UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 13, No. 7, pp. 235-258 April 12, 1922 FUNCTIONAL FAMILI-ES OF THE PATWIN BY W. C. McKERN UNIVERSITY OP CALIFORNIA -PRESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA -:NWIZ--SS Y OF O 0. PTAUBU OATION DB :ARTM NT 0r' ANTHOOLO;-tGY- 0Th folwi pubictiop eaig ith ahaologiciiI and- ethnological subjects issued nudr thedetinf the:epartmltf Authpgare- sentnxhgfortpbli- cWM& i: of -anthropolical aepXrtmes OuWd muu, nd r junlsvotedt genera anhropooigy or to ar ogy ntnIog They are for sale att. p*esae. 'Bcane should* be dLrct* to The EzchaneDep~artxt, tTiv*st Ilbarwy;.-;Berkeley,; :>California, U..S A; A-l-ord.ers and re8ittan~s should be addressed to0,the- )*ereditv of, CalifornaPress a-:f >~~--0;.- --~r ~~> rf ~~~~~~~, * 7 AM:ROAN A BOt Y AND fFOLOGY.-A. >. > roeb- oEdr Pr c Vo::- e I,4.25; Volumes-nto11,inciuive, $3.50g ;2 aii&folow,ng -Cited Univ alif. nub . Am. - Et:m. V. 1L ;- 1. Lfe- a& Culture of- the Hu,by P .-liy r od . Pp. 1-8,plates -. --p Tez-pxts, byPinyErle Goddard. ;P,. 89-68. M5rchi, 10 ...,... 3t0o- 8 - < ~zid, pp. ;; ds69 -- .-;-0- 478 --t.--0 VoL 2. 1. The ESt.tio of the ?otter C ave, byi . tlnc1r. Pp. 1 27, paes 1- 14. 904; 0..- .. ....... A age o e hst l ut or 8an rciso by A. L- ~ro~er.lIp 29-0, itha Inp. une 194 .,.- . .6 - . Type '. Izda Qulu( in'-fqaa by- A. L%:a'''^::9 ,,,2, .,o,be -, Pp,, 84O Ju e - 4. $asket Desigus. of te otlet ao A. PL X - ...eb.*. . .. 9i J. ...a.nr 9.. . . 75 -:Th ::~t L-gug :f SOt Cekta {alifor;I , hi A. L. Kr- oeber, ;w P. -; 1 3alinari' 1'07 ' ' ' J ' ' '% w-''. ; 2.'5, Iide 3pp 379492 Vo.3 >forpolgy of ibh. Hua Laguge, by - Pln 'al tlodad. $4 pp.t- VoL 4. 1., The EaU.st icok~lltin bewe Meric o a iId Japan f roz origia - ; wsdo uueSt p-ere in Spain:t sil Japan, Jtby -Z?la Natall. Pp. 1-47,-- - -- ; ! Hk ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~.I ;. ..--.. 2Z . 2. C'ontrlbutioi-to the Physical Antwglogy of Calioni,bMFed ot blc - ~~~t os ; the1htmett of Anfthroolg of~the Utverst f Clona an, i' '7 Tthe U. S. Naioa Musumby Ale irdiea. ?p.A -64, with 0 - ' 45 tals p late 1-10 and i map. Jne 1906................... - -,.- - -.75- ; 3.- -h Rhoshoea iaetsof Cailfornin,1y A,;:L. Kroeber. pt.- 65166. - . ebru ryP 1907 * w * v _*@*o**Tz ww^^zZ -.- ..-...--.... - ...-. .. -* - .. 1.50 4 ;-.. Iniian~ Mfth frm S Iuth: Ctai: Calfona,, byt A.L. Ko.291-380. ............................. > Indz,pp 31.84 3~~~~~~~~~~~~~kl 16 L ' \ V- ol.. 1.0 ra f te Po) a o ndis, b- Samuel i-a -^; 4; redarrtt. ,Ppi. 1432, aps 1-2. PebTryW 190& W. -. I. -5 -2 Te- Geograpy dnalets nofM he iwok, nl ,diais, by aml .lfred -8 On - -;.the vidence of th .epto?-o Certain..Regions b$y.th iwek. . lans,byo A.I.- lrU . ; ' fl'o'-s- '-. f '':-2 and :8-in' one ver. Pebruary, 1908 ..-.....................-......w8 tt .50.......... Vol.7. l.D Nb. Eineryril1 noun4. by M: SVh. ta Pp 1408, plates A% wte .. t .. Reent ---estigatios 'beig: upon -the' Quetion or ot'e OccurPrence 'of --' ' Nhe_- !- a in,the fes -- iftrnibiW AmS -,. ?. W,; .........i0 > .l ........,-,S46 ................. opto t- .7&.......- UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 13, No. 7, pp. 235-258. April 12, 1922 FUNCTIONAL FAMILIES OF THE PATWIN BY W. C. MoKERN CONTENTS PAGE Introduction ................. 236 Phonetic system ................. 236 Inheritance and descent ................. 237 The family . 238 The paternal family .238 The family social group ................... 238 The household .240 Inheritance ..........0.......... 240 The village chie .242 Succession ..... 242 Political power and authority . 243 Control of tribal economy ............................ 244 Authority over ceremonies .245 Social prestige .246 Summary .246 Functional families .246 Classification of functional families .247 Ceretnonial families .247 Trade families .247 Shamanistic families .250 Official families .251 Discussion ............................ . 252 Types of names .252 Family adoption ..................................... 252 Non-active members of the functional family .253 Charms and medicines .254 Monopoly of family functions .255 Family functions and professionalism .255 Group consciousness .255 Exogamy .256 Independent officials .256 The numerical problem .256 Conclusions .257 Shamanism .257 Clans .258 Types of functions ................ 