UNIVERSITY OF CALItFORNIA PUBLICATIONS At. AMERICAN ARCH4COLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 16, No. 5, pp. 177-.314, plates 1-16, text flgure, 34 maps. May 31, 1920 YUROK GEOGRAPHY B~y- T T. 'WATERmAN -; 1V ERS1TY, OF AICIFOR IA P -BRtMMLEY : ,UNXVEEBITr OF CALIFO A R PUIA' -LICATI DE-PARtAMENT OF ANT 1OP(O( Y-- The foUwg publons dealiig with ardiheogl aand etlnological ubje s ian4er the dtect4oiz, 9f te Department pf Amthropology are et 1i- exchange f -the"pb nations of Antbropo da dqparttuts and` museams forjonalsdevted to gone antopoIogy or to haeoIo and ?tto1og?r. Thy ra` for sal at the pricestae Exchanges' shouAld be jUitd toThe t3chnge, Departmi1 Uity Libra, Bekl,6 Caliornia, U. S.A: Afl orders and' remlta*nces should bo ad*essed *t thUnI,eritof 0alifornla Pre-ss. AMERICAX AZCHAE'OL0(* AND : L.V iroeter, E4itor.- Pr Volume I $4,25; Vois o 11 cliti $.50; eah,ch; Velime i2 ati fo , $5.00 each.' Cited as- niv. b Am. Arph E hii., Vol.1- 1. Life uand itr rqf theEiup ,byPl Earle G a P i-98, plates 1-30. Septein.ere 1903 ....--.t,--..t . 2`. H lupaTt, byPlinyr Eale 0,oddd. Pp.. 89-.68. MXarc,X i4 . t.0 X ^ ; ; Index, pp. $69-$78.; s VoL0 2. 1. The E.xploratio fthQoto Creek (fvr,by William 3' 8lnclalr. i. I273 : . Th\-$ e L~gages ofAte Coast "of alifo ont p sau o b 4 L. roeber. Pp. 29-80, wi a map. June, 1904 .4... ..... ..... .60 3. Types of Ii9an dutur nClforis, by4t. I xtoebeir. Pp. 81.10$. June l904.; -4L ... --...~.4 .,.. , X 4. Baket, Desi f t Id4 O r ? iI bI 4 L E >; oebe. Pp 105464; iplates 15-1. January, ,906 .:.,. ............e .- .7 5 . The WoXnts *anguage of South1 Centrial alfornie y 4A IL.troebeit. ;Pp.: -t * ande, ,t, a pp.379-392.1;i; 807 -0;;i^ VoL 8. TShe Moihology of the lipa a4, by Pliniarl e Gdd 344 pp.l 0 --dbOuments preserve4- l.u/S"1ni and tJat,pan, by Zei N gtal Pp. 147.- i't A:)o 1L9C U.u.r .5 ;+160- 77 . ......... a*4Xo* ~*X"S_;.,_ ._. - . Con tribution to: the Pyical Antroplogyof aliru-io baedon, coflec- ; , tions Inthe * epart't ofn 1hropoloy of te Tiversty of California, an In the b Ue. 8. Ta1ional Mtseum~ ~'byAlY3 Hrca Pp.; S4984 with, aid 0~~~ - ables.;P4a plates; 1-10, and; 6ap. Jutie, l1906 ...... ...................*sJ~.,b; ttJ 3 . 'Tbl Shoshoneap ajeits' tof COaMiora .by -A.. La Kror. i'. 65-166.l. ' February, oe7 ag b-y,. . 1.50 4.e' .nIa My.~ :'.frotO Soiuth CenrlCalifornbya, by AL. lroeber. P, 167-.,,, 5.6 Thle Washo :Langaeo 4Iast pentra ~aihia 51dW Nevada,, biy A. Z. Kr , ',t oeber.,. Pp.2,1.318.. Septembe, 1907, .4..'- sw--.VR-R@-;-aw9*--8-0e; 7 6 The Relgio Of the Itias: vf Cliforna, hy A: t.+ trebr Pp. 319-355 VoL.5. 1. T. -Phonolog of the H:pa Laguage ar w .h wndincdual Sonds, tbyv . ' '.. ) j,. f-:Pliny:-Eale 0oddard., P.p,. 1.20, ;atds 1-B. / , - 1907 f,.i*.S.X.i.-..l' Z $ Navao Myths,: P-~ers iand Songs, wvith Tex aW Ta9l-lo by Wash-qt ,,, l 1 iX fngton Matthews,edited by Plin Earl e Qoddard-. !~. 2p'1-63., 'eptem-2 .',-- 3 y- . Kato-> Tets b PiI. Earl oddar. Pp. 65-235 plat Wo i)ibx 1909 2.50 4 - . The ai Culture od t ih m a and Mod nia of ' # . easteralfori4af AMl it/6,guther*x W.)regon, by S. A. Barrett.s aPpz 239-202 - ; l' teX s ;&2 J,1XO -; t&;. Jun, 191 ...-....--- .- . .... 4 L' i 5. The Chmak I$ans; and I -gQage, Py ea ly.DIxil. Pp 23-30. ,Auguit,91l6- -t'-*w-C*-r ' -'' - --- ? ' ; '1.0 tondS. .ofext -f pp. 881.384. Vto. 6. 1. 1 The Btho0eognpht f thed ilom*! and n NOIgh i nis l4 8nuel A~~frml ~ Ba;t. Pp.1-5 maps ->2 P ebwuary,,t 1908 .t_-..........,......2.2 2. Th G2|S? eograh n . )iAect of- th Mo Inias by Samue Alfreds \ 3.- On the XIdece o te, OccupatIon' of, Certin Eelos b the 1(1*0kt InL adians, 'by A,. L. Eroeber, Pp -;bs26 X1r t3 s-,8 0 Wli%Ssi No;sf. 2 a lat n on e ,c ot.er. ' Frary, 19 )8 ---... .50 ;f - m 9bo& .6ni a ;,. # . V4 'I ., . . - , \ 'dex , p .' <3 1 0.; U . di 4 My- '!., . -'tl sojW AUf 3,, "by,''. "L., ''. -167 L ; !, b ; ; R~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 16, No. 5, pp. 177-314, plates 1-16, 1 text figure, 34 maps. May 31, 1920 YUROK GEOGRlAPHY BY T. T. WATERMAN CONTENTS PAGE Introduction .179 Orthography .179 Location of the Yurok ........................ 182 Mode of life .184 Geographical concepts .189 Direction terms .193 Place names .195 Distribution of towns .200 List of towns and settlements .205 House names. 208 Place names and personal names ........................ 214 Forms of real property .218 Descent and inheritance .223 Descriptive geography .226 Notes on Rectangle A .227 """B.233 """C.236 """D.239 """E.246 """F.253 """G.255 """H.261 """I.263 -"""J.267 """K.269 Alphabetical list of place ...............................................nam. .273 Bibiolioaphy.y283 MAPS Map 1. California, showing the location of Yurok territory 183............................................... 23 "2. Northwestern California, showing the distribution of Yurok place names outside of Yurok territory..opposit.............................. 186 3. The Yurok area, showing the property owned, or claimed, by one family .............................. 225 4. Key-map, indicating the division of Yurok territory into arbitrary rectangles for the purpose of description .............................. 226 178 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 PAGE Map 5. Rectangle A ............................................ opposite 226 " 6. Mouth of Wilson creek and vicinity ............................................ 229 " 7. O'men ............................................ opposite 230 " 8 . Re'kwoi ............................................ opposite 230 " 9 . Rectangle B ............................................ opposite 232 " 10 . Rectangle C ............................................ opposite 236 " 11. Rectangle D .opposite 238 12. Woxe'ro .opposite 240 13. Wo'xtek .opposite 240 14. Qo'-o-tep .opposite 242 15. Pe'kwan .opposite 242 16. Meta' .opposite 244 17. Rectangle E .opposite 246 18. Mu-rek ........................................... opposite 246 19. Sa"a ........................................... opposite 248 20. Ke'pel ........................................... opposite 248 21. Me'rip ........................................... opposite 250 22. Qe'nek ........................................... opposite 252 23. Rectangle F ........................................... opposite 252 24. Wa'hsek ........................................... opposite 254 25. Rectangle G ........................................... opposite 254 26. W,'itspis ........................................... opposite 256 27. RLrgr' ........................................... opposite 258 28. PekwutihL ........................................... opposite 258 29. Rectangle H ........................................... opposite 260 " 30. Mouth of Redwood creek and vicinity ........................................ opposite 262 31. Rectangle I ........................................... opposite 262 32. Rectangle J ........................................... opposite 266 33. Rectangle K ........................................... opposite 268 334. Tsu'rai ........................................... opposite 270 TEXT FIGURE Figure 1. Diagram showing the Yurok idea of the world ...................................... 192 PLATES Plate 1. Trinidad bay from the south ............. ................................ 284 2. Views at the mouth of Wilson creek . .................................. 286 " 3. Panorama of the mouth of the Klamath river . .......................... 288 " 4. Ceremonial places near the mouth of the Klamath . ..................... 290 " 5. Structures used ceremonially in the town of Pekwan . .................... 292 " 6. Views in the vicinity of the fish-dam . ....................................................... 294 7. Supernatural beings in the form of rocks at the town of Me'rip .......... 296 " 8. Scenes at Qe'nek .......................................................... 298 " 9. Scenes at Qe'nek .......................................................... 300 " 10. Scenes near the up-river end of Yurok territory .............. 302 " 11. The Trinity river, the Klamath river, and three Indian towns ............ 304 " 12. Scenes at WiV'itspfis: the Klamath river at Segwu' (Somes bar) in Karok territory .......... 306 " 13. Coast Yurok sites at the mouth of Redwood creek . ..................... 308 14. Along the coast: Freshwater lagoon and Stone lagoon . ................... 310 15. Along the coast .............................................. 312 " 16. View of Trinidad bay and the .town of Tsui'rai . ......................... 314 Waterman: Yurok Geography INTRODUCTION The information contained in this paper is drawn from a consid- erable mass of material recorded by Dr. A. L. Kroeber and myself at different times among the Yurok Indians along the Klamath river and in the adjacent region in northwestern California. The'lists of houses and place names and the sketch maps illustrating the villages were in large part worked out by myself during the summer of 1909. Dr. Kroeber's acquaintance with the region and its people began a number of years earlier and is much more intimate than my own. The present paper represents a pooling of interests, and includes the geographical information assembled by both of us in the course of independent work with the tribe. Some of it, perhaps the greater part of it, was obtained incidentally in connection with investigations along other lines. The maps and diagrams accompanying the text were drawn from my original sketches by my wife. The principal feature treated in this paper is the distribution of primitive place names. Several thousands of such names are listed, representing probably a fourth, if not a third, of the total number known to the Yurok. The matter of phonetic symbols for writing these Yurok words confronts us at the outset. ORTHOGRAPHY The phonology of Yurok offers some very interesting features. The language is not phonetically harsh, and does not seem difficult, yet the quality of the sounds is difficult to analyze accurately. There is the additional practical difficulty that many Yurok place names are now used by the whites and appear on the ordinary maps of the region in anglicized form. When such names are spelled phonetically their identity, for the casual observer, is lost. I have adopted a system of representing the sounds which is as strictly phonetic as my knowledge makes possible. The difficulty just mentioned has been obviated by showing on the maps both the commonplace and the phonetic spelling of those Yurok names which are recognized by usage. Pronunciation of the names as here written also requires some explanation. There are sounds in Yurok which differ so slightly from 1920] 179 180 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 the corresponding sounds of English as to cause some confusion even to the would-be phonetician. Such sounds are, for instance, the Yurok r and s. The Yurok employ r both as a vowel and as a conso- nant. The sound has about the quality of the last two letters of English "her," but occurs in unexpected combinations. For example, the name r'nr, Blue creek (rectangle C-46), or tsr'ktsryr (rectangle E-1, a fishing place above noxtskum). This "vocalic r" is a favorite sound with the Yurok, who interpolate it in many English words according to some esthetic standard of their own. Thus English "apples" becomes "rplrs." In Yurok words the substitution of this vocalic r for other vowels sometimes seems to be connected with slight modifications of meaning. Thus me'kweL means a pile, but mr'kwrL, a knoll. At the end of a word this sound takes on the character of a surd or partly surd r. The Yurok s also is hard for the Caucasian to imitate. These Indians have in their own language only one sibi- lant, in place of the four which exist in English (s, sh, z, and the zh sound which is found in azure). The Yurok sibilant is of a type called by various writers cerebral, cacuminal, or lingual. It differs from the English s, among other things, in that the tip of the tongue is turned up, and that the tip approaches the palate (or more accur- ately, the alveolar process) a good deal farther toward the rear of the mouth cavity than is the case with the English s or sh. I think the Yurok sound is essentially an s, but the turning up of the tip of the tongue and the general retraction give it something the quality of the English sh. There is also a sort of whistle or "edge" to the sound which is absent in English. To the ear the sound has the effect some- times of s and then, again, of sh. The Yurok, in turn, are completely baffled by our English sibilants. For "face" those Yurok who speak English say something resembling "feysh," and for wash they often say "wass." Our sonant sibilants they disregard, and their English plurals always end in a surd sound. For "eels" the Yurok says " eelse" or "eelsh." In the Yurok language there are no labio-dental sounds, that is, there is nothing like f or v. They substitute for these latter sounds p and b in speaking English. This leads to difficulties with many English words. One estimable old lady has two dogs, which she christened respectively Fanny and Fido. One name she pronounces "Pannie" and the other "Pie-dough." I have often wondered why she chose those particular names. Very likely she thinks she pro- nounces them correctly. Waterman: Yurok Geography A few sounds exist which have no counterparts in English. In addition to the surd r already referred to, I might mention surd m, surd n, and surd 1. I will not attempt to describe these sounds, which are of course very common in Indian languages, except to say that they resemble in tongue position the corresponding sounds of English, but are made with the breath alone, or with very little help from the voice. There are two continuant or fricative sounds, represented by x and g, made with the tongue almost in position for English g as in good, but not quite touching the palate. One of these continuant sounds is surd, the other sonant. '"'Cracked," or exploded consonants (fortis consonants) resembling in tongue position the English conso- nants p, t, and k, seem to me to occur. A sound of frequent occur- rence in English, though we take little account of it, is what is called the glottal stop. This appears when we try to speak two English vowels separately. This is very common in Yurok. I have also heard at times a k which is made much farther back in the mouth than is any English k. It seems to be a weak velar or postpalatal surd stop, whose position I cannot define at all closely. I have represented it by q. In certain names both Dr. Kroeber and myself write this sound quite persistently. The vowels of Yurok have always seemed to me to be very much like the vowels of English. The most conspicuous differences are that a sound like u in "but" does not occur, and the sound of a as in "fat" is not so flat as in English. Dr. Kroeber feels that all vowels in Yurok are "open," that is, that such sounds as the e in fete or the i in machinze do not occur at all. However, I seem to hear the close vowels, and so I have written them. The same remark applies to consonants; I have written each word as it sounded to me. I am suspicious especially of the velar k, the continuant g, and the palatal fricative x, all of which may be accidental in certain words, and not organic sounds. In addition to the regular vowels, whispered vowels sometimes occur. The commonest of these is a high-back-rounded vowel (to use Sweet 's terml), which I have represented with a superior w. It might be adequately represented by a superior u. Whispered e and i also occur. Doubling of vow-els and consonants is frequent, and this I have indicated by a colon following the sound. Occasionally there is a 11908. For this and all other references to literature see the bibliography at the end of the paper. 18 1920] 182 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 curious pause in a word, as mentioned by Dr. Kroeber.2 This I have indicated by a plus sign. I think it represents an element dropped out in composition, but I am unable to explain it in detail. The Yurok sounds may be represented in tabular form as follows: CONSONANTS STOP FRICATIVE AFFRICA- . NASAL ROLLED LATERAL SSURD FORTIS SURD SONANT TIVE SURD SONANT SURD SONANT SURD SONANT Labial p p' M m Alveolar t t' s ts N n R r L 1 Palatal k k' x g Velar q Aspirations h Semivowels w,y Glottal stop' Pause + VOWELS ix U U e e o r, R a Whispered vowels i, e, w In giving lists of place names, as in the following pages, some alphabetic order is necessary. For various reasons I have abandoned the English alphabetic order and substituted the following: i, e, a, a, r, o, u, w, y, h, (x), p, m, t, s, ts, n, 1 (L), k (q), g. Since capital letters have been used as special symbols for voiceless sounds, Indian proper names are not capitalized as English usage would require. Those native names which have been Anglicized by usage are of course regularly capitalized. LOCATION OF THE YUROK The Yurok inhabit a rather limited area in northwestern Califor- nia, lying for the most part in Humboldt county. Compared to the size of the state it is a very limited area indeed (map 1). They occupy the lower thirty-six miles of the Klamath river, from a short distance above the point where the Trinity enters it, to the sea, and a somewhat longer stretch of seacoast, reaching northward to Wilson creek, Del Norte county, and southward to Trinidad bay, in Humboldt county, a distance of forty-two miles. The map shows this area as having a 2 1911. Waterman: Yurok Geography more or less polygonal outline. However, the Yurok actually occupied only the banks of the river and the ocean beach. The places claimed by various Yurok families (the privately owned real estate, so to speak) are all found close to the river or the sea. The hills lying back from the water they utilized for gathering grass seed, acorns, and for the pursuit of game; but private holdings become very scat- Map 1. California, showing the location of Yurok territory. 1920] 1.83 184 . University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 tered in going back a few miles, and merge into open country where no one exercises any claims of proprietorship. Within this small stock two distinct dialectic divisions exist, which may be designated according to their habitat as a "river" people and a "coast" people. The river division is in every way the more im- portant of the two. The coast towns were not so large nor so numerous as those along the river, and the coast population probably numbered considerably less than half of the river population. The total number of houses in the coast towns (excluding re'kwoi, which lies at the mouth of the river) is, according to my. information, about one-third the number found in the river towns (see p. 206). There was probably less traffic up and down the coast than along the stream, and less visiting back and forth. This more or less marked isolation is associ- ated with the appearance of dialectic variations among the coast towns. MODE OF LIFE In looking for something which will serve to characterize Yurok life, dependence upon water is at once suggested. They had no great achievements in the way of navigation, but, on the other hand, were very persistent about it in a small way. They preferred canoeing to other forms of travel, and their principal highway was the river. Their country is intersected with a large number of trails, many of them very ancient; but these trails were not nearly so important in commerce and social intercourse as the river. For example, the Yurok were much better acquainted, and were much more intimate in every way, with the Karok, and the Hupa, who lived above them on the river, than they were with the Tolowa, who lived twenty miles up the coast. Their canoe is a heavy dugout, capable of carrying a cargo of several thousand pounds. Though of somewhat clumsy appearance, it is really very well designed and is quite light to handle. It is rather easily upset, and the Yurok went out to sea only with some misgivings. They paddled all along the cliffs near the harbors, and around all the nearer sea rocks, to gather mussels and to hunt sea-lions. In calm weather they frequently voyaged out to Redding rock, which lies six miles offshore. This really was a bold feat, for the rock offered no shelter, and if a squall came up they had to paddle for shore at the risk of being swamped. One young fellow who went with a party to Waterman: Yurok Geography hunt sea-lions once climbed to the top of the rock, just to say he had done it. A storm came up and his companions could not wait for him to descend, so pushed off and left him. He was never heard of after- ward. Sometimes, when the weather was favorable, the Yurok canoe- man boldly made the voyage from port to port on the open sea. The river, however, was their highway in all seasons, and, more- over, was the principal source of food. Their two great staples were salmon and acorns, and I think of the two the salmon was the more important. The word for salmon is nepui', which means literally "that which is eaten." The supply of salmon was obtained during the annual run. The deep sea fish, such as halibut and rock cod, they seemed to know nothing about, I presume because their canoes were not sufficiently seaworthy to enable them to visit the banks. Angling with hooks they understood, but the only ocean fish which they took in this way were surf fish and smelt, which they caught from the beach with throw-lines. To summarize, the Yurok may be described as a water-faring folk who are prevented by caution and poor equip- ment from being actually sea-faring. Interesting religious ideas have become associated with all the means of travel. Trails, for example, are "like people," that is, they are sentient, and must be treated with urbanity. If you step out of a trail and in again, and fail to preserve decorum, the trail becomes resentful. Along each important trail there are "resting-places." Few of these show on my maps, because I did not travel the trails myself, but hundreds of such places are to be found. People when traveling kept on in a business-like way until they came to these resting-places. There they took off their packs and had a good breath- ing spell. If they did differently they were likely to have bad luck. The resting-places are invariably very pleasant spots. In this custom the Indians show the knowledge of experts. Five minutes' rest with the pack off in the shade is, of course, worth more in preventing fatigue than an hour of loitering along a trail. Here and there in the Yurok country are large trees into which parties of travelers shot arrows, as an offering for good luck on the trail. I never heard of any trick for shortening the trail such as some tribes have, but, on the other hand, medicine formulas are said to exist for lightening the traveler's burden, thus having the same effect. One Indian, now deceased, is said to have known songs which he sang before starting on a day's journey. After that, load and all, he felt "light," and could walk far without fatigue. 185 1920] 186 1University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 The boat came in for a large share of religious regard. If a person beached his boat carelessly, or bumped it against the rocks, he would not live long. Canoes were spoken to, especially in dangerous places, and urged to hold up and do their best. After a boat had been appealed to in this way and roused up, it fairly leaped ("look like he jump," the Indians say). When out on the ocean frequent use was made of songs and formulas to keep from capsizing. Such songs had the effect of keeping the water smooth. The old Indian spoken of above had ten songs, along with a myth story of a family of ten breakers, all brothers. On one occasion this old man had to convey a dead body from o'men, north of the river-mouth, to one of the river towns. The Yurok are afraid both of corpses and of the ocean, but, trusting in his songs, this old man boldly put to sea with the body and conveyed it safely into the mouth of the river. This saved a weary journey with a hundred and fifty pounds of deceased Indian over the mountains. Other Indians say they would not have tried it, fearing that the presence of the corpse would raise a squall. In material culture the Yurok are practically identical with their neighbors, and their relations with them seem to have been somewhat free and easy, in spite of the fact that the languages are different. The river system was not only a highway for the Yurok but up and down its length there was a good deal of intertribal traffic and un- limited visiting. For religious ceremonies especially people were likely to gather from a number of "foreign" places, traveling some- times over considerable distances. The Yurok thus know a good deal of country besides their own. They even assign Yurok names to all the important places in the territory of their neighbors. They are not peculiar in this, for the Hupa, to go no further, do exactly the same thing. Thus it happens that each important place inside Yurok territory and outside has a series of names, in three or four different languages. Sometimes these paraphrase each other, but often they seem to be totally independent in the different tongues. The distri- bution of Yurok names outside of Yurok territory is indicated roughly on the accompanying map (map 2). These Yurok names indicate that the whole world, so far as the Yurok knew it intimately, was about ont hundred and fifty miles in greatest diameter. This was equivalent to ten or twelve days' journey by canoe, going up-stream. Beyond the limits thus set, the Yurok knew vaguely that other tribes of human beings existed, but he did not consider that there were many such tribes. His conception was that the boundary of the world was not far beyond the area of which he knew the place names. SCALE 5 0 5 10 Is MILES (.) (..) I 9 I U Map 2. Northwestern California, showing distribution of Yurok place-names outside Yurok territory. Towns and places represented on the map. 25. ma"a 37. qrrw 26. sepola' 38. o'plej 27. keski'L 39. qWxt 28. ke'per 40. rlr'n 29. nA'5stok 41. py&'A 30. we'tsets 42. petso 31. ko" omen 43. wo'xt 32. olege'n 44. otle'j 33. oprgr' 45. ko'hs 34. plo'kse" 46. sepor 35. okni'L 47. tegw( 36. rgr'its 48. pegw ,go teL lgeL toi p B0 ra' o'O' re, 49. we'skwenet-o-tnarv 50. enikole'L 51. rtr'qr 52. tepa'axk 53. olo' 54. hike'ts 55. okn6'L 56. weyo' 57. pi'min 58. leIplen 59. &yo' 1. rkrl 2. noro'rpeg 3. hin8'i 4. logeno'L 5. hine'g 6. tololqw 7. pekwtsf 8. ko'hpi 9. mistsi'ks 10. rL 11. ne'keL 12. osme'tsken 13. &ko'nileL 14. Ayo'omok 15. ra'yoik 16. h&Lkutoo'r 17. posl'r 18. apyePw 19. ts&no'L 20. me'legoL 21. tlnoliyOL 22. higwoni'k 23. segvvew 24. e'nek 40 1. 1 Waterman: Yurok Geography NOTES ON MAP 2 Places in Tolowa Terrttory 2. noro'rpeg. A town. 3. hint'i. A very important Tolowa town, referred to as "Smith river" by the Indians who speak English. 4. lo'gen-o'L, translated "fish-weir lies." Whether the name refers to a structure or a myth I do not know. 6. tolo'qw. An important town, located on Pond's ranch. This town name orig- inates the term "Tolowa," applied to the whole tribe. 7. pe'kwtsfi. A rock lying four miles from Crescent City. A lighthouse now occupies the summit. Several myths refer to this great crag. One account says that it is one-half of a pestle which an Orleans girl threw at her brother, Root-boy. The other half is the rock sekwona', six miles offshore, opposite the mouth of Redwood creek (see p. 261, No. 21). Another myth says that it is part of a gigantic horned serpent (kne'woleg, see p. 233) which was killed at Re'kwoi. 8. ko'hpi. A very important place, near the present county seat of Del Norte county, Crescent City. 9. misti'ks. A small Indian settlement. 10. rL. This is the name of a lagoon south of Crescent City, and an Indian town on its shore. 11. neke'L. Place on the beach. 12. o-sme'tsken, translated "where chipmunk." A town about six miles south of Crescent City. Places in Karok Territory 13. Ako'nileL. An important town, near the present Happy Camp. This was a "boom" tqwn in the days of 1849 and 1850, for placer deposits were discovered in the vicinity, which soon worked out, however. Since then the white popu- lation has steadily diminished. The Indians celebrated here a religious cere- mony spoken of as "Indian New Year," evidently named by analogy with the "Chinee New Year," a season observed with much festivity by the Chinese coolies who used to work the placers in this region. 14. iiyo'omok. A place addressed in a medicine formula for purification after touch- ing a corpse (see p. 231, no. 43). 15. ra'yoik. A town, the Karok ayis. 16. ha'Lkutsor, translated apparently "back-from-the-water." A town, near a place called at the present time Bucket Ranch. 17. posi'r. A place near what is now called Cottage Grove. A myth tells that a certain large boulder was removed by supernatural means from this spot to a place far down-river, at the mouth of Blue creek, in Yurok territory (see p. 238, No. 68). 18. Apye'w. An Indian settlement. 19. tsano'L. A town. 20. me'leg-oL, translated apparently "offal lies." A place. 21. tunoiyoL. A town. 22. higwone'k, apparently to be translated "up-hill at." A town. 23. sege'w. A town, the Karok katimin. This town was in myth times the abode of a number of evil beings. Four dances were celebrated here, the "deerskin dance," the "jumping dance," the "brush dance," and the "puberty dance." Just across the river towers up a great crag called by the Yurok se'gwu- te'ktani, translated "at-se'gwu-standing." The Karok call it auitc. Upon it certain supernatural hawks are believed to live. The rock is mentioned in the myth "the theft of water." 3.87 1920] 188 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 24. e'nek. A town, the Karok amaikiara. 25. ma"a. A town on Salmon river.- The work ma"a in Yurok means "not." 26. sepola', translated "prairie." A town, on Salmon river (cf. no. 46). 27. keskiL. A town on Salmon river. 28. ke'per, translated apparently "house-pits." A town. 29. na'astok. A town. 30. we'tsets. A town. 31. ko"omen. A town, near the present Orleans bar. A rock at this point, called by the Yurok qeqo'xtau, is one of ten beings addressed in a medicine formula for purification after a death (see p. 231, no. 43). 32. o-le'geL. A town, at the mouth of Camp creek. 33. o-pr'gr. A town at the mouth of Red Cap creek. Places in Hupa Territory 35. o-knfl'L. A town, the northernmost in Hupa valley (cf. no. 55). 36. rgr'its, translated "sweat-house." A town, the Hupa miskfit. 37. qr'rwr. A hill, called by the whites Socktish, after a Hupa place name. 38. o-ple'go. A town, the Hupa takimiLding ("Hostler ranch"). 39. qa'xteL. A town, called by the whites "Captain John's rancheria." 41. pyA'ageL. A town. 42. petso'w. A town, the southernmost of the large places in Hupa valley, the Hupa djictafiadifn. 43. wo'xtoi. A town, the Hupa xaslindifi, called by the whites "Sugar Bowl." Places in Chilula Territory 44. o-tle'p. A Redwood or Chilula town, called in the local dialect Xowunnakut. This place is about four miles from the mouth of Redwood creek, and is the farthest down-stream of the Chilula settlements. Places in Wiyot Teritory 45. ko'hso. Town at the mouth of Mad river. 46. sepora', translated "prairie." A town (cf. no. 26). 47. tegwo'L. A town. 48. pe'gwe. A town. 49. we'skwenet-o-tnii'w. A town. 50. enikole'L. A town. 51. r'trqr. A town. 52. tepa'axk. A town. 53. o-lo'g, translated "where-it-floats." A town on Gunther's Island, just in front of the city of Eureka. 54. hi'kets. A town. 55. o-knu'L. A town (cf. no. 35). 