ 13 1 0 Outfit shaman .................................2 0 3 Sucking shaman .................................1 0 0 Money manufacturer ................................ 1 0 0 Gambler ................................0 0 2 Arrow-maker .................................1 2 4 Ducknet-maker ............... ..................2 1 0 Fishnet-maker .................................3 0 2 Deer-hunter ................................0 1 4 Fisher .................................2 2 7 War leader ......0 0 1 Total ................................ 25 7 23 Percentage of participation of each class in non-secret society activities................ 53 46 76 In spite of the large body of chiefs with secret society affiliations, non-secret society activities were indulged in by 76 per cent of cere- monial non-participants and by only 51 per cent of the ceremonial participants. The chiefly office would appear to be connected with the secret society, as thirteen out of fourteen chiefs were secret society members. The fourteenth chief was a common dancer and might ultimately have become a secret society member, but for the disturbing influence of the ghost dance religion and of American settlers. Of outfit shamans, two were secret society members, three participated in neither secret society nor common dances, while another (307a) was not a secret society member, but may have been a common dancer, though no information is forthcoming concerning this. The question of whether or not sucking shamans and money manufacturers were usually secret society members cannot be settled on the basis of single examples. The two expert gambling specialists would seem to have been too busy plying their trade on ceremonial occasions to take part in dances. The distribution of arrow-makers, ducknet-makers, fishnet-makers, expert deer-hunters, 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 361 and extraordinarily efficient fishers among the three ceremonial groups in table 21 seems to indicate a general preponderance of these occupa- tions among ceremonial non-participants, though the distribution is such that it cannot be said that secret society membership did or did not have a bearing on the occupation. The only cases in which it might be conceived that there was a special relationship are those of expert hunters and fishers, who on the occasion of ceremonies may have expended their energies in providing food for visitors rather than in taking part in ceremonies. The extent to which male secret society members devoted them- selves to other activities is shown in table 22. TABLE 22 NON-MATUTSI ACTIVITIES OF 47 MALE MATUTSI Total individuals Chief .......... 7, 22, 27, 48, 73, 267, 283, 285, 313, 316, 343, 357, 377.. 13 Outfit shaman ...........113, 216 .........................................2 Sucking shaman ...........7 .........................................1 Money-maker .......... 27 .........................................1 Gambler . . 0 Arrow-maker .......... 48 .........................................1 Ducknet-maker .......... 124, 377 .........................................2 Fishnet-maker .......... 27, 48, 81 .........................................3 Hunter . . 0 Fisher .. 27, 152 .........................................2 War chief . .0 No activity recorded....50, 52, 56, 89, 107, 109, 112, 147, 158, 170, 185, 192, 196, 203, 221, 247, 251, 274, 279b, 281, 286, 288, 290, 303, 320, 368, 374, 414a, 414b .29 The extent to which men who were common dancers only partici- pated in non-ceremonial activities is shown by table 23. TABLE 23 ACTIVITIES OF 15 PHYSICALLY-FIT MALE COMMON DANCERS WHO WERE NOT MATUTSI Total individuals Chief . 275 .........................................1 Outfit shaman . .0 Sucking shaman . .0 Money-maker .......... .0....................0 Gambler . . 0 Arrow-maker .......... 14, 135 .........................................2 Ducknet-maker ...........l11 .........................................1 Fishnet-maker ..0 Hunter ............... 14 .........................................1 Fisher .. 102, 129 .... :. 2 War chief . .0 No activity recorded .... 36, 95, 179, 188, 205, 239, 266, 279a, 300 . . 9 362 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 Table 24 shows the individual activities of men who were neither secret society members nor common dancers. TABLE 24 ACTIVITIES OF 30 PHYSICALLY-FIT MEN WHO WERE NEITHER MATUTSI NOR COMMON DANCERS Total individuals Chief ............................................................0 Outfit shaman .............. 84, 87, 155 .3 Sucking shaman .................0 Money-maker ............................................................0 Gambler ........ 35, 143 .2 Arrow-maker ........ 67, 84, 143, 287 .4 Ducknet-maker ............................................................0 Fishnet-maker .............. 13, 71 .2 Hunter .............. 17, 20, 65, 67 .4 Fisher .............. 1 , 33, 62, 67, 77, 85, 93 .7 War chief .............. 71 .1 No activity recorded .... 4, 100, 138, 163, 174, 248, 264, 269, 291, 306, 329, 344.... 12 COMMON DANCERS The following are the so-called common dances of the ancient hindil series which preceded the maru dances of 1870: gilak, hoho, yaya, gunula, helehela, djane, karaya, xahluigak, lole, badjuca. These might be performed by anyone whether or not he vras a secret society member. Likewise, the duties of master of ceremonies, head singer, drummer, and fire-tender at common dances might be performed by individuals who were not matutsi or secret society members. Among the Eastern Pomo these four ceremonial offices are of im- portance in both the common hindil and the maru ceremonies. For both hindil and maru ceremonies, the offices are master of ceremonies (xabedima, rock holder; xabegauk, rock man), head singer or chorus leader (xemiga), drummer (tsilo gauk, tsilo matutsi, or tsilo madim), and fire-tender (laimoc). Among the Southeastern Pomo the master of ceremonies is called kobedulawi, the head singer or chorus leader hemia, the fire-tender medze, the drummer xoco kitimwi ("drum pounder"). A four-day ceremony is called xaitcinka, the equivalent term for Eastern Pomo xaikilgaiagiba. A single dance is called xe. The fire-tender at least is appointed by the chief (balakui) and serves only so long as he himself wishes. As the informant put it, "When the medze gets tired he tells the chief, who selects a new one. The chief says, 'All right, I'll put another in your place'." This may occur after four or five years of service. The medze is not paid. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomro Society 363 The title of balakbutet (cf. balakui, male chief) held by certain women among the Southeastern Pomo seems to have no parallel title among the Eastern Pomo, though doubtless the functions occur. Perhaps the honorary title of daxalik cited by Barrett (see page 334) is a parallel. It was the duty of the balakbutet to feed visitors and home villagers at ceremonies, also casual visitors. For a further account of the balak- butet see page 342. Little was learned as to how the Eastern Pomo individuals rose to the several ceremonial offices. In the case of the Cigom man 239 who was a head singer (xemiga) for the hindil dances, we find that he was neither appointed by the chief nor the preceding head singer, but attained his position by learning songs at dances in other places. He ne.ther sang nor danced for maru dances. Like many Indians he was conservative and preferred the dances of the ancient cult to those of the new maru cult. Both Eastern and Southeastern Pomo informants emphasized that, ,as a rule, dancers danced only and did not sing, drum, or perform other duties. The accounts of the ceremonial activities of individuals bear out this generalization. At the present time all of the young people at Sulphur Bank (Elem) are said to dance, a state of affairs which certainly did not hold anciently at Cigom. At the top of table 25, listing the officials and dancers of common dances, the word "secret" refers to secret society membership, the word "master" to master of ceremonies, and the word "fireman" to fire tender. The other terms are, I believe, clear. 364 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 TABLE 25 OFFICIALS AND DANCERS OF COMMON DANCES w~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Village = v 7 Dances and Remarks Cigom ......... 7 e Yes No No No No Yes Gilak, hoho, badjuca, yaya, gunu- la, djane, lole, kalimatoto, xah- luigak. Cigom ..... ... 14 d No No No No No Yes Helehela only. Cigom .......... 22 c? Yes No Yes No No Yes Xahluigak. Cigom .......... 