258 Summary .258 236 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 13 INTRODUCTION The Wintun Indians of northern California are a linguistic group formerly occupying most of the western drainage of the Sacramento valley. In native terminology, the name Wintun applies only to the Indians of the northern half of what ethnologists call Wintun terri- tory. The people of the southern half speak of themselves as Patwin. The whole Wintun area in the larger sense has been divided into four major dialectic provinces: the Northern, Central, Southeastern, and Southwestern.1 This paper is descriptive only of that portion of the Patwin who occupied a narrow strip of territory bordering the west bank of the Sacramento river, from Princeton in Colusa county south- ward to a point somewhat below the city of Colusa. These Indians belonged to the Central and Southeastern Wintun dialectic provinces. The material included in this paper was collected during two visits to a Patwin rancheria immediately north of the city of Colusa. These visits were made in 1917 and 1919, under the direction of the Depart- ment of Anthropology of the University of California. PHONETIC SYSTEM Native names and words used in this discussion are phonetically transcribed according to the following system: CONSONANTS Stops Spirants Affricatives Nasals Trilled Rolled Inter- Surd Sonant mediate Fortis Surd Surd Fortis Surd Sonant Surd Bilabial ......... p b s p' .... .... .... m .... .... Dental . . . .... .... .... .... .... Linguo-dental... t ... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... .... Linguo-alveolar t d ... t' ... C e' fn ... r L ateral .............. .... .... .... l .... L . .... Linguo-palatal .. . ... .... .... .... s .... .... .... .... .... M id-palatal ........ k .... . .k' ... .... .... .... .... .. Back-palatal ...... q .... .... .... .... ... .... .... ... G lottal ....... ... ' ... .... .... . or h ... ... .... ...... 1 S. A. Barrett, The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians, -present series, vi, 284-289, maps 1 and 2, 1908; and map "Native Tribes, Groups, Dialects, and Families of California in 1770," published by the Department, of Anthropology, University of California, in 1917, 1920, and 1922. 12cKern: Functional Families of the Patwin B iS intermediate between p and b. That is to say, it is voiced during occlusion but surd during the remainder of its formation. p', t', and k' are stops accompanied by glottal closure. This glottalization is not vigorously articulated. t is a lingual stop formed by touching the tip of the tongue to the upper incisors. It is not inter-dental. The resulting sound at first seems intermediate between English t and th. e represents the sound "tsh," as in English "chair." c' is the sound c accompanied by a slightly articulated glottal stop. I is made by arranging the muscles of articulation as if to pronounce Eng- lish "1," but employing aspiration instead of voice. L is effected by an abrupt lateral release of breath from a complete tongue- closure of the mouth cavity. s is produced by lightly touching the tip of the tongue to the palate, at the posterior edge of the alveolar process, and allowing the breath to escape through a small opening left by the tongue tip. The result is a whistled "s." q is a medium back palatal "k." r is a briefly trilled French 'r." A slight aspiration is indicated by an inverted aposthrophe, '. Full strength aspirations are represented, as in English, by the letter h. Glottal stops are represented by the aposthrophe. The other consonants shown in the chart are identical to those sounds similarly represented in English. VOWELS As in English: a father e o bet, dog e o hey, go a but L u pin, put i u unique, rule y and w are used when i and u, respectively, are but semi-voiced, as in English "you" and "will." The most frequently used diphthongs are: oi, ai, ui, ei, au, ou, eu. The analysis of words or complexes is indicated by <. Translations are indicated by The accented syllable in a multisyllabic term is indicated by the acute accent. INHERITANCE AND DESCENT A clear presentation of the subject of hereditary functional groups among these people, requires a discussion of the native attitude toward inheritance and descent. Consanguinity (in theory, at least) was one of the most important factors in the social structure. The following brief descriptions of the family and the office of village chieftain are by way of concretely illustrating this fact. 1922] 23 7 238 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 13 THE FAMILY There were three types of groups, each possessing group con- sciousness, which might (though mistakenly) be termed families. They may be styled (1) the paternal family, (2) the family social group, and (3) the household. The paternal family. Blood relationship was reckoned paternally. While blood affinity in the female line of descent was known to exist as a fact in nature, tradition was here the governing factor rather than natural law. Traditionally, then, one 's maternal relatives were not regarded as kinsfolk in a consanguinary sense. Nor were they entitled to family privileges. This was