56. weyo'. A town. 57. pi'min. A town. 58. leple'n. A town. 59. iiyo'. A town. The location of the following places is uncertain: In Tolowa Territory kna'awi. A place on the beach north of Crescent City. Waterman: Yurok Geography In Karok Territory opyuiweg, translated "where they dance.'" A town "above Orleans." Very likely this is another term for iiko'nileL. huimawr'. A place two days' journey above enek. o-raiw, translated "where it drops." A rock, addressed in the purification ceremony. This rock was one of ten beings who tried to prevent death from coming into the world (see p. 231, no. 43). The Karok name is ikvinik. kaseguvaiu, a Karok name. A rock, just above o-ra'w (see preceding entry). qa'ales. A rock. One of ten beings who tried to prevent death (see preceding entry). o-pegoi'. A town at or near Red Cap Creek. o-tskrgrii'n. A rock, one of ten beings who tried to prevent death (see preceding entry). It is close by hi'gwonek, (no. 22). wetsetsqa's. A boulder in the river. Possibly one of the ten beings mentioned above. It lies just above we'tsets village (no. 30). o-kwe'go, translated "where they always shoot." An "arrow trce" (see p. 230, no. 30; also p. 249, no. 59). In Hupa Territory o-tr'pr. A cold spring, far up the Trinity River. According to a myth this is the place where obsidian "grew" (came into existence). hoo'n-o-tep, translated .... where it stands." A place up the Trinity river above Hupa. mr'pr. A town in Hupa valley, below rgr'its (no. 36). petso'-hiqo'. A place in Hupa valley, across the river from petso'w (no. 42). tse'max. A mountain at the foot of Hupa valley, on the eastern side. The whites call it Rock mountain. In Chilula Territory rooke'tsu. Place on Redwood creek. qwe'ixtsr. A place in the Bald hills. o-yegos. A place on Redwood ridge. kegwe'tti. A butte in the Bald hills. GEOGRAPHICAL CONCEPTS The Yurok imagines himself to be living on a flat extent of land- scape, which is roughly circular and surrounded by ocean. By going far enough-up the river, it is believed that "you come to salt water again." In other words, the Klamath river is considered, in a sense, to bisect the world. This whole earth-mass, with its forests and mountains, its rivers and sea cliffs, is regarded as slowly rising and falling, with a gigantic but imperceptible rhythm, on the heaving primeval flood. The vast size of the "earth" causes you not to notice this quiet heaving and settling. This earth, therefore, to their minds is not merely surrounded by the ocean but floats upon it. At about the central point of this "world" lies a place which the Yurok call qe'nek, on the southern band of the Klamath, a few miles below the 1920] 189 190 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 point where the Trinity comes in from the south (see rectangle E-137). No Indian ever told me in plain words that this was the center of the world, but this seems to be the idea. Thus numerous mythical tales center here, and here the culture hero "grew" out of nothing, back in the myth days. At this locality also the sky was made. A character called we'sona-me'getOL, "world-maker, " fashioned the empyrean vault after the manner and pattern of a fish-net. Little else seems to be known of this deity. He plays no further part in myths. The story tells in detail how he took a rope and laid it down in an enormous circle, leaving one end loose at a certain place among the hills. Traveling off in a gigantic circuit and coming around from the south to the same spot again, he joined the two ends of the rope together. Then for days he journeyed back and forth over the hills, filling in and knotting the strands across each other. The song he sang to accom- pany his labors is still sung by people who work on fish-nets or netted carrying-bags. When the sky-net was complete, the hero took hold of it in two places and "threw it up." As it sailed aloft it became solid, and now stretches over us as the great blue sky. Above this solid sky there is a sky-country, wo'noiyik, about the topography of which the Yurok's ideas are almost as definite as are his ideas of southern Mendocino county, for instance. Down-stream from qe'nek, at a place called qe'nek-pul, " qe'nek-down-stream " (see rectangle E-116), is an invisible ladder leading up to the sky-country. A great number of "myth people" who formerly congregated at qe'nek, quite frequently went up this ladder to watch shinny games in the sky- country. The ladder is still thought to be there, though no one to my knowledge has been up it recently. The sky-vault is a very definite item in the Yurok's cosmic scheme. In their theory this sky just described was constructed so as to come down into the ocean, all the way around. It lies far out, away from land. The powers who decided such matters arranged that it should not be in a state of rest, but should move up and down. It continually rises and plunges down again into the sea; hence the rollers which wash up on the world's shores. If you paddle far out where the sky comes down to the water, it is perfectly possible, by counting off the lifting and lowering, to slip through underneath. This is the way to get into the regions beyond the sky. The geese have a special exit of their own, a "sky-hole," a round opening where they enter and leave this world. They spend part of each season in Waterman. Yurok Geography outer space beyond the sky. When flock after flock of geese sail over- head toward the northwest they are headed for this opening. The structure, if I may so call it, consisting of the sky dome and the flat ex- panse of landscape and waters which it incloses, is known to the Yurok as ki-we'-sona (literally "that-which-exists"). I may repeat that the sky overhead is to the Indian as real and as concrete as is the earth he treads on. This sky, then, together with its flooring of landscape, constitutes " our world. " I used to be puzzled at the Yurok confusing earth and sky, telling me, for example, that a certain gigantic red- wood tree (see rectangle C-34) "held up the world." Their ideas are of course perfectly logical, for the sky is as much a part of the "world" in their sense as the ground is. The Yurok believe that passing under the sky edge and voyaging still outward you come again to solid land. This is not our world, and mortals ordinarily do not go there; but it is good, solid land. What are breakers over here are just little ripples over there. Yonder lie several regions. To the north (in our sense) lies pii'lekltk, down- stream at the north end of creation. A supernatural being called qa-pui'loiyo (a gambling device) seems to be the presiding genius there. "In the beginning" there lived in his company a supernat- ural being called pil'leku-kwe'rek, "At-the-north-end-of-creation sharp-one." He came to "our" world and cleared it of all monsters and evil beings. "South" of pui'lekuk lies tsl'k-tsik-ol, "money lives," where the dentalium-shell, medium of exchange, has its mythical abode. Again, to the south there is a place called kowe'tsik, the mythical home of the salmon, where also all have a "house." About due west of the mouth of the Klamath lies rkrgr', where lives the culture-hero wo'xpa-ku-miiw, "across-the-ocean that widower." After a varied ca- reer here, he was taken wo'xpa, " across the sea, " by a skate who tricked him through assuining the form of a woman. Every night "over there" in rkrgr' "they" have a deerskin dance. The frogs on summer evenings can be heard going down the Klamath in a canoe from far up-river, talking and laughing. The canoe is invisible, but you can hear it pass along with its cheerful crew. They go down the river and across the ocean and under the sky-edge, to see the deerskin dance in rkrgr'; and they come home again early every morning. Still to the south of rkrgr' there lies a broad sea, kiolaapopa'a, which is half pitch-an Algonkian myth idea, by the way. All of these solid lands just mentioned lie on the margin, the absolute rim of things. Beyond them the Yurok does not go even in imagination. 1920] 1.91 192 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 In the opposite direction, he names a place pe'tskuk, "up-river-at," which is the upper "end" of the river but still in this world. He does not seem to concern himself much with the topography there, and I know no further details. Below our world is an underworld, tso'r:ek, a sort of cellar, of undetermined extent. This is the world of the dead, anU is con- nected with "our" world. The dead are said to go to a lake. After going round and round and about they go down through this water into the underworld. Two widely separated points were mentioned to me as the very spot where the souls go down (rectangle I, location v - RY OF (/A(/ E#4*- . / // I __ _ _ .~AN OF~ OOSflCO COUTRY Fig. 1. Diagram showing the Yurok idea of the world. ~k \\ I pilskd L OCjE N I Waterman: Yurok Geography uncertain, also plate 4). I am uncertain whether the Yurok believes there are,two such places or not. They are loath to discuss this subject. The Yurok's conception of the world he lives in may be summed up in the accompanying diagram (fig. 1). This was not drawn by a native; I pieced it together myself from various allusions and references. DIRECTION TERMS The Yurok direction and position terms enter into the place names to some extent, and the ideas involved differ sufficiently from ours to warrant explaining in some detail. The Yurok's conceptions of direc- tions are quite different from our own. It is certain that they have no idea of our cardinal points north, east, south, and west. Instead, their world is bisected by the river; and the fundamental concepts are pets, "up-river," and pul, "down-river." The river is rather crooked, and hence pets may stand for almost anything in our termin- ology. The river enters the ocean after following a northwesterly course, and for this or for some other reason "'down-stream" ('pul') is applied to the direction north along the coast. Their "down- river" by an extension of the term, or of the idea, is equivalent to our "up the coast." Pulukuk, "down-river-at," as the name of a mythical place, would be paraphrased in English "at the north of everything"; for there is nothing whatever beyond it. There exists in Yurok a term hlrq, which is often, but not always, associated with the region north of the river. I have the feeling that it applies rather to the region than to the direction. It is sometimes translated by Indian informants (who speak very imperfect English) as "around in back," with a sweeping gesture northward. I may advance the opinion that in essence its implication is away from the river and a long way from it. A second word, pr'kwr, whose literal meaning seems to be "behind" or "in rear," is very frequently used with reference to the south. It is also used in defining positions within a village, or inside of a house, where the idea of direction in our sense is almost certainly not involved. I can say definitely that in paddling down a twenty-mile stretch of river, as the current bears the canoe first in one direction, then in another, around promontories and down rapids, an Indian will almost box the compass in pointing "pul," or "hirq," for he has the course of the river channel as his fundamental idea, to which the others are relative. 1920] 193 194 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 The following list of direction terms and geographical expressions is not exhaustive, but it contains a number of elements very frequently used, and may be of service from the comparative standpoint. For the alphabetic order in the following list see page 182. we" ki, "this-at," here. rii'qen, rii'qau, weri'qen, at the edge of. re'gwonek, re'gwonau, at the end of. rfi'yip, on the other side of. wo, wo'gi, in the middle. wo'gik, inside. wotpo, wohpi, in the water (paa is the noun, water). won, wo'nek, wo'nau, woneks, above, up (overhead). yo, near you. hir, hirq, behind. he'si, further. he'Lqau, away from the water, back; when on the sea, he'Lqau means ashore. poi, at the head of, ahead. pets, pe'tsik, pe'tskus, up-river. pul, pu'lik, pu'luk, down-river. pr'wr, pr'kwr, in rear of, in back. meL, from (also as a preposition, with, by means of). sots, on top of. so'lekuk, down-hill. te'gwoliiw, oceanward (piskii'L is the noun for ocean). te'kti, close. to'lil, crosswise. tso'leu, down-hill. tso'arek, in the ground. nai"nik, on the other side of the hill. ke'Lkus, facing backward. kes, down below. kyew, kyekw, kye'kwin, yonder (probably "not visible"). ko, across. Such elements as the above are often combined with an element hi-. Its meaning seems to be either "visible " or "a short distance," I am unable to determine which. The following hi- forms have been encountered. With these should be compared hiqo'n, long ago, he'gwoni, at first. higwo'n, above. higwo'p, in the water. hird'm, not translated. hipe'ts, up-river. hipu'r (cf. pul) down-river. hime'R, under. hime'n, around. hitso', down-hill. hiyo'k, there. hino's, behind. hiqo', across. hike's, below (on a slope). The following are some of the commonest geographical expressions: e'wpo, salt water. eme'Lnok, where trails meet. eqo'weL, acorn-grounds. olole'qw, village. oke'go, rapids. oke'to, lake, lagoon, flat. oke'ge, where trail goes over. otse'gep, landing place. OtSa'L, sand bar beach. osmemo RL, osyoh, "where it slides," land slide (cf. syohpiL). ow6'gr, spring. mr'kwrL, a knoll. mrkwrmr'kweL, a "bar" (a submerged barrier in the river). tegoi ye"we, a promontory. te'po, steep, upright, tree. ti'kwo, a cove. syo'hpiL, a "slide." sr, cr'nr, tributary, affluent. tsege'hken, a low cliff. tse'kweL, flat in front of a cliff, a "bench." tsul'rai, a mountain. nuiil'hprk, fork of a creek. Waterman: Yurok Geography okne'w, high. ni'qr, limit of snaring rights, boundary. upqwr'i, a small (?) creek. krtsr', ridge (the expression ukrtsr,' "one ro'opi, a cliff. ridge," is the ordinary term meaning wiroi', creek (sometimes given as flpkwr'i). "a short distance"). ye'gwoL, earthquake. kerno-rnr' kwr'L, peak of mountain. haa'g ro'otswegen, "rocks always an- qeto'x SiL, a flat. swer," echo. keyaweyu's, entrance from ocean into piska'L, ocean. lagoon. PLACE NAMES My impression is that local geography seems to mean rather more to the Yurok than is ordinarily the case with Indian tribes. The Yurok have a very large number of local names. The names listed herewith could readily be doubled if an investigator were to put in the necessary time and effort. In certain areas the separate place names crowd so thickly that it is difficult to find space for them on a map (see, for example, rectangle E, p. 246). Iin their nomenclature certain principles are very clearly visible, which it is interesting to point out, particularly with reference to those features in which the Yurok practice differs from our own. The places having names exhibit in themselves a good deal of variety; for example, a place name in a given case may become at- tached to a flat of thirty acres, or to a village site, or to a boulder the size of a steamer trunk, or to a few elderberry bushes, or to a single tan-oak tree, while vast numbers of such places have no proper names at all. The spots which are "named " are to be found, in the great majority of cases, along the edge of the stream. In a sense, my maps showing place names are misleading, for I myself went along the river in a canoe, and naturally most readily secured the names of the places close at hand. I am, however, perfectly certain of the general fact. What place names are current in the hills away from the river show a marked disposition to group themselves along the important trails. Wherever possible I have indicated these trails on the maps, but I am unable to go into this matter systematically. The hills are not, however, so devoid of place names as they seem to be on glancing at the maps. I may remark also that many place names occurring in localities far rem-oved from the river refer indirectly to some locality or landmark which is at the very edge of the stream. I believe that the map indicates fairly well the way in which the independent names crowd at the edge of the water. On the coast the same rule holds. 1920] 195 196 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 A sea-stack the size of a piano will have a name, while a hill of two thousand feet elevation has none. In our own practice stream names are considered fundamental. When a country is explored or newly charted the streams are named first. I should consider stream names the most important of all geo- graphical names for us. The Yurok, speaking now in general terms, treat streams very differently. There is nothing which can be called a name for their main river, a fact which is not in itself surprising, for it is for them the "only" river. But, with a few exceptions, there are also no names for its tributaries. I do not mean that the Yurok never refer to the streams, but that the term applied to the stream is the name of some place on it, or at its mouth. Such a stream as Blue creek, for example (rectangle C-45), which in many regions would be looked upon as a moderately large river, is called r'nr wroi', r'nr being the village-site just west of its mouth. Tuley creek (rect- angle E-138) is called Oke'go wroi, "Rapids" creek, the name refer- ring to the great rapids in the main river, near where the creek enters. Examples of this trick of nomenclature could be supplied ad libitum. Some exceptions to this general rule should be pointed out. There are a few cases in which the stream name is descriptive of the stream. The Trinity river is called hu'pa-sr, that is, " Hupa affluent." It flows for the last few miles of its course through the valley inhabited by this tribe of Indians. A stream known to the whites as Bluff creek (rectangle G-44), in reference to numerous precipices on both the main stream and its tributaries, is called by the Indians tsi'poi wroi', tsi'poi meaning "steep." A small stream on the coast (rectangle B-28) runs for part of its couirse underground. I think a hillside slid in over its channel, leaving the creek to find its way through the debris. It is called lke'lik wroi', "earth" creek, or ground creek. Some stream names refer to mythical beliefs connected with the water itself. A brooklet above o'segen (rectangle B-16) is called sme'Rkitur, "tooth- less." There are supernatural influences assigned to it, and anyone who drinks the water loses his teeth. A small creek, one and a half miles below Blue creek, mentioned above, flows in a gully which was made by the crawling of a gigantic horned serpent. The stream (rectangle C-33) is called ma"a-spui, "never drink." Such names are obviously applied directly to the stream itself. In some cases a stream name appears on the map, while the place name, from which it originated, does not. The reasons for this situ- ation are various. The investigator inquires very carefully for all creek names, partly, I suppose, because the creeks are not readily Waterman: Yurok Geography overlooked, most of them appearing on the commercial maps which are likely to be in his pocket. Place names which are applied to boulders, or small flats or clumps of buckeye trees, are, on the other hand, very easily missed. My maps, therefore, fail to illustrate with absolute fidelity what I nevertheless know to be a fact. I remarked a moment ago that in exploring a country we name the streams first of all. We also apply names conscientiously to the elevations. A glance at the map of any state in the Union will show a great number of " named" mountains and hills. In this respect also the Yurok 's interest is very different from our own. Broadly speaking, he does not name a whole mountain. A name may seem to the investigator to be applied to a mountain, but in most cases it will be found to designate some one particular spot on it. In explanation I may mention the case of two mountains. One of them, Rivet Mountain to the whites, lies near the upper end of the Yurok territory. It is a big cone-shaped elevation, lying in a great bend of the Klamath and culminating in a peak some 3500 feet in height. It is a conspicuous landmark for great distances (see pl. 7, rectangle G-2), and plays a picturesque role in myth. The name seems to be ke'wet. I have reason to believe, however, that this is really the name of one "myth" village, invisible to mortal eyes, which lies on a terrace on its upper slopes. Similarly, there is in what are called by the whites the Bald hills, a great grass-covered butte, which I understood the Indians to refer to as iin'kau (rectangle H-36). Closer inquiry seems to indicate that this term is the name of one particular spot on the mountain slope in front of a cliff where there is an echo. The Indian belief is that one goes there and "shouts" for supernatural help, and that the echo response tells whether or not the supernatural beings are favorable. I feel perfectly sure that, whether or not every mountain is nameless, the Yurok does not apply names to mountains or to regions on the scale that we do. He applies place names with meticulous care to a vast number of definite spots and objects, but the larger features of the relief and the drainage system go practically unnamed. Certain descriptive elements occur- very commonly in the place names mentioned by Indians. The commonest of these are pul, " down- stream," pets, " up-stream," already mentioned, higwvon, "at a higher elevation" (above, in the sense of above on a hillside), and hiqo, "across from." Let us say that a boulder at the edge of the river has a name connected with some myth. Let us assume, which is often the case, that this rock is known by its own proper name to every 1920] 197 198 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 Indian on the river. A place a short distance up-stream, and another in a similar position down-stream, a place across the river, and places up on the hill-slopes on both sides of the river, are known variously as "up-stream from" or "down-stream from" or "opposite" or "above" this particular rock. In this way four or five additional place terms are often manufactured. For example, one of the places "called upon" in a certain medicine-formula which purifies people after contact with a corpse, is ni'gir,hiqoPwone'qw, "up-hill from opposite Na'giL" (rectangle C-48). The Yurok feels this particular compound expression as a proper name, and does not reflect upon its derivative characters. We too, of course, have compound expressions, such as East Orange and West Seattle, which we use as independent place names. In the following lists I include all expressions which I found to be actually functioning as the names of places. Though this difficulty in separating proper names from descriptive expressions is not new, I should like to discuss it further and illustrate it from another standpoint. There is in Yurok an element, o-, pre- fixed to stems, which makes what is substantially a locative. For example, o-Lk'loL, " on the ground, " " o-ki'poliL," in the brush, o-we' sonu, outdoors, literally, in the world (see above, p. 191). Pre- fixed to a verb stem it gives an expression meaning where something stands, or lies, or grows, or what not. Whether such a descriptive expression constitutes a proper name or not depends somewhat on the point of view. The following are examples: STEM keto, flat, level sloits, to pass downward kego, to pass over and and down knetken, arrow-point stsep, to land, disembark PLACE NAMiE o-ke'to. A body of water called Big lagoon. The term seems to mean "where the water is flat or calm" (rect- angle I-26). o-keto'k. Name of the flat hilltop above pekw(ktuL (rectangle G48). o-slegoi'ts. "Where people always pass downward." A name applied to various places where trails are down declivities (rectangles D-92, D-142, G-59, map 22). o-slo'qw. "Where it comes down." A town on Big lagoon (rectangle I-22). o-ke'go. Name for the rapids at qe'nek (map 22). o-kegb'!. Where the trail is over a sharp hog-back south of Stone lagoon (rectangle I-13). o-kne'get. "Where people customarily get arrow- points." A name for various cliffs and rocks (rectangles A-66, B-1, J-6, K-57). o-stsegep. Name for various places near towns where boats are beached (rectangles A-36, A-47, K-30, etc.). Name also for a place on the coast (rectangle B-23), which is always "smooth," where people voyaging along the coast can land when squalls come up. Waterman: Yurok Geography There are about five hundred expressions involving this prefix in the lists below. I can only say that while they certainly are descrip- tive they seem to be felt by the Yurok as proper names. What has been said above refers to names that are readily analyzed. On the other hand, many geographic names have defied all my at- tempts at analysis. Greater knowledge of the language than I possess would probably lead to success with most of them, but it is worthy of remark that at the present time many of them puzzle the Indians themselves. They often say that words and expressions used as place names are intentionally modified, or distorted, explaining that other- wise the listener could not distinguish place names from common nouns. The Yurok readily supply examples of this practice. I pre- sume the real explanation in most cases is that place names often preserve old forms, which have either dropped out of ordinary speech or have become modified by the wear and tear of daily usage. The following are examples of this ".modification" of stems in place names: STEM tla, to drip woxkero, pepperwood PLACE NAME o-tla'w. Where it drips. Name for various places where water trickles over a cliff (rectangles D-119, E-72, G-41, J-37). o-trega'. Rectangle E-56. o-triahko. A cave at Trinidad, where water drips from the roof. o-tregwor-u'. Rectangle 0-8. o-tlewolu'L. Rectangle H-2. wohke'ro. Name of an important town (rectangle D-25). wo'ke'l. Name of a down-river town (rectangle B-39). awoxqe'la. Name of a house in pe'kwttiL (map 28, no. 3). Place names are often shortened in composition, or become other- wise modified. Whether or not this modification is due to the dropping off of endings I cannot say. The following are a few examples: ORDINARY PLACE NAME we'itspuls ko'hpe, a Tolowa town, Crescent City pe'kwan l'yeqw, by the trail, a house name me'rip FORM USED IN CoMPoSrrioN Frank haM wets ki nu wei Frank says Weitspus about to by travelling go. (Frank says he is going to go to Weitspus). kos-nin. Crescent City divorced, the nickname of a woman who was formerly married to a Crescent City man. pe'kwis-nina, at-pe'kwan divorced. Name of a woman formerly married into pe'kwan. las-oma. Name applied to a girl bought from the house la'yeqw in Crescent City. la's-son. Nickname for Billy Brooks at rekwoi, half- married into the house called lii'yeqw in that town. me'ri-tsus. Involved in a scandalous affair at me'rip, nickname for a white man living with a me'rip woman. ;1920] 199 200 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 Geography and myth among the Yurok are closely associated. Mythical stories are frequently localized very definitely. The Yurok believe, like the Hupa, that in myth-times the country was inhabited by "immortals" (wo' :ge in Yurok, corresponding to the Hupa kixfinai3). These wo' :ge are the actors in most of the mythical tales. When the Indians appeared they either turned into animals or left the country. Place names continually refer to these mythical prede- cessors of the Indians. Anything and everything that puzzles the Indian is ascribed to these wo' :ge. Old village sites, where the Indian recognizes house-pits or natural depressions resembling house-pits but about which he has no information, are referred to as wo' :ge towns. I found one addle-pated old informant to whom these wo' :ge were so real that he sometimes bewildered me, making me think he was refer- ring to real people. He would point out a "house-pit," for example, and tell me about the structure (which way the door faced, how big it was, etc.), and would then remark, incidentally, that the people who lived in it were immortals. This localization of mythical stories is very marked in the tales of all the neighboring tribes also. DISTRIBUTION OF TOWNS The Yurok towns are all very small according to our standards. The largest in the entire area, re'kwoi, contains only twenty-five houses. Many places which are spoken of by the Indians as being very im- portant contain only half a dozen structures. Some of the sites have, no doubt, been inhabited through very long periods. This can be observed especially on the coast, where each village is accompanied by a heap of shell and other refuse. Some of the sites inhabited until a few years ago, for example, e'spiiw, have accumulations of shell several yards thick. The important excavations of Loud on Hum- boldt bay4 indicate that the highly specialized culture found in that neighborhood has a very considerable antiquity. The presumption is that the same is true of the closely similar Yurok culture. In stating that such sites were inhabited for long periods it is not meant that they were continuously inhabited. Like most primitive people, the Yurok change their places of abode very abruptly. No doubt the relative size and importance of towns has shifted from time 3 Goddard, 1903, p. 75. 4 1918. Waterman: Yurok Geography to time. I think the Yurok may have been more prone to change their places of abode than the average tribe. In addition to all the usual causes of change of abode (disease, floods, attacks by enemies, bad dreams, and plain fidgetiness), the Yurok are extremely quarrel- some. Prominent among their traits is a certain sinful pride, a love of squabbling, and readiness to take offense. These result indirectly in the shifting of habitations. A man very often takes mortal offense at a word even if it is not intended to be slighting. It was related as particularly characteristic of a certain ceremony that during the observances no one took offense; all this "touchiness" was laid aside. Thus you might safely remark to a one-eyed man that he had only one eye. "It was perfectly safe," the Indians say with some wonder, "he would not get mad!" The most sensitive Yurok, however, takes offense in certain well established degrees. The tribe has an elaborate scale of prices for each degree of injury, from the use of what they consider abusive expressions up to and including homicide. When money is not promptly paid for these injuries they believe in retali- ation of an unsoftened, Old Testament character, which visits the consequences of transgression upon an enemy's kin and his town- mates, if the offender himself is at all hard to get "at." If an indi- vidual commits a homicide, or if his relative commits a homicide, or even if his "big friend" commits a homicide, that individual is an uncomfortable person to have around. Unless his cause is so just, his character so upright, or his personality so winning that his towns- people are ready to join in his defense and make common cause with him, the village usually makes it so unpleasant for him that he leaves. While the quarrel is being patched up such a man is considered to be better off living by himself in some lonely stretch of the river where his presence embarrasses nobody and compromises nobody. In most cases in which a man moves off in this way he begins sooner or later to "pay for" the man he has killed. The price for a homicide is pretty high, however, and a number of years are often occupied in making up the full sum, which is paid in installments. When he has completed his payments he often does not feel like moving back. If he makes his new home a permanent one, and raises a large family there, the addition of new houses gradually lends the place the char- acter of a settlement. The effect of these customs on the distribution of habitations is at once apparent. Some very important towns are said to have started in this way, the town of sregon, for example (see below). If a man 201 1920] 202 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 had "connections" in a second village and if the quarrel was not too serious, he sometimes "moved in" beside friends. A deliberate killer, however, was very likely suddenly to find that he had no friends, and such people very often moved into the wilderness away from every- body. My feeling is that such an enforced migration was itself ac- cepted as a partial satisfaction for the injury, and a promise to be good. At any rate, a man who was sure enough of himself to hold Ilis ground after a homicide, deliberately challenged a bloody vengeance on the part of the slain man's relatives. If he moved and stayed away from dances he was sometimes allowed an extended period in which to pay up. The following incidents serve to further illustrate the effect of' these characteristics. It is very easy to become involved in feuds. The Yurok believe religiously not only in the solidarity of the family and the village but in a mutual responsibility, one for another, of the members of a nation or a race. A certain fine morning in 1909 saw me talking with an Indian woman at qe'nek, having some success in getting place names from her. Her young daughter in the meantime went out and looked over the cliff to see my canoe. In it she saw an Indian called "Weitchpec Frank." She came back and told her mother, who E(t once severed all relations with me, very pointedly. Neither she nor her daughter nor my com- panion would tell me definitely what the trouble was, but afterward I found that Frank and the woman's brother-in-law had quarreled over a small sum of money twelve years previously. Since I was in Frank's company I was in her eyes as bad as Frank himself. The father and uncle of an old Hupa man called Spencer were killed many years -ago by soldiers from the garrison in Hupa valley. Dave Durban, the brother of Weitchpec Frank, had been a sort of paid scout for the government during this period, so he was held partly to blame for the fact that a Hupa was killed by the soldiers. Since that time old Spencer has not "liked" Frank because he is the brother of Dave Durban, the ex-scout. He does not speak to Frank when the two meet. When I visited the town of turip I found myself involved in an involuntary quarrel with a certain old man because I was a white man. The old Indian's nephew had once been jailed for making fast his gill-net at the bank of the river, in aboriginal fashion, but in defiance of the federal statute governing methods of fishing and dis- regarding the pains and penalties therein made and provided. The Waterman: Yurok Geography old man held me partly to blame for the action of the Federal Grand Jury, though I defended myself as best I could. He refused, with some politeness, to talk to me or to take my money. When a feud is in progress a person who gives information, or intelligence, to say nothing of advice, to a murderer, before the act is committed, is held to answer in precisely the same degree as the mur- derer himself. A special term, wrnryrkr', was applied to such an "informant." It obviously results in the rapid spreading of feuds. If a man in even this remote way becomes involved in a serious quarrel the outcome is usually a migration to some other dwelling place. Sometimes a man moves away from his village merely because of indignation over something. Thus "Tuley Creek Jim," or "Coyote Jim," called by the Indians qe-qe'nomr, had a quarrel in his hoine town of qe'nek, so he moved to rekwoi and- built a house there. In many such cases, of course, the people ultimately moved home again. In cases of epidemics a whole village would readily be abandoned. Altogether, there was a good deal of shifting about, and at this late day it is sometimes hard, especially in the case of old and long aban- doned sites, to tell exactly what the marks of habitation, such as house- pits, really mean. Since the coming of the whites many towns have been abandoned altogether for a variety of reasons. Lands have in many cases been allotted by the government to Indian families, and where the spot allotted was at all favorable they have taken up their abode on it. It goes almost without saying that the effort in this paper has been made to indicate the towns as they were at the time of the coming of the whites. Even if one disregards as far as possible what has happened since the white invasion, the question of the distribution of the towns still offers some difficulty. Even at that time there were very considerable difference between settlements. Some were large and some were small, some were regarded as permanent, and others were looked upon as temporary. Some places had once been important, but already at that time were almost abandoned. In a few cases nothing but pits remained, about which nobody knew anything, except that a name was attached to the site. It is a bit difficult to indicate all such matters on a map. I learned very early in my acquaintance with the tribe that the great tribal ceremonies were celebrated in certain towns only. For example, the deer-skin dance5 was held only at w.'itspu-s and pe'kwan, 5 For an account of the corresponding Hupa ceremony see Goddard, 1903, p. 82. 