27 a" Yes No No No No Yes Hoho, yaya, gunula. Cigom ..... ... 36 ' No Yes Hoho, gunula, xahluigak. Cigom .......... 48 a' Yes Yes Xahluigak. Cigom ...... ... 50 Yes Yes Cigom .......... 52 c' Yes Yes Xahluigak. Cigom .......... 56 a' Yes No Yes No Yes Cigom .......... 73 co' Yes No Yes No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, lole, badjuca, xahluigak. Cigom .......... 81 ei Yes No No No Yes Yes Xahluigak. Cigom .......... 89 ei Yes Yes Xahluigak. Cigom .......... 95 d No Yes Yaya, gunula. Cigom1 02...... . 102 No Yes Cigom1 c....... . 07' Yes Yes Xahluigak. Cigom .......... 109 e Yes Yes Xahluigak. Cigom .......... 113 ei Yes Yes Yes Yes No Yes Hoho, lole, badjuca, yaya, gilak, kalimatoto, gunula, djane, hele- hela, xahluigak. Cigom .......... 124 a" Yes No Yes Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, lole, badjuca, xahluigak. Cigom . ......... 129 ' No Yes Cigom .......... 135 c' No Yes No Cigom .......... 147 e Yes . Yes Xahluigak. Cigom .......... 152 6 Yes Yes Xahluigak. Cigom .......... 158 a" Yee No No No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, lole, badjuca, xahluigak. Cigom .......... 179 e No Yes Cigom. ........... 188 c' No No No No No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, lole, badjuca, xsthluigak. Cigom .......... 192 6' Yes Yes XahluLigak. Cigom .......... 196 6' Yes Yes Xahluigak. Cigom .......... 205 6' No Yes No Cigom .......... 216 e Yes Yes Xahluigak. Cigom . ......... 39' No Yes No Cigom .......... 247 e Yes Yes Xahluigak. Cigom .......... 2 9 No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, lole, karaya, badjuca. Cigom .......... 16 9 No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, lole, karaya, badjuca. Cigom .......... 19 9 No Yes Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, lole, karaya, badjuca. Cigom .......... 24 9 No Yes No Cigom .......... 49 9 No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, lole, karaya, badjuca. Cigom .......... 51 9 Yes Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, lole, karaya, badjuca. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 365 TABLE 25-Continued Village l i Dances and Remarks Cigom .......... 64 9 No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, lole, karaya, badjuca. Cigom .......... 74 9 No Yes Hoho, kalimatoto, gunula. Cigom .......... 76 9 No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, lole, karaya, badjuca. Cigom .......... 86 9 No Yes Cigom .......... 110 9 Yes Yes Cigom ........... 111 9 Yes Yes Cigom .......... 154 9 No Yes Cigom .......161 9 Yes Yes Cigom .......... 162 9 No Yes Cigom .......... 171 9 No Yes Cigom .......... 177 9 No Yes Cigom .......... 204 9 Yes Yes Cigom .......... 211 9 Yes Yes Danoxa ...... 112 Yes Yes Xahluigak. Danoxa .......... 251 ci Yes Yes Xahluigak. Danoxa ...... 67' Yes Yes Xahluigak. Danoxa .......... 274 cd Yes Yes Xahluigak. Danoxa ...... 75c No Yes No Died 1885. Danoxa ... 279a o' No Yes No Danoxa . .. 279b Yes Yes Danoxa ........... 130 9 No Yes Danoxa ........... 270 9 Yes Yes Danoxa ........... 271 9 Yes Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, karaya, lole, badjuca. Xowalek ........... 281 ei Yes Yes Yes Yes Xahluigak. Xowalek ........... 283 c' Yes Yes Xahluigak. Xowalek ........... 285 o' Yes Yes Xahluigak. Xowalek ........... 286 c' Yes Yes Xahluigak. Xowalek ........... 288 ei Yes Yes Xahluigak. Xowalek ........... 290 ei Yes Yes Xahluigak. Xowalek ........... 300 ci No Yes Yes Head singer in 1919. Xowalek ........... 303 e" Yes Yes Xahluigak. Xowalek ........... 144 9 No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, karaya, lole, badjuca. Xowalek ........... 284 9 Yes Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, karaya, lole, badjuca. Xowalek ........... 293 9 No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, karaya, lole, badjuca. Xowalek ........... 299 9 Yes Yes Xowalek ........... 305 9 No Yes Bohanapwena .... 266 e No Yes Bohanapwena.... 313 e Yes Yes Xahluigak. Bohanapwena .... 316 ci Yes Yes Xahluigak. Bohanapwena .... 320 o' Yes Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, lole, badjuca, xahluigak. Bohanapwena .... 193 9 Yes Yes Bohanapwena .... 206 9 No Yes Bohanapwena .... 317 9 No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, helehela, lole, karaya, badjuca. Bohanapwena .... 328 9 No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, karaya, lole, badjuca. 366 Unniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 TABLE 25-Continued Village t |t E ; b Dances and Remarks Bohanapwena.... 330 9 No Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, lole, helehela, karaya, badjuca. Kabenapwena.... 203 e Yes Yes Xahluigak. Kabenapwena .... 343 e Yes Yes Xahluigak. Kabenapwena .... 57 9 No Yes Gunula, kalimatoto. Kayau .......... 221 e' Yes Yes Xahluigak. Kayau .......... 407 e' Yes No Kayau .......... 414a 6' Yes Yes Kayau . ......... 414b e Yes Yes Kayau .......... 116 9 No Yes Gilak, hoho, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, lole, karaya, badjuca. Kayau .......... 406 9 Yes Yima . ......... 11 No Yes Xahluigak. Yima .......... 185 e' Yes Yes Xahluigak. Yima .......... 357 e' Yes Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, karaya, lole, badjuca, xahluigak. Yima .......... 361 6' Yes No Yima .......... 362 6' Yes No Yima .......... 368 a" Yes Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, lole, badjuca, xahluigak. Yima .......... 374 d' Yes Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, lole, badjuca, xahluigak. Yima .......... 377 6' Yes Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, karaya, lole, badjuca, xahluigak.. Yima .......... 367 9 Yes Gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, lole, karaya, badjuca. Nauwagina . ......... 170 Yes Yes Xahluigak. Elem ........... 8 9 No Yes Ala or gugoma. Elem .......... 452 9 Yes Elem .......... 456 9 Yes Kamdot .......... 29 9 No Yes NON-PARTICIPANTS Among non-participants in either secret society or common dances are doubtless listed aged individuals who may earlier have participated, but concerning whom the informant knew nothing. Tables 26 and 27 list non-participants among Cigom residents and elsewhere. TABLE 26 CIGOM SECRET-SOCIEFTY AND COMMON-DANCE NON-PARTICIPANTS Person Sex Remarks 1 o1 4 6 A Yima man. Died 1914. 13 a 17 a A Kabenapwena man. 20 a A Healdsburg man. 32 e Too young. 33 e 35 a'' 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 367 TABLE 26-Continued Person Sex Remarks 40 ce Too old. 43 a" Perhaps too young, for he danced maru later. 62 ci 65 e 67 c 71 a 77 e 79 a Lame. 83 a Perhaps too young, for he danced maru later. 84 a' Brother of 143. 85 a" 87 a" A Yima man. 93 ci" 100 a" 138 " 143 a" Brother of 84. 155 a A Bohanapwena man. 157 e Perhaps too young, for he danced maru later. 163 a" A Cogowaiina man. 164 a Perhaps too young, for he later sang for maru dances. 168 a Perhaps too young, for he later danced and sang maru. 170 a A Nauwagina man. 173 ci Perhaps too young, as still living in 1919. 174 a" A Nauwagina man. 190 a Blind. 194 a" Too old. A Danoxa man. 200 a" "Little fellow." 210 a" Too old. 212 a" Too old. 223 a" Too old. A Kayau man. 224 a Too old. 3 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced and sang maru. Died 1894. 12 9 Too old. 15 9 Too old. 41 9 Too old. 58 9 Disliked dancing. A Yima woman. 60 9 Too old. 82 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. A Nauwagina woman. 88 9 Too 61d. 117 9 A Pomo woman. 134 9 A Yima woman. 136 9 165 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. 175 9 176 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. A Danoxa woman. 178 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. 186 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. Died in 1914. 187 9 Too old. 189 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. 195 9 Too old. 209 9 Too old. 368 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 TABLE 27 SECRET-SOCIETY AND COMMON-DANCE NON-PARTICIPANTS* NOT RESIDENT IN CIGOM Village Person Sex Remarks Cigom ............. 236 cI Perhaps too young, for he later danced maru. Cigom ............. 248 e Cigom ............. 245 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. Cigom ............. 249 9 Cigom ............. 257 9 Too young. Danoxa ............. 264 CR Danoxa ............. 269 CR Danoxa ............. 263 9 Danoxa ............. 268 9 Danoxa ............. 273 9 Died as young woman. Xowalek ............. 282 a, Perhaps too young (too young to be a shaman). Xowalek ............. 287 Ce Xowalekl.291........ . 291 Died in 1901. Xowalek ............. 306 do Xowalek ............. 