true to the degree that a man might marry his cross-cousin, the daughter of his mother's brother, but it was taboo for him to marry the daughter of his father's brother. The family accordingly consisted of the patriarch or head man, his brothers (he being the elder), his sisters, his sons and daughters, his sons' children, his brothers' sons and daughters, the children of his brothers' sons, and such other paternal descendants as he might have (see fig. 1). The female members of a family did not lose their traditional family membership at marriage, as illustrated below (pages 241, 250). The family social group. In spite of this paternal concept of blood relationship, it was customary for a young man, at marriage, to make his home with his wife's people. The duration of this matrilocal resi- dence was uncertain, depending largely upon the young husband's ability to acquire the property and wealth necessary to establish an independent household. Until such independence was attained, he was under the authority of the family head man of his wife's people. The family group, as socially directed by the family head man, was therefore quite a different unit from the paternal family. It included all members of the paternal family, with the following exceptions: the head man's married sisters, and those other female family representa- tives whose husbands had established independent households; those male family representatives who resided with their wives' people. The latter exclusion was only temporary, and when these men had established their own households, they and their wives and children came to be included in their family social group. In like manner the husbands and wives of these children might, at different times, be included in the group. It might also include the head man's wives, the 2cEKern: Functional Families of the Patwin husbands of his brothers' daughters, his sons-in-law, and (temporarily) the children of his daughters and of his brothers' daughters (see fig. 1). a a a . a D Eg a a o 0 a 0 GO b CD 1I- CD 0 a el P x -0 3 0 Pi p. p 3 0 -9 3 Nz *1 0 - -h 3 3- 31: -0 p. -4 I 3Z 10, it el0 3 3 T~~~~~ 51 r, 0 . _, :. -V p. CP 0 p a) 0 C t Thus the membership of this group, coming under the authority of the family head man, was not constant, but included at one time those excluded at another time. 1922] 239 240 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 13 Over the family social group the patriarchal head man exercised undisputed family authority, checked only by tribal tradition and tribal authority (see page 244). This patriarchal authority was not dependent upon unilocal residence. As a man 's sons, when inde- pendently established, lived in separate houses, the houses themselves in all probability were remotely situated in regard to each other. Even where houses were communal, as the permanent winter houses usually were, the several households occupying a given house, each holding a definite part thereof, were quite independent of each other and almost invariably traced their ancestry from different family stocks. The household. Neither the paternal family' nor the family social group practiced unilocal residence. That portion of the family social group, then, living together in one house, constituted a third group, the household. It might include a man, his wife, his unmarried sons, his daughters, his sons-in-law, and his daughters' children. The last three household elements mentioned would be included in the household only during a limited time, preceding the establishment by the sons-in-law of independent households (see fig. 1). The paternal family, then, constituted a group, held together by virtue of traditional ties of blood. The family social group owed its modicum of social unity to group authority vested in the family head man. The household was a social unit due to-common residence under the immediate authority of a household head, who might or might not be the family head man. No conscious recognition of such a varied grouping of the family has been found among the Patwin, but an accurate use of words makes essential some distinction between groups so different and yet so easily confused in a discussion of the family. The paternal family is the true family from every traditional standpoint. In it alone blood kinship is an essential factor. It will be termed hereafter in this paper the family. Any reference to the other groups will be made in specific terms. The native word for the family is se're. INHERITANCE When property rights are taken into consideration it is readily seen that the family was conscious of ties not reflected at all by the life in households. Property subject to inheritance was of two kinds: (1) personal possessions, (2) family