1920] 203 204 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 and nowhere else. Another important ceremony, the jumping dance, was held only at we'itspfis, wo'xtek, re'kwoi, ore'qw, and oke-to. The explanation is that these ceremonies were celebrated, naturally enough, in the most populous places. When information is collected about the original size of these towns they are seen to be (except ore'qw) the largest in the area. Another difference between towns is that in many settlements each separate house has a proper name of its own. This does not depend upon size. Generally speaking, then, there is some uncertainty about the actual number of towns. On the maps I have distinguished between permanent towns and temporary settlements by the use of different conventional symbols. In spite of the confusion which exists it is possible to indicate certain general facts about town distribution. Some of them, perhaps the majority, occupy old river terraces. River towns are usually more than a hundred feet above the stream, which has in places an annual rise of more than seventy vertical feet. A tremendous flood in the winter of 1862, still mentioned often by the Indians, somewhat changed the location of settlements; a good many towns were permanently moved to higher sites, and others where the houses were washed down the river were abandoned, the people seeking refuge with friends and relatives in the undamaged towns. The town of wo'xtek, at Klamath Bluffs (rectangle D-31), for some reason received a very large number of these immigrants. Powers noted some years ago' that the Yurok towns are situated for the most part on the northern bank of the river. This is indicated clearly on the map (see map 4). Where the course of the river is north and south there is little difference observable, but where the river runs approximately east and west the towns lie on the north bank, in the proportion of three or four to one. I think Powers is correct in his explanation that the Indians preferred sunny situations. The south slopes are timbered with oaks and varied timber, interspersed with fine grass fields. The northern slope of the hills, which would form the southern bank of the river, is, on the contrary, almost uniformly covered with pines and other conifers, and the places which might otherwise be village sites are in the shadow of these somber forests. Beginning some miles above the mouth of Blue creek, the river flows through a belt of redwood timber extending almost to the coast. The larger villages are very clearly grouped out- side of this redwood belt. There were towns within it, but they were of small size, and where the redwoods were thickest there were no 6 1877, p. 46. Waterman: Yurok Geography settlements at all. The town of rnr, at the mouth of Blue creek, seems to have been the only place of importance within this area, and it went into a decline some generations ago. Near the mouth of the Klamath towns became more numerous; on both sides of the estuary there existed populous centers. On the coast the towns were attracted to the regions of the lagoons. The mouths of a great many coast streams in California form estuaries, blocked off from the sea by sand bars. During the winter rains the water rises in these lagoons and breaks through the barrier. In summer as the river drops the barrier is rebuilt, resulting in a deep expanse of water, perfectly still, and often beautifully clear. Many of these lagoons have quite a romantic setting. Large rivers like the Klamath carry such a "head" of water that the bar never entirely closes across, though the opening is much narrowed in late summer. Even the tiny streams in the region we are discussing often have lagoons. Around these spots the Indian towns grew up. What the economic attraction was I cannot say. The sites to be found beside the lagoons are certainly very pleasing to the eye, and Indians are not at all insensible to scenic beauty. The vast number of water fowl must also have been an item. On Big lagoon the people ate mud hens (lege'its), which at times grew so fat that they could not fly. Water fowl were often taken with nets, in which the birds got their feet entangled upon taking to the water. On the shores of Big lagoon were five or six Indian settlements, one of them a very large and important place. LIST OF TOWNS AND SETTLEMENTS The following is a list of Yurok towns and settlements obtained by myself in 1909. For comparison I have inserted a list of the river towns shown on an interesting map, found in 1917 in the county records in Crescent City, by Mr. Owen C. Coy of the California Historical Survey Commission. This document is an unpublished map of Del Norte county, made by a certain Randall, the county surveyor, and is dated 1866. The entries which I have marked with an asterisk will require more particular comment than the others. For general location see map 4, opposite p. 226. 1920] 205 206 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 AUTHOR'S LIST, 1909 RIVER TOWNS RANDALL's LIST, 1866 aiqo"o, " basket" otsepo'r, "where steep" lo"ole'go, "fish weir where they build" oslegoi'ts, "where they descend" osmemo RL, "where it slides" we'itspiis, " confluence " Welch-peh pe'kwutuL, "pile of rocks" Porah rLrgr' wa'hsek qe'nek tse'tskwi qe'nek-pul aukweya' me'rip Ma-rep wa"ase, " poor" ? ke'pel, " house-pit" Fort Kepel sa" a mui'rek, "cooking-basket"? hi'meL Kamelch we"iqem no'xtskum Noitker ke'peror meta Mettah kr,"ikem srego'n Surgoin yo'xtr Yotum pe'kwan Pequo Creek qo'otep Katep wo'xtek Watek woxke'ro, "pepperwood" otSa'L, "where it is sandy" te'kta sr'pr Surpah Jehehak ii'yoL{. a ........ pan na'giL Mangosh Torah r'nr Henah ho'wego Herwahgah rli'iken-pets *stowen Koppa tui'rip Tarep sa"aL, spirit people" *trwr Terwah o"ke'l, "pepperwood" Wokkel ho/'paw Hoppaw re'kwoi, "mouth of a stream" Requa tmr'i we'Lkwaw Wekeswah tse'kweL NUMBER OF FOR PLAN HOusES IN OF THE ABORIGINAL TOWN SEE TIMES MAP 2 3 4 3 3 (recent) 17 26 5 26 6 27 6 24 4 22 2 1 3 5 21 6 4 20 8 19 11 18 4 Pits only 3 Pits only 6 16 Pits only 5 4 24 15 22 14 13 13 4 12 Pits only 3 3 3 2 6 5 Camp site 3 4 25 9 8 Waterman: Yurok Geography COAST TOWNS NuMBER OF FOR PLAN HOUSES IN OF THE AUTHOR's LIST, RANDALL's LIST, ABORIGINAL TOWN SEE 1909 1866 TIMES MAP otmen 4 7 o'men-hipur 7 6 o'segen 4 i'spa'w, "drinking-place" 7 otmekwo'R Pits only si'gwets ore'qw 7 30 tsa'peqw 10 hr'gwr, " big" 5 tso'tskwi 5 oke'to, "lagoon" 18 kU"ikem oslo'qw pa"iir pi'Npa ma"ats 5 tsui'rai, "mountain" 14 34 There are certain discrepancies between the two lists, though in general they correspond quite closely. For example, hi'meL, which is listed by Randall as a town, still shows house-pits quite clearly, yet I could ascertain no names nor find any one whose family had ever lived there. Apparently it has been long abandoned, and in fifty years the namyes have been forgotten, by many of the Indians at least. Noitker, which evidently corresponds with no'xtskum (also called no'xtsko), is, on Randall's map, across the river from the site pointed out to me under that name. I was told, when on the spot, that across the river on the flat were old house-pits, blotted out by cultivation. Possibly some homesteader ousted the Indians, and they moved the town and the name across the river. Near the mouth of Blue creek four towns are shown by Randall, where my attention was called to only two. His Jehehak and an indistinguishable name ending in . . . pan correspond in position to what was pointed out to me as the site of iiyoL. Mangosh and Torah are close together near what is called naii'giL today. ni 'giL was described to me as a "town," but ayoL I have always considered a recent settlement. The facts seem to be that it was abandoned as a town, and then more recently occupied again by some people who moved in there on account of a quarrel. ho'wego (Randall's Herwahgah) is a well known place, a flat in the bend of the river at its most dangerous rapids, Lamb's riffle, but was not described to me as a town. Apparently there is an old town site there, some distance below the riffle, whose existence I did not hear of when on the spot. Stowen is also a well known place, with Indian 1920] 207 208 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 families of some importance living there even now, but the present occupants are not descendants of the ancient population belonging there. The most important of them, Stowen Bill, hails from qo'otep- wogi. I was at some pains to collect genealogies, but none of my tables include individuals from stowen. The Koppa of Randall's map lies on the same flat as tul'rip, a splendid site on a terrace among the redwoods, but the name Koppa is strange to me. Randall mentions the creek at pekwan, but indicates nothing about the town, though it was the largest on the river. Pos- sibly he took the town for granted. At Sa'aL his map indicates Indian houses, but gives no town name. trwr or turwer (Randall's Terwa) used to be an important place during the settlement of the country by the whites, who once had a substantial blockhouse there, that is, a heavy log cabin loopholed for musketry. The great flood of 1862 washed the whole village site away, and the Indians, when I was on the river, said it was not originally an Indian "village "; they referred to it as a " camp site, " where people came in large numbers for spearing fish. HOUSE NAMES A very characteristic point about the more important Yurok villages is that the houses in most cases have names. Some of these are very popular, anrd appear over and over in different towns. A few resist etymology. When a family was prosperous, and had numerous descendants, they sometimes had to build additional houses, and one name was applied to all' the structures. In every town there are some nameless houses. Sometimes a town is found in which none of the houses had names. Such towns are alwavs small. The question of how houses received their names is a little puzzling. Some of the largest houses and some houses belonging to very im- portant men have very commonplace naames. I think the name be- comes associated with a house by popular usage merely; and I dare say the custom was based primarily on convenience in reference. On the other hand, however, the house was a big thing in the life of the Yurok, and the house name stood for family standing and respecta- bility. Families became associated and identified with house names as a family in Europe may become identified with the name of an estate. I have seen more than one old Indian, poor enough in this Waterman: Yurok Geography world's goods, point to a depression in the ground where his ances- tral house once stood, asserting that his family lived right there and that therefore he amounted to something. The Indian's notion of the importance of these houses may be illustrated, in another way, by the fact that they calmly mention them in accounts of mythological events. They tell us that the towns stood as they do now, house names and all, when the supernatural beings instead of the Indians were living along the Klamath. There is a myth that a young man in the town of qo'otep once went to the Sky with his pet deer. He belonged in the house silpetai, which is still pointed out in the Indian village. In the myth about a "big money" or giant dentalium "as long as a sturgeon," which lived in the river beside a rock in front of pe'kwan, two well known houses are referred to, pe'kwan-wogi and qo'otep-me "tsr'o, both of them still standing. I suppose the Yurok would admit that some of the timbers, at least, have been renewed since mythical times. But the situation of those houses, their identity, according to the Indian viewpoint, has remained unchanged. A cer- tain house in wo'xtek, called asi'ksikweL, is mentioned in a myth about Rattlesnake's wife. In the myth of the origin of the jumping dance the hero's home is the house wo'gi, in the town of we'itspus. Other examples could be given. The following list includes all the house names I was able to collect. Though not exhaustive, it is, I think, representative. I have indicated the translation where I have it, and in a third column the number of times each house name is used in Yurok territory. For the alpha- betic order employed in the lists see the Introduction. Asterisks mark translations which are uncertain. YUROK HOUSE NAMES NUMBER OF HOUsES BEARING NAME TRANSLATION NAME e'Lkero earth? 1 eniose'go 1 airaXw something hanging 1 ala'xkwetso'ip 1 re'pok doorway 1 regwona' at the end 2 rego'k 1 ra'ak in the creek 3 ra':yoi 1 rego'o te'poni feather-plume trees 1 r'wrgrn wrnr', plant used for sand-paper 1 r'nigr 1 r'nrk upkwr'i 1 1920] 209 210 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 YUROK HOUSE NAMES NAME r'grits-hir rki'gri opyii'weg ote'tkoL oIs'oqw oslo'qw, hoslo'qw, osle'ga, sloi'yiq o'tse'por ore'gok orai'm ole'geL olego'k wona'w, wone'w, wo'niL, wo'nau wotneq, wo'nu, woi'yona, wo'noiyrL wo'gi, wo'gu wo'xtek woxke'ro, woxke'lo, awoxqe'la hi'NkeloL hir, noLhir, hira' hike's higwo'p haa'gonar ho"zko he'Lqau hawaye"rai hoqome'e'r pl'ita pi"Npa pets, pe'tsa, petsu'slo, pe'tsku, hipe'ts petsaw iimr'prk pegwolau' pr'kwri prgu'r pul, pu'lek, pu'luk, hipu'r pu'luk repo'qw pe'kwoi pequi'r pa"ar pr'kwri pre'ken pleL, ple'loi meitsr'o me'yeloL me'Lkti me'kwer mekwoma' ma"a hitso' ma"awon ma 'a tete'qw olr'grL teqwsau' NuM Housrs TRANSLATION behind the sweat-house hair-ties where they dance where the trail comes down a village at Bluff creek (see rectangle G-39) where it rolls down where there is sound of dancing up-hill in the middle pepperwood white oak behind in front in water (close to water) on top of a rock back from the river last one last one ironwood town on Big lagoon up-river doorway up-river stone slabs for sweathouse hill down-river doorway down-river mud water in rear big seat big nettles shut in little biggest this side of mii"ii up-hill from ma"a town on Big lagoon *shinny [BER OF 8 BEARING !TAMH 1 4 3 1 1 6 1 1 1 1 1 11 19 1 2 1 1 2 3 1 1 4 1 1 1 1 15 2 1 1 18 1, 1 2 1 1 1 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 Waterman: Yurok Geography NAME teko'L tekwo'r t'eka' tegwiro' tegwole'k repau' ta"amo tara' tr'wr to'leL, to'liL sl'gwets si'petai sepora' sa'a sa' sip so'xtsu sia'L olefpa skai" awiloL tse'ken tse'kweL tse'gi otep tseiqr' tsa'peqw tsa'spe tso'le, tso'lek, hitso', hitso'rau hitso'-wo'gi tsui'rai tspanr' niqr'wrk ne'qerai neqwsa', leqwsa' LenaIeqW le'kiL la'yeqw lo"oliL ki'neqau kepe'l ke'tskeL ke'nomr ka'uku'ts kr"pr ko'mr" R kus kwo"ora knE'woleL YUROK HOUSE NAMES TRANSLATION doorway facing the ocean elderberry bush South point on Big lagoon crosswise prairie wild honeysuckle on top *buckeye hangs a flat in front of a cliff live oak tree Stone lagoon down-hill down-hill from wo'gi *mountain, name of a town (Trinidad) long by the back door of the sweat- house on the ground by the trail dam-builder's house last one house-pit last long NUMBER OF Elousus BEARING NAME 1 1 1 1 1 3 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 14 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 3 .1 1 2 9 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 It is obvious at once that these names fall into certain classes. I have grouped together in the following tabulation such as logically belong together. 1920] 211 212 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 YUROK HOUSE NAMES (Classified) rki'gri opyfl'weg ore'gok ora'm TRANSLATION Ceremonial hair ties where they dance it rolls down sound of feet petsa'w ilmr'prq pu'luk repo'qw pleL me'kwer mekwoma' te'gwolek repau' tr'wr se'pora tspa'nr haa'gonar pr'kwri pequ'r pa"iar pre'ken te'kor kepe'l kn6'woleL NUMBER OF HOUSEs BEARING NAM E 4 3 2 1 10 Descri.ntive of Houwse doorway up-river doorway down-river big little the biggest doorway toward the ocean South point ho use prairie long on top of a rock hill mud spring big seat steep house-pit long 2 1 6 1 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 24 Mythological feather-plume trees see page above Names from Owners village at Bluff creek town on Big lagoon town on Big lagoon shinny game town on Dry lagoon dam-builder lives Named like the town in which they are situated NAME rego"o te'ponl si'petai o'tsepor pi"Npa ma a teta'qwolr'grL tsii'peqw lo"oli'L, 1 1 2 wo'xtek tsul'rai sa'a 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 1 1 1 3 Waterman: Yurok Geography YUROK HOUSE NAMES - TRANSLATION Plants sand-paper rush pepperwood white oak ironwood nettles elderberry bush wild honeysuckle buckeye hangs live oak tree Position in the village behind the sweat-house where the trail comes down up-hill in the middle behind down close to water back from the river last one last one up-river by the trail down-river in the rear shut in this side of ma' a up-hill from ma a crosswise down-hill by the back door of the sweat- NUMBER OF HOUSES BEARING NAME 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 1 1 11 1 6 11 19 1 2 3 4 1 1 15 3 18 1 1 1 1 1 13 house 2 regwona' at the end 2 ra"ak in the creek 3 kineqau' last one 1 111 This tabulation shows that the house naines occurring most fre- quently are those referring to the position of the houses in the town. These names occur in the greatest variety, and each is used over and over. The name wo'gi, in the middle, appears in nineteen towns, and such names as pul, "down-river," and tsotlew, "down-hill from the others," are almost equally popular. The peculiarities of the houses themselves also give rise to a great many names. Se'pora, close to a "prairie " or patch of grass, and pleL, "big," are examples. Next in importance in giving names to houses are plants and trees. Houses NAME rtwrgrn woxke'ro hi'NkeloL pl'lta me'yeloL ta"amo sa sip ski'twilOL tse'gi otep rg'rits hi'r oslo'qw wo'nau wo'gi hir hike's higwo'p he'Lqau heweye"rai heqome'e'r pets la'yeqw pul prl4wri me'lku mai"a hitso' ma a won to'liL tso'lew le'qwsa 192.0] 213 214 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 named after their owners are relatively few in number. In all such cases it is the name of the owner's native town that is applied to his new house. The fact that so few houses are thus named reflects the fact that a man did not very often leave his native town and succeed in setting up an establishment elsewhere. People very often moved from their towns, but usually had to ask to be "taken in" somewhere else on a footing not particularly gratifying to their pride. It must be remembered that the mere building of a house required ample resources, and if a man commanded these resources it required rather extraordinary considerations to make him move. Of late years, of course, there has been a great deal of moving around, as the result of being displaced by the whites. In the old days the riffraff and adventurers moved all about, trying to improve their circumstances, but the wealthy people took a pride in staying at home. It is noteworthy that in three cases (wo'xtek, sa"a, and tsiu'rai) houses have the same name as the town in which they are situated. This would seem to imply that, in these cases, the towns grew up about these houses. PLACE NAMES AND PERSONAL NAMES Among the Yurok there exists a custom, which I have not heard of elsewhere, of substituting for personal names terms which are essentially place names, or descriptive expressions based on place names. Our personal names become permanently attached to the individual, become part of his make-up. Personal names are known to the Yurok, but are applied only to children, and instead of being permanent these names are dropped at marriage and used no more so far as that person is concerned. .Thus their whole attitude toWard personal names is quite different from our own. The nearest ap- proach to correspondence is in the matter of nicknames, but even here there is a difference; with them nicknaines are very common (see below), but are not used in addressing a person, or in his presence. Names are given to children at the time when they cease to be regarded as infants, at the age of eight or nine years. A boy is named by his father, while the girl's name is selected by her mother. Certain personal names run in particular families, as is more or less the case with ourselves. A well known Yurok family living in the house pul, in pekwan, have frequently used the name e'gos for their boys. An important family in pe'kwan-he'Lqau is partial to tet'hqo Waterman: Yurok Geography as a boy's name. In the town of sre'gon, where nearly all the in- habitants are relatives, sar is very popular. Since these names are dropped at the time of marriage they may be used over and over in one immediate family. Thus a certain Indian called by the whites Wokel Dave had before he was married the name mo'ok, a name which he took from his father, who was also mo'ok. When Dave took to him- self a wife, the name mo'ok was given to his younger brother. This boy died while still quite young, so this particular name was not used again in that family. The young fellow took it with him when he died, and it will not be used again in that family for a long time. If he had lived until it was time for him to relinquish this name it would very likely have been given to a still younger brother. I give herewith a few additional examples of these personal names. BOYS' NAMES pryN rogaqw rotsi's ma'wo r sohpr'k twag to"an ska'w hrgr' we"la sprgi' sar hii"alits opo't koi'ya' ortsumo'L rgr' tsuatsmegr' Expressions containing a playful allusion to marriage were often used as "boy" names. One such name is sruimigo's, "married to Patrick's point." Another is se'kwe's, "married to Redding rock (sekwona')," a sea-stack six miles offshore below the mouth of the Klamath (rectangle H-21). A third is enkewis, "married to ii'nkau," a mountain in the Bald hills. The majority of the names given to boys are not translatable; at least, in my genealogies most of them are not translated, although I made inquiry in every case. GIRLS' NAMES yr'wis mr'i pi's wo'ona" srnm's hine' ha'agwe' nene'm wen :e' ninawa' hrgrpi's In the case of young girls, the playful allusions to marriage are very common. The following are examples: mr'nrwi-son, married into snail's house tsu'ts-wa, married to " chippy-bird" hr'kwr-wa, married to rabbit he"mi-wa, married to pigeon sme'ts-wa, married to chipmunk r'Lrgr-son, married into rLrgr-town srii'mi-son, married into Patrick's Point (srumig) onua"ui-son, married into onu"u` 1920] 215 216 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 These girl-names, like the boy-names, are surrendered on marriage, and never used thereafter. Even a girl's own mother would never call her by such a name. Thus we may almost say that the Yurok have no personal names. After they take their places as full fledged members of the group they are known instead by descriptive expressions. The facts about this system of substituting descriptive expressions for proper names are broadly as follows: A man who owns a house is regularly called, except by his imme- diate relatives, by the name of his house. This house name is like a title of respect. Thus an Indian called Sam Smith is regularly ad- dressed by the other Indians as pets-repo'qw, "door-way up-river." This is the naame of his house in the town of qo'otep. Other people here and there are referred to as qi-pu'l, "down-river," or qi-wo'gi, "in the middle" (see list of house names on p. 209). On going to a new place a man is called by the name of the place from which he came. Thus a very well known old Indian living at the town of re'kwoi is called by everybody ma'"aits. This is really the name of his home town on Big lagoon, from which he moved sixty or seventy years pgo. What his original name was I do not know. He has so long outlived his generafion that I doubt whether it,is known to very many of his Indian associates. Another well known character goes among the whites by the name of Lagoon George. The Indians call him q-oke'to, "yonder Big lagoon." In his home town of Big lagoon (oke'to) this name or term would hardly do, for it would obvoiusly apply to all native-born people, but abroad it serves well enough. Yurok communities being very small, compared to ours, such an expression as "man from Big lagoon" could hardly be misunderstood. People of less importance than house owners are called by terms which express their wedded condition, with special reference to the houses into which they married or out of which they sprang. The Yurok have highly developed matrimonial institutions, the principal facts for our present purposes being that two forms of marriage are recognized. A wealthy man pays for a woman and takes her to his own house, the children belonging to him. This constitutes the highest type of marriage, and is very creditable to all concerned, especially if the amount paid is large. Children take a higher or lower rank in society according to the price paid for their.mother. A very poor man may perhaps have no money with which to pay for a woman, or a very little. In this case another form of marriage is possible. He may arrange to live with his wife's group, the children belonging 0Watermatg: Yurok Geography to her and her relatives. Such a man is said by the Indians to be "half-married" (no'xpew). Divorce is fairly easy, subject always to some satisfactory arrangements concerning the property interests. Quite an elaborate set of suffixes exist, which, in connection with house and village names, express the various aspects of the marriage relation. Such expressions take the place filled by personal names among ourselves. Place names, when used in this way, as terms of address and in combination with suffixes, are curiously clipped. I can only refer to this clipping, without attempting to explain it. The etymology of the suffixes, also, is entirely beyond me. SUFFIXES USED IN DESCRIPTIVE EXPRESSIONS WHICH TAKE THE PLACE OF PERSONAL NAMES -omdtw If a man's wife is from the house wo'gi, he is called wo'gis-oma" after her death. -son A girl married into a given house, takes the house-name plus this suffix, in place of her personal name, which she abandons. Thus, a girl who married into the house la'yeqw would be called by her own relatives las-son, "into layeqw married. " It is worthy of remark that a man who is half-married is sometimes spoken of in exactly the same terms. Thus Billy Brooks, at r6kwoi, is half-married into the house la'yeqw in that town. He is regularly called las-son by his friends, and by his numerous enemies on occasions when he is not listening. I believe that people who were not on good terms with him would be a little careful about alluding to his half-married condition unless willing to affront him deliberately. -e'melo This suffix seems to be used with exactly the same meaning as the last. I am unable to explain it. -owa' A man who marries a woman takes the name of her house, plus this suffix, in place of his name, as long as she lives. Such expressions are especially common among relatives. Several brothers will call each other after the names of the houses from which their respective wives were obtained. After a man's wife is deceased the compound based on her house-name is no longer used. A well known Indian living near we5itspiis, "Canyon Tom," has a brother Mike. He married a Hupa woman from the town of petsow. He is called among the Indians petsa'-owa'. -miLnos Children sprung from half-married fathers, also illegitimate children, take the name of their father's house plus this suffix. -tsus This suffix describes a man who is living with a certain woman outside of wedlock. It is added to the name of her house, or town. Thus a well known white man living with a Merip woman, is called meri-tsus, involved in a scandalous relation with Merip. -or,-egor A woman who has several children may be bought from her relatives. These children are called by the name of her new husband's house plus this suffix. Turip- egor means "brought along with their mother, by a Turip man." It is applied to children of either sex -nin (cf. ninegos, divorced) A divorced man or divorced woman may be called by the name of the house or town of the ex-spouse plus this suffix. 1920] 21.7 218 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 In addition to personal names and descriptive expressions serving as proper names, the Yurok make frequent use of nicknames as already stated. These nicknames are often in reference to some bodily trait or peculiarity. Thus the wife of old Jim Williams, at ho''pa w a woman from we'Lkwiiw-pegwola', called qi-pe'g formally, is referred to less formally as tr'nrwit, "six toes," because she has an extra digit on each foot. An old man at pe'kwan-pul is called wone'qw-sego't, "up-hill he goes." The reason for this I do not know. A man at meta' is called kr'grm, "heightened," for the reason, as the Indians put it, that "he looks like he was stuck on himself." An Indian at qe'nek, called by the whites "Tuley Creek Jim," is called behind his back se'gep, "coyote," because of his quarrelsome disposition. The Indians say he looks mean and talks too fast. An old fellow living a few miles below him is called qwrgr'i, "whistler." A blind old Indian at ore'qw, who owned a medicine for purification after touching a corpse, is called " Skirk," an Anglicized form of the Yurok tskr'kr, said to mean "hay-fork." He is said by some to have once stolen a hay-fork, or to have been accused of it, or to have charged somebody else with stealing a hay-fork, or something. The ideas about the incident are a trifle vague now, but the name has stuck for sixty years. If one should address the old Indian by this title he would probably ask for five dollars as injury-money. His proper title is qi-pii"iir, after his father's town of pii"iir, on Big lagoon. His own name, as a young man, was keno'. A certain woman is called, as a nickname, ki'Mholin, "dirty," not for physical but for moral reasons. Although of excellent birth, she is the mother of several bastards. Had she sprung from a very poor family her actions would have been little noticed. FORMS OF REAL PROPERTY An important feature of the place names which are indicated on the following maps is that many represent private holdings. In other words, a good many of the places represent a primitive form of real estate. Some of these places 'were valuable for one reason, some for another. The places which were "owned" by individuals or by families may be classified roughly in the order of importance as fishing-places, " acorn-fields," and snaring-places. I shall fre- quently refer to these places in the following pages, and I will explain at this point what is meant. 1'90aterman: Yurok Geography Fishing-places.-The Yurok have several devices for taking fish, among them the hook-and-line, the two-pointed harpoon, traps, and a variety of nets. Some of their seines are eighty to one hundred feet long, models of patient craftsmanship. Their principal reliance, however, is a dip-net, stretched between three poles and handled from a staging.7 It is only possible to use the dip-net to advantage in a pool where the salmon congregate. Wherever a large boulder or promontory makes a sort of deep eddy or backwater the Yurok built a staging of poles (pl. 8). Such an arrangement is known to the Indians as a "fishing-place," kwoRL. It is more properly a netting place. Such places were owned by individuals. They could be sold, bartered, and bequeathed like any other property, and they changed hands quite freely. Their value depended on the number of fish they supplied, and they were appraisable very exactly in Indian money. Their value fluctuated more or less, for there are continual changes in the bed of the stream, and sometimes a "place" is suddenly dam- aged or spoiled entirely by silting up. At the present time a fishing- place may be sold for two dollars and a half. In aboriginal times a fairly good place was worth a great deal more than that, even con- sidering all possible differences between their standard of values and ours. There are several reasons for the decrease in importance. The Indians nowadays have many ways of earning a livelihood, and the salmon accordingly mean less to them. The supply of salmon is mean- while less to be depended on, for the canneries take enormous numbers. It was often possible to buy a half interest in a fishing-place, and when there were two owners they usually alternated in using the gear. If both parties happened to come to the place at the same time, each took half the night. The fishing-place wo'weyek, near qe'nek, is owned by five partners, three of them being from qo'otep. It was originally owned by two qe'neq men, but one of them got sick and had no money for the shaman who treated him, so he had to sell a part of his right in this place to three other men. My informants told me that a par- ticularly fine place might be owned by ten men. It is owned, say, by one man for half a day, by another for two days, by a third for one day, etc. Some are owned by one man "for salmon, " and by another when the place is good for eels. A given place may be owned by one man when the river is "up " to a certain height, and by another *when it is lower than that. Sometimes an "empty" place, abandoned because of silting up, or because of changes in the river channel, 7 Goddard, 1903, p. 23, briefly describes the device. 1920] 219 220 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 became useful again. If it is unoccupied for a long time, the original owner is sometimes forgotten, and people appropriate such a place by squatting on it. A place obtained in this way is called wequsisiik. Fishing-places were sometimes "spoiled" for spite. This can be done secretly by burying pieces of a certain root near the pool. This will make the ground slide into the river and fill the pool. If one cannot find the roots, which do not grow everywhere, there exists a certain medicine-song, which will drive all the salmon away from the place. More commonplace difficulties arise from people attempting to discover "new" places just below old and well established ones. The salmon come, of course, up-stream, and ownership in a given "place" involves the right to prevent anybody from fishing below it. I say the "right,'' but perhaps that is overstating it; I should refer to it rather as the recognized privilege of raising a terrible row if any one moves in on a preserve. Whether or not on Indian can block another one off is a question largely of influence and the influence of families and friends. Certainly the closer the newcomer located to a previously occupied rock the more chance the previous owner had of raising a commotion in his own favor. In actual practice, a certain definite series of fishing-places were recognized, from one end of Yurok territory to the other, and each of them represented valuable property. Beach antd seacoast rights.