292 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. Bohanapwena .......... 329 OX Kabenapwena .......... 344 d' Bakohana n.419....... . 19 Perhaps too young, for he later danced maru. Bakohana ............. 420 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. Kayau ............. 390 cP Too old. Kayau ............. 398 e Kayau ............. 402 e Too old. Kayau .. 391 9 Too old. Kayau ... 394 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. Kayau ... 399 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. Yima .. 379 &I Yima .. 380 Yima .. 382 o' Yima ... 358 9 Too old. Yima .. 360 9 Died young. Yima .. 369 9 Yima ............. 370 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. Yima ............. 376 9 Yima ............. 385 9 Elem ............. 430 9 Perhaps too young, for she latbr danced maru. Elem ............. 441 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. Elem ............. 444 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. Elem . : 454 9 Perhaps too young, for she later danced maru. Nauwagina ............. 533 a, Nauwagina ............. 535a e * No data as to secret society membership were obtained for individuals above 344 in this list. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 369 MARU DANCERS As the ghost dance or maru cult activities do not antedate the abandonment of Cigom village, a consideration of maru dancers is not necessary for an understanding of the social life in Cigom village itself. A close inspection of the data on participation in the maru cult among the Clear Lake peoples in general is of interest, however, from a purely ceremonial standpoint. Therefore I have indicated the extent to which maru participants and non-participants engaged in secret society and common dances. The following tabulation summarizes the situation for physically fit individuals who did or did not participate in maru ceremonies. TABLE 28 PARTICIPATION IN MARU, SECRET SOCIETY, AND COMMON DANCES Maru Maru Non- participants participants Secret society and common dance, men ................................ 6 10 Secret society and common dance, women .......................... 1 2 Common dance only, men ........................................... ........ 9 Common dance only, women ........................................... 8 10 Neither secret society nor common dance, men ................ 7 24 Neither secret society nor common dance, women .......... 10 8 Tables 29 and 30 reveal a strong tendency on the part of persons already participating in ancient secret society and common dance cere- monies to hold aloof from the modern maru cult. Thus we find that, whereas fifteen men and women participants in the old ceremonials embraced the maru cult, thirty-one declined to have anything to do with it, thus bearing out the informant's statement that many indi- viduals disliked the maru ceremonies. The tables also reveal seventeen persons who participated in maru dances but who were not secret society members or common dancers. Lastly, there are some thirty- two individuals who never participated in secret society dances, com- mon dances, or maru dances. 370 U7niver-sitll of Cal-ifornia Publications in AmR. Arch. and Ethn. [V'ol. 18 1~~~~~~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ c ., X~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4D o . D 4 a . eV g t .s~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~c Ca Ca Ca Ca C Ca Ca Ca...a.C =1 Q 52 zI D PQ n~~~~~~~lx CaYXX > X ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 0 >> 0X 1 0 >) 0 0 0 0 ;~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~a Ca Ee Ca E F cEE -1 -'A> : :. = X ? o o o o t o~~~~~~ 0 o o o o ?~~~~~~~~~~~~~~-- -4'. _Q '''D -4- +- -+' -4Q H H4 H Q~~ ~ ~~ ~ ~~~~~~ sE 0 0 Z S ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~~ E- E-- 9.= E-1 E-- E-1 F .4: vS~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ I- > >z> 4 z t>>q t- t- k- >I >- S- ~> r-0 I> z z; z;qS q ;S st>q z ;S ~> z;;; zj;z 00 t- c Xs- m m (M - S~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~c . . . . . . S e E S e S E E a S S e =0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ S4 9" E S E S E O bi bi bO M bk U M W _ W W bD W W b M O - -4 -4 -4 bD - -4 -4 -4 ... . bD.q - 0 ce - 4 - - 4 - C. VVV C-)VVV u ) ) UC UVVV VV )u ) 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 371 S 0 i 0 'c' cn i~~~~~~~~~~- 4. *D -4- - =: )Q? e Ca ad Ca e O3 ca d c3 c3 Ca c3 Ca ce C?0 d 0 c3d d ca c3 00 0 00 00 0 00 0 0 _5 _ _ 555* .. ___ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0000 0 0 wz Z X 4 44 0 o0~66666 6 6 o . -. ~ . . . .- ._Q .6 .4_. 0 0 000 000 0 0 g~~~~~~~~E- E - - E-4 E--4 E- H c 0 V OOO Ooo o ooo 0 o o 00 n~ ZZZZZZZ ~qZ ZZ z qzz 0 0 0 0 1 t - 0 0 X In a bl) Ib ?bO Q Q Q Q 0 0 0 o 5 r r . > > >. o Z Z ZZ N) O NO O O O Oe 0 Oe O O Ca Ca OeWC C m t t t t t t t t t t t 4 t z 372 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 TABLE 30 MARU NON-PARTICIPANTS Comr- Too Village Person Sex Secret mon Dead old Other reasons Cigom . ......... 1 1 No No x Cigom . ........ 13 e No No x Cigom . ......... 14 No Yes x Cigom ........... 22 Yes Yes x Cigom ........... 27 Yes Yes Cigom ........... 33 No No Cigom ........... 35 No No Cigom ........... 36 No Yes Cigom ........... 40 oP No No x Cigom . ........ 48 e Yes Yes Cigom . ........ 50 e Yes Yes Cigom . ........ 52 e Yes Yes Cigom . ........ 62 e No No Cigom . ........ 65 I No No Cigom ........... 67 e' No No Cigom . ....... 71 d' No No Cigom . ........ 77 e No No x Cigom . ........ 79 I No No Lame, but this would not have prevented sing- ing. Cigom . ........ 84 e No No Cigom . ........ 85 e No No Cigom . ......... 89 Yes Yes Cigom . ......... 93 No No Cigom . ........ 95 e No Yes Cigom ........... 100 ce No No Cigom1 02....... . 1 02 No Yes Cigom1 35....... . 1 35 No Yes x Cigom1 38....... . 1 38 No No Cigom . .......... 143 No No Cigom1 73....... . 1 73 No No Cigom1 79....... . 1 79 No Yes Cigom ..... 188 a, No Yes x Cigom1 90....... . 90e No No Blind, but this would not have prevented singing. Cigom . .......... 200 . No No "Little fellow." Cigom . .......... 05e No Yes Cigom . .......... 210 No No x Cigom ........... 212 No No x Cigom . .......... 224 e No No x Cigom . .......... 239 No No Disliked marut. Cigom2 48....... . 2 48 No No Danoxa19 ........ . 1 94 No No x Danoxa26 ........ . 2 64 No No Danoxa26 ........ . 2 67 No Yes x Danoxa x 2 .....9... 2 69 No No 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 373 TABLE 30-Continued Com- Too Village Person Sex Secret mon Dead old Other reasons Danoxa27 ........ . 2 75 No Yes Danoxa . ........ . 279a No Yes Xowalek28 ........ . 2 8 No No Too young perhaps. Xowalek ........... 285 ei Yes Yes Xowalek ........... 287 ei' No No Xowalek .... 291 e No No Xowaleke. ........ . 000 No Yes Xowalek ........... 306 6' No No Bohanapwena 2...9. 29 ' No No Kabenapwena .. 17 17 No No Kabenapwena ..... .344 6' No No x Kayau .......... . 223 ci No No x Kayau .390...... . 90' No x Kayau39 ........ . 98' No Kayau .402...... . 02' No x Kayau ... 407 6' Yes Yima ............ 4 No No Yima . ........... 11 ' No Yes Yima . ........... 87 No No Yima . .......... 685 Yes Yes Yima . .......... 57' Yes Yes Yima . .......... 3 61 Yes Yima . .......... 62' Yes x Yima . .......... 68' Yes Yes Yima . .......... 74' Yes Yes Yima ........... 377 e' Yes Yes x Yima . ........... 379 ' No Yima . .......... 3 80 No Yima . ........... 382 No Nauwagina ........ 170 6' Yes No Nauwagina ........ .174 6 No No Nauwagina ........ 533 6' No Nauwagina . .... 535a e No Cigom . .......... 2 9 No Yes Cigom . .......... 12 9 No No x Cigom . .......... 15 9 No No x Cigom . .......... 16 9 No Yes Cigom . .......... 24 9 No Yes Cigom ........... 41 9 No No x Cigom . .......... 49 9 No Yes Cigom ........... 60 9 No No x Cigom . .......... 74 9 No Yes Cigom . .......... 86 9 No Yes Cigom . .......... 88 9 No No x Cigom . .......... 136 9 No No Cigom ........... 161 9 Yes Yes x Cigom ........... 162 9 No Yes x 374 University of California. Publications in Am. Archi. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 TABLE 30-Continued Com- Too Village Person Sex Secret mon Dead old Other reasons Cigom ........... 171 9 No Yes x Cigom ........... 175 9 No No Cigom ........... 187 9 No No x Cigom ........... 249 9 No No Danoxa ........... 130 9 No Yes Danoxa ........... 134 9 No No x Danoxa ........... 263 9 No No Danoxa ........... 268 9 No No Danoxa ........... 271 9 Yes Yes Danoxa ........... 273 9 No No x Xowalek ........... 144 9 No Yes x Xowalek ........... 