possessions. Not all personal property was inheritable. The practice of burying with the dead, or burning after the burial, the larger part of the 1]MoKern: Fuznctional Families of the Patwin deceased's personal effects was universal. Only those elements of personal property that were publicly ceded previous to death became the heritage of the deceased's paternal descendants. Such things as, for example, a ceremonial costume, a feather belt, a ceremonial pipe, a quantity of shell beads, a charm stone, or a secret "medicine" formula, might thus be given away. The original owner was said to have "given" the property to the descendant, yet the "gift" never changed hands previous to the donor 's death. The recipient was almost invariably the next in paternal line of descent. A woman's property might, for example, if so directed by her, pass on to her brother's daughter; a man's property to his son. Occasionally a man might discountenance any claim of his paternal relatives and leave some of his belongings to an outsider. Such a course of action,. however, was generally frowned upon and publicly discouraged. It was not the "right thing to do." There were many classes of property that never belonged to the individual. In most cases, when not commonly owned by the village, these classes of property belonged to the family. For example, that definite portion of the dwelling house in which the household lived, and the store of necessary household utensils such as food baskets, mats, mortars and pestles, cooking and eating utensils, and the house- hold granary, were the common property of the family, held and used by the household during its existence. With the death of the head man of the household, these possessions reverted to the custody of the next in line of descent whose household might have need of them. The family head man under whose authority that particular household came, decided who was entitled to replace the deceased custodian. He could not elect him at will, but it was his duty to point out the proper successor. Such effects were not the property of the head man of the household. He merely exercised over them the function of custodian. The privilege of using such effects was inherited by the household as a group. Ownership thereof was claimed by the family of which the household was a part. This class of- property was buried, burned, or otherwise destroyed upon the death of the last male representative of the owning family, but not otherwise. Individual names were looked upon as the property not of the individual but of the family. Each family possessed a stock of names. The individual acquired the name of that deceased paternal relative, of like sex, who was of closest relationship. A man's name was that of his nearest deceased male paternal relative; a woman's that of her 1922] 241 242 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 13 nearest deceased female paternal relative. This name was the bearer's as long as he or she lived. The individual could not, however, sell or in any other way dispose of the name. So rigidly was this method of naming observed that a child's name was predetermined before its birth. It depended upon the time of the death's occurring before the child's birth. One versed in such affairs upon hearing a man's name might readily know to what family, in a given tribe, he belonged. At the death of the individual, his name was returned to the family supply of unclaimed names, to be appropriated to the use of his nearest paternal male relative in the unborn generation. Certain "medicines," or rituals, peculiarly inducive to super- natural aid in some particular functional capacity, were also consid- ered as family property. This class of property will be considered in detail below, in connection with functional families (see page 246). THE VILLAGE CHIEF The high importance of paternal descent in the social organization is again illustrated in the office of the village chief, called sc'ktu, the head of the village. Since each village was politically independent of every other village, the village chief held the highest rank recognized by the Patwin. In time of war, two or more villages might unite in action against a common enemy, but each contingent of warriors acted as an independent unit, under the command of its own war-leader. Succession. The position of chief was hereditary and ordinarily passed from father to son. When the deceased chief had no son, or when the son was. judged by general concensus of opinion to be incom- petent for the position, the new chief was chosen by the village elders according to his qualifications. A qualification greatly to be desired in the new village head man was that of blood relationship to the dead chief. Other qualifications, of smaller import, were ability and popularity. As blood relationship became more distant, ability and popularity gained in importance as deciding factors. For instance, an unable or unpopular grandnephew of the former chief might lose the election to one with a still more distant blood claim to the office but possessing the confidence and esteem of the village. A son of the deceased official, however, if at all competent, in spite of being unpopular in the community, had just claim to the position. 