-The Yurok fished relatively little in the sea. As remarked above, they used throw-lines along the beaches for surf fish and smelt, catching them in sufficient quantities to dry. Mussels and clams were very important, and seaweed (identified by Goddard as Porphyra perforata) was dried, dipped in whale oil, and eaten. The gifts of the sea which the Yurok talk most about were the sea mammals, especially whales. Whales, I think, were never hunted, for the Yurok have no whaling tackle. But the stranding of -a dead whale was not uncommon and was considered a great event. Sea-lions they hunted in regularly organized parties. Sea-lion oil, like whale oil, was considered a delicacy. A well known dish consists of such oil mixed with grass-seed flour (slow'iL) and pounded manza- nita berries (pyaits). The beaches and all the sea-stacks and outlying rocks, big and little, even including Redding rock, an isolated crag six miles off- shore, were " owned. " They were not " private" property, but rather the property of definite and limited groups. I think each "owner" had a right to a part or share in the returns. The Yurok talk a great deal about "beach rights." Certainly the territories belonging to Waterman: Yurok Geography different towns were carefully discriminated and the limits very accur- ately known. The people who could by right share in a given piece of good fortune, such as a stranded whale, were the individuals who owned rights in that particular stretch of beach. Little river, for example, was the frontier between two tribes, the Yurok and the Wiyot. If a whale came ashore on the boundary line the parts lying north of the northern bank of Little river belonged to the Yurok town of tsul'rai (Trinidad), the parts lying south of the line belonged to the WTiyot. The people owning "places" in the vicinity were each en- titled to certain "cuts" of whale. These "cuts" were measured off with the pack-straps which were used in carrying the openwork burden baskets. Such a strap was of certain recognized and stand- ardized dimensions and was divided into sections by knots. The length of a strap was, to use the Yurok expression, "one double stretch," qo'htsenoi wenil'pek, that is, twice as long as the owner's "reach" from finger tip to finger tip across his chest. The length of the cut of whale was the full length of the strap. The strap was then doubled two times to determine the width of the strip of meat. Some rich families were entitled to ten cuts. When a man had cut off his strip of meat, the carrying strap was fastened under the whale hide by means of slashes and the meat was dragged home on the ground. If in cutting up a whale a man cut beyond the end of his strap violent disputes arose. While a whale was being cut up people from various places used to come and sit around and look on, without touching the whale. If they did, it meant a fight. Later, when invited, they would cut small pieces for themselves. Certain pack-straps are said to have been re- served for the purpose of measuring whale meat, and to have served as symbols of the owner's rights to a share in stranded whales. I have records of these pack-straps changing hands and passing inland by marriage, so that a given family in an up-river town might have the right to a certain cut in every whale which became stranded be- tween two certain points on the beach forty miles away. Sea-lion clubs, e'tsqwo-uipr'qrm, also, were looked upon as a sort of outward and visible sign of partnership in sealing-rocks. These clubs were of yellow pine. The length was one cubit, qo'htsemoi-nemo'otis, as the Yurok say, that is, the length of the forearm with the hand open. Certain of these clubs were handed down as heirlooms. Indians, like other people, have a liking for the exotic in foods. A village in Hupa valley at one time "bought" a rock in Trinidad 1920] 221 222 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 bay because they liked mussels. The people from the village came all the way across the hills to collect mussels on that rock. There was some traffic between the two places in dried seaweed, which the island people relished especially because of the salty taste. Acorn-places.-The acorn ground also was a very definite spot. It was often of several acres' extent. The boundary between two such places is called ni'qr. Usually a number of places occur close together on a hillside where there is a heavy growth of oak. Nearby there are frequently shacks, built of planks and various odds and ends, with a simple gable roof, in which people camp while the crop is being gathered. There were no pits to such houses. When acorns were plentiful no one worried much abouit his "rights," or "other people 's rights," for that matter. In seasons of scarcity, when the acorn crop fell short (which often happened), or when it failed in certain sections, ownership of places became a very important matter. Permission to pick up acorns in a given spot might in that case be bartered for Indian money. Sometimes several different groups or "houses" are spoken of as owning some acorn-place in common. Thus four houses in the town of qo'otep (meInitsr'o, hitso', pe'kwoi, and "Jimmy Cleve- land's") owned in partnership the acorn-place called otsep-higwo'n. Houses in three separate villages (pe'kwan-ketske'L, meta'-pul, and qo'otep-regwonau') own in common an acorn-place called o-le'go, which lies just in the rear of a fourth town, no'tskum. Many conflictihg claims are advanced concerning the ownership of different acorn-fields, but this does not necessarily mean that the ownership is indefinite. I get the impression very clearly that acorn-grounds were owned, if not by individuals, at least by families. I find very few definite references to sale or exchange, however. Snaring-places.-Hunting with the bow could be practiced any- where by any individual. This method, however, was on the whole little depended on for large game. When the Indians were in earnest the method they practiced was to run the animals with dogs, to get them in snares. As pointed out by Goddard,8 deer and elk have a way of taking certain paths and following certain gullies and passes in the hills, especially when pressed and trying to get to water. In these particular spots snares were set. Such snaring-places are often called by proper names, and are strictly private property. The Yurok had a great many varieties of vegetable food besides the acorns. They speak of many edible bulbs (mostly lilies, I think) 8 1903, p. 21. Waterman: Yurok Geography as "Indian potatoes," in Yurok hr'Lkr and otoi'. Another source of food was grass seed, which they gathered with the seed-beater. I think this was important, not from its quantity but from the fact that it introduced variety into a rather monotonous diet. They speak highly of grass seed, mentioning "millet" (legeL), wild sunflower (petso'lo), clover (klii'wpo), and at least four other varieties called tsi'ge, tse'gem, slo'wiL, and nO'Rpil. People camped on open grass lands or prairies, in brush huts covered with brakes laid on in courses, shingle fashion. So far as I know, grass lands were not owned by individuals, though each village had its own localities and never went elsewhere. DESCENT AND INHERITANCE Descent and inheritance are, of course, important in connection with such property as that just described. The rules of descent, if they may be called rules, seem to be extremely unsystematic. It is worth remark that a man's relatives did not necessarily inherit his property. He could "will" it, in whole or in part, to others. Thus old Ben, at sa 'a, had considerable ceremonial regalia, which he "left" to his "big friend," who later sold it to the whites. So also Grove, at the town of pe'kwutuL, owns a fine fishing-place called sio'gon, a little below the rapids at qe'nek. One of his old friends willed it to him. I am sure that property in a great many cases descended through females. For example, Kepel Joe owns the fishing-place hii"iisqr"r, which he got from his mother and sister. They were "doctors" and somebody paid them this place for "doctoring." I have numerous records of property owned by female members of families. For ex- ample, ki'Lotep-hima'R (a fine fishing-place, rectangle C-16) belongs to Humpback Thompson 's wife at qo'otep-sa"aL, while rkyl'rgr nearby belongs to Nick 's wife in the same village. There was a recognized advantage in contracting marriages at a distance from home, for it gave a man's family, and particularly his descendants, valuable " con- nections." Certain important families, whose members have married here and there, now claim property, in the form of fishing-places and acorn-camps, all over Yurok territory and even beyond it. A man's immediate relatives were considered to have the privileges of his wife 's acorn grounds, or those of her family, and if their own crop proved to be poor a marriage contracted with a little judgment might prove to be a valuable asset and save the day for them. Even marriages 1920] 223 224 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 with members of other tribes were not unheard of, and were consid- ered to be evidence of enterprise and a good spirit. One Yurok brought his wife from Indian creek, in Karok territory. Intermar- riage between tribes, especially near the tribal frontier, was so common that the Yurok, I presume like the Hupa and other tribes, are often bilingual. Marrying close at home, on the other hand, was looked upon as evidence of sloth and lack of spirit. A man who married the girl from next door was called by a special term, enl'wa, and the girl who did this was called we'yonits. Such a marriage was not dis- reputable, but a special name was employed for the people who con- tracted it. The ideas concerning the interest which a man acquires in his wife 's property vary. Accordingly they are a fruitful source of quarrels. Marriage with a given woman enables a man to set up a claim to interest in her holdings, a claim which he may or may not be able to sustain. In my notes such claims to property are referred to continually. Thus the house pul, at the town of meta', owns an acorn-place called oro o, just up-hill from the south landing-point of John Gist's ferry at the settlement of Martin's. The Indians explain it by saying that meta'-pul once bought a woman from there. I think in general the husband could claim very little for himself, but might insist with some prospect of success that the woman's children share in the property of her family. I think the woman's interests were much more separate from her husband's than has been the case among ourselves. The following may serve to illustrate the Yurok feeling: A certain woman 's deceased husband had filed on a homestead. After his death a payment of $100 somehow fell due. She did not have the money, nor did her relatives. Her new husband suggested that he would make the payment and save the property, and they would own it together. The payment was made, but the woman 's brothers showed resentment for some reason. They insisted that the new husband was an interloper. He took the stand that if somebody would return his $100 he would withdraw from the transaction. The woman's relatives did not have any money, and so the quarrel dragged on. The husband and one of the woman 's family happened one day to be in a sweat-house at me'rip, and the quarrel broke out afresh. The relatives invited the husband outside to fight, but took care to go out first. As the husband crawled through the small "back door" he was severely kicked about the head and face. Thus a new element was added, namely, the question of indemnity for injury. When I was in touch with the case it seemed to me that half the Indians on the river were involved in the dispute in one way or another. The result of these customs is a great scattering of property rights. Individuals often possess holdings at what are, to the Indians, great distances apart. The "places" owned by the people of a certain Waterman: Yurok Geography Map 3. The Yurok area, showing the property owned, or claimed, by one family, that of a'mits, "Charley," in the town of qo'otep. A. sekwona', REDDING ROCK, hunting grounds for sea- lions. B. amone'k, a rock marking the northern limit of a stretch of beach C. The outlet of Stone lagoon, the southern limit of the stretch of beach just men- tioned D. o'xtr-so'h, acorn-grounds E. otse'ki-skr, fishing-place F. ora'W, fishing-place G. tse'ktsin-ego, acorn-grounds H. orinig, acorn-grounds I. sr'pr-meL-e"go, acorn-grounds J. o'Lko-hiqo', fishing-place, with a snaring-place just above it on the hill. This snaring- place supplied only small deer K. rwrgrLr'iq, acorn-grounds L. osegere'qw, acorn-grounds M. House he'Lqau, in the town Qo'otep N. wogo/W, acorn-grounds 0. te'kus-o-ke'peL, snaring-place P. tsegoroko'R, a great rock at the edge of the river, with a fine fishing-place at one end Q. owega, acorn-grounds R. qe'nek-heL, acorn-grounds S. egwole'qW-higwo'n, acorn-place grounds T. loole'go-pets, acorn-grounds U. ke'pel-o-kim, acorn-place grounds V. hekege', acorn-place grounds W. o'plo-higwo'n, a c o r n - p l a c e grounds X. we'skwenet, acorn-grounds 225 1920] 226 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 villages are often adjacent to holdings belonging to persons from villages many miles away. Back of the town of qo'otep, for example, I recall an acorn-place with three "shacks" on it. This place belongs to the town of o'segen, which lies across the mountains on the coast. This distance is only twelve miles as the crow flies, but much farther than that by boat or by the trail. The adjoining piece of property, an acorn-place called sr'pr-meL-e"go, "sr'pr-town uses it," is claimed by a man in qo'otep. The town of sr'pr, about four miles down the river, has some claims here, how-ever. My qo'otep informant says that his people "allowed" some sr'pr folk to gather acorns here and after a while they set up a claim. It was the custom of the qo'otep people to leave for the sr'pr people enough acorns on the ground to fill a basket. What the basis of the claim of the sr'pr people was I did not ascertain, but it was probably ascribed to some intermarriage. I decline to believe that the qo'otep people would have shown this per- sistent generosity without some very good reason. On this one hillside, then, we have already found three separate towns represented. Down in the gully, near by, was a spot called otrego'n, where "Indian potatoes" could be dug. This potato ground was the property of a man in a fourth town, turip, twelve miles down the river, with several villages intervening. To illustrate the scattering of property rights more definitely, I have indicated on the accompanying map (map 3) the varied holdings claimed by one individual Indian. The information was in large part obtained from the individual himself ("Charley," or a'mits, living at the town of sa"a). While he was proud of his family and their former wealth, I have no reason to doubt the accuracy of the information. I believe the map indicates fairly the property that might be accumu- lated, by purchase and marriage, on the part of one wealthy Yurok family. DESCRIPTIVE GEOGRAPHY' For the purpose of showing the distribution of place names I have divided Yurok territory into arbitrary rectangles. The limits of these rectangles are indicated on the accompanying key map (map 4). Indian towns and certain other localities are shown drawn to a much larger scale on sketch maps. The rectangles are based on what are called the "township plats" of the region, which are on file in the United States Land Office. These township plats have been corrected, 1. LkV'lik-o-le'pa, acorn-ground 2. or&'W, acorn-;round 3. mr'M owe"e iku', acorn-ground 4. pye'h-o-ske'go'o, acorn-ground 5. wr'sip-u-so'n, acorn-ground I+7 6. wa'asinera', spring 7. lyoh, hillside 8. re'gok-o-y"fi wroi', creek I 9 o'men wroi', creek 10. o'men hipa'r, town 11. o"llk, small promontory 12. owrgr'L, large sea-stack 13. he'Lkus-o-le'gem, rock 14. kr'otskegl'm, sea-stack 15. o'n:ego, rpomontory 16. meLmt'wim, rock almost sub- merged _ \ 17. orW'wok, hill 18. oke'gep, spring 19. yot-legai, ridge . ' 20. kiL-o-myo', hill 21. tsmeg'ts 0 ne7, hill 22. otrgr p wroi', creek 23. wo gi sitso' wroi', creek 24. hirikfomren wroi', creek 25. o'kwego oke'to, lake 26. o'men, town 19 27. t L'taiL, two sea-stacks, with 12+ channel between +a 28 rlr'gr, sea-stack, FALSE KLA- "MATH ROCK 29. pr'gris-o-tsl'guk, sea-stack 30. okwe'go, sacred tree FALSE KLAM'1ATH COVE / 31. wo'giL-o-telpon, hill 32. A'smik-o-sk6, spring 33. wA'Amokuk, hill 27 J 34. tahtosl'ts, hill L KLAMATH 35. a'kor-o-tep, knoll FALSE KLAMATH 36. otse'gep, sea-stack ROCK C= 37. ha'ag, sea-stack +31 38. s", fishing-place 39. melekoi'yo, small s6a-stack 40 mefa', rock cliff 41. mo 'o-o-tek, small sea-stack +32 42. otsnepaiw, small sea-stack " 43. orego s, large pointed crag 44. otspl'gr, rock on hillside 45. hr'wr"'w, hill + 46. rnr'q, perpetual spring 47. otse'gep, landing-place 48. ro"o, a small rock 49. pkets-o-pe'gemtl, small rock at water's edge 50. trpr' rock +34 51. re kwoi, town 52. w'tspuis, point where a ridge (.) enters the lagoon 53. plepe', point where a ridge enters the lagoon 54. tmr'i, settlement 55. tmr'i wroi', creek 56. petskus-o-re'tse, place 57. poiyowu'r wroi', creek 58. fime'gwo, creek 59. pu'lik sr'nri, creek 60. he'Lku sr, creek 61. nikurtsr'i, creek 62. tegwola'-o-tsAL, sand-spit 63. trkr'mrwr, large rock in sand- bar 84. opegi"Iyem, small sea-stack 65. Lk'lik-OL, small sea-stack %_ 66. okne'get, large sea-stack 67. wawMv son, small sea-stack 68. tsrahptsW'k, sea-stack, almost ' sub merged 35 69. rll'Rq, crag 70. etskwokr"ik, spring 36* 45+ 71. ketso'k, berrying-place % \ 72. we'Lkwiw, town 73. wahtsero', hillside 74. wo'hpi-oL, sand-spit 'L44 75. otwe go, flat rekwo 76. fipr'sr, a point of land 38- 77. tselo'notep, camp site 78. otwego' wroi', creek and slough 79. tse'kweL, village or house site _ < < 80. ha"wo wroi' creek 81. seyew oslelp, acorn-ground 8.l'ik, acorn-ground ( 1 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~666 7 _ *68 k; 72e^+~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~73 t3eki 70 +71' &T RECTANGLE A Map 5. (See key-map 4, opposite page 226.) SCALE 0 a 2 3 4 5 6 78 9 o0 MILES Map 4. Key Map, indicating the division of Yurok territory into arbitrary rectangles for the purpose of description. Waterman: Yurok Geography where possible, by the maps of the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey. The United States Geological Survey with its topographic sheets has not yet been pushed into this region. The Land Office makes no claim to accuracy for the township plats on which the present rectangles are based, for the work was in many cases done a generation ago, by contract. In some cases I have gone so far as to correct these plats from my own observations. Where any one map is based on sources other than the Land Office maps I have made acknowledgment in the caption. For the sketch maps which show the position of Indian houses within the villages I assume responsibility myself. It will be under- stood that this work was done with few instruments and little technical skill. All I can say is that the sketches represent observations made with a tapeline and a compass on the spot. In some cases, where the Indians were ill-tempered about it, the work was done hastily or surreptitiously. At times their opposition made work of any sort impossible. Notes on Rectangle A The place names on this map are very closely grouped in two neighborhoods, namely, the mouth of the Klamrath river and the mouth of Wilson creek. As already noted, the names on the map represent only a small part of those known to the Indians. The areas where the names cluster so thickly are, however, two very important places of settlement. At Wilson creek are the most northerly Yurok outposts. The principal town is o'men. North of that place, just beyond Wilson creek, is a group of house-pits known as o'men-hipii'r (omen down-river). A third group of pits, lying between these two, has apparently no separate name. No Indians now live in this vicinity, and I have no way of closely estimating the original population, but it could not have exceeded two or three dozen. The place, neverthe- less, is quite prominent, and the people there seem to have been wealthy and influential. The mouth of the Klamath had a number of settle- ments. The largest is re'kwoi, containing twenty-five houses or more. This is the largest town in Yurok territory. Other towns and settle- ments referred to in this vicinity are tm'ri (close to re'kw6i), welkwiiw, tse'kweL, kestitsa', pegwoliiw, and otwe'go, lying on the opposite side of the river. Of these we'Lkwiiw was the most important, and is the only one whose location was definitely pointed out to me. 1920] 227 228 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 The Klamath mouth has the form of an estuary, containing several islands and sheltered from the sea by a sand-spit. This spit extends from the southern bank, the flood waters escaping through a narrow opening between the end of the spit and the north shore. Formerly this bar, or spit, extended out from the north shore, and it is so shown on the maps of fifty years ago. Its configuration changes quite rapidly. The Indians all lived just at the extreme lower end of this estuary. Up-stream the river banks were heavily wooded and were not inhabited. The county operates a cable ferry at this point, the boat crossing the smooth water above the bar. In aboriginal times also the place was a ferrying point, for an important trail followed the coast line. Myths recount that formerly there were monsters in the waters here which seized canoes and drowned people. Twelve types of monster are mentioned, as follows: kne'wolek (long one)., the horned serpent (see above); qa'amec; kego'r, the porpoise; waxkwe'L; huipupos; wes; teko"o; Lkelikik-noo, "on ground double one "; paixku'; esku'; siikwr; miikiwits. A mythical hero, pu'leku-kwe'rek, " at-the-north-of-creation sharp-one, " killed them off and made the crossing safe. Ceremonially also the mouth of the river was of some importance. Rekwoi was the scene of a jumping dance, and at weLkwiiw was celebrated an annual salmon ceremony, which had the effect of removing a taboo on the spring salmon-run. A crag called orego's, at the water's edge, a short distance from rekwoi, is very important in the formula for purifying people after contact with a corpse. The mouth of the Klamath had also, I think, the largest population of any locality in Yurok territory. 1. LkW'lik-o-le'pa, translated "earth-on where." An acorn-ground. 2. o-ra'w. Acorn-place. A similar name (rectangle C-32) is translated "where things drop." 3. mr'M-o-we'e-iku', translated "lookout-place where they gather acorns." An acorn-ground. 4. pye'k-o-ske'go'o, translated "manzanita-berries where they are spread out." An acorn-ground. 5. wr'sip-4-so'n, translated "canoe-ornament its ............. " An acorn-ground. 8. regok-o-yu"u wro', translated "trout run up." A creek. 9. o'men wroi'. Wilson creek. The site from which the creek takes its name lies five-eighths of a mile to the south (see no. 26 below). 10. o'mvn-hipu'r, translated "omen down-river." A village site. The name seems to be applied to two separate groups of house-pits, between which Wilson creek flows. These groups of pits are an eighth of a mile apart. I am not able to supply any information about the site, except that there is no appreciable accumulation of shell. Other town sites show large accumulations of clam and mussel shells, several yards thick in some cases. For the relations of these three sites see map 6. 11. owrgr'L. Wilson's rock. This is a large sea-stack, white with bird-droppings. The name is said to refer to this appearance (cf. rectangle K-19). White =yI'L .pets. Waterman: Yurok Geography o'7kA omen hipur L4.J o taittaiL ROCK prgris-o.tsigUJ( SCALE 0 MILES Map 6. The mouth of Wilson creek and vicinity, showing two towns, o'men and o'men-hipfi'r. Contour interval 25 feet. Small rectangles represent house-pits. Datum is sea-level. 1920] 229 230 University of California Puttlications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 15. o'-n:ego. A point. A similar name (rectangle K-12) is translated "where waters meet and leap up." 18. o-ke'gep, translated "where they lie in wait" (possibly referring to the hunting of game). 19. yots-legai', meaning apparently "boats go over." A ridge. I cannot explain this curious name. 20. kiL-o-meyo, translated "redwood-tree where ........... 23. wo'gi-sitso' wroi', translated "middle it-flows creek." 25. o-kwego o-keto, translated "where customarily-they-shoot quiet-water." A lake. For okwe'go, see no. 30 below. A stream, no. 24, expands into a small lake in most romantic surroundings, a still expanse of water shut in by hills, with a heavily wooded ridge rising from its southern shore. From its pleasant sedgy margin an outlet wanders off across a small meadow, and enters the ocean close by an old Indian village (see no. 26). This site is illustrated in plate 19. 26. o'men. A town. This is the most important of the settlements in the neighbor- hood. Four house-pits are situated on a knoll. Their names and situation are shown on the sketch map (map 7). In front of the houses lies the creek, hi'rikumr' wro', which forms the outlet to the lake (see no. 25). At the time of my visit the mouth was blocked up by the sand, which had piled up to an elevation of eight or ten feet. The drainage from the lake, which lies outside the boundaries of the sketch, had formed a small pool behind this barrier. During the rains this sand is swept away and the lake drains directly into the ocean. On this sand, at the time of my visit, were extensive accumulations of shell, less than half a yard in depth were exposed. These shell accumula- tions seem to have been much eroded by wind and wave. In a low place in the sand is a small spring, where the village got its water. Only one sweat- house existed, the location of which is uncertain. The people bathed, after sweating, in the sea and not in fresh water. 28. olr'gr. False Klamath rock (see map 6). A sea-stack. This large rock lies just at the southern end of a cove of considerable size. Ships standing along the coast in former days sometimes mistook this cove for the mouth of the Klamath. Hence its English name. The rock is one of the three conspicuous sea-crags in this neighborhood. A myth recounts that the youngest of five brothers became transformed into a supernatural being and took up his abode in this rock. He has a pipe, of mysterious powers, which he keeps in a pipe-case of weasel skin. This latter "becomes alive" and runs about the country, and occasionally enters houses where people are eating. If that happens, "never harm it," the Indians say. It may be recognized as the supernatural animal by a white stripe across its nose, and a short tail. The owner of the pipe said long ago when he went into the rock that if people looked at the rock and cried, they would get many woodpecker heads (tsis, used as money). Some years the top of this rock is black, and looks as though it were burnt. 29. pr'gris-o-tsye'guk, translated "bald-eagle he sits." 30; o-kwe'go, translated "where customarily they shoot." A sacred tree; a rugged old yellow pine. This word, okwego, is applied to a tree into which Indians, traveling along a trail, shoot arrows for good fortune. An arrow was a valuable piece of property, representing quite an investment of time and labor. The act was in the nature of an offering. The Indian ideas about it seem to be a bit vague. I never succeeded in this connection in getting the name of any definite spiritual being. It is considered a settled fact that such offerings, however, brought good luck on the journey. Apparently the ideas connected q M M t CO -1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~r 0 Co 0 w rn~~~~~~~~~~~~ N ? tcF o 0 g P CD p:CD _0 CDX * o Ho CD CD N 4 CD 0 0 ? CD 4 -,- CD CDO a2 0 L'D M N M cQ Waterman: Yurok Geography with such offerings never crystallized into a theology. At the present time by climbing up with a rope stone arrowheads can be dug out of such trees. After firearms were introduiced, bullets were occasionally shot into these trees, scarring them and knocking off the bark. 31. wo'gi-o-te'poni, translated "in-middle where trees-are." A hill. 32. a'spik-o-sku', translated "drinking-place where good." A spring. 36. ostse'gep, translated "where they disembark." A sea-stack (cf. no. 47). 38. sfi"u. A fishing-place, good only in midsummer. I have written this name also as o-tse'gep. 43. o'regos. A large pointed crag of granite at the edge of the lagoon (see pl. 3). In this rock lives a supernatural being who is one of ten personages addressed in a "medicine" for purification after funerals. When death was being in- troduced into the world these beings tried to prevent it. Unsuccessful, they still live in various rocks along the Klamath, beginning far up in Karok terri- tory. In addition to being prayed to, ceremonial regard is paid them. A corpse must not be taken in front of them, for example. If a body is being transported in a canoe it must be landed in the vicinity of one of these rocks, and carried overland. 45. hr"wr'-, translated "big." A hill. 46. rnr'q. A spring. This spring, which never runs dry, supplies water for the town of re'kwoi. 47. o-sts6gep, translated "where they disembark" (cf. no. 36 above). A large crag just below the town of re'kwoi. This is where the villagers landed from their canoes; hence the name. A myth recounts that in the original design of things this rock was "going to be" flint, and arrangements were being made so that people could obtain finished arrowheads by taking a bow and shooting this rock with an arrow-flaker. At the supreme moment Woxpekumeu came along and spoiled it. 48. no"o, translated "t" or "double." A small sea-stack. 50. trpr'. A rock or cliff projecting into the surf. A myth recounts that Woxpekmeu lay on his back on a ledge near here, singing, slapping himself on the chest, and Moving his foot. The marks of his feet are still to be seen in the vertical rock, partly covered by high tides. 51. re'kwoi, translated "creek mouth." A large town. The term occurs as a place- name in rectangle K; near Trinidad. The largest of the towns about the mouth of the river is re'kwoi, which has has given its name to the white settlement of Requa. A salmon-cannery is situated here, and it is a shipping point for freight, and coastwise schooners occasionally touch here. The Indian town of r6kwoi contained originally twenty-five houses or more. The town occupies a most inappropriate location on a steeply sloping hillside, drawing its water from an isolated spring which drains down a small watercourse. Most of the Indians now live in European houses, but some of the old structures still stand. Rekwoi was important ceremonially, as one of the places where the jumping dance was held. In- formants say that this ceremony was quite different in details from the jumping dances held at weitspus and pekwan. The observances during the final two and a half days were held under some trees on the flat at we'lkwaw (see no. 72 below, p. 232). In connection with this dance there was a "sacred" house, opy-'weg (where they dance). When I was there this old house, which had been in a state of collapse, had been built over with planks from the sawmill. Its condition before this repair is shown in plate 4. The houses in this town are shown in map 4. 1920] 231 232 UInziversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 52. wS'itspus, translated "confluence." This is the name of a point projecting into the estuary. It is noteworthy that this word occurs as the name of an im- portant town up the Klamath (see p. 257, no. 21). 53. plepe', translated "big." A point where a ridge runs into the lagoon. 54. tmr'i. Said to have been a village site. Captain Jack (hii'mis) belonged here, but I have no further information. The American town of Requa is situated squarely on this old site. 59. pu'lik-sr'nri (pulek-sr), translated "down-river stream." The down-stream branch of Hunter's creek. 60. ne'Lku-sr, translated "landward stream." The up-river branch of Hunter's creek. 62. tegwola'--ts'L, translated "oceanward where sand-at." The sand spit from the south head at the mouth of the river. 63. trkr'mrwr. A large rock in the beach near the foot of the bluff. In former days when the sand bar ran out from the opposite shore this rock was a good fishing- place for the dip-net. 64. opegI"iyem, translated "where they gather mussels." A small sea-stack. 65. ikW'lik-oL, translated "ground-on it lies." A small sea-stack. 66. o-kne'get, translated "where they get arrow-points." A large sea-stack. This expression was given to me as the name of the sea-stack shown in this rectangle, and also as the name of a promontory in the next rectangle to the south, called in the Coast Pilot Flint Rock head (see rectangle B-1). It seems illogical to apply this name "where they get arrow-points," to a sea-rock, but my infor- mants insisted upon it. The illusion is evidently mythical in both cases mentioned, for the formations in both places are granitic, and arrow-heads could not possibly have been obtained there. 68. tsrtL'hptsik. A small sea-stack. This expression seems to contain the word tsik, shell money. The rock is famous in Yurok story. It is almost submerged, and most unimpressive to look at. It represents, however, a mythical charac- ter. The Yurok say "it used to be a woman" who travelled all over the coun- try looking for a place to settle. She finally reached her present home, which she found ideal. Prayers are addressed to her. 72. we'Lkwaw. A town. A number of barns and outbuildings now occupy this site, the frames of a few Indian structures still standing here and there. Practical difficuilties prevented me from getting the names and locations of the various villages in this vicinity and the houses in them. The principal Indian here- abouts is "Welko Johnny," nephew of the old Indian who "owned" a salmon medicine. Johnny himself inherited the priestly office and the necessary formulae at the death of his relative, along with a pipe and possibly some other paraphernalia. He is very secretive, and has a good deal of feeling about the things of yore. His uncle used to earn considerable money at the salmon-ceremony, as he exacted a substantial fee every time he repeated the sacred formulae. I found Johnny unwilling to tell much, while the other Indians were unwilling to trespass on his "bailiwick" by giving information. Some of the ceremonially important places are shown in the accompanying photographs (pl. 4). I was able to ascertain merely about this pipe that it was too sacred to be viewed, and the priest in "making" the ceremony took the pipe from the place where he had buried it, with his face averted, and smoked it without looking at it. A death-purification formula was also "owned" by someone in this town, according to some informants. 74. wo'hpi-oL, translated "in-the-water he-lies." A sand spit. 75. tselo'n-o-tep, translated ".............. tree where it-stands." A flat. 79. tse'kweL, translated "flat place in front of a bluff." This place was mentioned as a town site, but I was able to get no satisfactory data. The word is frequently used as a house-name. 1. okne'get, promontory in the ocean 2. tsr'hr-o-le'go, hill 3. okrmrtsr', peak of hill (No. 2) 4. mr'yr, acorn-camp 5. Itakwok0"I1, pring 6. me'n:oi, sea-stack 7. ke'LPeL, crag 8. so'iq7, open hillside 9. me'leg, sea-tack 10. me'leg wroi'I small creek 11. metso7, hillsde 12. etwpo-Q-kwIVpeL, a brushy hill- side 13. haig-o-syo'iL, crag 14. no':mig, promontory 15. takwe' eswa&% sea-stack 16. smeakitu'r wroi, small creek 17. wo':mots, open hillside 18. oswrgr't, snaring-place 19. a'monek wroi', small creek 20. &'monek, rock 21 oteo'reyet, rock 22. omi moo wrnr', large hill 23. ostse'gep, beach 24. o'segen, town 25 o's?en wroi', creek 26. nufixr'ik, fork of creek 27. osrprwroi',ANTLER CREEK (B UTLER CREEK) 28. ike'likwroi', an "underground" creek 29. qr'i wroi', small creek 30. we'Lkwew wolo"mono wroi', small creek 81. hopgw wroi', creek 32. omeno'k wroi', creek 33. omeno'k, place 34. ho"piiw-p0.l wroi', creek 35 hl'pa-w-welega' wroil, creek 36. wo'ke'L-pQl'wroi', gully 37. ho"pgw, town 38. ho" pW-hipe'ts wroi', gully 39. wo'ke'l, town 40. wo"ke'L-pets wroi', creek 41. wo'gii-o-tek, ridge of rock 42. rnrgr'rgrn, place 43. rnrgr"r wroi', creek 44. oloi'L wroi', creek 45. r"wr', acorn-ground 46. tr'wr wroi', creek 47.' yo'x3tr wroi', creek 48. tr'wr, camp site (turwer) 49. wohpere"riw, hill 50. sii"AL, town 51. s"AL-hipe'ts wroi', creek 52. rW'rip, town 53. tllrip-hir wroi', TURUP CREEK 54. olrgre-sohtsi, plateau 55. Trail of the Dead 56. halgord-Q-wore'L wroi', creek 57. wrLri wroi', WORTHLA CREEK 58. sto'wen wroi', creek 59. sto'wen, flat, with redwoods 60. omega"a wr6i', creek 61. rlgrk, lake 62. n&'giL-so, snaring-place 63. o"so, large hill so +22 RECTANGLE B Map. 9. (See key-map 4, opposite page 226.) + -11 63+ +62, t61 Waterman: Yurok Geography The location of the following places is uncertain: wo'gi-syii, translated "in-the middle land-slide." A small flat. kn?'wole, translated "long-one." This expression is applied to a mythical horned serpent monster of fabulous proportions. This serpent figures largely in Yurok myth, and appears in a number of place-names (see below). Some- times it takes the form of a small spotted object, extremely "pretty," and is picked up by hunters. To satisfy its voracious appetite it grants its owner fabulous success in hunting. It lives under water, and has been encountered there by a number of heroes. It has also crawled about extensively on land making gullies and leaving various other traces. okne'ra. This expression contains the elements "where" and, I think, "arrow-point" (knetken). It is probably north of omen. My informants said that people went to salt water at this place to get rock to make arrow-points. After they made the points they "cooked" them. After that the points were "strong;" they would shoot right through an elk. neqoi'qes. A big rock. It was said by one of Dr. Kroeber's informants, a Hupa, to be concerned in the death purification ceremony. This name may possibly be the Hupa equivalent of o'r:egos (rectangle A-39). tkro'-o-te'nem. A big dome of rock. mega'ir-i-kwr'tsr. A ridge. tegwalii'us. A place north of re'kwoi. o-l'geL. A flat. o-pe'get. A place near omen. lo'xLko. A mountain. paiyamui'r. A point of land. o-tltau-k. o'men-wa. ke'k:oi. emkiki' ipkwr'i. A small creek. ke'p:ew. Notes on Rectangle B 1. okne'get, translated "where they get arrow-points." Flint Rock head, a promon- tory in the ocean, high and conspicuous. A myth recounts that wo':ge (an immortal being) tried to turn this promontory into obsidian so the Indians could make arrow-points there. Although he did not succeed, his efforts left the rock marked with stripes of red. He "almost did it," the Indians say. This name is also applied to a sea-stack (see A-66). 7. ke'Lpel, said to mean burning, connected with the stem leloiL, "to burn." A crag, with vegetation on it. "The brush and grass take fire up there," the Indians say, "when nobody starts it." 9. me'leg, translated "refuse, offal." Sea-stack. Chicken-hawk, krnit, killed a breaker, aixpoo, at this point. Another account relates that he had a "ranch" here, ranch being the word in common use for an Indian town, through the Spanish rancheria, used in this special sense. On this rock one can still see the offal which Chicken-hawk threw aside, in the form of marks on the rocks. 11. metso'. A camp site. There were "sea lions" in this vicinity, and people camped here when hunting them. (cf. no. 15 below). 12. e'wpo-ui-kwiip, translated "salt water his house-pit." A brushy hillside. A depression in the midst of the brush is where Salt-water or Ocean had his dwelling. 1920] 233 234 UJniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 13. haag-o-syo'iL, translated "rock where landslide." A cliff where the rock has disintegrated and rolled down. 14. no':mig, translated "split." Crag, with a large fissure. 15. tskwe'ges-waag, translated "harbor-seal his-rock." Sea-stack. 16. sme'Rkitur wroi', translated "toothless creek." A belief exists that if anyone drinks the water of this creek his teeth come out (cf. rectangle D-18). 17. wo':mots. A " resting-place " on the trail. 18. oswrgr't. A "snaring-place" belonging to a house in o'segen. 20. A'-monekw. A rock. Some informants say that this was once inhabited. I know nothing of house-pits here, however. 21. o-tego':reyet. A rock. My informant told me that Crescent City people used to come here to dance "for fun." 22. omi'mos wrnr', translated "Hupa-people's hill." A big hill. In hard times (when food was short) Hupa people used to come here to pick elderberries. 23. o-stse'gep, translated "where they disembark." There was a landing-place here, always smooth, where people could land when caught in a squall. This name appears also as o-tsegep in my notes. 24. o-segen. A small town on the coast. My informants recalled three houses and two sweat-houses. 26. nuiui'xprik, meaning, I think, a "fork;" the stem is connected with the numeral "two." The place is located where Butler creek forks. 28. LkC'lik wroi', translated "in-the-ground creek." This creek disappears under- ground for a part of its course, emerging again further down; hence the name. 30. we'Lkwaw-wolo"mono wro', translated "we'Lkwaw its-tan-oak creek." For we'Lkwaw see rectangle A-72. Richardson creek. The name implies that weLkwaw had an acorn-place here. Tan-oak acorns were much prized. 37. ho'paiw. A town. This place was small, but the people were wealthy and quite influential. The small-pox raged here in the early days and practically broke up the village. One old woman of a wealthy family asked, when she was dying, to be cremated along with her house, instead of being buried. This was done, though it was not the custom. 39. wo"ke'l. A town. This was a small place, situated on a large flat. The river has eaten a quarter of a mile into this flat, during flood waters, and the whole village site has gone down the river. It was not of much importance. My informants remembered only two houses. 41. wo'gis-o-tek, meaning, I think, "in-the-middle where it-stretches." A long sharp ridge, or "hog-back," of bare rock, running toward the river. It is said to be a "doctor rock," where people were taken to be made "doctors," or shamans. There are persistent references in this region to places where candidates were taken to be initiated into the shamanistic profession. The allusions seem to imply that there was some society or organization of shamans. On the other hand, no one has produced any real evidence that such a society existed. I have sometimes thought that these "doctor rocks" were invented by the Indians to please the whites. We know that the magic formularies which made up the shaman's stock in trade were purchased or acquired like any other property, a fact that does not fit in well with the idea of a shamanistic society. This rock is very bare, of tremendous extent, and most impressive. 42. rnrgr'rgrn, translated "where they get sweat-house fuel." A party of men and women, who had spent the previous night in wakefulness and prayer, went up in a boat to this place and gathered sticks for the sweat-house fire. All the way up-river they sang one song, and all the way going back they sang another. They were obliged by rule to remain awake all day though per- formers in night time ceremonies normally slept a large part of the morning (see pl. 4, fig. 3). This was in connection with the Jumping Dance. Waterman: Yurok Geography 45. r"wr'. An acorn-place belonging to ho"paw. 48. tr'wr. A camp site. The site lies on the down-stream flank of a long, wide point of land. At one time very old house-pits were visible here, dating from a time before the memory of the present Indians. These pits have all been washed away. In the knowledge of my informants, the place has been used only for camping. The river here is broad and shallow, and the people came in numbers to spear fish. In pursuit of the fish they waded out in the current armed with long two-pronged salmon-spears. Acorns also were gathered in the neighborhood, and the people had a number of shacks, or shelters, made of poles, in which they slept. There were two sweat-houses where the men stayed at night. The place was later the site of a White blockhouse, called Fort Terwa (see above p. 208). 50. sd"&L, translated "spirit-people." This was quite an important town of seven or eight houses, containing one or two very wealthy families. The spirit- people, known as sa"aL, who are ordinarily spoken of with some fear, seem to have shared this town with the human beings on rather intimate terms. In one of the houses the Sa"aiL were so numerous that, according to the Indians, one did not dare to turn his back to the fire; that is, if he looked into the dark part of the house, he might see one of the spirits, and get sick or other- wise suffer misfortune. 52. tui'rip. A town. This is one of two sites on a fine redwood flat. I only heard of the second one after I left the region. I was able to get no direct information about tu'rip on account of the hostility of the Indians toward my efforts at investigation (see above p. 202). The town is said to have contained eight houses and three sweat-houses. According to one informant the first tribal fish-weir was "going to be" erected here by the immortals. They changed, however, and finally decided on ke'pel (rectangle E-56). 54. olrgr'-sohtsi. A plateau, belonging to tui'rip, good for digging the "Indian potatoes," called hr'Lkr. 55. The "Trail of the Dead" is the path taken by disembodied souls on their way to the underworld. The place where they "go down" is differently located by different informants, but the entire tribe agrees that the dead go up the hill- side at this place. The trail is a geological formation leading up the steep hillside, which a living person could not possibly follow. I have never been able to get a map of the complete route followed by the dead. The ideas do not seen to be sufficiently crystallized to enable the Indians to give a clear account. The entrance to the underworld is in rectangle I, location uncertain. See so"o-o-gur, on page 267, according to some informants. Others place it opposite tui'rip, in rectangle B. See pl. 4, fig. 4. 56. haa'gorui-u-wore'l wroi'. A creek. The name involves the stem haag, rock. 59. sto'wen. A redwood flat. In recent years this site has been inhabited by a numerous family of Indians, with various relatives and connections. This family belongs in qo'otep, having moved down here either on account of a quarrel or for economic reasons. The site is well known, and may have been a settlement in former times. 61. ni'grk, translated "half a boat." This expression refers to a habit which Yurok dugout canoes have of splitting in two lengthwise. The lake gets its name apparently from its configuration. " Thunder," however, lived in this lake. During thunderstorms people would go up there and try to see Thunder. If they succeeded they would become so strong they could tear a man apart. 63. o"so, translated "red." A big hill. Near the top there is a slide of reddish color, which gives the hill its name. 1920] 235 236 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 Two places about the location of which I have no definite infor- mation are of mythological interest. At here'mtsolo'q a number of evil beings were drowned and covered with rocks, which accounts for the fact that the stream bed there is full of large rocks. The other place, te'kta-o-te'mets, is somewhere south of wo'mots (no. 17). Some evil being there in mythical times caught people with a hook until a culture hero killed him. Notes on Rectangle C The territory represented in this rectangle lies in what might be called a redwood belt. The redwoods as a matter of fact follow very closely a zone where conditions particularly suit them. Outside of that there are only scattered trees to be found. This zone appears on a faunal map of this region very clearly, for among the giant red- wood trees a particular fauna flourishes. The animal life there is of a limited character, since the redwood environment is not on the whole favorable to a varied and rich fauna. It is a fact of some note that the Indians, too, did not find it a favorable place for their villages. Only a few villages are found in this redwood zone, and they are not of large size (see above p. 204). I am uncertain whether they found the redwood region too gloomy, or whether the heavy shades of the forest made the temperature too cool for comfort, or whether the diminution of animal life kept them away. 5. kr'hpr otsin o-tsye'gui, translated "khrpr young-man where-he-always-sat." A young man from the house krhpr in Turip wanted to become supernatural. He used to sit here for days at a time. Finally he became a supernatural being, and married a girl of the immortals at Patrick's point. 8. o-tre'gworui, translated "where it customarily drips." A trickle of water. 11. rli'liken. A camp site. A sweat-house pit is still to be seen there. There were a number of temporary shacks in the vicinity. Everybody with fishing- places in the neighborhood came here to camp. The eyes were gouged out of all the fish caught here, and it was considered obligatory to roast them on the day they were caught. The reason for these ceremonial rules seems to be no longpr understood. 12. ki'L-o-tep wroi', translated "redwood where it-stands creek." 13. Lam'akweL. A flat. A "mean man" lived here in the time of the immortals. He used to seize canoes by the projection on the bow and drag the boat with its occupants way up on shore. 14. rli'Iken-pets. Site of a small settlement. My informants recalled two houses and a sweat-house here. In the summer the people are said to have moved across to howego (no. 19 below) to camp and dry salmon. 15. ki'L-o-tep hima'R, translated "redwood-where-it-stands underneath." A fish- ing-place. 1. sto'wen-so'htsi, acorn-grounds 2. qo'otep-emeL-pT'gr, acorn- +1SCL goundsSCL 3. h'gwrok, flat 4. sto'wen-pets wroi, creek tE 5. kr'hpr otsi'n o-tsye'gfl, small 1E rock in river a 6. oknfl'L wroil, creek+3' 7. otsA'l fla 8. o-tre :gworfi, triclde of water 9. o'xtr-soh, open hillside ~ g 10. hnfl'lig wroi', creek8 11. rII'Iken, camp site a 12. ki'L.-o-tep wroi', creek 13. LAmI'kweL, small flat +1 r'liken-rets 14. rlI'len-pets, Indian settlement 15. LamL'kweL-hiqo' wroi', creek 3+ 1 17. rkL-rgr,epihinplace isig-lc 16. rkil'r--tp-im, fishing-place 18. h&'wegok-hipfl r wroi', creek I 19. howego', fiata 20. omi's. flat 21. os!LIw wroil, creek / .7... 22. owl's wroi', creek 23. onwl'-won, acorn-grouncls >.,? 24. ho"OWOR, acorn-grounds 2.4+ 1 25. otse:kI'-skr, fishing-place 26. pkwo"oro, fishing-place .0 27. o'htr wroi', creek 30 409+ 28. otse'keuskr wroil, creek 31 29. eL1ke'n-o-tep wroil, creek 30. w6!xte me wroi', creek 32 31. w6'xtelmeL, deep gorge 83 32. oParlw, fishing-~ace344- 4. 33. wa"a-spft wrolI, dee p gorge3+ 6 34. we'sona mestsoo, redtwood tree 35. ro'htr, acorn-grounds J 36. reFo'k-o-mQ', fishing-place 374. 37.toxtrpes,acorn-grouncls 38. o-pe'gWOL, fishing-place 39. nI 'OLOL, Conical ll 40. re'kwoi-emer,p1'gr, seed-gath- ering ground 41. so"o-tsyoik, acorn-ground39 42. tseLkum, acorn-grounds 43. tse'ktsiN e"'go, acorn-grounds 7 44. tsektsiw, hollow between rockis 45. r'nr wroi', BLUE CREEK . 46. r'nr, town ng 47. opetso'ts, fishing-place 4 48. nA':giL, Indian settlement 49 + 49. hegwono'L-o-tsyfi, place 50. tskwe'ges-o-rike'n, rock in the oL river ~-~~. at yL 51. wo'hpi-rk, rock in the river " +57 52. Ai:YO'L, Indian settlement6 % 53. pfllik-sr, branch of ALPAH+ CREEK 54. otoi'-sr'mrnrs, middle fork of AHPAH CREEK 5 55. o'ho wroi', AHPAH CREEK 56. o'hpo,large flat 5 57. wo n-o-leg, acorn-grounds2 58. wotske~w-o-soloIneyik, acorn- +"-6--.6 59. woa6,acorn-grounds ,'+61 60. s10':WiL, seed-gathering grounds .v 61. o'meN-o-rc/'o, acorn-grounds % 62. wa"ase-eme'kWOL, fishing-place % 63. rikr'gr, bar in the river 64. rtlkrgr-pets wroi', creek 65. e'Npew wroi', creek 66. e'Npew redwood grove % 67. oLkrgrJ wroi', creek 68: ost'r-or,-haRg, submerged rock 71. ome'kweL, point of land 72. srpr, town 7 73. uma'-tsl':guk, SUGAR LOAF ROCK (in the river) sp 74. segworal wroi', SURPER A79 ICREEK 7.meyepl'r wroi', creek 76. t&'to-o-le'go, small flat - , --+80 77. twe'jkr, acorn-grounds +78 78. re'kta-krtsr', hllf 76 79. nAnepl'r, open hillsde , 80. olg cr-rud 81. deoki.scng oud 82. oki,oe ilo RECTANGLE C 9Waterman: Yurok Geography 17. rkyi'rgr. A fishing-place. The eyes of salmon caught here are always dug out before the fish are taken home. The immortals who first fished here left orders to this effect. 19. howego', translated "where you cross," or "where one crosses." An extensive flat. The trail here leaves the river and cuts across the back end of the flat. The horned serpent, kne'wole, once crossed the river here, coming from E'spaw. I do not know which of these facts gives rise to the name. 26. pkwo"oro. A fishing-place. pkwo-olo means "maple." 29. eLke'L-o-tep wroi', translated "earth where it stands creek," apparently describ- ing some dirt cliffs. 31. weixte'meL. A gorge with steep sides. A myth recounts that the horned serpent referred to above crossed the river here in his progress over the country. He crawled down the left bank some distance above this point (see ma"a, no. 33), passed over the river and crawled up the right bank here. At both places he left deep gorges. The gully here named is so steep-sided that ac- cording to the Indians if a deer enters it from the river-side he can surely be caught, for he cannot climb out. Dr. Kroeber believes that the crevice slopes so steeply from the river a deer probably could not enter at all. *32. o"riw, translated "where things are dropping." Gravel is always falling here from the bank. A fishing-place. 33. ma"a-spui wroi', translated "not-drink creek." This gully was produced by the crawling along of a gigantic horned serpent, hence the taboo (see no. 31 above). 34. we'sona mestso', translated "world prop" or "sky prop" (see p. 191 above). A huge redwood tree formerly stood here which was believed by the Yurok to hold up the sky. It was washed out by the river some years ago. 36. rego'k-o-mui', translated "trout where are caught." A fishing-place. 37. to'xtr-pets. A small flat with oaks. The acorn-grounds here belonged to rekwoi-oslow, and had three shacks on it. 40. re'kwoi-emetpigr, translated "rekwoi here-at camps." A seed-gathering ground. 41. so"o-tsuuik, translated "corpse where he sits." An acorn-ground. 44. tsc'ktsiN, translated "salmon-trap." A recess' in the boulders behind a rapid. Salmon enter here and cannot get out again. 45. r'nr wroi'. Blue creek. This is a fine, large stream, which in some regions would be called a river. The largest salmon are said by the Indians to turn up Blue creek. An old trail follows up its course, but there seem to have been no settlements on it except the one at its mouth (no. 46). This stream and Bluff creek (rectangle G, no. 44) are said by the Indians to "come from the same place". 46. r'nr. A town. This site occupies one of the finest points on the river, on a bluff overlooking two streams. Very deep and sharply defined house-pits are to be seen, but I could find out relatively little about the people who lived here. Apparently the town was gradually being abandoned even before the coming of the whites. Corpses are occasionally taken up-river in canoes. As long as the boat is below r'nr the head of the corpse is placed toward the stern. Above r'nr the head of the deceased is placed toward the up-stream end of the boat. R'nr is one of a number of places where in transporting a dead body definite rules must be followed (see A43, p. 231). 47. opetso'ts, translated "where you toast fish." Fishing-place. 48. na'giL. A settlement. My informants recall four houses here. The town is said to have been founded by the great-grandmother of one of my informants, Weitchpec Frank. The old lady with her four sons moved down here from qo'otep-meitsro on account of a big feud. This particular misunderstanding 1920] 237 238 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 was a "devil" quarrel; that is, somebody was accused of "Injun-deviling" someone; in our terms, of causing his death by magic means. An "Indian devil" is a sorcerer. Such accusations were serious matters and resuilted sometimes in very bitter feuds. 49. hegwono'io-tsyf1, translated "hegwono'L where he-always-sits." A certain bird, hegwono'L, nests here. 50. tskwe'ges-o-rike'n, translated "harbor-seal where he-sits." A rock in the river. Harbor-seal, according to the mythical ideas of the Indians, is "connected" at qenek, has relatives there. The porpoises, as a matter of fact, are supposed to have lived there in a family group in mythical times. Seals rest on this rock when "on their way up." I imagine that in reality they would hardly go farther up than this point though actually seen here. 51. wo'hpi-rk, translated "in-the-water sitting." A rock in the river. 52. A:yo'L. A small settlement. My informants could recall only two houses. The patriarch here was an old man called woi-lo, who had a good deal of property of one sort or another, and enjoyed some renown. 54. otoi'-sr'mrnrs, translated "wild-potato it-runs-in." Middle fork of Ahpah creek. 57. wo'n-o-leg, translated "above where one-goes-over." An acorn-place and a snaring-place on opposite sides of a gully, on two different ridges. 63. rLkr'gr, said to be connected with wrLkr'r- mryil', to dance the war dance. A bar. This vicinity is a nesting-place for the night-hawk, kivEyu'ts (one of the goat- suckers or whip-poor-wills, probably the Texas night-hawk, Chordeiles henryi). This bird, which is related to the whip-poor-wills and bull-bats of the Middle West, has a very striking note. The Indians say it resembles the war cry. The immortals recognized this similarity and so held their war dances here. Hence the name. 68. posi'r-o-loiig, translated "posir rock ..............." A submerged rock. This rock came originally from a place called posi'r in Siskiyou county (Cottage Grove, map 2), in Karok territory. It is a "charm" for snaring deer. The hunter dives down and touches the rock, then rubs his hands on the deer snares. After that a deer is invariably caught. 69. ke'winua' (ke"win means f'eel "). An eddy. Dead eels always float in there, hence the name. 70. o-me'kweL, translated "where there-is-a-pile." A point of land. At the present time the point is missing, for it has been washed away by the river. 72. sr'pr. A town. This was at one time a place of some importance because a rich family lived there. It contained three houses in the memory of people now living, and had been larger than that. The big flood of 1862 washed everything away, and drove the people up on the hillside. I was not able to find the site, and could locate it only approximately. I think the house- pits themselves have been washed out by flood-water. 73. uma'-tsi:guk, translated "wild-devil always-sits." Sugar Loaf rock. A "wild- devil" is, in other words, a supernatural being of the woods. He gets up on this rock so he can look around and plan deviltry. It is considered imprudent to loiter around this rock. 76. ta'to-o-le'go, translated "smoothing-stone where they-collect." A terrace where people got small flat stones useful in smoothing arrows. 78. te'kta krtsr', translated "tekta-ridge." A hill. For tekta, see rectangle D-4. Of one place whose location is uncertain, alrgr'-so'htsi, I can only say that it is somewhere on the hill above a certain "o-lrgr'." The latter place also I was unable to locate. It is said to be connected with hr'Lkr, "Indian potato." 1. ole"ga wroi' creek, 2. oL-o-tsyui', cliff 3. tse'ge-o-mfu, fishing-place 4. te'kta, town 5. leta', rock in the river 6. te'kta wroi', TECTAH CREEK 7. rsa'pek srmrnr'i, branch of tekta wroi' 8. rwrgrnr'iq, acorn-place 9. o'Lko, flat 10. o'Lko-hiqo', fishing-place 11. trqwrnr"w, snaring-place 12. olo"omonoopy6'gwegiL, dance- place 13. otse'gep-pye6'gwegiL, dance- p lace 14. pr'kwr'i, dance-place 15. helega"a wroi', creek 16. kyoh-sepso'L, rock 17. osyo'L wroi', creek 18. sme'Rkit, creek 19. otsa'L, old village site 20. osegI's, flat 21. mf 'na kepe'L, small flat 22. tsemi'L wroi', creek 23. tsa'h-spaW small flat 24. kepe'L-mei-e'goL wroi', creek 25. wohke'ro, town 26. ot'o"r wroi', creek 27. osegere'qw, acorn-grounds 28. owrg', acorn-grounds 29. la"aL-o-pege,'yiL, place 30. osegere'qw wroi', creek 31. wo'xtek, town 32. orero'k, game ground 33. ose gep rgr'ik, pile of rocks 34. haa g-o-teq , crag on hillside 35. nI"tepo, hilide 36. okro'-kle"wpo, open hillside 37. mu"ulm, acorn-grounds 38. noRpuf"L, seed-gathering grounds 39. ve'worre', place on trail 40. o"oreq, iullside 41. wr'reIts-o-tmaw, place for gath- ering firewood 42. srpr'-mel-e"go, acorn-ground and snaring-place 43. pr'gri-o-le'go, resting-place 44. opul"wet wroi', creek 45. ora"am, meadow 46. me'sqo, fishing-place 47. omi'g, rock at edge of river 48. rsI'golA wroi', creek 49. qo'-o-tep wroi', creek 50. qo'-o-tep, town 51. krirel-negwo'kes, tall rock 52. olewpal'a, small flat 53. wotoqwor wroi', creek 54. pe'kwan, town 55. rte'R, sand bar 56. pe'kwtetL, rock in river 57. ne'pui-sots-o-lego'L, tall rock by river 58. oteguf'k, rock by river 59. tspe'ga-o-reqen, small flat 60. rkye'R, fishing- lace 61. sots-o-le':gai, cliff 62. pe'kwan wroi', PEKWAN CREEK 63. pu'lik srnr'i, branch of creek 64. wo'gi oso'ho neye'qw, hill 65. oake'go, acorn-grounds 66. ronts-o-le'go, resting-place 67. wo'go, acorn-grounds 68. srrnr', middle fork of creek 69. o-treM'gon, trickle of water 70. pe'tskui-srnri, branch of creek 71. pe'kwan-eme'L-nok, wheretrails 72. tI'o'o, acorn-grounds 73. nl'qr, bound.ry point 74. o'Lpau, place 75. wr" grs, acorn-grounds 76. rnrgr', berrying-grounds 77. o"woh, acorn-grounds 78. mr'kwrL, small hill 79. tek' sa'u, flat 80. o-tsa'L, flat 81. ro'gon-ego', camp site 82. knfl'Lkenok wroi', creek 83. e"xgo, hillside 84. ql"toL, flat 85. nefo'ksiap, place 86. yo xtr, town 87. kwerap-o-tek, pointed crag 88. so"-o-ke'tsiL, submerged rock 89. orfi'wis, fishing-place 90. srego'n, town 91. segwona'R, bar and fishing- place 92. o-slegoi'ts, declivity 93. ma"a-wr"rpqwri, creek in huckleberry thicket 94. re"ptem, acorn-grounds 95. o-syo'L, fishing-place 96. rtrgr'p, cold spring 97. hego'-o-lego' wrpqwr'i, small creek 98. wri'L-ego, place on trail 99. tso'kik wroi', creek 100. me'Lku, acorn-grounds 101. tso'kiq, former village site 102. osati'qw, fishing-place 103. osii'qw wroi', creek 104. wo'po-reql'n, large rock in river 105. ke'ixkem, former village site 106. me'Lku wroi', creek 107. mrn-ego', point of land 108. omo'L, fishing- place 109. riIniqW-ego', hill 110. wr"rgri, flat 111. ho'ome'R wroi', creek 112. ho'ome'R, flat 113. omna'nL. fishing-place 114. negona', open hillside 115. wi'!qwoL, Iandslide 116. mrwrsisla' wroi', creek 117. old village site 118. meta', town 119. otlaw wroi', creek 120. ho"mono'ote'p, solitary tree 121. tmi'gon, big hill 122. tsfuIRowi"a, open hillside 123. tslT'rq-o-te'p, tan-oak flat 124. me'li'L, timbered hillside 125. rnrgr', hillside 126. pe'Lkeneq, landslide 127. ha pOR, flat 128. tsots-o-me'kweL, sandbar 129. meta' wroi', METAH CREEK 130. tsu'loiyoL, small flat 131. kepero'r, old village site 132. no xtska-hipu'r wroi', creek 133. le'wit-o-ska'a, fishing-place 134. ke"men, fishing-place 135. me'r:oget, fishing-place 136. tio'xkror, fishing-place 137. olege', fishing-place 138. meLnega', fishing-place 139. prgru"anfi, small rocks in river 140. mr'Lrgr, great rock near river 141. tr'pr uipqwr'i, small creek 142. o-slegoi'ts, declivity 143. tr'pr, fishing-place 144. nega' tfir waa'g, large boulders at edge of river 145. negeni's wroi', creek 146. miLmul'wimfl, small boulder in river 147. no'htskum, town 148. o'rome'n, open hillside 149. plo'ksew, seed-gathering ground 150. te'ktl'L, high hill RECTANGLE D Map 11. (See key-map 4, opposite page 226.) Waterman: Yurok Geography Notes on Rectangle D When we compare this rectangle with the one adjoining it down river, which has just been discussed, we find that there is a marked increase in the number of Indian settlements and the frequency of place names. In going up the river one emerges from the redwood belt at the town of srpr'. Above that town the river flows between lightly wooded slopes, with a good deal of sunny, open ground. A number of very large towns are grouped at the point where Pekwan creek enters the river. This vicinity used to be known as Klamath bluffs, and was considered quite a metropolis by the early settlers. A trader by the name of Johnson had a store here, the only one for a great many miles. It was a populous place, however, even before the coming of the whites. I think the trader put his store there simply because it was a place of congregation. Several important dances were held in this vicinity, and pekwan is spoken of as a sacred town. There are at least two structures which were used in connection with the deer-skin dance. The people in this town had much ceremonial stuff, were extremely well-to-do, and rather traded upon their im- portance. A great deal of mythology is localized hereabouts. This neighborhood, in which there are three Indian towns, is undoubtedly the most important place in the middle course of the river. Up- stream from it settlements are neither numerous nor large until the point where the Trinity enters, at Weitchpee. 1. o-le"ga wroi'. A name similar to this (rectangle K-21) means "where things drift ashore." 2. o-o-tsy-a', translated "person where sits." A cliff overlooking the river. A woman's parents were unkind. She travelled along, wishing something would happen to her. When she got here she sat down to rest and turned into a rock. The upper part of this rock is shaped like a person's head. 3. tse'ge-o-mu, translated ".................... where they are caught." A fishing-place, owned by qo'-otep-me'itsr'o. 4. te'kta, meaning probably "log" (called also oprega'). An old town site. At this point there were formerly a number of pits. The name is frequently mentioned, but the pits themselves were washed out bv high water years ago, the current undercutting the terrace. I know of one very old woman who "belongs" in te'kta, having been married from there when a girl. 5. leta', translated "ridge-like." A rock at the edge of the river. At low water a hole can be seen in the surface of this rock. This was made by Woxpekomaw. He was poling his canoe up-stream, and at this point saw some women, whose attention he wished to attract. He pushed up against the current and then allowed himself to slip back a number of times, so the women would wonder whether he would make it next time or not. He planted his paddle against this rock, to push; that is what made the hole. 1920] 239 240 University ot California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 7. tas'pek srmrnr'i, translated "tsa'pek-affluent," tsa'pek being the town at Dry lagoon (rectangle I-10). The stream is a westward branch of tekta wroi' (Tectah creek). 8. rwrgeLr'iq. Acorn-grounds, belonging to kI'morets, at qo'-o-tep. 9. o'Lko, connected, by my informants, with oLke'gum, to pick acorns. A flat beside the river. Acorns are ripe first at this place. 10. o'Lko-hiqo', translated "o'lko across-from." A fishing-place. The owners used to set deer snares also, running the deer off the flat above with dogs. "They only got small ones," however. The place belongs to ki'morets of qo'-o-tep. 11. trqwrnr"'. A snaring-place, belonging to the town of qo'-o-tep. This was the scene of ceremonial performances in the deer-skin dance. 12. olo"omono-o-pr6'gw6giL, translated "tan-oak where they-always-dance." A small flat. This is the "first" place in the deer-skin dance; that is, the place where the first performance is held. 13. o-tse'gep-pye'gwegiL, translated "where-they-disembark dancing-place." A flat by the river. This is described as a "boys' dancing place," and had some connection with one of the important ceremonies. I do not know which one. 14. pr'kwr'i. A spot on the hillside. This is the "last " place in the deer-skin dance. 15. helegii"a wroi'. A creek. One feature of the deer-skin dance is a performance on the water. Two of the biggest boats are brought alongside each other, and some men in each boat hold on to the other one, so that thev move abreast. A row of individuals in each boat "dance," swaying and stamping in time to a song and making the boats "bounce" in the water. The effect, to Indian eyes, is perfectly exquisite. In performing this dance they floated down as far as this creek. 16. kyoh-sepso'L. A large boulder. An immortal threw his acorn-net on top of this rock and left it there, "so the Indians would find it and learn how to make such things." 17. osyo'L, translated "landslide." 18. sme'Rkit, translated "toothless." If anyone drinks here his teeth come out (cf. rectangle B-16). 19. o-tsii'l, translated "where sand." This is the same word as ostseL, no. 80, below. A former village site. House-pits used to be visible here, but the site lies in an extensive flat which has been cultivated for years and they are no longer visible. The present Indians know nothing about a town here. They saw and recognized the house-pits merely. 20. o-segI's, translated "where they-always-gather-fern-root (si'son)." A flat. The fern-root was gathered to be eaten. 21. mu'rna-kepe'L, translated "merganser house-pit." A small flat with a depres- sion. Mu'rniu is described by the Indians as "river-duck," evidently the saw- bill or merganser. In myth times he had his house at this point. 23. tsa'h-spdw. This seems to contain the stem "to drink," but I could not get a translation. The name is said to have come down from the immortals. 24. kepe'l-miL-e"goL wroi', translated "kepel hereat always-stays creek." A small stream. When the deer-skin dance is being celebrated the people from ke'pel, a town (see rectangle E-53), camped beside this creek. 25. woxhke'ro, translated "pepperwood." A town. This is the lowermost of a series of four settlements on the north bank of the stream. At the present time three of these, qo'otep, woxtek, and the present one adjoin each other. I was told that this town dates back only to the year 1862, the year of a great flood, an event from which the Yurok have since dated everything. At that time many of the houses in the two other towns went down-river, and the people built on new sites. One informant said that this town was originally 00 -.g' cO.. , g : o 3 O . CD- CD C o o r1 C . CD e o -< o - CD ew i -CD OA p.?p eb - 0_ S 0 F CDCD0 0 -CD r o n N o -' i iCD F CD CD f O CD 0. w CD - CD a, N- oF Q CD ? * 0 92'aterman: Yurok Geography located at tsah-spaw (see no. 23, above), which was closer to the river, and was completely washed away. The whole matter is rather confusing, for when a man built a new house in a new location he often preserved the old name. The houses in this town are shown on the accompanying sketch-map (map 12). 26. ot' o" R wroi'. Creek, at which people obtained material for arrows (I think for the manufacture of foreshafts). 27. osegere'qw. Acorn-grounds. Ki'morets of qo'-o-tep-town owned a place here. In addition to that there were holdings with three "shacks" belonging to o'segen, on the coast. This latter fact apparently accounts for the name. 28. owrgr'. Acorn-grounds, belonging to Nick's wife at qo'-o-tep. 29. l&"aL-o-pegi'yiL, translated "sturgeon where he-always-cooked." A story recounts that a man stole sturgeon and cooked it here. I do not know the details. 31. wo'xtek. A town. I was informed that this town, like the preceding, grew up in 1862, when qo'-o-tep was swept away by high water. Accordingly many of the houses have no names. There is some confusion arising from the fact that certain families, after their houses "went down river," rebuilt in a different place, while at the present tinme both their old and their new houses are gone, replaced with European structures. Concerning the names shown on the sketch-map (map 13) I have the following notes. House 1. na-yegwoL, translated "Earthquake's house." Earthquake, yegwoL, used to be a person. For that matter, there was a whole family by that name. Many different pits, some of them not artificial, are pointed ouit in different neighborhoods, as his abode (see p. 200). The depression in the present case is now under a barn. House 2. tsegi-o-tep, translated "live-oak where it-stands." In the earliest recol- lections of my informant there was just an old pit at this point. The sweat- house stood back under the live-oak. The people who originally lived here were immortals. A girl from the house one morning went up on the hill gathering iris for fiber. Something caught and ate her. Her brother after- ward went up. After the sun came up, several Sa"flLS who had eaten her came out of a big rock by a waterfall, where the creek cuts down throuigh the cliff. The young man shot one of them. That night the rest came down to kill him. They ate up his house,.his sweat-house, and even the rocks around the sweat-house. When my informant in his childhood used to see these rocks, which were still lying about, they were all full of holes. Of the whole establishment they left only one plank. The young man hid under that and escaped. Nobody has lived there since. House 3. wone'w, translated "up-hill." The family was very wealthy. One of the daughters inherited the house, and was half-married to two different men, the first from qo'-o-tep, the second from pe'kwan-pui'lek. House 4. toliL, translated "crosswise." As the Indians say, this house is "cranky" to all the others. It was built to accommodate the overflow from tso'lew (no. 7). House 5. ketskeL; The people here also were very well-to-do. A man who was half-married here from sre'gon (rectangle D-90) had a son, who half-married into meta'. Moving later across the river there, he is now known as Meta'- hiqo' Jim. His daughter is Meta Emma, who owns a brush-dance medicine. House 6. la'yeqw, translated "by the trail." This is Sam Smith's house, which he got from his mother. His father, who was only half-married here, came from mui'rek (rectangle E-35). 1920] 21 242 University of California Publications in Am..Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 House 7. tso'lew, translated "down in front." This house belonged to a wealthy woman who got it from her father. Her mother came from a house in qo'-o-tep. This woman, who now lives with Captain Jack near Requa, is called Kimho (dirty). It is important to note that she got this nickname on account of sex irregularities. In such a wealthy woman they were considered scandalous. House 8. si'petai. In recent generations human beings have lived in this house. Formerly it was inhabited by immortals. One of these wo' :ge young men had a pet deer and a pet rattlesnake. The rattlesnake is still occasionally seen in the vicinity. The young man used to swim in the river along with the deer, and the latter's tracks are still to be seen at low water in a flat rock out in the stream. Once the people in the sky-country (see p. 190) were having a dance which the young man and the deer attended. The deer danced and sang a song about being homesick for si'petai. So people came to know that this house was called si'petai. Nobody had known before that it had a name. House 9. wo'xtek. A man lived in this house whose wife was a to'lowil woman, from Crescent City. He had two sons and a daughter. House 10. This house is inhabited by an Indian.called Whiskey Joe, who moved here from qo'-o-tep at the time of the flood. House 11. The man of this house was half-married to a qo'-o-tep he'Lqau woman. He was originally from tso'tskwi, opposite qe'nek (rectangle E-124). House 12. The man of this house is called wi'lits. He lived originally in qo'-o-tep- pe'kwoi, moving here when his former place was washed away in 1862. O-wrgr'n, translated "where rushes are gathered," is the name applied to a spring where the town obtained its water. The "rushes" referred to are plants with edible tops. When dry, the shaft is used as "sand paper" for smoothing arrow-shafts. 32. o-rego'k, translated "where it rolls." This is a sloping hillside where boys played a game with a large root. It is described as white and round, and is called te'qwskeL. They rolled it down hill and shot at it with arrows. 33. ose'gep rgr'ik, translated "Coyote's sweat-house." This is a pile of rocks which looks from a distance like a sweat-house foundation. 36. okro' kle'wpo, meaning, I think, "possesses cliff clover"; that is, where wild clover grows on a cliff. It is the name for a flat where people went after wild clover, which was eaten raw. 0 39. ye'wome', translated "he disappears." Place where the trail enters the trees. 40. ho"oreq, translated "fern." 41. wr're'ts-o-tmaw, translated "alder where they-break-up." Place where the women went for alder, which was good for kindling fires. 42. srpr'-mel-e"go, translated "srpr here always-stays." Acorn-ground claimed by ki'morets of qo'-o-tep. This is the place spoken of above (p. 226). 43. pr'gr-o-le'go, translated "black-walnut where they-rest." A resting-place on the trail (see p. 185). 45. ora" am, translated "sound of dancing," the drumming sound made by feet. This is a house name in pe'k wutflL (see map 28, below). Formerly a meadow, this place has been mined out by hydraulic machinery, and nothing is left but bounders. 50. qo'-o-tep, translated ".................. where it-stands." This is the location of a hamlet known as Johnson's (Klamath post office), and has been for fifty years the principal trading place on the river. A few Indian structures stand among a large number of European buildings in various styles. The arrangement of o CD cY -. CD 00 D CD e 0< O II _ CD * r X w a 0. CD CD CD I I. I 't '?o 1-.. 1q:z rvl 't -z 0 o -.Y CD o -.t L'*D C 0 o CD9 v v 0 C 0F Waterman: Yurok Geography the original structures, so far as I could determine, is shown on the following sketch-map (map 14). It may be noted that house 9, pe'kwoi, "mud," disappeared in 1862, the people building house 12 in wo'xtek. Similarly house 11, he'lqau, "back from the river," was replaced at that time by house 11 in woxtek. 51. kr'L-ele-negwo'Rkes, translated "................ a-long-way see." A tall rock. 52. olew-pa" a, translated "warm water." A rock, beside the river. The Indians say there are old house-pits hereabouts, dating back to the time of the im- mortals. I have never seen anything which could be identified as a pit. Any depression may at times look to the Indian like the site of an "immortal" house, slightly metamorphosed. 52a. pe'kwan. A town. This important place lies on the bank of a large stream, Pe'kwan creek, a short distance back from the river (see the accompanying sketch-map, map 15). They obtained their water from the creek, which is colder than the river and better water. Pe'kwan contains a relatively large number of Indian structures, and exhibits many of the traits that must have characterized the village life of the Yurok before the whites came in. Its most noteworthy feature is the fact that the houses are disposed in two rows, along the trail, which runs parallel to the river. The Indians notice the sym- metrical arrangement and speak of the trail with some pride as a "street." The village is connected with one of the two deer-skin dances and in the vil- lage itself are four structures whose names indicate some connection with the observances. The first of these is rki'gri (no. 6 on the accompanying sketch- map, map 15) "hair-ties," where the performers put on their regalia. The second is opyu'weg (no. 3), "where they dance." The third is the ceremonial sweat-house, named opegoi'ole (letter G). In this sweat-house the necessary formulas were repeated, and certain esoteric rites were performed. Two men were especially occupied in the sweat-house, staying in there through the whole period of the ceremony. These individuals were known as the teL. House number 7 is called ter-wo'o'lemel, "the teL where they live." The actual dance performances, which were of a very elaborate character, were scattered over a number of places. Five such places are especially pointed out, at which dances were per- formed. They are, as given above: 12. olo"omono. 11. trqwr nr'. 13. otse'gep-pye'gwegiL. 15. helega'a wroi'. 14. pr'kwr'i. 56. pe'kwteL. An enormous, long rock in the stream below pe'kwan town. There used to be a sand spit running up-stream from the upper end of this rock, but the current shifted and carried it away. A myth recounts that a "Big money" (pe'lin-tsV':k), a dentalium as long as a sturgeon, lived in the water alongside this rock. Prayers are spoken at this point. When a man is passing in a canoe he waits till he is just abreast of this rock, in the middle of the river, then, if he is a man "who knows," he claps his hands for good luck, saying: tsa skiuin son -a h6gok ki 6x pelin me kwomLitsok now! good be when I travel will have big returning I arrive 57. nepii'i-sots-o-lego'L, translated "salmon (literally 'that-which-is-eaten') on-top where he-lay." A large boulder. A very long time ago high water left a salmon lying on top. 59. tsp5'ga-o-r6'q6n, tran3lated "shag where sits." Shag or Shikepoke sat here, I think in mythical times. 1920] 243 244 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 60. rkreR. A fishing-place. This name occurs also a few miles up-river (rectangle E-37). 61. sots-o-1e'gai, translated "on-top where one goes." The trail up pekwan creek runs on top of a big cliff or crag. The rock runs down steeply into the river, and the trail cannot pass in front. Hence the name. 64. wo'gi oso'ho neye'qw, translated "in-middle . .........." A hill between two creeks. 65. o-Lke'go, translated "where people gather up." A hillside with a heavy growth of oaks. The acorns were very plentiful here, and anyone could go there. The place was one of a number mentioned to me, which were not "owned" by individuals or families. 71. pe'kwan-eme-nok, translated "pekwan from (trail) comes." Place on top of the hill where trails mneet. 72. ti'o'o. Acorn-place. It is described as a place where any person from pekwan could go for acorns. It seems to have been in a sense the property of the village. 73. ni'qr, translated "as far as they go." The word seems to mean a boundary, or landmark. In this case, the place marks the limit of the sre'gon people's snaring rights. They could only come this far in driving deer or elk. 75. wr"grs, translated "hard, knotty." An acorn-ground belonging to a house in pe"kwan. The acorns here were "scaly." 76. rnrgr' (nrpr', berry), translated "where one always berries." This term is translated below (no. 125) as "where they gathered sweat-house brush." 78. mrqwrL, translated "knoll." A small hill. 79. tek- sa'u. A small flat. Two houses formerly stood here, one behind the other. 80. o-tsa'L, translated "where sand-is." A small flat. 81. ro'gon-eyo', translated "stakes they-make." A camp site. When the fish-dam was being constructed at ke'pel stake-makers camped here. They went up on the hills to cut the young firs from which the stakes were split. 84. q1"toL, translated "the flat-place at." The stem "flat" is used in a number of geographical names, including lagoons (see p. 198). 86. yoxtr. A town. I obtained the name of three houses here, as follows: wogi, "in the middle" hipur, " down-river" pets, "up-river." 87. kweri'p-o-teq, translated "sharp where it-stands." A pointed crag two or three hundred yards above the river. 88. so"o-o-ke'tsiL, translated "corpse his mouth-open." A large rock in the river, submerged until late summer. The reason for the name I do not know. 89. oru'wis, translated eddy. A fishing-place. 90. sre'gon. A town. This place was not large; but its people were all related, and all excessively rich. Even yet, the sre'gon people assume a rather overbearing attitude toward other Indians. The people here were unwilling to tell me anything about house-names or geography, and I think they passed the word along that I was not to be told by anybody else. At least I never succeeded in getting more than a few scraps of information, with the names of two houses: wo'gi, "in the middle," and hi'pets, "up-stream." I received a number of differing accounts of how the town came to be started. Every one agrees that it has'not been there very long. Some say that some wo'xtek people first came here to live, leaving their place down-river on account of a quarrel. Others told me that it was pe'kwan people, who first built houses here. Sre'gon may have been built before either of the other places; I was never able to get the actual names of the founders, or their family history. m 9: et 3 M o C o .~ -< c O, - ? o x CDr b OW D r.._ eF C orcFCD e e. vCD aCD W. M CZ M- _+ M U gD Waterman: Yurok Geography 91. segwona'R, translated "pestle." A bar which runs out into the river. The stones here look like pestles, hence the name. 92. o-slegoi'ts, translated "where people-pass-down." A declivity where the trail leads from the hillside down toward a ford. 93. ma" a-wr"rpqwri, said to mean "place (or creek) where people got huckleberry arrow-shafts." 95. O-Syo'L, translated "landslide." A fishing-place. 97. hego'-o-lego' wrpqwr'i, translated "paddle where they-make creek." 98. wri'L-ego, translated by my Indian informants "with wife stop." The implica- tion seems to be sexual. The term applies to a certain place on the trail. The Indians professed themselves unable to explain it further. 100. me'Lku, translated "shut in." The word applies to a location within the sweat- house. 101. tso'kik. A flat. Every one says there were house-pits here at one time, but the flat is now cultivated and they have been completely obscured. They are referred to the immortals. 104. wo'po-reqE&n, translated "in-water sitting." A large boulder in the river. 10.5. ke"ixkem. A site with house-pits. The traces of habitation are quite clear here, but I could get no reference to the people. The Indians say that it was immortals who lived here also. The expression also occurs as the name of a town on Big lagoon (rectangle I-23). 116. mrwrsisla' wroi', translated "yellow-lizard creek." 117. Several well marked house-pits are to be seen at this point. The name of the place I was unable to get. 118. meta'. A town. This was once a place of some importance. Only one family has been living here in recent years, and even the site of the former structures is in some cases uncertain. The principal shaman and director-in-chief of the fish-dam enterprise (see p. 246) lived here. The disposition of the houses is shown on the accompanying sketch-map (map 16). 119. otla'w wroi', translated "where it drips creek." 120. ho"mono-o-te'p, translated "tan-oak where it-stands." Place where a solitary tan-oak stands on a ridge. 123. tsi'rq-o-tep, translated "...................... where it-stands." A tan-oak flat where the acorns are hard to crack. 124. me'li'L, translated "sweeping." A place where the tree limbs hang low. When the wind blows, it looks as though they were sweeping the place out. 125. rnrgr', translated "where they gathered fuel for the sweat-house" (rgri). Thi-.s term occurs above, no. 76, where it is translated "where one always berries" (nrpr, berry). 126. pe'Lkeneq, said to be connected with pe'ixken, "mud." A miry place on a hill- side, always "sliding." 128. tsots-o-me'qweL, translated "...................... where knoll." A bar. 131. kepero'r, prqbably connected with kepeL, "house-pit." A site close to the river, with numerous house-pits. None of my informants ever saw houses there. The statement was made that pekwan people started a town there on account of a quarrel. I was also told that it was a bad place. The in- habitants all died at once, and so the site has never been used since. 133. lM'wit-o-skaa, translated "...................... where it-hangs." A fishing-place. 134. ke"men. A fishing-place. This name is sometimes applied to the house-pits in this vicinity (see no. 131 above). 142. o-slegoi'ts, translated "where people always descend." A declivity where the trail from the Bald hills crosses the river. 144. nega'tur-waa'g, translated "...................... his rock." Big boulders at the edge of the river. 1920] 245 246 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 145. negeni's wroi', translated "mouse creek." 147. no'htskum, also nohxtska. A town. This is a small flat or terrace with a few house-pits, no Indian structures remaining. I obtained the names of only three houses, and it is probable that there were originally one or two more. It is said to be an old town and its importance has probably dwindled to some extent. There is a fishing-place in this rectangle, o-ki'go. I am uncertain as to the location. Notes on Rectangle E The region included in this rectangle contains two localities of interest. The first is a very populous stretch of river and includes the area made famous by the building each year of a great tribal fish-dam. The materials for the dam were collected from the whole upper half of the Yurok country, and impressive ceremonies connected with the building were carried on in many places, some of them quite remote from the structure itself. In addition there are several ceremonial places which are shown in the accompanying sketch-map of the town of sii'ii. The second locality, one of great interest, at least to myself, is the town of qenek and its vicinity. This is the center of the world, according to Yurok ideas, and their conviction is shared by the neigh- boring tribes. The culture hero came into existence here. In the town of qenek dwelt a number of mythical personages. It is the scene of some fine stories. Another center for myths is the storied region around Patrick's point (Rectangle J). I know of nothing in the physiography of either of these places to arouse this myth-making instinct; but such things of course do not go by logic. Both regions are picturesque, but there is nothing that sets them so much above othe localities in the same region. 2. qo'xtau. A crag on a hillside. It is spoken of as rattlesnake's place. It is "full of rattlesnakes" now. 4. otskrgru'n. A flat rock in the edge of the river. Chicken-hawk, kr'nit, who plays a conspicuous role in Yurok myths, had for his wife Black Bear. Trying to climb up here once, she slipped down, and her excrement flew all around. It is still to be seen on the rocks. 7. mil'ntse haa'g. Large white boulder near the brink of the river. When the idea of a fish-dam was first given expression, during the time when the im- mortals were living hereabouts, they were going to erect it near this point. They changed their minds, however, and built it at ke'pel, where it has been built yearly ever since. .... Q;., ., o- v 7 fi C? ..'& _(-D C+ o~ m CD " 1. tsrktsryr', fishing-place 2. qo'xtau, crag on hillside 3. qo'xtau wroi', creek 4. otskrgruin, flat rock in river 5. tsweyomi'we wroi', creek 6. teto'no wroi', creek 7. mi'nts6 haa'g, boulder at edge of river 8. we'Lkwaw7o-pa"a wroi', small creek 9. knetken-o-lo, large boulder at edge of river 10. kne'tkem-sio'L, fishing-place 11. keyomo'r wroi', creek 12. olepo'L wroi', creek 13. ts&p-o-sro'r, fishing-place 14. tsio:pi'L wroi', creek 15. oro'-wis fishing-place 16. we"l qem, site with house-pits 17. watsene'gomek, snarig-place 18. hime'Lwroi', ROACH CREEK 19. hime'L, town 20. nega'htfr haa'g, crag 21. hime'irhiqo' wroi', creek 22. tseRoro'k h on 23. pre grau', snaring-place 24. tse':korokW wroi', creek 25. tsegoroqw-hiqot wroi', creek 26. teku's-o-ke'pel, snaring-place 27. tsegoroko"R, rock at edge of river 28. plo':le wroi', creek 29. o'le', pishiuPlace 30. no'htska, place 31. kya tsi's, fihing-place 32. owS' wroi', creek 33. no'htska wroi', creek 34. rai'yo, pIace 35. mnrek, town 36. smeRkito'R wroi', creek 37. rkye'R wroi', creek 38. wa"a, small sand bar 39. owil' gr, place on river bank 40. o'teray, fishing-place 41. hixkelo'L, place 42. we'Rpe'qw wroi', creek 43. knegwora'l snaring-place 44. wohpe'iyo, snaring-place 45. segwo'iskoL, open hillside 46. meg 'u, group of redwood trees 47a,b. me'tsep-rgr'its, clumps of brush 48. niko'-o-sre'goR, great rock in the river 49. sa"a, town 50. tepoiau' w r o i', K E P E L 8REEK 51. wogan, snaring-place 52. te'polay, fishingplace 53. ke$pel, town 54. merx'qwi, rock at edge of river 55. t'i'lek, rock at edge of river 56. o-tre'ga', trickle of water 57. qr'mruk, place on river bank 58. rh'loiyo wroi', creek 59. o-kwe'go, tree 60. qe'nek-wone'w-o-we''eiq0in, acorn-place 61. o-wega', acorn-place 62. Loko L-u-pa"a, lake 63. pe'tolo, acorn-ground 64. poRkwe'L, acorn-ground 65. mrku'r, acorn-ground 66. meR-hipets wroi', creek 67. o"res, fislang-place 68. wa'ase, ton 69. wa'ase-hipe'ts wroi', creek 70. wa'ase-hiqo' wroi', creek 71. sie'gweL, fishing-place 72. o-tlAw wroi', small creek 73. qowi'tsik-o-loa'g wroi', creek 74. q'owitsiL-o-Ioag, flat rock be- side the river 75. hil'iLks-o-reqe'n wroi', creek 76. htl'iks-o-rek, rock in edge of river 77. ole"a wroi', creek 78. ollgt k wroi', creek 79. me "'kwets, acorn-place 80. o-sr'pr, acorn-place 81. le'pin, acorn-place 82. kr hprslek, acorn-place 83. o-pa 'an, open country on hill sUrmmits 84. au"wo, acorn-place 85. me'rip-hiqo'-hi'gwona, acorn- place 86. he's!r, fishing-place 87. me'rip, town 88. regr'ogets, white-cedar timber 89. oke'ge, place 90. oll'Ik, acorn-place 91. kne'tken-woag, rock with fis- sure 92. rpr 'R L, cave in rocks 93. me rip wroil, creek 94. myrgwr', fishing-place 95. wo'gi, fishing-place 96. tse'gwa, enormous rectangular boulder in edge of river; a fishing-place 97. ma"aga wroi', small creek 98. olo'k, fishing-place 99. ego"oloqw rock on the hillside 100. letta, fisling-place 101. oti'trw, fishing-place 102. oL-he'Lku-o-legai' wroi', creek 103. oL-he'Lku-o-legai', a 1 a r g e boulder 104. otrgr'p wroi', creek 105. we'logets, fishing-p lace 106. ma'wA wroi', creek 107. heLqwalfl'L, fishing-place 108. yogeyo'n, fishing-place 109. aukweya', settlement 110. aykweya' wroi', creek 111. ha'fisqr"r-hiqo' fishing-place 112. ha'asqr"r, fishing-place 113. egolo'ts wroi', creek 114. wor:o:"mes, fishing-place 115. osprwr'ts wroi', creekc 116. qe'nek-pul, settlement 117. wo'koteL, acorn-ground 118. lo'htko, acorn-ground 119. qe'nek-heL, acorn-ground 120. na'hksau, acorn-ground 121. ro's-o-tW'k wroi', creek 122. o-teto'xL, fishing-place 123. okw6 go wroi', creek 124. tse'tskwi, settlement 125. tse'tskwi-hipe'ts wroi', creek 126. tse'tskwi-kes, fishing-place 127. n&nepl'r, acorn-ground 128. wokote'1 wroi', creek 129. herpuln amo', fishing-place 130. egwole'k wroi', creek 131. o-tsai, fishing-place 132. pe'LkoL, fishing-place 133. qe'nek wroi', creek 134. qe'nek-hiqo', acorn-ground 135. o-slegoi'ts wroi', creek 136. rplr', fishing-place 137. qe'nek, town 138. okego' wroi', TULEY CREEK 139. mene"wots, fishing-place 140. qe'neq&s, large boulder in river 141. o'-tsApimfi'r, fishing-place 142. o-tsA'p, settlement RECTANGLE E Map 17. (See key-map 4, opposite page 226.) 0Waterman: Yurok Geography 8. we'Lkwao'-o-pa"a wroi', translated "we'Lkwaw its water." A small creek. It receives its name on account of a story which is told of a young man from the town of we'Lkwaw who would drink no water but this. I presume the incident is mythical. 9. kne'tken-o-lo', translated "arrowhead where fish-weir." A great boulder. Chicken-hawk, kr'nit, lived at this spot. His house was on top of the boulder. He built a fish-weir near. You can still see the holes in the rock where he drove his stakes. His dam seems to have been permanent, instead of seasonal, as the Indian dam is, for the people of those days (the wo' :ge) had to portage their boats around it. The rock formation by the side of the river is still smooth where they pulled their boats up. What "arrowheads" had to do with the dam I have never been able to ascertain. Perhaps he made it of flint points. 16. we"iqem. A site with house-pits. These pits, to the number of seven or eight, lie on a small knoll beside a creek, at a very considerable elevation above the river. The place is under a steep slope, and is overshadowed by enormous conifers. Accounts differ as to the nature of the settlement. None of my informants could remember any houses here. The pits themselves are rather shallow and bear out the assertion of one of the older men to the effect that the place was never anything more than a temporary camp site, with shacks and other shelters. It was a regularly established camping place for the people who were working on the fish-dam, which was erected a mile and a half above. If anyone eats here before the dam construction begins he will bring on a rain. The following incident was recounted to explain the house-pits. I could find out nothing about the identity of the people involved: An old man and four sons lived here. Three of them got married and moved away. The fourth stayed behind; and tried to "Injun-devil" his brother (that is, to kill him by magic) to get his wife. That broke up the whole family, and nobody has lived here since. 19. hime'L. A town. My informants barely remember the time when there were houses here. At the present time a row of fairly well defined pits are to be seen, on a level bench on top of a bluff, lying just behind the crag nega'htuir- haii'g, or Swallow rock. I learned nothing of the people who lived there, nor why the population disappeared. 20. nega'htiir, translated "swallow's rock." A lofty, pointed crag, with numerous swallows' nests. 26. teki's-o-ke'pel, translated "...................... his house-pit." 27. tsegoroko"R. A boulder in the edge of the river. In spite of the similarity between this name and no. 22 (tsego-ro'k) my informants insisted they were separate places. A myth recounts that Wo'xpekomaw had a fishing- place here. Once he saw a girl on the opposite side of the river and threw his penis across. 30. no'htska. Not to be confused with a place of similar name (rectangle D-147). 35. mui'rek. A town. The name suggests mo'reqw, large cooking-basket (cf. rectangle J-31). This was a very important place, with twenty houses, a few of which are still standing. The town was intimately connected with the fish-dam, and some of the ceremonial acts were performed here (see above, p. 246). The arrangement and situation of the houses is shown on the ac- companying sketch-map (map 18). People assembling to work on the fish-weir above ke'pel, had a simulated performance of the deer-skin dance, on the beach in front of this town. Instead of the handsome and very valuable obsidian blades carried in the regular deer-skin ceremony they used ordinary flat stones, picked up by the river-side. 247 1920] 248 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 36. smeRqito'R wroi', translated "toothless creek." If anyone drank from this creek his teeth came out (cf. B-16, p. 234). 37. rkye'R wroi'. Creek. A fishing-place at the mouth of Pekwan creek has this name (rectangle D-60). 39. ow'ilgr. Place on the bank of the river. When a corpse was being brought up-river in a canoe it was landed at this point and carried overland to qr'mruk no. 57). The rock me'rxkwi in between (no. 54) is the abiding-place of one of those beings who tried to prevent death from being brought into the world; they will not stand the sight of a corpse (see A43 p. 231). Women also on going up or down-river by canoe had to land at these points and walk across. 40. o-tera'w. Fishing-place. This piece of property plays a part in the fish-weir ceremonies (see p. 246). At the present time it belongs to Charley (amits) at sa"a. 41. hinkelo'L, translated "white-oak." 43. knegwora', translated "long." A snaring-place. 45. segwo'RskoL, connected with segwos', to leach acorns. An open hillside. 46. megiiu, or megaupa, translated :'payment for an injury." A group of "three" redwoods (really there are six). This place is the scene of a fish-dam ceremony. The essential thing is a theatrical performance to the following effect. They wish to have a dance there, but a solitary man objects. So they "buy him off" and proceed with the ceremony (see p. 246). The name refers to this pretended payment. 47. a, b. metsep-rgrits, translated "brush sweat-house." Two places, thus styled, were the scenes of "imitation" or simulated deer-skin dances, in connection with the observance just mentioned. 48. nako-o-srego'R. This name is variously applied to a great. rock in the river, a fishing-place, and a place on the hillside. It is said that in bringing cedar planks down from the summit when they got this far "they just slid off of themselves." The name is said to refer to that. 49. sa"a, a town. This town derives its greatest importance from the fact that it was the center of the fish-dam activities described elsewhere. The dam was actually constructed several hundred yards up-stream, but the "dam-chief" had his abode here. After the whites came in and the Indians fell upon evil times, the dam-maker's son half-married into meta' and moved away. He still returned here and lived in a temporary shelter on the old house-site when the dam was being constructed. One Indian house and a couple of sweat- houses were still standing at the time of my visit. When the dam was being made a great influx of people moved into the town, occupying temporary shelters. I am somewhat uncertain just which structures were permanent and where they were located. The accompanying sketch-map shows the arrangement of the houses, so far as I could ascertain it (map 19). 50. tepola'u wroi', a creek. 53. ke'pel, translated "house-pit." A town (map 20). A good many house-pits are still visible, about which no information could be obtained: They are said by some of the Indians to be excavations made for the erection of "shacks," or temporary shelters, used only at the time of the annual fish-dam. Such houses were made very carelessly and had no names. The name applied to the town seems to imply that house-pits were visible there when the present inhabitants moved in. Ke'pel, at best, was hardly more than a suburb of sa"a, in which most of the important families of the neighborhood lived. o ' r - c 3 m CD 00 -4 CA . . p CD A Laa ~-ol p C CD oi X ci-s CD O~ -* s P x CD o -, x' p C ? 0 ~CD 0- HOUSES: 1. sA'sip, "wild honeysuckle" 2. kepelo'L, " house-pit" 3. ketske'L 4. kn.'woleL, "long" 5................. 6................. 7. "Earthquake's house" 8. sa 9. o-wigo"Liir, "where the dam is sung about" 10................. 11. t'ega 12. 1o-WO"OL, "dam-maker his house" SWEAT-HOUSES: A, B PLACES: v. lo-o-tsis'go, translated "dam- maker where he always sits" w. singer's seat on the dance-ground x. plege'irwoa'g, a granite boulder y. no'nogits, translated "the itch," a spring s. tere'ksfir, a spring Contour interval 20 feet. Datum is level of river at normal low water. Map 19. sa'a. Rectangles represent native structures (hollow, house-pits only; dotted, uncertain locations). Arrows indicate doorways. Waterman: Yurok Geography 54. me'rxkwi, a rock. This rock marks the north end of the annual fish-weir. One of the ten beings who object to corpses lives in it. This accounts for the fact that dead bodies have to be landed from canoes at owi'Ige (no. 39) and carried overland to no. 57. Canoes carrying corpses or women must not pass in front of this rock. K 55. t'u'lek, a rock. The south wing of the fish-dam rested here. The name wo'xku is also applied to this place, but not, I think, to the rock (see also no. 58). 57. qr'mruk. Place on the river-bank. Corpses taken from canoes according to rule at owi'igr (no. 39) might be re6mbarked at this point (see no. 54 above). 58. tul'loiyo wroi', a creek. This name tu'loiyo occurs as a variant of the name t'ulek. The trap or pen in the fish-dam which lay nearest the south shore was also called tui'loiyo. 59. okwe'go, translated "where they customarily shoot." This name is applied to a huge tree which stands not far from a hill trail. Indians traveling along shoot arrows into it "for good luck." Similar trees are shown on rectangle A, no. 30, and rectangle H, no. 37. 61. o-wega', an acorn field. An "Injun Devil," the "wild" sort (that is, a spirit of the forest) once visited the people here. A myth recounts that they hit him in the eye with a sucker and he laughed himself to death. I think the name means "where he repeatedly laughed." 62. Loko'iu-pa'a, translated "Thunder his water." A small lake. 66. meR-hipe'ts wroi', a small creek. In connection with the fish-dam ceremonies, a ceremonial observance took place near the mouth of this creek. Two men stood across the river from each other and had a "sham battle," that is, they used threatening gestures toward each other. Each held a stick under his left arm, and a rock in his right hand. 68. wa"ase, a town. The stem wa'asoi means "poor." This town consists of a single row of houses on a very level bluff, overlooking the river. A few Indian structures are still standing, and one rather numerous Indian family still lives there. The people gave me, rather unwillingly, a few house names, most of which turned out later to be apocryphal. They objected to my mak- ing a map. The families here were prosperous in spite of the town name. Traces of eight or ten house-pits are still to be seen, so the town was, for the Yurok, a fairly large one. The people have the reputation of being "mean," which usually means, in this region, unduly rich. It is not impossible that the name was intended to be interpreted in an "opposite" sense. Blue-jay, who once lived here, in an Indian house, was working one day with a deer-skin, softening it and removing the hair. Being interrupted, he threw the wet skin on top of a rock, just ufrstream from the village. The rock is still spotted and mildewed-looking (see plate 10). 72. o-tlahw wroi', translated "where it-drips creek." A trickle of water over a cliff. 74. kowi'tsik-o-lofl'g, translated "kowi'tsik its rock." Kowi'tsik is the home of the salmon, across the ocean and beyond the sky (see p. 191). Fish--hawk once carried a flat rock from kowi'tsik so that Chicken-hawk (kr'nit), the well known mythical hero, could have it to gamble upon at me'rip. When he got as far as this, however, the rock grew too heavy and he dropped it. It is still to be seen. 75. hti'uks-o-re'qen wroi', a small creek (see 76). 76. hii'iks-o-req, translated "children where sit." A big boulder at the edge of the river. Some owls once carried off some children and sat them here. They cried over and over again, "he'no hega'," (take me down) and finally turned into rock. 249 1920] 250 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 77. o-le"ga wroi'. A similar name (rectangle K-21) is translated "where things drift ashore." 83. o-pa"an, translated "where water" (?). A great open spot on the summit of the hills. It was a place for gathering grass seed, and is spoken of as being used by me'rip and sa"a. Apparently private ownership was not recognized. 86. he'sir. A fishing-place. It is said to "belong to everybody." 87. me'rip. A town. This place was small, consisting of less than half a dozen houses. A good many myths center here, but I did not succeed in recording them. The houses and their arrangement are shown in map 21. The house- name rego'-o-te'poni, "feather-plume where it-grown," refers to a cluster of pepperwood trees growing by the village. These were originally head- plumes, used by the wo':ge, or immortals. When these mysterious beings "went away," their plumes turned into trees. The other Indians say that the people at me'rip were a bad lot, most of them being "Injun devils" (sorcerers). This reputation is connected by outsiders with the fact that there are a lot of "bad" places in and around me'rip; that is, places connected in some way with the supernatural, places which one must not step upon, or look at, or places at which certain formulas must be repeated. Strangers did not like to go to me'rip, for not knowing all these things, they might break some taboo, and bring ill luck on themselves. The most widely renowned of these supernatural beings is called Jealous- one-of-me'rip. Numerous tales are told about him. At the present time he is an insignificant-looking rock, sharp, but only a couple of feet tall, standing in the village (see pl. 7). His appearance is surprisingly out of keeping with his resounding fame. This fragment (for I think it is not even a projection of the bedrock) is certainly a striking illustration of the Indian capacity for finding spiritual values in the commonplace. 88. regr'otets. A hill back of me'rip. White cedar planks were obtained there. 91. kn6tken-w-oag, translated "arrow-point his rock." A rock with a fissure in it. Arrow-points which were put in this cleft, "rusted." That is, something invisible accumulated on them which made them poisonous and invariably fatal. People used to put their points in here when they wanted them to do execution. 92. rpryti'RL. A hole or recess in a rock back of me'rip. If you wanted a person to die you put his mush paddle in this recess, in the water there. If the water whirled around he would not die. To keep it from whirling you had to talk to it. 95. wo'gi, translated "middle." A fishing-place. This place, belonging to "Old Dan" at Wasek, is never used now; the old man cannot come so far from home, it is said. 96. tse'gwa. An enormous, rather square boulder in the edge of the river. This rock lies just opposite the town of me'rip. In it lives one of the immortals who tried to prevent death from coming into the world. Corpses must be landed above or below this point and carried overland, unless the boatman knows the proper prophylactic. This consists in placing a stick with two feathers on it in the bow of the boat, as though it were a person. Not everybody knew how to do this. Women also observed the taboo (see 103 below). The rock is shown in pl. 7. It was used as a fishing-place. 97. ma"aga wroi', translated "not drink creek." For some reason the water of this creek is not to be drunk. 03 0 c- . SD CD o {+ ) 58. o-negets'qw, spot on hillde 52 59. tsm8'yis-o-ro"o, spot on hillside 5; ',+58 5 +59 5 S RECTANGLE J Map 32. (See key-map 4, opposite page 226.) Waterman: Yurok Geography o-osii'mits. Said to be a "town" on Freshwater lagoon. o-ti'uiik. Place near the present stage road where the Indians used to make boats. A half cut tree stands there yet. tso'tskwi-hipaiu. A beach boundary, south of tso'tskwi. o-stse'gep (or o-tse'gep), translated "where they disembark." A site with house-pits between Big lagoon and tso'tskwi. tekwana'L. A settlement, south of tso'tskwi. tsA'ixko. A spot south of tso'tskwi. sfipa'il. A spot south of tso'tskwi. so"o-o-giir, translated "corpse his water." A small lake near Big lagoon. Disembodied souls enter this lake to go to the underworld. ni'krk. Spot near Big lagoon. qe'Lqft. A spot near Trinidad (rectangle K-31). It is also called o-kegeye'L. he"wo. Place near Big lagoon. e'keg-o-srai. Spot near the south side of Big lagoon. q'war q'war. A settlement of two or three houses, somewhere on the shore of Big lagoon. le'yes-o-sro. A spot between Big lagoon and Stone lagoon, apparently south of tso'tskwi. Lkeri'i. Spot, probably north of tso'tskwi. Notes on Rectangle J 2. keski'L, translated "wood-compartment." An outcrop where the rocks stick up on end, like the fire wood which stands on end in a Yurok house. 3. o-pegoi'y-ir, translated "where you-always-hang-garments." A gully, where the wind "sucks" hard. If you want people to die, you get some of their garments and hang them here to rot. 6. o-kne'get, translated "where they-always-get-flint." A crag on the ocean cliff. 7. mrgr'N, translated "barnacle-place" (nrgr'i, barnacle). A small promontory, called Rocky point. 8. e'n:f1mA'w, translated "slanting." A point where slanting strata run out into the ocean. 9. kwrsrmr'i. A rock just offshore. The people hunted sea lions here. 10. o-l6'M, translated "where they camp." A good deal of confusion exists in my notes between this place and some large sea rocks lying about a mile offshore. One of these rocks is called o-le'N (rectangle I46). The Indians went there after sea lions. The present spot is a camp site, at which such hunting parties were organized. 11. sii'mig. A point called by the whites Patrick's point. This promontory and the region back of it are celebrated in Yurok song and story (see above p. 246; also E-116, p. 251). This region is the abode of the last immortals. Although these beings left the other parts of Yurok territory when the Indians came into existence, they still linger on here. I think the most important of them are the Porpoises, who are still considered as people, not as animals. For other supernatural beings see below. 12. o-wa"ar. This is the eastern of two sea-stacks, called by the Coast Pilot, Turtle Rocks. 13. tskwe'ges-w-aag, translated "harbor-seal his rock." This is the western and larger of the two rocks mentioned in no. 12. 1920] 267 268 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 14. mele'kwa. This expression means, I think, "excrement." A rock close by the trail on the flat. It is also called o-prgr. 16. metke"ox, translated "supernatural footprints." A rock with depressions on its surface. W6xpek-omaw is said to have left his footprints here. 17. yr'nr'pui (yr'nr, "abalone shell"). A place by the creek where people cleaned abalone shells. 19. kwestsi'n, translated "strawberries." The sloping side of a promontory. 20. o-prmr'g, translated "basalt." A beach of blue basaltic pebbles. The stem peme, "grease," is said to be the ultimate source of this term. The blue basalt is slippery, and "greasy." 22. o-tspa'mik, translated "long." A beach, covered at high tide. 23. knui'Lkem, translated "deep gully, gorge." The name is applied to a resting place, under a high cliff. 28. ha:wok, said to mean "big." A sea-stack. 29. lepomahw, said to mean "put another rock" or "add a rock." A point which is prolonged in the form of a reef, with occasional rocks showing in the surf.- A man tried to get across the ocean and put down boulders as stepping-stones. The people at the town of oke'to, however, did not want a way across to be made. So they made the builder come back when he was only part way over, and pulled back most of his rocks. A few near shore are all that remain of the enterprise. This point was a boundary between Trinidad and oketo towns. People came here to collect edible seaweed (tsegiL) for drying. The name is said to refer to this fact. 30. sme'tsken, translated "chipmunk." A distant sea-stack, very small. Chip- munk, according to a myth, rolls himself about out there. I do not know the details of the story. 31. mU'reqw, translated "large cooking basket for acorn mush." A large sea-stack, called by the Coast Pilot, Hodge rock. 32. o-Lme'yes (Lmei, bad, dangerous). A sea-stack. For some reason, this rock is believed to be bad. No one ever goes near it. 33. tewkwr', translated "place where young seals were clubbed." The spot was used as a camp site by Trinidad (tsurai) for gathering seaweed, not for hunting sea mammals. 34. woksi'i, said to mean "large open space with grass." A resting-place on the coast trail. 35. kne'gwolek, translated "long." A sea-stack, which is vertical and rather high, not long. The name may be mythical, not descriptive. 36. wora/w. A sea-stack. An old woman in myth times once did something out here; my informant could not explain what. 37. o-tla"'l, translated "where it drips." A trickle of water. 38. pegwola'L, translated "flat paving or flooring stones for the sweat-house." A sea-stack, where the strata project in thick slabs. The name alludes, I think, merely to this appearance. 39. o-pegl'i, translated "where you-always-get-mussels" (pii). A distant sea-stack, almost submerged. 41. tsmo"opw-u-rpa"a, translated "Wildcat his water." A distant sea-stack. It is said that Wildcat always drank here. I think the name refers to a time when the ocean was not there, and its entire bed was ordinary landscape. 42. wr'grL, translated "wormy" (wr'gr, worm). A small sea-stack. The mussels here have many worms among them. 43. o-syrgr'is, translated "where they-enter." A sea rock, with two points. Boats are run in between these points when the people are gathering mussels. 1. o-tswi'gen, flat rocks 2. o-lu'p, flat 3. trgwr'g, sea-stack 4. e"go', beach 5. ra'vyip, pebble beach 6. mW-o-xnmekweL, level place 7. pe'me-o-le'gelin, niche in rock 8. o-tr&'hko, cave 9. ho'ktkeL, promontory 10. ma"aq, rock at edge of cliff II. tsur5'wa, TRINIDAD HEAD 12. o-ne:go', inlet in the rocks 13. lege'p'au, holc in the rocks 14. tmeR uml"n-o-lo"o, place 15. ne"imaW, point of rock 16. koi'xkfil-o-le'gwo'M, cave 17. pilfuktik-o-o'lo, near cliff 18. v'Lpets, PILOT ROCK 19. 'yrtis, southeast corner of the head 20. tsrhr'lik, recess in the rock 21. o-lega"w, where things drift 22. u-kw6'wa, beach 23. o-to'hpa, arch under a point 24. kr'nit-w-o"oL, LITTLE TRIN- IDAD IEAD 25. kr'nit w*"'yots o-le'p, rock 26. o-le'geL, cliff 27. o-mi Ige, promontory 28. we'tpa-o-rl'Igen, end of point 29. pr'Lkwrk, small rock 30. o-tse'gep, a rock in front of the landing-place 31. tsu'rai, town 32. k4likw wroi', creek 33. eqo'r-o-tep, place 34. pego'hpo, split rock in the bay 35. liqo men-o-yo wek, rock 36. ego:le'pa, rock in the bay 37. sko"onae, flat rock in the bay 38. niiu'xpoq, PRISONER'S ROCK 39. rplA'?w flat rock in the bay 40. maoi'qoro, rock in the bay; FLAT ROCK 41. prxte'qw, rock in the sand 42. prgwr'w, end of Trinidad beach 43. o-le"gep, a point or promontory 44. he':woli', creek 45. pema'ks-o-leg, soapstonequarry 46. tso'owin, flat rock in bay 47. holo'XtsuL, rock in the bay, al- most submerged 48. o-kr'grp, group of small rocks 49. mr'rp, rock in the bay 50. so'xtsin, promontory 51. tAi'&m-o-slo', crag at cliff edge 52. so'xtsin wroi', creek 53. te'w&-o-rC'ga, place where the trail passes inland behind some crags 54. alo'n, rock at the inshore end of a reef 55. yr'mrk, rock at outer end of reef (see no. 54) 56. r'Lrgr, DOUBLE ROCK 57. o-kre'get, rock in the water 58. o-ke'ga, place 59. tepo'na, rock offshore with a tree on it 60. omi'mos-w-aag, rock 61. qege't-fl-wrL, long, low-lying rock in water 62. tewolaa'g, large rock close off- shore 63. kwi'gerep, sharp rock in water 64. polk, large sea-stack 65. ketke'rok, crag 66. o-su'rg, cliff with a "blowhole'" 67. me'stsek, HONDA LANDING 68. prhrtsr'k, rock in water 69. o-sro'n, crag 70. ra'yipa, small rock in water 71. sre;por, site with shell-heap 72. rtskrgr'n, rock near Little river 73. me'tsko, LITTLE RIVER 74. o-kso'lig, place 75. o-kwe'ges, sand dunes OFF TRINIDAD ROCK 0 BLANK ROCK *3" PR CNERS ROCK 478 , 489 '49 a55 OPILOT ROCK I8 S8+ *60 4 PACIFIC OCEAN 688' * v,K SCALE P2 0 RECTANGLE K Map 33. (See key-map 4, opposite page 226.) *37 040 *40 FLAT ROCK *39 *63 20 1064- 1 MILES * s ^ 0I~~~~~~~~~~~ ,46 I 90aterman: Yurok Geography 45. re'kwoi, translated "creek-mouth" (cf. A-51). 47. tepo', translated "steep," or "it stands upright." A mountain's side. 49. qesqeia'q*, translated "standing on edge." A sea-stack. Compare with this expression, keskiL, wood-compartment (where the wood is stood on end). 50. o-ke'gep, translated "where they-lie-in-wait." A sea-stack. People went here to hunt sea lions. 51. me'wiL-e"g:rN, translated "elk stand-always." A promontory, called by the whites Elk point. 52. we'tpa-o-ri'igen. 53. le'poiL-o-pkwe'gets, translated "hair where it-emerges." A reef, around which the water "boils." It is said that deer-hair, bear-hair, and elk-hair come out on top of this water. 54. o-meno'qw, translated "where it-projects." A small promontory. 55. tiNL-o-le'go, translated "yellow where they frequent." A stretch of beach in front of a yellow bluff (ti'Npel, yellow). 57. te'wi-o-re'ga, translated "in-front where they-pass." A small promontory, in front of which people pass back and forth when the tide is out. 59. tsme'yis-o-ro"o, translated "where cliffs." A place on the hillside. People used to go out to "talk to" the trees here, asking for help. The location of the following places is uncertain: weritsr'qw-o-le'guk. A place north of Mill creek. qe'qwsen-o-qegeye'gwets, translated "redwood-bark they peel." A place considerably north of Mill creek, where people went to procure red- wood bark, for the manufacture of the dresses of shredded bark worn by "doctor." oLI"Ir. Place north of Mill creek. qe'rets-o-les. Crag on seashore. se'ge-w-o'o'lemeL, translated "Coyote his house." se'polek-o-sre'qwoni. Le'weL. A rock. wrLqri'sne-w-o'o'lemeL, translated "wolves their house." Notes on Rectangle K 1. o-tswi'gen, translated "where you talk." A group of flat rocks. If a person tells the spirit in here his troubles the spirit will give him help. 2. o-ui'p, translated "sound of breakers." A place, on the present baseball ground, where the sound of the breakers on the beach comes to one very clearly. 4. e"go'. A beach. This spot was a camping-place for parties who were going out for fish and sea lions. 5. rd'yip, translated "on the other side, beyond." A pebbly beach. 6. mewome'kwel. This name i3 applied to the level ground which abuts on the knoll called Trinidad head. MekweL, which seems to make up part of the expression, means a pile. 7. pe'me-o-le'gelin, translated "grease where it hangs." A place under the shadow of Trinidad head. I think the word pe'me means specifically whale blubber. 1920] 269 270 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 8. o-tra'hko, translated "where it drops or trickles." A cave. People used to go back into this cave in order to get rich. If one drop of water fell on the candidate he would soon be wealthy. If two drops fell on him he could never get out because the rock closed. One man, with a great deal of "power," went in there once and two drops fell on him. Then he went right through the solid rock of Trinidad head, and came out at a place just beside where the wharf now stands. 9. ho'ktkeL, said to refer to the manufacture of bows and arrows. This is said to be a place where the people practiced shooting with the bow. 10. ma"aq. Said to mean "he sits forever." The literal meaning may be "not does he move." A point of rocks. A man once went there to "cry" for luck; that is, to weep and call on the supernatural beings for help in becoming rich. He sat there one day, crying, when all at once he saw the "money" (dentalium shells) in the water, as numerous as sardines. He sat there con- tinually, refusing to go away. Finally he turned to stone; and is there yet. 11. tsure'wa. Trinidad head. The stem resembles the word for mountain, tsurai. The name is not descriptive, for the head is not more than a knoll of rock, connected with the shore by a low and rather narrow neck. Right at the top of the head there is said to be a hole in the rock, with a spring in it. 12. o-ne:go', translated "where it meets." A small inlet. The waves meet here in a sort of a chasm or cleft, and leap up the rocks. 13. lege'p'au, translated "cache." A hole or cave in the rocks. Here people used to leave harpoons and other tackle when they went away from Trinidad. 14. tmeR u ml" -0olo'o'. Said to mean "watches the people." Spot on the side of the head. A one-legged spirit lives there, who keeps track of everything people do. The present-day people, who are unclean and keep none of the taboos, are unable to see him. 15. ne" maw (nemii'qw, adze). A point, shaped like a Yurok adze, which has a curved handle of stone. 16. ko'!xkI-o-le'gwo'M, said to mean "perforated-stone where it-is covered." A cave. People took angelica root to this cave, which lies just below the present lighthouse, and put it in a pool of water which is found in a recess. The water would whirl when that was done. If that root were used in con- nection with some undertaking it would turn out well. 17. pii%ktik-o-o'lo, translated "albino deer where he-stands." A point of rock just below the last mentioned place. I do not know the reason for the name. 19. yia'Lpets. Said to mean "white." A great sea rock, called by the whites Pilot rock, because incoming schooners take the bearings of the anchorage from it. 19. hryrmr'is, translated "corner." Place where the configuration of the head turns back toward shore. 20. tsrhr'lik (tsr'hr is the sea lion harpoon). A hole in the rock near the outer side of the head, where people cached harpoons and other tackle. 21. o4legii"w, translated "where they-come." A place near the end of the present wharf. It got its name because things drift ashore there continually. 22. u-kwe'wan, translated "his basket" (qe"woi). Place below the cliff between Trinidad head and the smaller point known as Little Trinidad head where there is a small beach. 23. o-to'hpaw, translated "where there is a hole, or passage." A place where there is a natural archway through a point of rock. CQ ~ - ~ - CD C CD ' w CD~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C I I,iIA CD C 0 CD ~ ~ %~ CP 0 D lO r- i I '... I I %-J Waterman: Yurok Geography 24. kr'nit-w-6'oL, translated "Chicken-hawk his house." A promontory, called by the whites Little Trinidad head. Chicken-hawk, a-famous myth charact- er, seems to have had his original home at this spot. Afterward he went off on a sort of a tour, and place-names all over the country bear testimony to his deeds. 25. kr'nit-we'i-yots-o-lep, translated "Chicken-hawk his boat where it-lies." A rock in the surf which resembles a canoe turned upside down, covered by the water at high tide. A myth recounts that kr'nit when he went away turned his boat over and left it there. Ocean was this hero's wife. She was always talking and muttering, the Indians say; "and she is that way even yet." 26. o-le'geL. Said to mean "where they obtain clay, or earth." People came here to obtain blue clay, which was used "like soap" to whiten buckskin dresses. 27. o-mi'ige. Said to mean "where they practice, or imitate." Little girls went to this spot, on a small promontory, to practise the brush dance. 28. we'tpa-o-ri'igen, apparently meaning "sea lion where he always-sits." A point of rock, which is said by the Indians to look like a sea lion's head. This name occurs also in rectangle J-52. 29. pr'Lkwrk. Said to mean "gray," or "yellow." A small rock in the surf. 30. o-stse'gep (or o-tse'gep), translated "where they-disembark." A rock lying just in front of the landing-place. 31. tsui'rai, translated "mountain." A town. The situation of this place is rather interesting. It lies near the white settlement of Trinidad. The white town occupies a flat of a good many acres' extent, with Trinidad head on the sea- ward side, and the hills rising, heavily timbered, to the east. The bluff is rather wind swept. The Indian village lies over this bluff, on a slope leading down to Trinidad bay. I recall that the Indian village is as completely out of sight as though it did not exist until one approaches the summit of the declivity and looks down. On the day of my visit, a cold wind w-as sweeping over the treeless flat about the white town, but in the Indian village, down over the bluff, the air was still warm and pleasant. At the present time few relics of the Indian village remain. A few Indians still frequent the place, but they live in European structures. The accompanying sketch-map (map 34) shows the arrangement of the houses. The man who lived in house 4, tsui'rai, is said to have been enormously wealthy and a great tyrant. He owned places far to the south, on Little river, and also far to the north along the coast. He is said to have had eleven wives. 33. eqo'r-o-tep, translated "cooking-basket where it-stands." 34. pego'hpo, translated "split." A sea rock with a cleft in it. 35. liqo'men-o-yowek, meaning possibly "bait where they-leave." A flat rock in the bay. People are said to have left bait there and fishing-lines. 36. ego:le'pa, translated "cache" (cf. no. 14, above). A rock, like the preceding. People left fishing-tackle there also. 38. nUiU'xpoq, translated "double." A great rock, or two rocks, divided by a wide chasm. The whites call it Prisoner's rock. 40. maoi'qoro, translated "round." A sea rock. 41. prxte'qw, connected with paxtek, "storage basket." A rock half buried in the sand, resembling in shape the utensil named. 42. prgwr"w. The end of Trinidad beach; the place where the cliffs begin again. 43. o-le'gep. The word is said to refer to the fact that the rock stopped the wind and made a warm place. 44. he' :wo' II wroi'. A creek. The word is said to mean large. A crag on the cliff edge is called he':wo'li, but I do not know its exact location. - 1920] 271 272 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 45. pemii'ks-o-le'g, translated "soapstone-dish where they-make." 47. o-lo'xtsiL, translhted "where they wet basket materials" (in weaving baskets). A rock in the bay. The origin of the name I am not certain about, but I think it refers to the fact that the top of the rock is just a-wash, and always wet. 48. o-kr'grp, translated "where they always gather clams" (keptsr'). A series of rocks and reefs, extending out from shore. I think the name, again, refers to the fact that the rocks look like clam shells, scattered about. 51. tai"am-o-slo', translated "elderberry-bush where it-grows." A crag. 53. tewe-o-rega, translated "in-front where they-pass." Place where the trail turns to avoid some rocky cliffs. 55. yr'mr'k, translated "crooked." A distant sea rock. 56. r'Lrgr, translated "where they get Indian potatoes" (edible bulbs). This name was given to me with reference to several places, one of them on Trinidad head, and again as the name of a sea-stack. This is the only place where I could get a definite location for the name. 57. o-kne'get, translated "where they always get arrow-points." Once, in myth times, someone was going to make the rock here into a place where people could go for arrow-points, but the scheme fell through. 58. o-ke':ga, translated "where people get angelica root." This root (WO'Lpri) was used in connection with prayers, being burned in the fire. 59. tepo'na (tepo-tree). Rock, lying close offshore, with a tree on it. 60. omi'mos-w-aa'g, translated "Hupa his rock." Two small sea rocks almost sub- merged. A Hupa man bought this rock from the people in Trinidad, because he liked mussels to eat. According to the account, the Hupa came over every season to collect the mussels (pi'!). 61. qege't-u-wrL, translated "panther (that is, puma) his tail." A long, low-lying sea rock. I think the name is descriptive of its configuration. 62. tegwo laag, meaning (probably) " oceanward rock." 63. kwi'gerep, translated "sharp." A narrow sea rock. 64. poi'k, a bird. The word is said to be the word for nighthawk (kweyiVts) in the coast dialect; but this seems unlikely. 65. ketke'rok, translater "hanging down." The usual word is ara'w, which may be contained in this expression. 66. o-suirg, translated "blowhole." A cave at the water level, which is filled with each advancing wave, the compression of the air inside blowing out a burst of spray. 67. me'stsek, translated "meadow." A flat behind a cliff. The whites rigged up a cable here for loading schooners with shingles from a small mill which stood close by. The place is known as Honda landing. 70. riayipa', translated "on the other side," "beyond." 71. sre'por. A site with house-pits and a great quantity of shell. Some of my in- formants said there were once four houses and a sweat-house here. The site overlooks Little river, and was Yurok. Concerning its importance, and whether or not it was a permanently inhabited place, I have no information. 72. rtskrgr'n, translated "everybody -looked." A great rock, beside the stream (Little river). A myth recounts that kr'nit, the chicken-hawk, was going to build a fish-weir here. "Everybody looked," however, in defiance of the taboos governing in such matters, so he never succeeded. 74. o-kso'lig, translated "where he fell," or "where they painted him." Sun (won- u'-sleg, "overhead he goes") once fell down here. Raccoon and his brother painted his face and threw him back again. 75. o-kwe'ges, translated "where people get strawberries" (kwestsi'M). Waterman: Yurok Geography I was unable to get definite locations for the following places: no'osogo'r, translated "baby basket." A crag on the hillside, somewhere to the north of Little river. no"o, translated "split," or "double." A sea-stack far to the north of Trinidad Not to be confused with no. 38 of the present series. o-tskrgt'n. A crag somewhere north of Little river. he'weL, translated "stand up," or "it stood up." The story goes that an old woman from Trinidad out getting wood once cut down a tree at this spot, working with wedge and maul. The tree fell. Then after a time it stood upright again; then the old woman ran away. The story accounts for the name. ALPHABETICAL LIST OF PLACE NAMES The order of characters is: i, e, ii, a, r, o, u, w, y, h (x), p, m, t, s, ts, n, 1 (L), k (q), g. The letter and arabic numerals following each name indicate the rectangle and the location upon this rectangle of the place named. A letter followed by an asterisk indicates that the exact location of the place named is not known. e ef'repa wroi'. I-42 eRk6'. H-4 eRkW' wroi'. H-5 e'xgo'. D-83 e'wpo u kwapeL. B-12 e'mets wroi'. See amonek wroi' emkiki' rpqwr'ix. A* e'so. I-32 esph'w. H-14 espa'w oke'tiL. H-15 espA'w ole'go. F-4 etskwokul"uik. A-70 enikole'L. Map 2-50 e'nek. Map 2-24 en:imAw. J-8 e'geLnak. G* ayo. Map 2-59 ayo'omok. Map 2-14 ayo'h. A-7 ayo'L. C-52, F-53 ayo'L wroi'. F-54 Apye'w. Map 2-18 amonek. B-20 a'monek wroi'. B-19 e'Npew. C-66 e'Npew wroi'. C-65 e'Lkel oro"o. H-6 e'Lkel ote'p wroi'. C-29 e'keq osrai'. I* eqo'r otep. K-33 e"xgo. D-83 e"go. K-4 ego"oloqw. E-99 ego :le'pa. K-36 egolo'ts wroi'. E-113 egolo'k. Map 20 egwole'qw. G-3 egwole'qw wroi'. E-130 egwole'qw higwo'n. G-4 *- a'spik oskui'. A-32 atskwokui"ui. B-5 a'nkau. H-36 akor ote'p. A-35 akonileL. Map 2-13 a"golok. H-12 aguir ole" ge" law. G* 1920] 273 274 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 a aiqo"o. G-37 aatemr' hada'g. G-10 aro'ox-pets. G-5 au "wo. E-84 aukweya'. E-109 aukweya' wroi'. E-110 amuk. E* alo'n. K-5 ago"os. G r r'. F-34 ri'niq ego'. D-109 re.'ptem. D-94 reqoi'qes. A* re'kwoi. A-51, G-54, J-45 re'kwoi emeLpi'gr. C-40 re'kwoi ole'go. F-3 regr'ogits. E-88 re'gok oyul"u. A-8 rego'k-omfi'. C-36 rai'yo. E-34 ra'yip. K-5, K-70 rayoik. Map 2-15 rooke'tsu. Map 2 ro :moi'. G-40 ro's otfu'k. E-121 ronts ole'go. D-66 rotgon ego'. D-81 r"wr. B-45 rwrgrLr"q. D-8 rpi'k. J-1 rpry3i'RL. E-92 rplaw. K-39 rplr'. E-136 rplrqr'Lhrwrnr'k. E* rte'R. D-55 rtr'qr. Map 2-51 rtrgrp. D-96 rtskrgr'n. K-72 rnr'. C-46 r'nr wroi'. C-45 rnr'q. A-46 rnrgr'. D-125, D-76 rnrgr"r. B43 rnrgr'gem. B-42 rli'iken. C-11 rli'iken pets. C-14 rli'rk. A-69 rlr'n. Map 2-40 rL. Map 2-10 r'Lr pul. G-19 r Lrgr. G-26 r'lrgr. A-28 r'Lkrgr. C-63 r'Lkrgr pets wroi'. C-64 rkyi'rgr. C-17 rkye'R. D-60 rkye'R wroi'. E-37 rkyr'. Map 2-1 rgr'its. Map 2-36 rgr' wroi'. 1-24 0 orl'ik. I-9 orl'lg. C-80 ore'wok. A-17 e"res. E-67 or:ego's. A-43 ore'gok. D-32 o :re'w. G-22 ore'qw. H-32 orai'w. H-35, A-2, C-32, Map 2* ora'am. D-45 oro"o. F* oro :wis. E-15 o"rome'n. D-148 orui'wis. D-89 orpi'rk. F-39 o'osat'mits. I* o"oleqw. G-31 owi'igr. E-39 owere'qw. F-44 owe'yek. I-39 owega'. E-61 owa' wroi'. E-32 owa"ar. J-12 owrgr'. D-28 owrgr'ts. G-53 owrgr'L., A-12 o"woh. D-77 o-yegos. Map 2* ohe'Lku olegai' wroi'. E-102 o'hpo. C-56 o'hpo wroi'. C-55 o'xtr-soh. C-9 Waterman: Yurok Geography o'htr wroi'. C-27 o-pegoi'. Map 2* opa"an. E-83 opetso'ts. C-47 opegl'!. J-39 opegi"iyem. A-64 ope'gis. H-li o'p:eget. A* opegoi'yuir. J-3 opego'L. I-12 ope'gwoL. C-38 opre'ga. See te'kta oprmr'g. J-20 oprmr'g wroi'. J-21 oprgr'. See mele'kwa oprgr'. Map 2-33 oprgrnrkis. F-24 opui"wet wroi'. D-44 opy-u'weg. I-35, map 12, map 2* oplego. Map 2-38 oplr'. F-30 oplr',wroi'. F-33 oplo'. F-57 oplo' wroi'. F-58 oplo'-higwon. F-11 oml'lge. K-27 omI'mos waa'g. K-60 omi'mos wrnr'. B-22 omi's. C-20 omI's wroi'. C-22 omi's-won. C-23 omi'g. D-47 o'men. A-26 o'men wroi'. A-9 o'men-hipiir. A-10 o'men-wa. A* o men oro "o. C-61 o'men emeLt'kum. F-36 omeno'k. J-54, B-33 omeno'k wroi'. B-32 ome'kweL. C-71 omege'nep. F-56 ome'gra. E* omega" a wroi'. B-60 omanW'L. D-113 omo'L. D-108 otj'trw. E-101 otetqo'L. E-122 otegeke't wroi'. G-17 otega'. H-7 otego'reyet. B-21 otegu'k. . D-58 otere'qw. F-51 o'teriiu. E-40 oteyo'. G-38 ota'g. C-7 o'tre'ga'. E-56 otre'gon. D-69 otregworil'. C-8 otrahko. K-8 otr'pr. Map 2* otrgr'p wroi'. A-22 otoi' sr'mrnrs. C-54 ot'o'r wroi'. D-26 oto'hpaiw. K-23 otii'iUk. I* otwe'go. A-75 otwe'go wroi'. A-78 otmekwo'R. H-30 ot'mego'. F-46 otle'p. Map 2-43 otla'w. H-2, J-37 otla'w wroi'. G-41, E-72, D-119 otlii'iik. A* osi'g. H* ose'k. F-22 osegi's. D-20 osegere'qw. D-27 osegere'qw wroi'. D-30 ose'gep rgr'ik. D-33 o'segen. B-24 o'segen wroi'. B-25 osegenii'm. I-7 osega'wits. G-7 osAiw wroi'. C-21 osaa'qw. D-102 osAa'qw wroi'. D-103 osro n. K-69 o'srpr. E-80 o'srpr wroi'. B-27 o"so. B-63 osoii'-UkweL. I-18 osta'rg. K-66 oswrgr't. B-18 osyrgr'is. J-43 osyo'h. H-1 OSyO'L. D-95 OSyO'L wroi'. D-17 osprwr'ts wroi'. E-115 osmemo 'RL. G-56 o-sme'tsken. Map 2-12 ostse'L (otsA'L). D-80, D-i9 ostse'gep. N-23, A-47, A-36, I*, K-30 oslegoi'ts. Map 22, D-92, D-142, G-59 oslegoi'ts wroi'. E-135 oslo'qw. I-22 1920] 275 276 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 oslo'qw-o-wetrego. oskI'ig. H-29 otsi'kits. G-9 otseki'skr. C-25 otsehkeu'skr wroi'. C-28 otsap. E-142 otsi'p wroi'. F-19 o'tsapimia'r. E-141 otsii'p higwo'n. F-2 otsepo'r. G-39 otse'ge weti'k. H-3 otse'gep. See ostsegep otse'gep pye'gw6giL. D-13 otsa'u. E-131 otSa'L. See ostseL otswl'gen. K-1 otsi'gr. J-22 otspii'mik. J-22 otsnepA'w. A-42 o-tskrgrt'n. Map 2* otskrgu'n. K* otskrgril'n. E-4 one'gep. E* onegetsl'qw. J-58 one:go'. K-12, A-15 onr"'oma'qW. F-25 oli'ik. E-90, A-82 oli'k. A-11 oli'geL. A* o'le". E-29 o'lew pa"a. D-52 olepo'L wroi'. E-12 ole"M. J-10 ole"N. I-46 ole'L. F-17 ole'L wroi'. F-16 olgi'k wroi'. E-78 olege'. D-137 ole"gep. K-43 olege'L. Map 2-32 ole:geL. K26, H, I* olega&w. K-21 ole"ga wroi'. D-1, E-77 oleqwose'qw. 1-29 ola'ig. G-42 olrgr' sohtse. B-54 oloi'L wroi'. B-44 olo" omono opye'gwfgiL. D-12 tipr'sr. A-76 uLme'gwo. A-58 oLotsyil'. D-2 ololu't. F-20 olo'k. E-98 olo'g. Map 2-53 olua'p. K-2 OLpI" ir. J* oLpiiu'. D-4 oLme'yes. J-22 oLke'grtsom. F-59 oLke'go. D-65 oLkrgr' wroi. C-67 O'Lko. D-9 o'Lko hiqo'. D-10 OL he'Lku olegai'. E-103 oklge'. Map 19 okigo'. E* oke'to. I-26 oketo'k. G-48 okege5'I. I-13 oke'ge. E-89 okegeye'L. See qeLqu oke'gep. A-18, J-50 okege'ptsuL. F-42 okege'to. I-30 oke':ga. K-58 oke'go. Map 22 oke'go. Map 22 oke'go wroi'. E-138 okriigr'. G* okro' kle"wpo. D-36 okrmrtsr'. B-3 okr'grp. K-48 okwe'ges. K-75 okwe'go. H-37, E-59, A-30 o-kwe'go. Map 2* okwe'go oke'to. A-25 okwe'go wroi'. E-123 okyatE'yeqw. H* o'kpis. C-82 oktke'R. J-46 okso'lig. K-74 oknew. H-20 okne'w wroi'. F45 okne'ru. A* oknti'L. Map 2-35, 55 okne'get. A-66, B-1, J-6, K-57 oknhU'L wroi'. C-6 U uima' tsi'guk. C-73 uiqwe'wa. K-22 92]aterman: Yurok Geography w wi'tJqwoL. D-115 wiLnega' wroi'. G-118 weixteme wroi'. C-30 weixtemeL. C-31 we'itspek. A-52 we%'itspfas. G-21 we'itspgs otsi'n oLoma' ukso' wroi'. G* weintsau'ks omei'Lwes. G* we'iqem. E-16 weritsr'q ole'guk. J* we'Rpeqw wroi'. E-42 weyo'. Map 2-56 we'tpa ori'!gen. K-28, J-52 we'tsets. Map 2-30 wetsetsqii's. Map 2* wesito'. F-29 we'sona mestso'. C-34 we'spen. G-16 we'skwenet. F-13 we'skwenet-o-tna'w. Map 2-49 we'logets. E-105 we'Lkik. F-1 we'Lkwaw. A-72 we'Lkwhw opaa. E-8 we'Lkwew wolo"mono wroi'. B-30 wa"a. E-38 wa"amoks. A-33 wa" as inera'. A-6 wa'ase. E-68 wa' ase eme'kwoL. C-62 wa'ase hipets wroi'. E-69 wa'ase hiqo' wroi'. E-70 wai"aw son. A-67 wa'hsek. F-32 wa'hsek hipfi'r wroi'. F-23 wa'hsek hiqo' wroi'. F-37 wa'men. G* wahtsero'. A-73 wa tsene'gomek. E-17 wri'L ego. D-98 wr'relts otmal'w. D41 wr"rgri. D-110 wrtsr"w. H* wr'sip uso'n. A-5 wrsr'i wroi'. wr'Lri wroi'. B-57 wrLqri'sne woo'lemeL. J* wr"grs. D-75 wrgr'L. J-42 wori"w. J-36 wor-o"mes. E-114 wo'weyek. Map 22 wo'hpi rk. C-51 wo'hpi or. F-35 wo'hpi OL. A-74 wohpe'iyo. E-44 wohpere' rnt. B-49 wo'xpa. F-47 wo'hpo reqe'n. D-104 wo'xtek. D-31 wo'xtek-wona"w. See haag-o-tek wo'xtoi. G-43, Ma.p 2-43 wohke'ro. D-25 wo'xku. See t'ui'lek wo"mots. B-17 wot'o'. F-40 wo'tokwoR wroi'. D-53 won ol'g. C-57 wo'tskew. C-59 wo'tskew osolo'neyik. C-58 wo'koteL. E-117 wo'kotel wroi'. E-128 wokotse'k wroi'. E* wo"ke'l. B-39 wo"ke'l pets wroi'. B40 wo"ke'l pul wroi'. B-36 wokse'i. J-34 wo'gi. E-95, map 22 wo'gi oso'ho neye'q". D-64 wo'gi sitso' wroi'. A-23 wo'gi so'teg. See pe'kw ttuI-xo wo'gisya'. A* wo'giL ote'poni. A-31 wo'giL ote'k. B41 wo'gan: E-51 wo'gow. D-67 y ye'wome'. D-39 ye'q-tsin. J-25 ye'gweL ukwa'p. H-19 yr'mrk. K-55 yr'nr'pfL. J-18 yo'x-tr. D-86 yo'xtr wroi'. B47 yots okegE'I. I-2 yots legai'. A-19 yogeyo'L. E-108 yogoyo'r. H* yflLpe'ts. K-18 277 1920] 278 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 h hime'L. E-19 hime'L wroi'. F-18 hime'L hiqo' wroi'. E-21 hiNkelo'L. E-41 hine'i. Map 2-3 hin'eg. Map 2-5 hinkun. F-55 hirikumr"w. A-24 hirat'momeLpi'gr. F-9 hike'ts. Map 2-54 higwone'k. Map 2-22 he'weL. K* he"wo. I* he' :wol;. K-44 heyomua'. See lo"olego. he'sir. E-66 here'mtsolo'q. B* herpuanamo'. E-129 he'Lkii-sr. A-60 helega"a wroi'. D-15 he'Lkiis ole':gem. A-13 heLqwalil'L. E-107 hegwono'l otsyui'. C-40 hekege'. G-10 hego' olego' wrpqwr'i. D-97 ha'asqr"r. E-112 hai'asqr"r hiqo'. E-111 ha"wo wroi'. A-80 ha'wegok hipui'r wroi'. C-18 hawok. C-3, J-28 haye'qw. G-46 hapo'r. D-127 haLkutso'r. Map 2-16 haag. A-37 haa'goteqw. D-34 haa'gosyoiL. B-13 haagoru" uwore'L wroi'. B-56 haagola'. G-14 haagolo'k. G-28 ha'iqw. J-48 hr'wr'w. A-45, I-8 hryrmr'is. K-19 ho"owoR. C-24 ho"oreq. D-40 howego'. C-19 honare'qw. G-25 ho' ome'R. D-112 ho' ome'R wroi'. D-111 hoo'n-o-tep. Map 2* ho" onokok. G-35 ho" mono'otep. D-120 ho'hko. 1* ho" paw. B-37 ho" paw welega' wroi'. B-35 ho" paw wroi'. B-31 ho'paw pu'l wroi'. B-34 ho'paw hipe'ts wroi'. B-38 hola'xtsuL. K-47 ho'ktkeL. K-9 hiViiksorek. E-76 hii'iUksore'qen wroi'. E-75 huimawr'. Map 2* p pi'min. Map 2-57 pi'Npa. I-38 pe'wetoL. J-56 pe'me ole'gelin. K-7 pema'ks ole'g. K-45 pet'owo". I-33 pe'tolo. E-63 petso'w. Map 2-42 petso'-hiqo'. Map 2 petskui srnr'i. D-70 pe'tsk-is ore'tse. A-56 peno'. F-50 peno' wroi'. F-49 pelikr'rts. G-58 pe'Lkeneq. D-126 pe'LkoL. E-132, G-47. pe"ikar ore'w. G-26 pe'kwan. D-54 pe'kwan eme'Lnok. D-71 pe'kwan wroi'. D-62 pekwu tU'L. G-24 pekwu tU'L. D-56, I-6 pekwu tU'LSo. G-49 pekwtsui. Map 2-7 pe'gwi. I-3 pegwe'. Map 2-48 pe'gwo' ole'g. H-9 pegwola'. H-26 pegwola'L. J-38 pego'hpo. K-34 paiyamua'r. A pa"ar. I-21 pa' +teq. Map 22 pre.'grau'. E-23 prhrtsr'k. K-68 pr'xteq. K-41 pr'Lkwrk. K-29 pr'kwr'i. D-14 Waterman: Yurok Geography 27 prgwr'w. K-42 prgrui"Rra'. D-139 pr'gris-otsye'guk. A-29, I-15 pr'grL ole'go. D-43 poi'xko ole'p. I-17 poiyowiu'r wroi'. A-57 poiyura'. H-23 poiyura' wroi'. H-24 poi'k. K-64 po"otoi. G po" to'yo. F-12 pot s!'. G-36 posl'r. Map 2-17 posi'r oLhaag. C-68 mistsi'ks. Map 2-9 ml'lonets. G-50 miLmfl'wimui. D-146 me'rip. E-87 me'rip wroi'. E-93 meR hipe'ts wroi'. E-66 me'rip hiqo' hi'gwonui. E-85 mer-oge't. D-135 me'rxkwi. E-54 me'Rqo. D-46 me'wiL e"g:rN. J-51 meyepe'r wroi'. C-75 meta'. D-118 meta' wroi'. D-129 metke"ox. J-16 mesto'. B-li me'stsek. K-67 me'tsep rgr'its. E-47 me"itsr ole'go. F-5 me'tsko. K-73 mene" wots. E-139 me'nes. Map 22 me'n:oi. B-6 meno'men. G* me' li'L. D-124 melekoi'yo. A-39 meLe'kwa. J-14 me'leg. B-9 me'leg wroi'. B-10 me'legoL. Map 2-20 meLmiuwim. A-16 meLnega'. G-11, D-138 me'Lkui. D-100 me'Lku wroi'. D-106 meke'L. H me"ikwets. E-79 meqwtege'n. G-8 mega'. A-40 mega'r uikwr'tsr. A pORkwe'L. E-64 pfi'lik sr. C-53, A-59, D-63 pii'fUktik oo'lo. K-17 pye'h oske'go. A-4 pyegwela'w wroi'. G-34 pya'ageL. Map 2-42 plepe'!. A-53, see also hrgwr ple'ken. H-10 plo' :le wroi'. E-28 plo'kse. D-149 plo'ksew. Map 2-34 pkets ope'gemui. A-49 pkwo" oro. C-26 m mega'u. E-46 megwimo'r. G-51 megwi'L ote'get. G-52 ma"aits. 1-25 ma"aq. K-10 mawome'kweL. K-76 maRkwi. I-37 mai"wa wroi'. E-106 mapaga'L. F-26 mapaga'L wroi'. F-27 ma"a. Map 2-25 ma"a wr"rpqwri. D-93 ma'aspume'u. See orpi'rk wroi' ma'a spul wroi'. C-33 ma"aga wroi'. E-97 maoi'qoro. K-40 mr'rp. K-49 mrr" mes. G mrwrsisla' wroi'. D-116 mr"yr. B-4 mrhr'k. J-40 mr'pr. Map 2* mrnego'. D-107 mr'L gr. D-140 mrku'r. E-65 mr'qwRL. D-78 mrgr"N. J-7 mo"o ote'k. A-41 mi'reqw. J-31 mui'rek. E-35 mu RM. H-28 mu'RM owe"eiku. A-3 mur'N. G* mu'RN tsrkrsi'L. J-15 mfl'rnui ke'peL. D-21 mu"uM. D-37 m-a'nek. F-15 mii'ntse haag. E-7 myrgwr'. E-94 1920] 279 280 University o'f California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 t ti'o'o. D-72 tioxkr'or. D-136 tiNL ole'go. J-55 tekwo. I-5 t'i'gon. H-18 te'we ore'ga. J-57, K-53 tepa'axk. Map 2-52 tepo'. J-47 tep6'na. K-59 tepola'w. E-52 tepolA'w wroi'. E-50 teto'no wroi'. E-6 tetfu's. H-13 tesire'n. G-57 teke'tin. See wahsek teko'l. Map 22 te' kti'L. D-150 tekwana'L. I tekui's oke'pel. E-26 tewkwr'. J-33 te'kwo I-19 te"kwon rek. F-8 te'kta. D-4 te'kta wroi'. D-6 te'kta krtsr'. C-78 te'kta ote'mets. B te'kto okte'nets. H-22 tekwsau'. D-79 tegwalaus. A* tewolaa'g. K-62 tegwola' otsa'l. A-62 tegwola'w oslo'qw. F-52 tegwo'L. Map 2-47 tegoiye"M. F-21 ta"amoslo. K-51 ta'aL woag. ta':tail. A-27 ta"taweL. G ta'to ole'go. 0-75 tahtosi'ts. A-34 t'r'i. F-28 tr'wr. B-48 tr'wr wroi'. B-46 tr'pr. E-143, A-50 t'r'pr. G-12 tr'pr uipqwr'i. D-141 trqwrnr'w. D-1 1 trgwr'. J-4 trgwr'g. K-3 toruso' wroi'. See qri wroi'. to'htr. C-35 tohtrme'qw wroi'. H-33 to'xtr pets. C-37 toxteme'qw. I-4 to'hpr. G-13 to'loweL. 1-45 tolo'qw. Map 2-6 tulrip. B-52 tul'rip hir wroi'. B-53 ti'noiyoL Map 2-21. tunoiyo'L otegeket. See ote'get wroi' t'uD'Iek. E-55 tiu'loiyo wroi'. E-58 twe'Lkr. 0-77 tmi'gon. D-121 tmeR Umi"L olo"o. K-14 tmr'i. A-54 tmr'i wroi'. A-55 tse'max. Map 2* S sie'geL. E-71 sio'gon. Map 22 sio'gon hipe'ts. Map 22 sigoni'i. I si'gwets. H-31 seye'w osle'p. A-81 sepora'. Map 246 sepola'. Map 2-26 se'polek osre'qwoni. J sepola' uasa'xs. H semi'L. See qo'otep wroi' semi"L wroi'. See qo'otep wroi' sekwona'. H-21 segwe'w. Map 2-23 segwora' wroi'. C-74 se'ge woo'lemeL. J* segwe'm. See segwui' segwona'R. D-91 segwo'RkSOL. E-45 sa" a. E-49 sa"a. J-26 sa'ir. G-33 Sia"aL. B-50 sii"iil hipe'ts wroi'. B-51 sre'por. K-71 srego'n. D-90 sr'rnr. D-68 sr'pr. C-72 sr'pr meL e"go. D-42 soiqw. B-8 Waterman: Yurok Geography so,,o ogua'r. I* so"o tsyuik. C41 so"o oke'tsiL. D-88 so'xtsin. K-50 so'xtsin wroi'. K-52 sots-ole':gai. D-61 su"ui. A-38 stupai'L. I sfi'mig. J-11 sto'wen wroi'. B-58 sto'wen pets wroi'. C-4 sto'wen so'htsi. C-1 sme'Rkit. D-18 smeRkitu'r wroi'. B-16, E-36 sme'tsken. J-30 slo-'o. G-32 SlO'WiL. C-60 sto'wen. B-59 sko"onaw. K-37 skoyamui'. G ts tsl'rq otep. D-123 tsio pi'L wroi'. E-14 tsi'poi wroi'. G-44 tsi'kw tsen. I-36 tsi'goliw wroi'. D-48 tsi'!xko. I* tsemi'L wroi'. D-22 tse'tskwi. E-124 tse'tskwi-kes. E-126 tselo'notep. A-77 tse'Lkum. C-42 tse'Lkwaw. F-43 tse'Lkwaw hipets wroi'. F-48 tse'Lkwaw higwo'n. F-6 tse'kweL. A-79 tse'ktsiN e"go. C-43 tse'ktsiN. C-44 tsegige :goi'l. F-31 tse'ge omu. D-3 tsegoro'k higwon. E-22 tsegoro'k wroi'. E-24 tsegeroqw hiqo' wroi'. W-25 tsegoro'koR. E-27 tse'gwa. E-96 tsa'posro'r. E-13 tsa'ks omilui'. F* tsa'h spiw. D-23 tsa'hspe opa"a. Map 12 tsa'hpek oke'to. I-11 tsa'hpek. I-10. tsa'pek srmrnr'i. D-7 tsrahprsl'k. A-68 tsr'hr ole'go. B-2 tsrhr'lik. K-20 tsrktsryr'. E-1 tso'owim. K-46 tso"ok wroi'. G-55 tsots ome'kweL. D-128 tso'tskwi. I-14 tso'tskwi hipau'. I* tso'tskwi hipe'ts wroi'. E-125 tso'kik. D-101 tso'kik wroi'. D-99 tsure'wa. K-11 tsui'rai. K-31 tSUR owa"a. D-122 tSulOiyO'L. D-130 tsweyomE'we wroi'. E-5 tspe'ga ore'qen. D-59 tspa'ar. I-41 tspa'ar wroi'. I-40 tsme'yis oro"o. J-59 tsmegi'ts we'sle'k wone'w. A-21 tsmo"oqw uipa"a. J-41 tskr'i. G-45 tskr'mrwr. A-63 tskwe'ges ori'ken. C-50 tskwe'ges waa'g. B-15, J-13 n nlI"OlOL. C-39 ni"wo. I-27 ni"tepo. D-35 ni'niputs amo'. F-41 ni'krk. I ni'qr. D-73 nikuirtsr'i wroi'. A-61 nigwe'go. H-17 nigwe'go wroi'. H-16 ni'grk. B-61 nege's. H ne"weleL. J-27 ne"ymAw. K-5 nepii'i sots olego'L. D-57 ne'leL. Map 2-11 neke'L wroi'. neko':sit. G-15 neko'ksip. C-81 1920] 281 282 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 16 negeni's wroi. E-145 nega'htuir haag. E-20, D-144 negona'. D-114 nego'ksap. D-85 na'astok. Map 2-29 nanepi'r. C-79, E-127 nako' osre'goR. E-48 na'giL. C-48 na'giLso. B-62 na'xkwoi. G nahksau'. E-120 nr'rtsopo'piL. I-1 nryi'tm-U'RM. I-43 nrgr'i Oi'L. I-34 noro'rpeg. Map 2-2 noroyul'r. See oke'tohime'L. nORpI"L. D-38 no"o. A-48, K no'osogo'r. K no'htska. B-14 no'htska wroi'. E-33 no'htska-hipfi'r wroi'. D-132 no'xtskum. D-147 no"mig. B-14 no'nogits. numeroi' wroi'. I-44 nuiui'xprik. B-26 nuiil'xpoq. K-38 nker numi'ig. I-28 1 liqo'men oyo'wek. K-35 16'wit. D-133 Le'weL. J* le'yes osro'. I* lepoma'w. J-29 le'ptoiL opqwe'gets. J-53 le'plen. Map 2-58 LamitkweL. C-13 LamakweL hiqo' wroi'. C-15 leta'. D-5, E-100 lege'p'au. K-13 lega'. I-20 la"iiL opegE&yiL. D-29 lo'ole'go. G-30 lo' ole wroi'. G-29 lo'ole'go pets. G-6 loxLqo'. A* lo'hkto. E-118 logeno'L. Map 2-4 le'pin. E-81 Loko'L uapa"a. E-62 Lokoi'L wekwo'RL. F-38 Lkere'i. I* Lke'likep wroi'. J-44 Lke'lik OL. A-65 Lke'lik ole'pa. A-1 Lke'lik wroi'. B-28 Lkr's ote'nem. A* k qi"toL. D-84 kiLomeyo'. A-20 ki'Lotep wroi'. C-12 ki'Lotep hima'r. C-16 qe'rets ole's. J* ke'winfl'. C-69 ke'winul' wroi'. C-70 ke'wet. G-2 keyaweyu's. H-27 keyomo'r. wroi. E-11 ke"ikem. 1-23, D-105 ke'per. Map 2-28 ke'peL. E-53 ke'p :ew. A* ke'peLoki'm. F-7 ke'peL miL e"goL wroi'. D-24 kepero'r. D-131 ke"men. D-134 qeto'k. H-34 ketke'rok. K-65 keski'L. J-2 keskiL. Map 2-2 qesqeia'qw. J-49 wetsai'lkew. G* ketse'kw. J-5 ketso'k. A-71 qe'nek. E-137 qe'nek wroi'. E-133 qe'nek hiqo'. E-134 qe'nek heL. E-119 qe'nek pul.. E-116 qe'nek wone'w owe"elqftn. E-60 qe'neqas. E-140 ke'LpeL. B-7 qe'Lqui. I* qe'qw sen opegeyegwets. J* ke'k-oi. A* qegiwe'tti. Map 2* qege'tfiwrL. K-61 qaxteL. Map 2-39 Waterman: Yurok Geography qa'ales. Map 2* kaseguvain. Map 2* qrrwr'. Map 2-37 krLelnegwo'rkes. D-51 kr'nit we'iyots ole'p. K-25 kr'nit WO"OL. K-24 qr'mruk. E-57 kr'hpr otsi'n otsye'gf. C-5 krhpr'slek. E-82 kr'otskegi'm. A-14 qr'i wroi'. B-29 koi'xkul Ole'gwo'M. K-16 ko'Yk wroi'. K-32 ko'ro'gis. H-25 ko"omen. Map 2-31 qo'otep. D-50 qo'otep emeLpi'gr. C-2 qo'otep wroi'. D-49 qowi'tsik oloa'g. E-74 qowi'tsik oloag wroi'. E-73 ko'hpi. Map 2-8 ko'hso. Map 2-45 qo'xtau. E-2 qo'xtau wroi'. E-3 qoxtsemo'r wroi'. G-27 Transmitted June 21, 1918. kwi'gerep. K-63 qrb'ixtsw. Map 2* kwerap ote k. D-87 kwe'stsin. J-19 kwenometu'r. Map 22 q'wa'rq'war. I* kwrsrmr'i. J-9 qwo'san wroi'. H-8 kwolo's. F-18 kwolo'qw. G-20 kya tsi's. E-31 kyohsepso'L. D-16 knetke'nolo'. E-9 kne'tkenwoa'g. E-91 kne'tkemsio'L. E-10 kne'wole. A* kre'gweloi'L. I-31 kne'gwolek. J-35 knegwora'. E-43 kna'awi. Map 2* knul'lig wroi'. C-10 knl'ULkem. J-23 knU'Lkem wroi'. J-24 knu'Lkenok wroi'. D-82 BIBLIOGRAPHY DILLER, JOSEPH S. 1902. Topographic Development of the Klamath Mountains, U. S. Geol. Surv., Bull. 196. GODDARD, PLINY EARLE 1903. Life and Culture of the Hupa, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., I, 1-88. 1914. Notes on the Chilula Indians of Northwestern California, ibid., 10, 38-41. KROEBER, A. L. 1911. The Languages of the Coast of California North of San Francisco, ibid., 9, 273-435. LOUD, LLEWELLYN L. 1918. Ethnogeography and Archaeology of the Wiyot Territory, ibid., 14, pp. 221-436. POWERS, STEPHEN 1877. Tribes of California, U. S. Geog. and Geol; Surv. Rocky Mt. Region, Contributions to North American Ethnology, 3. SWEET, HENRY 1908. The Sounds of English: An Introduction to Phonetics (Oxford, Clar- endon Press). U. S. COAST AND GEODETIC SURVEY 1909. United States Coast Pilot. Pacific Coast: California, Oregon, and Washington; ed. 2. 1920] 283 UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [WATERMAN ] PLATE 1 PLATE 1 A general view of Trinidad bay. At the left in the background the rounded promontory is Trinidad head. It is connected with the mainland by a low flat neck. Just to the right of the neck, on a slope or declivity below the white town of Trinidad, which is on the flat, lies the Indian town of tsil'rai. (See map 34.) Practically every rock in this picture has its own proper name. TRINIDAD BAY FROM THE SOUTH UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [WATERMAN ] PLATE 2 PLATE 2 (See maps 6 and 7) Fig. 1-At the mouth of this valley and to the left is the site known a3 o men, lying on the small promontory there. Several big sea-rocks lie offshore. ln the middle distance (to the left) is a small lake, o'men-o-ke'to. On the hillside back of the lake stands a tree into whieh the people shot arrows as offerings (see rectangle A-30 and note). Fig. 2-Wilson creek may be seen as it enters the ocean in the mid(dle dis- tance. A site (o'men-hipu'r), marked by four house-pits and an accumulation of shell, lies on the small knoll a few feet above and beyond the creek-mouth. The distant point with the crag at the end is called at the present time " God's Footsteps" from some Indian tradition connected with the culture-hero. Fig. 3-This view shows the village of o'men with its beach. The house- pits lie on the small knoll in the middle of the picture, just above a small pon(t of water. Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 VIEWA=S AT THE MIOUTH OF AWILSON CREEK PLATE 3 (See rectangle A and notes) The main stream and its canyon may be seen to the left at b, with part of the white town of Requa (a). A village (otwe'go) is said to have existed on the flat across the river at c. The principal Indian settlement on that side of the river, we'Lkwaw, lay on the hill above the sand-bar at d. The bar at the river 's mouth is seen at e, with the outlet into the ocean at f. The letter g indicates a large crag of rock called orego's, to whom prayers are addressed in a death purification ceremony. At h may be seen some houses of European style inhabited by Indians near the ancient village-site of re'kwoi. c c 0 m m z 0 C~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C H x . - i TgJd . _Ht0-400 _ gi3EE4g0ff w_~~~~~~~~~~~~0 m:- . 'A . O~~~~~~~~~~~~~~- tl,>{ @ 8'i<,,> '>N,>.2e.g'0 400;0 ......................1 t t - ,?8 G 2, ) tw igw 4 4 lt ti594 C) UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [WATERMAN ] PLATE 4 PLATE 4 Fig. 1-A "sacred'' house in re'kwoi in which the "'jumping dance'' was performed. (Now replaced by a structure of mill lumber.) Fig. 2-Tree at we'Lkwal. During the last ten days of the "jumping daance'' ceremony the dances were performed at the foot of this tree. Fig. 3-A spot some distance up-river from re'kwoi. Here a canoe landed to procure sweat-house wood in connection with the ceremony. Fig. 4 Place opposite the town of tui'rip where disembodied souls enter the underworld. Under the pepperwood tree to the left of the center in the picture is a small hole into which the ghosts go. (See under Geographical Concepts, and also under B-55, p. 235 above.) Fig. I Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4 CEREMONIAL PLACES -NEAR THE MOUTH OF THE KLAMATH UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [WATERMAN ] PLATE 5 PLATE 5 Fig. 1-The "sacred" sweat-house, in which observances in connection with the "jumping dance" took place. Fig. 2-' I Sacred" house. The photograph shows the rear end of the old- style Indian house in which the "jumping dance" was performed. Just to the left of the dwelling house is the roof of a "sweat-house," and to the left of that, an inclosure of poles marking the place where bodies have been buried. Fig. 1 Fig. 2 STRUCTURES USED CEREMONIALLY IN THE TOWN OF PEKWAN UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [WATERMAN ] PLATE 6 PLATE 6 Fig. 1-View from sa"a, looking across to the town of mui'rek. The struc- ture visible over the trees in the right middle distance is an Indian house, marking the position of the village. The otber structures have disappeared. Fig. 2-View of the hillsides across the river from ke'pel. The Klamath in its canyon flows from right to left across the foreground. On the hillside above may be seen, towering above the other conifers, a group of great red- woods. These are the first redwoods one encounters in traveling toward the coast. The spot is called megau' (payment) and is the scene of a ceremony in connection with the fish-dam. The stream in the center is called tepolau' wroi' (Prairie creek) because of the extensive grass fields on the hilltops drained by it (see photograph). The structures in this picture are all modern. Fig. 1 Fig. 2 VIEWS IN THE VICINITY OF THE FISH-DAM UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [WATERMAN ] PLATE 7 PLATE 7 Fig. 1 Bouil(ler at the river 's e(dge. This boulder was once a wo'ge or imimiortal, who tried to prevent (leath from coining into the world. Havinig failed, he took up his a})ode here, but still has an aversioin to corpses. Whenl a (lea(l bodty is being taken up or (downl the river it has to be landed an(I carriecI behin(d this rock. Women also land(t from canoes and walk aroun(d on shore. Fig. 2 The sharp-pointe(d rock in the foreground, which is only two feet higli, was a, verv powerful being calle(l Jealous-One-of-Merip. He ha(l two wiv-es and( because of them shot the hero Sharp-behind with an arrow (rectangle E-87, E-99, andi notes). Fig. 1 Fig. 2 SUPERNATURAL BE[NGS JNT THE FORMN OF ROCKS AT THE TOWN OF MERIP UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN, VOL. 16 [WATERMAN ] PLATE 8 PLATE 8 (See map 22; also notes on rectangle E-137) Fig. 1-The boulder at the right with a fishing-stage is named wo'weyek. The Indian watching his nets is Old Dan of wa'ksek, a mile or two up-stream. The rock in midstream is called pa'xtek (storage-basket) because of a hole in its top. It was once a basket thrown here by a wo'ge. On the opposite shore under the shadow of a boulder is a second fishiing-stage, called me'nes. Fig. 2-View up the Klamath. The boulder in the foreground (from which the photograph was taken) is kwenometfir. Near the opposite shore in the middle distance is an erect boulder with a prone one close at its side. Both used to be erect; and they are called sio'gon (erect stones at a house door which a person grasps in pulling himself out). Fig. 1 Fig. 2 SCENES AT QENEK UNIV. CALiF. PUBL. AM, ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [ WATERMAN I PLATE 9 PLATE 9 (See map 22; also rectangle E-137 and notes) Fig. 1-View up the river from the rock wo'weyek. The promontory is named teko'l. Fig. 2.-The village site overlooking the rapids. The depressions shown in the photograph (all of which are natural, not artificial) are supposed to be house-pits where supernatural beings formerly lived. A deep depression just in front of the camera is Raccoon's house-pit. Some fifty yards away is a shallow one called Coyote's house-pit. To the right between two small clumps of brush the trail can be seen. Fig. 1 Fig. 2 SCENES AT QENEK UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [WATERMAN ] PLATE 10 PLATE 10 Fig. 1-Rock near the town of wa"ase, on which Bluejay threw a half- dressed buckskin. The skin mildewed, and the mildew is still to be seen on the boulder (see rectangle E-68 and notes). Fig. 2 Indian houses in the town of wa'hsek (see rectangle F-32). Fig. 3 In the middle of the picture can be glimpsed the top of a rocky cliff called hu'iik-o-re'qen (see rectangle E-76 and notes), children-they-sit. Owls once carried children up and left them here. They cried, and turned into rock. Fig. 4-Former site of a village called lo-o-le'go, now cultivated (see rect- angle G-30Y). A fish-dam was formerly erected at this point. Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. .', Fig. 4 SCENES NEAR THE UP-RIVER END OF YITROK TERRITORY UNIV, CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [WATERMAN ] PLATE 1 1 PLATE 11 Fig. 1 The Klamath flows through a deep canyon from the left, receiving the waters of the Trinity, which flow in from the background, at the point of the sandspit. At the extreme left a cluster of modern buildings lying across the Klamath on a knoll marks the site of the old Indian town of pekwtu'L (rectangle G-24). Opposite the observer, beyond the sandspit, lies the town of rLrgr' (rectangle G-26). All the Indian structures have disappeared. To the right, with a great white bar in front of it, lies we'itspuis (rectangle G-21). One or two modern structures can be seen among the trees. Fig. 2 Map of the locality shown above. Fig. 1 Fig. 2 THIE TRINITY RIVER, THE KLAMATH RIVER, AND THREE INDIAN TOAWNS UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM, ARCH. & ETHN. VOL, 16 [WATERMAN I PLATE 12 PLATE 12 Fig. 1-Two Indian houses in we'itspfis (belonging to Stone and Billy Work, numbers 13 and 14 in map 2f6). Fig. 2-In the foreground is an outcropping of granite, hardly visible, be- neath a small pepperwood tree. This rock was a young immortal, who once lived at we'itspfis, and who founded the "jumping dance." Fig. 3-This photograph shows a hillside above w6'itspfis and somewhat up- stream. At this spot the first dance in the "jumping dance" ceremonies was performed. Fig. 4-The Klamath river at segwu' (Somes Bar) in Karok territory. The river at the left flows around the base of the great rock Auite (see map 2, no. 23, and note). Fig. 1 Fig. 2 Fig. 3 Fig. 4: SCENES AT AVEITSPITS: TIIE KLAMATH RIVER AT SEGWU' (SOMES BAR) IN' KAROK TERRITORY UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [WATERMAN ] PLATE 13 PLATE 13 (See also map 30) Fig. 1-The mouth of Redwood creek, which washes the base of the hills in the background, is in this photograph closed by a bar, forming a still lagoon, the water of which is backed up well into the foreground of the picture. On the landward side of the knoll next the sea lies a village-site known as otmekwo'R. A second village, ore'q-, lies somewhat to the left and below the point where this picture was taken (see following photograph). Fig. 2-The site of the town orePqw lies on the hillside among the ferns. No structures remain and the pits are overgrown. The shanty in the foreground is the house of a blind old Indian, Skirk (see p. 218). Fig. 1 Fig. 2 COAST YUROK SITES AT THE MOUTH OF REDWOOD CREEK UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [WATERMAN I PLATE 14 PLATE 14 (See map 30) Fig. 1-Freshwater lagoon. On the steep declivity at the right a group of natural depressions are thought to be the house-pits where giants formerly lived. The place is called nr'rts-o-po'piL. Fig. 2-Stone lagoon. Fig. I Fig. 2 ALONG TIlE COAST: FRESHWATER LAGOON AND STONE LAGOON --WOMMMM UNIV. CALIF. PUBL. AM. ARCH. & ETHN. VOL. 16 [WATERMAN ] PLATE 15 PLATE 15 (See map 31) Fig. 1-Goat Rock between Stone lagoon an(d Dry lagoon. Fig. 2-Dry lagoon. An Indian village, tsotskwi, lay just to the right of the white barn in the distance. Goat rock (rectangle I-3i1) mliay be seen at the left. Fig. I Fig. 2 ALONG THE COAST PLATE 16 (See map 33) The village lies on the slope of the bluff, sheltered from native dwelling-houses have been replaced by shacks of sawn or two old sweat-houses still remain. the wind. The lumber, but one C 2 CI) F- D -U C. I C) F- I z 0 C) T :- m T z C) r- m 0 UNIVERSIT--F CALW&ROENIA I A I (Cotinueld) Vol 7. 1. The Emery3l1e ;Sheallmun4 b` Max Uhle. -?p. 1-16, plates l-12 with 8 text fres June, 1907 1.25......... 2. Recent Investigations beaing upA theQeston of}he Occurrence -o Neocetxe,Man ' the Auri ro -Gravels o'fOaIfornla'-by William - Sinclair. Pp. 1G7-13% pl 13-14. Febary, 190-............- -3. Porn Indian B t,byS arett. P.133-306, plates 1580, 3i"1 text ges. er, 1908.ber....... .....---------- 1.75 -4. SbeUmoi u4a f e P Sa Tanco Br Regon:bN. C. 1 Sel . 3069- -5~ pl- -- a.tesi 32-34.-- Dem , -190 9........-. .... .. 5 5. The Ellis Lauding Seilmound, byN. 4. Nelson. ;Pp -357426, plates 3650. --A-pr:U 19I1q ......... . .....- * ,- * . -. ..,..... . -. . w.*.X.. ......... .75 Index, pp. 47-.443 Vol. o 8. 1. lLA- )i'sioi Record- Cf the e al-iforna [dlns, from a Maniscript in the - aicroft Library, ,by A LP. roeber Pp. 1_-27. a 98- .25 -2.- The Ethiiograpby of te ah by A. L]Kroeber.. _P. 29-68, plates 1-15. July, 1908 ...... .... ........ .75 :3.The Religion oe LuiseM o and Dieg efoIndians of Southern Califonia, byCdonhtance Goddard Duboli. Pp. SO480, plates 1-19., T'MI90 .1.. 1.25- 4. tThe tultureo e L Xiseo6 zdlais, by Phlip Stedmaz parnan Pp. 187- ; - 234, plaTte 20. Augu 8.l.. .. . .......--. ..... .5 5. Notes on ShAshonan; Dialect-sof Southern CI a la, y A. L. Xrober. Pp5. -23269 -Sepember, .............................. ... .... 6. The B gio; Practlees of thiegueilo ndplats,.byT.T Watman.P. .'.,1-8,T plateg, 21-48. Mrc,h, 910 * ..... ...... .80 Ine,p~35Q-369. Vol. 9* 1.. aa. Texts, by Edward S4pf vtoger with Yana Myths dllected by ' ''-.'Roland' B ....... -~Dixon. ,-Ppi. -1'435. F; ebruary, I91X0 .-.........................._.u.- w 2.50 : ,,2.^ Me Chumash and Cotfoan Lst p angu Pp.237-2. .-,,D- , Novemb6t - ------ ....... . ........ . .. v .' .'. --.-,.. '3 ''-.3. -TPhe Languages-Qf the Coast of California anorh of San Frarceby'A.-L. roebr Pp. 273435ad-map. April, ' 1911.2.4. ....... 0 X ~ Inex, Vp 437439. - _V'ol. 10.1. -P.onetc Constituents. of the Litive .Lag g ot California, by A. .I. Kroeber Pp. .1-12.- My .911 . . ... ........... ........ .10 2. Th Phonetic aln of the NorthernPata Language, by T. T. Water- man. Pp. 1344i, .l.t... 1-5..- November, i..ii ..> ..... ... 3.' Phonetic Elements of 1 Moha-ve- Languag - Aby IA.TL. oeber. Pp.345-96, - p---ates 6-20. W6ovemb-er, 1 ................ ... 4;- The Btlmology o the,; Eaia Idas, by J,- Alden Mason . ?p- 97-240, : . -p/S.late 2- ....37.- Deeem ~ l12 . .......... ...... . .. ...... ..... . ... . .... 1.75 5 ... P,apago Xverb -test , -by Juan D6olres. Pp. 241-263. Aust. 193 ...... .25 * Note on o ten, lii lans of Nteste ia.,by PlioyfEarle od4ard. Pp. 265-288; lae 84. 1...........-. .30 7. Chilula Texts,*y PlinyEarle Goddard., Pp. 289-37k November, 1914 . ' 1.00 Ie, pp. S81 38-185. Vol. 11. 1-' Elemen ts of 0 f - eato Language, by ?1n Earle: GeQddad. - Pp. 1-176k plaes 1,45. ~to, -191------- ..... .. ....... ..... ...... . ,^ _ -2. Pholettc Elements of' the Dieguefo Lail g, bi XAr6. L oeber a=nd J. P. ,'':rrington. Pp. 1788. April. 1,914 ...................0....... &.Sasid Texts, by'iu areGddard., Pp.18-27Ybray195 .. .0 i Sterl,ian; TeC tIatec,* an lIokan, by' A. ,.' oeber. Pp. -279-290 ?ebru-- a,.y,15.. .... ................ -. . ,5. Dchotomous SobialtOrganiatiQn in South entral talffornla, by Edward Winslow 0:W, rd. Pp. 291-.: Pebray 1916 . . ... ........ .0 6;B. Te D1lneation of the laySigs Aztec Manuscripts,by T. T. Water- ;-man. -Pjp 297-398 M.ch 19.8 ...... ............... .............. 1.00 7. The MutsunMDialect Of Vostanoan Based on the Vocabularyof De la esta ,-: b- y J. AldenMsi . ?p. 399472. March, 191B .IS ...... ...... .70- Inde- pp. 47s 479. : NIVB1~ Y O C ALIFORNIA PUBLICATION8-(ContinuOd) K - Vol. 12. 1. Composition of alLfornia elenwouTda, by Edwar& Winslow Eifford. Pp.- 12.February 91 ->29 . E era 91 -: ^ ...............-. te*i---r---r- -v--*---b *i --i---w--- * ....... . .............. 30 -2. Calobrl rPlaceINames o Ifldian Oigin byr-A. bL. r Pp. 318kodb - 9.6 : 0 ? - - JuSb t916~~~~~~~~~~~~~. .......... . j . ........ ------ 3. 4rupaho Dialcts by 0A. IZoeber P 7148. Juze, 1.916 . .70 ---74. :iIir MoiOetie, bg .adwe.rd WVislow G#Ifod. P. L 139-194. June, 1916.. 5. On fs-XPlottigthe necs of th Voic, by-(orelius B. rad1y -Pp. 195- 218, plats Z5. Otober, 116 .... ........ .........25 ,,6. lTilbt&uia aJnd, Kawaisu xlnslp Tem%b -wr inlwGfford. Pp. 21.24S Tfebuary- 1,a-tS;s*id017. ... ... ....~.............~. ...........W if?d...... -~~~~~~~~~~~~~~bWr - :, -t.29- fh w 17 - .-,,bo.. -- - ---- a7. Budeliers ributlon tothe Stikd of Ae-Mexian 8Qc1eal Oganize.-- tion, tby T :T. We.terrnazi>. P. 24j 28P. February, 1917 ... . ... . 35 - . Miwok Myths, by Edrd Wnslow Cfford. Pp. 283-3 .plate 8. May, 19. . 0 1tt ., ........ .......... ... *. **- w- .-v.-#-.-4 *-- ------z-- -------.*o. ....... .55 - 9; Caifotnila Kinship systems, 4. L, Ee1er. Pp. 339496. may, 191.7.. .60 16. Coelrn1se of -be P9O= ,an b A. arrett p. 39741, 8. . ::t- AA~gures. y 1917. ...................... .. .45 11. Pono Bea Dobtorovby S. 4. Brretp. 44345 p . Jl 1917 ..... .25 -Index P1f 467473. VoL-13. 1. The oton of atui th H to by E. aplr. Pp. 1-.4. Juy,- 1917 .. ...................... .. ......... ...3 - he Y0-a li 3fs b T T. - a Pp 5102 ptes 1-20. F -- 5.- Th Medical 1storyof Iwshi, Wyaxti2l-Pope. Pp. 175-213f p1e.te- S.4 4 toL 14. 1. ;The -Langage .of tlw Salmani Indians, by' 3. :Al(eu Xaso. --Pp. 1.154. 2.1 Tllans aodi Mo~sis ionte , Oatfr4, yVwr inlwGod X; ~P. 155-219Jw, 1 figur ~**Z*1w~* tex yt. Me.@ch, c91&........................................................... .v. *-r*P-@' .7; z ;' 2;f >.. af &I.4 . ' 0 bf IJ hi /- Vo. dw n.o 175 213--p 3. Ethnogeocr4hly kb4 Archaeolog o?theX Wiyot Territory, by Llwellyn L.- L oud. P?p. 221438k fplates 1)-21 ltrtfgurfes. 'D6ceznber1910......- 2.60 ;0 04. ThWi twi >i Uerem , by PA. - ret- Pp. 437488, plabes y- - --rp3 fgrs in tei r,.9.. . .. ......... .,... .75 : - 5-Thi Geneti.Uatloushp- cTt Nort AinpIaa1 ISn&n 2ags~u.es, by>- - PaulRac. Pp.; 480.502. May, 1919.... + - ....9. .. ..- ..5 VoL 15.. ug b. 2 a21 ofl. Pp.-18,-p l atIs p1-s. Febru4y, 1919. .00 ..;- 2.: Nabe.lui Sngs, by. L.>Moss s, A;-L. Kuceber.- Pp; 17-20.; May, 1919- .20 >oL 1. I.* Myh of . tb S.X-Xoitietn''SiErr tVk, by 5 A. Barrebtt-Pp. 1.2%v 'arch,t ' . ' 1. . ...,-. . . ..............--------- -..... -2.0 The P~e.tii3la (o -0plex,. by Rob1rt H- Lowie. P 4 Mac-Q19.. .-- 3.k The Ligi,i Faili'-es -of- Chalifbrni, by ~oa4B.. Dion e.nd A. AL 0-I.,- ~' --Xober. Pp. 47 -11 map l, 1 f-ur i_ Jtet.a S3pember, 1919... 75 4. C:alendarstile dan t .f Meco, by Leone. ops 1176,- -- with 3 maps. Novembr, 1919^ 08..i ..... -.-*. Bx 5- Tu.o6. Geogtaphy, by T.: T. Watrmau. P p. 177.314, plts 1.18,- 4 text - figure.. .4 ...p......... .,*-. - .-....-- press -- - 3 . Thhe CaShuilra puladio by: L-cile Hoepe.- Ppi. 31- 80 4pril 19520 ................................. .75 -<- - 7, The nAutohi4ygrapl of; aW b.go Ludiai, by Paul0. Rln. . 381-7 -B-- suman Tribes of the Lower Colorado, by A. L. reer .............(Ibe r 1 nxpress) .VolUmes bo ometed: 7a?o5ta- ..S*--*?**eo*o6r4 Voue1. ;1;903.164. 3VSlpages 21~ 39 pM...........Map. ....... ...... ._5 Velzixkie -3. 1~~~Thepd~hiogM , t-he WuD', by'gzaLe 34 agn .. 5 Vou'4. 19619a.37lags i~dth,d5 4blS 16plts,a947U..,. . 35 Vohlume 6. 1vA97.......w9108 404; V.;ge#, with 3 mas . ...................,. ....*+v;**~ww* Z*>3.50- -Vom 7. 97-1910. 443 pages 50plate~s:V ........... ..... ............. _,........... .. 3.50 SVolurme-. 0. 1908-1910. 309 pX: ages an 28,si8 pl2e .,................,\-------,\- -- 4 3.50o- Volume 9. 1910-1911. 09 pSage9*W***tZ<@@ _-t ** * @*^v@@@swvw_*eco6* *- ..... 6...T. 3.50 V~luAe 10. 1 211-114.- - pes and.4 pl. e . .. .............5 -0 -Volume 11~ 191149$M. 4~ pag~s a 45 plates ..... . 3.50 Vohime 12. 1 1917. 475 -agTxlbad t;7-jlatXes;w. .b ..........L......................... n 5.00s 0 ,te:-louvr:y9 C-xC aliforia; t alcsi~ ae o lee ito enobii for th pub- cationa of learne soc~teabnd instsitutlcn6 *uiesiis ah lirtes nplete lists~ of all- thie publiQatin ot the Ulesjy- willbe-snt upon req~us. 1' or saml cpies, list of publications- or other Infomatio, add.iSss ;the --.. MAA OFt THR UNIVERIT P oSS, EEaRip Y, (IAi1'ORNIA,. U. . A.. Al ipa$r seit in exch..ge should-42be Vd4 d to - X ANGE DEPARTMEIiT, U VE 1SIY !BAB1Y, lB ELY,- CALIFk,NIA, U.S. A . '' ''