284 9 Yes Yes Disliked maru. Xowalek ........... 305 9 No Yes Bohanapwena ...... 206 9 No Yes Bohanapwena ...... 328 9 No Yes Bohanapwena ...... 330 9 No Yes x Kayau ........... 116 9 No Yes x Kayau ........... 391 9 No x Pomo ........... 117 9 No No Yima ........... 58 9 No No Disliked dancing. Yima ........... 134 9 No No Yima ........... 358 9 No x Yima ........... 360 9 No x Yima ........... 367 9 Yes Yima ........... 369 9 No Yima ........... 385 9 No SOUTHEASTERN POMO DANCERS Among the Southeastern Pomo it was not feasible to discriminate between hindil and maru (Southeastern Pomo, aupgo) dancers. Of twenty-five men fifteen were chiefs. Of these chiefs six were dancers; a seventh was fire-tender at Elem in 1919 but no dancer. Eleven out of the total of twenty-five men were dancers, a higher percentage than with the Eastern and Northern Pomo, but less reliable because of the smallness of the series. Of these eleven dancers not a single one per- formed any other ceremonial duty. Again, the series is too small to regard this as an entirely trustworthy picture, though the informant Wokox strongly emphasized the separation of the two functions of dancer and dance official. The following table reveals the ceremonial activities of each South- eastern Pomo man. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 375 TABLE 31 INDIVIDUAL CEREMONIAL ACTIVITIES OF SOUTHEASTERN POMO MEN Drum- Fire- Village Person Dancer Chief Master Singer mer tender Remarks Elem ........ 424 No Yes Too old. Elem ........ 428 No Yes Too old; wealthy; no shaman. Elem ........ 429 No No No No No No Very old. Outfit shaman. Elem .. 431 No No No No No No Outfit shaman. Elem .. 435 Yes No No No No No A good dancer, now living in Big Val- ley. Is invited to Elem when cere- mony held. Suck- ing shaman. Elem .. 438 No No No No No No Too old. Outfit shaman. Elem .. 442 No No No Yes No No Brother of 470. Elem .. 447 No No No No No No Elem .. 448 Yes Yes Elem .. 455 Yes Yes No No No No Not rich. Elem .. 456 Yes No No No No No Elem ........ 461 Yes Yes Elem ........ 462 Yes Yes No No No No Wealthy. Outfit shaman. Elem ....... 467 No Yes No No No No Described as a "preaching" chief. Elem . 469 Yes No No No No No Outfit shaman; all dances except bete- lai; taken part of kuksu; never "ate fire." Elem . 470 No No No Yes No No Brother of 442. Elem ....... 472 Yes Yes Elem ....... 505 No Yes Yes Yes Somet.mes serves as master of cere- monies when re- lieved of duties as head singer by 461 or someone else. Kamdot ....... 501 No Yes No No No Yes The only fire-tender in 1919. Kamdot ....... 503 No Yes Too old. Kamdot ....... 504 No Yes Too old. Outfit shaman. Kamdot ....... 506 Yes No No No No No Never played part of kuksu. Kamdot ....... 507 Yes Yes Toto dance only one seen by informant. Koi ....... 516 Yes Yes Koi ....... 517 Yes Yes No No No No 376 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 TABLE 32 INDIVIDUAL CEREMONIAL ACTIVITIES OF SOUTHEASTERN POMO WOMEN Village Person Hindi Maru Remarks Elem ....... 8 Yes ? Participated as only woman in performance called ala at Elem. Not seen to 'dance while residing at Cigom. Elem ....... 430 No Yes Elem ....... 436 ? ? A dancer. Elem ....... 441 No Yes Also a balakbutet (see p. 342). Elem ....... 444 No Yes Also a balakbutet Elem ....... 452 Yes ? A dancer. Elem ....... 454 No Yes Kamdot ....... 29 Yes Yes Kamdot ....... 513 Dancer. CREMATION Among the Clear Lake Pomo disposal of the dead was by burning. According to the Eastern Pomo informant Jim Pumpkin (113), it took about one cord of wood to cremate a corpse. Into a hole two feet deep, six feet long, and three feet wide, wood was piled and the corpse placed on top of the pyre. After the burning, the hole containing the ashes was filled level with the surrounding surface. Jim Pumpkin denied that there was any eating of the flesh of the dead47 among the Cigom people, but he attributed the custom to the Southeastern Pomo of Lower Lake island (Koi), of whom he related from hearsay the follow- ing anecdote concerning the eating of a part of the corpse at the time of cremation: A man gathering acorns was bitten and killed by a bear. At his funeral pyre his relatives cooked acorn mush, then cut a piece of flesh from his thigh and cooked and ate it with the acorn mush. "They felt sorry for him because he was a good man," the informant explained. After eating, the mourners commenced crying and set fire to the pyre. The informant said that this was done only for a person who had been killed by a bear. The principal Southeastern Pomo informant witnessed at Koi a case of a woman eating part of her son who had been killed by a bear. The woman's motive was a desire to die, so she ate a piece of her son's flesh. She vomited all night long after eating the flesh. When morn- ing came she ceased, but still lay there, and the next day she died. The 47 Kroeber, Handbook, p. 253. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 377 informant had neither seen nor heard of such a thing before. He once knew the name of the dead man, but could not recall it. At Cigom half of the money of a rich man was destroyed at his funeral. The remaining half was divided among the children, widow, and siblings of the deceased. The children had first right. The divi- sion was made by a brother, or, if there was no brother, by a sister or aunt. A dead man's balsa, his bows and arrows, and his fish and duck nets were inherited by his sons. The dwelling house was not destroyed, nor did the relatives move. In this connection it should be remembered that most Cigom dwellings were joint property. It is claimed that there were no dogs before white people came, so that dog sacrifice to accompany the deceased master was absent. In addition to clam-shell money, there were burned at a man's funeral baskets, some of his deer- skins, his rabbitskin blankets, and any other clothing he might have possessed. The Southeastern Pomo informant, Wokox, asserted that with that people, when a rich man died, all his money, baskets, blankets, and other belongings were destroyed on the funeral pyre. Nothing was inherited by his relatives. MONEY The Eastern Pomo currency consisted of discs of shell of the large clam Saxidomus nuttalii, which is particularly abundant at Bodega bay, Sonoma county. Every man manufactured the discs, but some were able to devote more time to the occupation than others. So far as the informant knew, the Eastern Pomo themselves went to Bodega bay for the shells; they did not merely obtain them through trade from intervening peoples. The Cigom informant had himself been six times to Bodega bay to obtain the clams. The customary load borne home on the back weighed about one hundred pounds. The journey from Cigom to Bodega bay took three and one-half days, the route being by way of Cloverdale and Sebastopol. At Sebastopol the last night camp was made. The final leg of the journey required all of the following day. The Miwok at Bodega bay neither charged for the clams nor objected to the Pomo digging them. Digging sticks were used to dig the clams. The mollusks were eaten at the camp and only the shells brought home to Cigom. 378 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 The Southeastern Pomo informant Wokox said that anciently clam shells for money manufacture were obtained mostly through trade. Individuals seldom went for the shells for fear of trouble with the peoples along the long route. The Coast Miwok of Bodega bay sold the shells to the Russian River people, who in turn sold them to the Wappo of the Middletown region, they to the Lake Miwok of Coyote valley, and the Lake Miwok sold them to the Southeastern Pomo. Among the Southeastern Pomo each person made his own money. Wokox (469) had been four times to Bodega bay for clam shells. He was married when he went on his first trip, and white people were already in the country. He had free access to the clam beds on each occasion and did not pay the Bodega people for the pxrivilege. Some thirty or forty men went on each expedition. The clams were obtained not by actual removal of sand, but by forcing the digging stick down and moving it from side to side until a round hole was made down to the clam which was removed by hand. Cylinders of magnesite were also utilized as money. The Cigom people either went themselves for the raw material or bought it from the Southeastern Pomo. These latter people charged a dollar in clam-shell beads for three or four rough pieces, each as big as one's fist. Such lumps were treated by burying in the earth under a fire in order to break and to color them. In cooling, the raw material cracked and was then ready for shaping. GAMES Inquiry concerning games was neglected by the investigator, so that all that was obtained were three individual instances of activities of this nature. Lahara (11), of Yima, was a very lucky grass-game player and won everyone's money. Kalayo (163), of Cogowaiina near Hopland, was also an inveterate player of this game. He lived at Cigom after 1850. Ekali (533), a Patwin of Long valley, was noted for his ability in breaking horses ("bronco-busting"). So great a hold did this occupa- tion have upon him that he never served as a dance official or as a dancer in either the kuksu or the maru cycle of ceremonies. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 379 PERSONAL NAMES To what extent the names obtained are true names and to what extent nicknames is not clear. It seems likely that in some cases at least nicknames were given, perhaps through ignorance of the true names. EASTERN POMO TRANSMISSION OF NAMES A child was sometimes given a new name, but was oftener named for some relative, alive or dead. Sometimes a grandparent named a child, but usually a parent. Children were named when 5 or 6 years old; not at birth. During these years they were called kus (baby), ghawi (boy), or dahat (girl). No new name is given when a boy becomes a dancer. Out of ten recorded cases the father gave the name in eight cases, the mother in one, the mother's father in one. In this latter instance the name giver named the child after himself. Six out of eight namesakes belong in the paternal grandparent class; two in the maternal grand- parent class. The following list sets forth the meager array of concrete cases. Individual Namegiver Namesake Halada (3) 9 Mother Sipahale (32) e Mother's father Mother's father Lili (50) e Father's mother's brother Cuidum (76) 9 Father Tanis (89) e Father Codi (97) e Father Micene (98) 9 Father Caipadak (131) 9 Father Father's mother Holboi (151) e Father Father's father Budihal (168) e Father Helidjai (247) cP Mother's mother's brother Danoyahem (286) d Father's father Danoyahem (287) c "Old people" Danoyahem (286) Halus (291) e Father's father Pidac (300) e Father Father's father MEANING OF NAMES No meanings of personal names were obtained from the Southeastern Pomo informant Wokox (469), who said they had none in Southeastern Pomo. Three names he knew the meanings of in other languages: Penma (fish basket, in Southern Pomo), Loho (lazy, in Spanish), and 380 UnTiversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 Cela (young man, in Eastern Pomo). Wokox also stated that children were named when four or five months old, and often for a relative, as for example the father's father. This age is quite at variance with the Eastern Pomo information and it is possible I misunderstood in one case or the other. The only cases in which the namesake was indicated are the following: Wildahum, a female, was named for someone in her father's family, as was also Hukuyu, a female. Lebadi, a male, was named for someone in his father's family who was a relative of the informant Wokox (his womtuwi or mother's father's brother's son). Tcelapowis (461) was named for Tcelapowis (251) of Danoxa, his father's friend. Jim Pumpkin, the Eastern Pomo informant, supplied the meanings given in the following list. The writer has not analyzed the names and the informant's translations are given for whatever they are worth. 3 Halada: bead woman. 9 77 Hailiyehem: haili, sky; yehem, 7 Leutiri: gray hair. a" big. e 11 Lahara: green pepperwood ball. 78 Tcidam: duck down. 9 " 79 Tamu: ta, ground; mu, hole. ci 12 Datsilo: woman drum. 9 81 Hako: ha, water; ko, belly. e 13 Patelu: a kind of sack. e 82 Wikamda: hunter woman. 9 16 Dacabi: da, woman; cabi, dance 83 Hatauwil: quail crest left hand. house post. 9 a" 19 Hawac: water pine. 9 84 Tcohop: a species of pine tree. 22 Xoskondo: blackberry. a ci' 24 Laltodok: geese round, i.e., in a 85 Peheteye: pepperwood ball. e circle. 9 86 Wilkuhum: abalone eater; wil, 25 Bida: a bear. c abalone; kuhum, to eat. 9 27 Sipahale: sipa, "mush-acorn 89 Tanis: no good. e oak tree" (buduhale was given 94 Haisidak: dak, flat; haisi, wood. as a synonym, budu, acorn). " c 33 Kalta: a species of duck. ce 98 Micene: something smelling. 9 35 Keso: fish. " 99 Lamo: hole. a" 38 Takabai: "wild onion." " 100 Koto: acorn bread. a 39 Hawalibu: gopher. " 110 Letali: valley quail crest. 9 41 Pitcuntcun: a species of "red 111 Cimada: name woman. 9 ant." (Also 301.) 9 112 Heilibu: quail crest whistle. e 42 Autu: silver-tailed fox, in N. 113 Xehulum: quail crest standing. Pomo of Potter Valley. a 48 Xalax: xala, a river mussel. " 116 Alcibaman: beads body. 9 49 Hebigorl: he, valley quail crest. 123 Hatciye: mudhen. e 9 124 Sawalnim: sun (?) fish. e 55 Utsdak: sucking nipple. 9 129 Micun: nose. e 57 Halpitau: woman white. 9 131 Caipadak: eagle doll. 9 58 Kapoi: a kind of grass seed. 9 135 Djabu: shorty. a 59 Bicok: dilebicok, hollow in 137 Das: man-woman, berdache. a" forehead. a 138 Tamandu: tamin, ball. a" 71 Salki: no (negation). a" 142 Hairik: wooden finger nail. a" 73 Poni: magnesite bead. a" 149 Molit: a kind of wild berry. a 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pono Society 381 154 Batxo: navel. 9 223 Daukai: old woman. e 155 Caiyoko: fish of any kind. e 224 Xas: rattlesnake. eP 156 Huiilu: pinole. e 225 DauwiLa: woman panther. 9 157 HebuL: grass growing straight. 227 Wubitau: wild "potato." e e 229 Aidano: crow mountain. eP 158 Hatabada: -da, woman. cl 230 Pitax: show something. 9 162 Dabaten: woman big. 9 231 KalsaL: "I don't want to go 164 Lakobitus: money clam. a" home." 165 Dacaga: woman quail. 9 233 Tinurl: beaver. e 167 Boohai: elk stick. e 234 Alkapo: bead ground. 9 168 Budihal: bu, wild "potato." e 236 Sapal: something broken. aI 170 Moki: hole (in E. Pomo). A 239 Podogot: paint. a" Patwin name. aI 245 Halkitem: ocean shell, probably 173 Tapabik: burning something. a abalone. 9 174 Gunulasimamel: coyote sleep- 246 Tokmin: one eye. 9 ing. a 249 Nitcmin: no good. 9 176 Halkapum: beaded spring. 9 253 Xaltilomda: bead drummer. 9 177 Xalkamamna: shell-bead foot. 254 Tuno: squatting with arms 9 folded when voiding. 9 182 Baci: a name. a 255 Gawatcu: sugar. " 183 Hatesoi: black bread. 9 261 Haldapamen: bead player. 9 185 Djasut: little man. ae 264 Cabediram: dance house post 186 Wisin: frog. 9 preacher. e 188 Adi: hit, struck. a 267 Guki: turkey vulture. a" 189 Xeda: xe, dance; da, woman. 9 268 Halkahum: beads -- . 9 190 Padili: foreheadexcrement. aI 271 Kalsigada: bead woman. 9 192 Caila: chicken hawk's nose; 274 Okalul: buttocks dry. e cai, chicken hawk; la, nose. aI 281 Cagopagal: grasshopper 193 Heimin: he, valley quail crest; shoulder. e" min, woman. 9 283 Cicai: bald eagle. aI 194 Wu: little bird. a 285 Damot: panther. a 195 Dagunula: woman coyote. 9 286 Danoyahem: mountain big. 196 Kilsili: a kind of sticker plant. (Also 287.) ci a" 288 Diwisamo: coyote fly (an in- 200 Kanariwa: mud turtle. e sect). " 201 Gatiya: house. 9 291 Halus: raccoon. a 203 Sonma: green grass. 292 Heisiyum: quail crest blooming. 204 Saiyai: something pretty. 9 9 205 Tcahen: something moving. a 293 Hetali: he, quail crest. 9 206 Udjewic: looking pretty. 9 294 Hetilak: quail crest flicker. 209 Auauda: crow woman. 9 (Also 415.) 9 210 Kokul: a species of duck (mer- 297 Katcis: bite something. 9 ganser?). " 299 Libubida: whistle woman. 9 212 Obituk: teeth man. a 300 Pidac: bald-headed. (Also 213 Daboo: woman elk. 9 410.) c 214 Cela: youngman. a 303 Tsaibal: jay's tongue. a 215 Daharatc: woman woodpecker. 304 Xabeda: rock woman. 9 9 305 Xabedakun: pestle woman. 9 216 Damaiye: road. a 306 Xatonton: xa, water; tonton, 218 Dacubak: wild rose. 9 "fish duck." a" 219 Bumsu: arrow. a 310 Bukalnis: old basket. a 221 Bidacina: bear head. a 312 Cadabo: ca, arm; dabo, dry. a 382 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 313 Caicina: eagle head. e 376 Patolmida: oak balls woman. 314 Cakodano: grasshopper moun- 9 tain. e 377 Pisoso: black ant. This man 315 Cida: a duck. e was also called Tuntun: red 317 Daboo: woman elk. 9 ant. 6' 319 Kalaxhemi: bead quail crest. 9 378 Sala: penis nose. 6 320 Kalitc: salamander. 380 Tibeyel: tule chest (part of 323 Katsau: lame. 9 body). e 324 Kunucubak: flower. 6' 381 Tinbako: kick a snake. 328 Picekawat: deer meat jaw. 9 382 Xabesamai: rock heart. 330 Tculak: blackbird. 9 390 Cipacima: acorn ear. 331 Wetcwetc: crested jay. 9 391 Datowin: da, woman. 9 332 Yookanu: yo'o, teeth. e 392 Halcalgim: hal, bead. 342 Gecawi: osprey eye. 6' 398 Kauwinak: mud turtle. 343 Gunulahatida: coyote mouth. 402 Mitsedikam: basket wear. 6' 6 403 Oonai: stop! 9 355 Aitox: crow talk. e 406 Xeyawoimen: xe, quail top. 9 356 Balai: blood. e 407 Yema: root of a plant. e 357 Burukalciwe: grizzly bear new. 416 Kasisiui: elk eye. e 6 417 Umarhaugoki: well drink. 9 358 Caimida: cai, eagle; da, woman. 467 Wilbak: abalone shell (in E. 9 Pomo). 6 359 Calecelik: long, slim woman. 9 506 Penma: fish basket (in S. Po- 360 Cmahidin: ear standing. 9 mo). 6 361 Dobalu: ashes jaw. 522 Haltcawino: bead running. 362 Dugak: man. e 523 Pitabadoya: pita, grizzly bear. 363 Gunula: coyote. 6 6 365 Haleda: bead woman. 9 524 Xotel: close to fire. 9 366 Hetanum: quail crest hand. 9 535a Kamabatin: big foot (in Patwin: 369 Kaldihai: bead round. 9 Benmai). 6 371 Kutcula: coyote sun. 6 537 Tacodak: buttocks crack. 6 373 Matobikus: penis eater. 9 538 Tahawe: buttocks gum. 6 RELATIONSHIP TERMS Among the Southeastern Pomo three hitherto unrecorded kinship terms were encountered: term womtuwi, meaning grandfather's brother's son, and its reciprocal, the word wipukut; and wokta. meaning grand- father's brother's daughter. The full scope of these terms could not be ascertained.48 Among the Eastern Pomo also a new kinship term was recorded, namely, nikihamige, my mother's stepfather.49 48 For published Southeastern Pomo terms, see Gifford, Californian Kinship Terminologies, present series, xviii, 104-106, 1922. 49 For published Eastern Pomo terms, see ibid., 106; also Kroeber, California Kinship Systems, present series, xii, 370, 1917. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pormo Society 383 BIOGRAPHIES In this section are presented brief notes concerning a number of individuals. The greater part of the information was obtained through direct questioning and was not volunteered by the informant except as he became familiar with the writer's questionary. It must be borne in mind, therefore, that the content of these biographies has been to a considerable extent shaped by the writer. It should be remembered, too, that many of the people of Cigom were old when the informant was but a boy. Hence the negative aspect of the biographies is probably overaccentuated. Information concerning chieftainship, residence after marriage, and other topics, has been given on earlier pages (see Contents). Concerning the two series of ceremonial dances here designated as kuksu (or hindil) and maru it should be noted that the kuksu system is the ancient one, the maru is a modification of the earlier system due to the influence of the ghost dance religion of 1870.5u Dreams are a striking feature of the maru system. The number preceding each individual's name in the following biographical notes refers to the list of the inhabitants of Cigom and neighboring villages. 4. Waililu, o, a native of the Northern Pomo village of Yima, husband of 3. Neither chief, shaman, dancer, nor dance official. Sent to San Quentin peni- tentiary for killing his father-in-law, i.e., the father of his second wife (292) with whom he lived at Xabematolil (see Barrett's map 1) near the American town of Upper Lake. Died about 1914. 7. Leutiri, c, a Cigom chief, son of Lahara (11) of the Northern Pomo village of Yima who was not a chief, and of the Cigom woman Datsilo (12). "His mother made him chief," the informant said. He was a noted dancer, appearing in xahluigak (ghost), no xahluigak, guksu, kalimatoto (thtmder), and many other ceremonies. He was a fire-eater. He was not a ceremonial fire-tender, chorus leader, drummer, or master of ceremonies. He acquired the powers of a sucking shaman in the following manner: One summer dav as he was sitting in the shade of a tree, he saw a horse at a distance on a hillside. As he gazed he saw fire spout from the top of its head. He swooned and was unconscious for three or four hours. When he revived the horse was gone, but he had become a sucking shaman. He died about 1904. Leutiri's first wife was Kasebi (8) of Elem (see, her biography). His second wife was Eria (175), whom he married after Kasebi's death. Leutiri married Kasebi after, the Americans were in the land. The occasion of his marriage to Kasebi was a ceremony at Elem, which many Cigom people attended. Leutiri 50 Cf. S. A. Barrett, Ceremonies of the Pomo Indians, present series, xii, 440, 1917; A. L. Kroeber, Elements of culture in native California, xiii, 316-320, 1922; also Handbook, p. 269. 384 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 made frequent visits with Kasebi to Elem, where he sometimes resided all winter. Their children, a boy and a girl, died at a tender age. Although Wilbak (467), Kasebi's brother, was a chief in Elem, Leutiri did not fall under his jurisdiction while residing in Elem. On the other hand, Leutiri's standing as a Cigom chief counted for nothing in obtaining food, for he had no blood relatives in Elem to keep his larder stocked. Leutiri's second wife (175) bore him a daughter, who was named Dacaga (165) and who reached maturity. 11. Lahara, e, a native of the Northern Pomo town of Yima, father of the Cigom chief Leutiri (7) by a Cigom woman named Datsilo (12). He was forty or fifty years old in 1850. Lahara was neither a chief nor a shaman. The informant did not see him dance. He was not a ceremonial fire-tender; in fact, he had no ceremonial fumctions that the informant knew of. He played the grass game a great deal and was very lucky at it, winning everyone's money. Like all men he indulged in the spring fishing on the lake. Lahara was neither a war leader nor an arrow-maker, but a maker of ducknets. At the time Lahara married Datsilo he had a wife in his native town of Yima, whom he had deserted for Datsilo. By his Yima wife he had a daughter named Kaldihai (369), who was thus the paternal half-sister of the Cigom chief Leutiri. It came to pass that Lahara married Datsilo because he and his fellow villagers of Yima, and also other Northern and Eastern Pomo villagers, went to Cigom to attend ceremonial dances. 73. Poni, a Cigom man 'whose mother, Xalnuwum (74), was cf Cigom, btit whose father was a Hill Patwin of Nauwagina village in Long Valley. Poni's chief was Sipahale (27), who was related to him on his mother's side. Poni succeeded Sipahale as chief. That the succession was altogether due to blood relationship seems doubtful, since the informant said that Poni became chief on the occasion when he taught the Cigom people the dances of the maru cycle; Poni spoke both Eastern Pomo and Hill Patwin. It was he who learned the maru cult among the Cache Creek Hill Patwin and taught it to the Cigom people. Before he learned the maru dances Poni participated in the activities of the older kuksu or hindil cycle. He danced gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, lole, badjuca, guksu, and xahluigak. He did not dance either karaya or sitaya. He took the parts of both Guksu and Calnis. He was also a chorus leader, but he never served as master of ceremonies or ceremonial fire- tender. He was neither shaman, .arrow-maker, nor net-maker. Matrimonially Poni had two adventures. His first wife was the Cigom woman (2) married later by Pateli (1). They had but one child, Podogot (239), a son. After leaving his first wife Poni married a Hill Patwin of Nauwagina village in Long Valley. The offspring of the second marriage was Cuidum (76), a girl. 113. Xehulum, e, the principal Eastern Pomo informant, Jim Pumpkin. Others gave his Pomo name as Xalilkunak. His mother was Cimada (111), of Cigom, his father Heilibu (112), of the Eastern Pomo village of Danoxa. He had two brothers who died young and unnamed; no sister. His first wife was Alci- baman (116), of the Northern Pomo village of Kayau. His second wife was Kaldjama (117), of the Northern Pomo village of Pomo. These two wives bore him five babies, all of whom died young. His third- and present wife is Xalipomna (405), of Kayau village. Xehulum was neither arrow-maker nor net-maker. He fished on the lake in his own balsa and caught ducks with a net, but without a fire to lure them at night. He used to hunt deer in the mountains near Bartlett Springs. He is a shaman (ho'o) of the singing or outfit doctor type. He began to participate in dances of the kuksu cycle at the age of fifteen, his father (112) teaching him, at 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 385 least in part. When the maru dances were introduced, he ceased dancing the kuksu dances and began to take part in those of the new cycle. He was scarified three times by the guksu impersonator. Xehulum has served as chorus leader and master of ceremonies, occasionally as drummer, but never as ceremonial fire-tender. Unfortunately it is not clear from the notes whether he held these offices in connection with the kuksu or maru ceremonies or both. He has not had dreams concerning maru dances. He gave the following account of his ceremonial activities. No one told him how or asked him to dance, but when he was fifteen or sixteen years old he watched and learned by himself the hoho dance. He said to a boy friend with him: "We'll dance next time." So they arose and danced, for they had been watching the dance in the dance house. For decoration he took feathers himself from the supply in the dance house. Ten to fifteen men and some women participated in this hoho dance. The hoho was the only dance which Xehulum learned on the occasion of this ceremony at Cigom, although many other dances were performed. Some time later at another ceremony at Cigom, Xehulum learned the lole dance and also the badjuca dance. No one taught him; he just watched and then joined the dancers. A friend tried the badjuca dance with him. Later Xehulum learned other dances at ceremonies, including guksu and xahluigak. He has played the part of Guksu. Xehulum was about twenty when he started to dance xahlui- gak. He was not invited to, but just went in by himself. By the time he was twenty he had learned all the dances. He received no new name. As to arithmetical ability, Xehulum may be a fair sample of the Pomo, who were accustomed to count their discs of shell money. He readily subtracted three from twenty on one occasion. I remarked that we had considered three houses of Cigom in the taking of the census and asked him how many more there were in Cigom. He answered seventeen, and he had previously mentioned twenty houses as composing Cigom village. 357. Burukalciwe, son of Pisoso (377), a chief of the Northern Pomo village of Yima. The informant spoke of Burukalciwe's chief as being Guki (267), of the Eastern Pomo village of Danoxa, the maternal grandfather (?) of his mother (134), and not his own father Pisoso. Burukalciwe's mother (134) was a Danoxa woman, whom Pisoso later deserted for a woman (384) of his native village of Yima. Burukalciwe never married. After his parents had separated, he lived inter- mittently with his father at Yima and his mother at Danoxa. After his father died he succeeded him as chief in Yima. The matter of succession was discussed bv the old men. Then the people were asked and replied: "All right. Good fellow. Good man." Burukalciwe was neither ceremonial fire-tender, chorus leader, drummer, master of ceremonies, shaman, war leader, arrow-maker, nor net-maker. As a dancer he participated in the kuksu cycle, but not in the later maru dances. Of the former he danced gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gumula, helehela, djane, karaya, lole, badjuca, sitaya, guksu, and xahluigak. His father taught him to dance and he learned the part of Guksu first. Burukalciwe was older than the informant, Jim Pumpkin. He died in 1896. 377. Pisoso (another name Tuntun), younger brother of Lahara (11) and a chief of the Northern Pomo village of Yima. His first wife (134), the mother of Burukalciwe (357), was from the Eastern Pomo village of Danoxa. His second wife (384) was a woman of his native village of Yima; by her he had no children. Pisoso was not a ceremonial fire-tender, head singer, drummer, or master of ceremonies. He' was, however, a guksu doctor, i.e., a CGuksu impersonator; also he impersonated Calnis. He was a xahluigak dancer, but not a fire-eater. 386 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 18 The informant saw him once as a xahluigak dancer. In addition he danced the following dances of the kuksu cycle: gilak, hoho, yaya, kalimatoto, gunula, helehela, djane, karaya, lole, badjuca, sitaya. He never danced maru dances which became the vogue after he was old and his dancing days were over. He was not a shaman (outfit, sucking, bear, or rattlesnake). Neither was he war leader nor arrow-maker. He was, however, a maker of ducknets and an ardent duck-hunter. Every winter he captured many ducks at Danobidau (the modern village about three miles south of Upper Lake town). His relatives often visited him while he was hunting at Danobidau and he gave them ducks. 457. Tsetsuk, brother of Wilbak (467) who was chief of the Southeastern Pomo village of Elem. He was a rich man, possessing large quantities of shell beads and baskets. He himself did not go to the coast for the clam shells from which the beads were made, but purchased them from others, paying for them with finished beads. The thick shells were worth the most. As rich men always do, Tsetsuk spent the day outside of his house making beads, entering his house only in the evening to eat. Tsetsuk used only the hand drill in bead manufacture; the pump drill had not yet been introduced by the whites. Tsetsuk did not make duck nets or arrows, and he hunted but little, preferring to devote his time to the manufacture of bead money. He was dependent on his "friends" for food. For this he paid nothing, as food was never sold, being regarded as "wild produce." In accordance with the Pomo practice his relatives and friends kept Tsetsuk supplied with food. His brother Wilbak fished much;6" Notau hunted deer. To them Tsetsuk frequently gave money, sometimes as much as five dollars' worth at a time. He was neither a chief, shaman, nor dance official. He was a dancer, however. Tsetsuk retained most of the bead money he manufactured, only now and then buying baskets, bows, arrows, etc. Tsetsuk and his two brothers, Wilbak (467) the chief, and Notau (447), lived with their families in one house, a communal house with three fires. Sometimes their sister Kasebi (8), the wife of the Cigom chief Leutiri (7), came from Cigom for a visit of three or four days or a week. Balakkak (424), their aged mother's brother, lived at Wilbak's fire. 467. Wilbak, a chief of the Southeastern Pomo village of Elem, older brother of Kasebi (8), the wife of the Cigom chief Leutiri (7). The Cigom informant knew but little about him. When he visited Elem in 1899 Wilbak was dead. The following information about Wilbak was furnished by Wokox (469), a Southeastern Pomo informant: Wilbak's father (486) and mother (485) were Elem people. The former was dead when the i\nformant was born, the latter very old. Wilbak succeeded Balakkak (424), his mother's brother, as chief. Wilbak had two brothers, Notau (447) and a younger one named Tsetsuk (456), and a sister named Kasebi (8). Wilbak married a woman of the Southeastern Pomo village of Kamdot. She bore him many children, but all died young, usually when but a few months old. One daughter, Suyasabi (453), lived to the age of nine years. Wilbak brought his wife to Elem and resided there. Sometimes when he had an abundance of deer or fish, he took some to his father-in-law at Kamdot, remaining away from Elem three or four days or a week. Wilbak as chief did not hunt or fish himself. His relatives and friends kept his larder stocked. Wilbak was neither dance official, dancer, nor shaman. He was succeeded as chief by Yulkis (English name Lightner), 472, who was related to him through his mother. 469. Wokox, Tom, my principal Southeastern Pomo informant. He was called Toto by the Cigom people. Both of his parents were natives of Elem. As a small boy he was taken to Cigom and lived many years there. His father went up to Cigom and brought him back to Elem. He found that many old people 51 See Wilbak's biography for contradiction. 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 387 had died. Immediately after his return, the Bloody Island massacre of 1850 took place. Wokox lived with Makac's (62) family in house IV of Cigom. Makac stood in the relation of imtcen or "maternal grandfather" to Wokox. He was also a friend of Wokox's father. Biluibibuk (64) was born while Wokox was staying with Makac's family. In Cigom Wokox knew Cingiti (109), the maternal grand- father of Xehulum, the Cigom informant. Boy playmates in Cigom were Keso (35), Cagopagal (281) of Xowalek, Teelapowis (251) of Danoxa, and Podogot (239). In the summer following the winter that his father brought him back from Cigom to Elem, Wokox married. He thought that he was about sixteen years old at the time. He married a Kamdot woman, whom he brought at once to Elem without residing first at Kamdot. Her mother was dead, but her father was living. A son was born but died. Wokox's son Tcelapowis (460), by his second wife, an Elem woman, is named after Wokox's Cigom playmate of the same name. The young Tcelapowis' English name is Grant. Tcelapowis is also the name of an imtcen of Wokox's, the brother of Wesli (466), his maternal grandfather (imtcen). Wokox's third and last wife was Sumkitumai (452), of Elem, the widow of Notau (447). She had been long without a husband when Wokox married her, and was too old to bear children. Wokox made shell money, going four times to Bodega to get clams, which he dug with a digging stick. He had free access to the clam beds and did not pay the Bodega people for the privilege of digging. Wokox was married when he made his first trip; there were white people already in the country. Wokox never participated in any war party. He was neither master of cere- monies, ceremonial fire-tender, drummer, nor dance-singer. He was not an arrow-maker. Wokox was a dancer, having participated in all dances except betelai. He also impersonated Kuksu. He never learned the trick of fire-eating, but has seen it done in the dance house. When asked who taught him to dance Wokox replied that no one taught. "If a man or woman wishes to join a dance he arises and does so," he said. His father made the feather ornaments for him. This last statement suggests that his father may have had considerable influence in the matter. 506. Penma, son of Masi, a chief of the Southeastern Pomo village of Kamdot, and a Kamdot woman. He never became chief because he was "no good." He did not talk well and he wanted to fight and kill people. Cela, the son of Penma, therefore succeeded his father's father Masi. Penma married a Kamdot woman named Loho. Penma was neither shaman, arrow-maker, nor dance official. He danced in the ceremonies of the kuksu cycle, although not participating in the guksu performance itself. He danced in koipogo and all other dances.52 8. Kasebi, wife of the Cigom chief Leutiri (7), sister of Wilbak (467), a chief of the Southeastern Pomo village of Elem, of which she was a native. She married Leutiri when he attended a ceremony there. On his return to Cigom Leutiri took Kasebi with him. This was after the Americans had come. He went occasionally with his wife to Elem, sometimes residing there all winter. His Cigom subjects managed without him. If ceremonial dances were planned, however, the other chiefs would recall him. After ten or eleven years of married life Kasebi died. She bore two children, a girl and a boy, who both died young. From Wokox (469), a Southeastern Pomo informant of Elem village, informa- tion concerning Kasebi's ceremonial activities in Elem were obtained. She participated as the only woman with a group of men in certain performance called ala, in the dance house. The men danced, while she stood with her back to the center post and sang.53 52 See p. 349 for list of Southeastern Pomo dances. 6 For description see p. 351. 388 University of California Publicationls in Am. Arch. and Eth7n. [Vol. 18 SUMMARY The village of Cigom comprised twenty houses all but two of which were jointly occupied by two or more families. Of the total population of 235 souls recorded for Cigom only about seventy-five per cent were of Cigom birth. The typical Cigom family comprised a man, one wife, and the offspring of the couple, often one or two additional relatives, usually of the husband, and sometimes the spouse of a son or daughter. In the 48 Cigom families there were 22 cases of married men and one or both of their parents living together. There were only 11 cases of married women and one or both of their parents living together. In studying the component families of each joint house 58 con- necting blood relationships between families were noted. Of these, 36 were matrilineal, 16 were patrilineal, 5 were neutral, and one was unknown. In studying interhouse relationships it was found that each of the 20 Cigom houses was connected by blood with at least one other house. At Cigom 70 individuals married fellow villagers, while 69 married people of other villages. This contrasts with the situation at Elem, where 48 individuals married co-villagers, while only 11 married for- eigners. The Eastern and Northern Pomo proved to be equally divided in the matter of residence immediately after marriage. In half of the recorded cases the newly-married couple dwelt with the. husband's parents, in the other half with the wife's parents. Monogamy was the rule with the Eastern and Northern Pomo, so all second marriages were preceded by either death or divorce of the spouse. Among the 299 marrying individuals, 263 contracted first marriages, 30 contracted second marriages, and 6 contracted third marriages. The death rate among children was approximately 51 per cent. The death rate for each sex could not be ascertained. At maturity, however, the masculinity of the population was about 102. There is no indisputable evidence to show that certain occupations are limited to certain families or lineages, as stated for the Valley Patwin. At times sons followed fathers and nephews followed maternal uncles in certain occupations, but the number of cases recorded is insufficient to warrant formulation of a rule. Shamans were of two 1926] Gifford: Clear Lake Pomo Society 389 types, sucking shamans and outfit shamans (sometimes called singing doctors). Both men and women functioned as sucking shamans, but no case was recorded of a female outfit shaman. Chieftainship was hereditary among Eastern, Northern, and South- eastern Pomo. Each chief headed a group of people who were related to him principally through females. A village like Cigom comprised three groups of people each under its respective chief. Neither at Cigom nor elsewhere was a village chief or supreme chief found. Among the Eastern Pomo eight cases of succession to chieftaincy were recorded. Four were from the mother's brother to the sister's son, a fifth per- haps so, two from brother to brother, and one from father to son. Among the Northern Pomo three cases were recorded, two from father to son, and one from mother's brother to sister's son. Among the Southeastern Pomo succession seems to be indeterminate. A chief succeeded the grandfather, the mother's brother, the father, or the brother according to the cases recorded. In case of warfare a war chief led the warriors. Only one such individual was recorded, and he was a man of Cigom. Of the twenty houses of Cigom nine were under the jurisdiction of one chief, six under a second chief, and five under a third chief. Each person among the Eastern and Northern Pomo on the shores of Clear lake was attached to some chief by a blood tie. Fifty-four per cent of these ties were matrilineal, 14 per cent were patrilineal, and 32 per cent indeterminate. ? But one berdache was recorded for Cigom. At Cigom there was one large semisubterranean dance house belonging to all three chiefs. Dancing was said to have been performed almost yearly at Cigom, sometimes in the winter, sometimes in the summer. Dances fall into two categories, the ancient dances called in modern Eastern Pomo hindil ("gentile," native) xe and belonging to the wide- spread central Californian kuksu cult, and the modern dances called by the Eastern Pomo maru xe, which are the result of the first ghost dance movement about 1870. Both men and women participated in the latter and in most of the former. Of the ancient ceremonies certain were performed by members of a so-called secret society, persons who had undergone at least one of two initiations. The society was composed mostly of men. Women were members upon a limited scale. Certain dances spoken of as "common dances" might be performed by non-members. 390 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethnt. [Vol. 18 Of 89 physically-fit persons of proper age at Cigom 32 were secret society members, 30 were common dancers only, and 27 were non- participants. The dead were cremated by the Pomo. Anecdotes recorded refer to the rare custom of eating a portion of the corpse at the time of cremation. Some scanty data recorded reveal the occasional custom of naming a child for the grandparent, more frequently patrilineal than matri- lineal. The meanings of a considerable number of Eastern and Northern Pomo names were recorded. Although many of these names referred to animals, plants, money, and dances, all directly denoted the object and none bore connotation, so far as could be learned, as do the Central Miwok personal names.54 No evidence of sibs or totemism could be detected. 54 E. W. Gifford, Miwok Moieties, present series, xii, 146, 1916. -1?1?I"-?I .?:I,:?% , ?.-,?1, ,- I--4. ?-I?_?,'-,-- ":_ i- - It?, ,I -" - I_-_"I, ? .? ? ,,,, ?' ?_-?,-, -, ,, - ?' 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