2cEKern: Functional Families of the Patwin All other qualifications being equal, blood relationship was the deciding factor. There was a definite order of rating of relationship. Each individual claiming consanguinity to the chief was definitely recognized as being more closely allied to him than certain claimants, and more distantly related than others. This blood rank ran, in a descending scale, as follows: 1. Elder son. 2. Younger son. 3. Elder brother. 4. Younger brother. 5. Elder brother's sons (in order of age). 6. Younger brother's sons (in order of age). 7. Father's elder brother. 8. Father 's younger brother. 9. Elder son's sons (in order of age). 10. Younger son's sons (in order of age). 11. Father's elder brother's sons (in order of age). 12. Father's younger brother's sons (in order of age). 13. Brother's son's sons (in order of age). 14. Father's 'brothers' sons' sons (in order of age).2 Ability and popularity became dominant factors in the choosing of a new chief when the following peculiar situations existed: (1) when there were two ranking candidates of equal paternal blood affinity to the deceased chief; (2) when the deceased chief was the last representative of his line; (3) when a new village unit was organized (see below). The first of these situations was made pos- sible through the practice of polygamy. It was quite possible for two mothers to have children, by the same father, at practically the same time. As a careful reckoning of dates was never kept, there might very logically arise later the question as to which was the older. Car- ried into the second or third generation, the answer to this question would tend to become more and more obscure. Political power and authority. The chief enjoyed a large ascend- ancy. He exercised the powers of a dictator. He could not be deposed, although at any time he might resign in favor of his son. Those who disobeyed him could not continue to live in the village. When the dis- loyal element consisted of a group instead of an individual, the group left the village. If of sufficient strength, such a group might establish 2 It may seem unbelievable that such a definite system of rank could have existed among these people. To my knowledge nothing of this nature has been reported among neighboring stocks. My informant was Tom Odock, chief of the rancheria where this information was obtained. My impression of him, cor- roborated by the opinion of others who have worked with him, is that of an excep- tionally truthful and careful informant. 1922] 243 244 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 13 itself as an independent community. Even'then the chief selected to head the new village was, when possible, a paternal relative of the former chief. Although subject to the advice of a council of elders, chosen by himself from among the oldest and most respected of the family head men, the chief had the final word at all councils. The political func- tion of the council was that of bringing to the attention of the chief matters of common tribal importance, discussing with him the problems involved, but leaving him free to act as he saw fit, unhampered by any authority vested in the council. Thus some member of this council might think it advisable to move the village site. He would confer with other members of the council and with other prominent village personages, such as the head man of the esoteric society. Then if the concensus of opinion seemed favorable toward his project he would speak to the chief concerning it. If the chief considered the matter of sufficient weight, he would call together the council. Meeting at the chief's house they would build a great fire on the hearth-place, close the door and smoke-hole with skins or mats, and "sweat." While sweating, the question would be brought up and discussed lengthily. In such discussions the chief usually took very little part. Nor did he, as a rule, announce his decision at the conclusion of the meeting. When the chief declared the council at an end, the members would run out of the house and plunge into the river. After a swim, they would return to their respective homes. This council meeting was called &a'puroyp"piri'tu (=they who meet together while sweating: