UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
AMERICAN- ARC-HAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol. 12, No. 3, pp. 71-138 June 28, 1916
ARAPAHO DIALECTS
- - BY
A. L. KROEBER
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS
IN
AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY
Vol. 12, No. 3, pp. 71-138 June 28, 1916
ARAPAHO DIALECTS
BY
A. L. KROEBER
CONTENTS
PART I-DIALECTS OF THE ARAPAHO GROUP
PAGE
The D ialects ....................................................7................................. 73
Comparative Vocabulary ...................-.-.-.-.-.... 75
Notes on Vocabulary .................... 76
Additional Words-Arapaho Proper -. 76
External Phonetic Correspondences of the Group ............................... .................... 77
Vowels ............- - ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------.79
Internal Phonetic Correspondences of the Group ----------------------------------------- 80
Basa winena ............ ....................................................... 80
Gros Ventre ----------------------------------------- 81
N&nwaa iniih nan8 .................................. ............. .. 81
PART II-SKETCH OF ARAPAHO PROPER
Phonetic Elements ------------------------ 83
Composition ------------------------------------------85
A. Nouns Compounded of Two Separate Words .-....-....... - - 85
B. Nouns and Verbs Formed with Prefixes ------------------------------------ 86
C. Nouns and Verbs Formed with Suffixes ------------------------------------ 87
V erbs ......................................................9.................................. 90
W ord-form ing Prefixes ........................................9.................................. 90
A. Prefixes used also as independent verbs, etc 97...................................... 97
B. Prefixes used also as independent adverbs, etc ................ 99
C. Prefixes not yet found as independent parts of speech 103
1. Apparently verbal 103
2. Apparently adverbial, referring to manner 103
3. Apparently adverbial, referring to space -... 104
W ord-forming Suffixes ............................................105.................... . 105
Grammatical Prefixes .....................1................0........... ................. .... 109
Grammatical Suffixes ---------------------------------------------------109
Pronominal Endings - ...110
Connective Suffixes -... 112
Classified List of Stems -...--...--.......----...--113
Transitive -. 113
Intransitive -----------------------------------------------------------------115
72 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
PAGE
Nouns - 117
Plural -. 117
Cases - 118
Possession - 119
Pronouns - 120
Adverbs ---------- - 121
Numerals - 122
Texts -.------.---- .-- 123
Text I-A Prayer - 124
Notes - 124
Text II-An Adventure - 125
Notes - 126
Text III-Tangled Hair -. 127
Notes -- - - 128
PART IIT-NOTES ON GROS VENTRE
Phonetics ------------------ -- 131
Composition - 131
Verbs - 133
Affixes of Mode and Tense --------------------------------------- 133
Pronominal Endings and Connectives --------------------------------------- 133
Nouns -.----------------------------. ---- 135
Pronouns -- - - - - 136
Numerals ----------------------------------------137
Text IV-Tangled Hair -- -- - -- -- - -- - -- -- - -- - - - -- - 137
The in,vestigations upon which this essay is based were carried on,
in 1899, 1900, and 1901, through the generosity of Mrs. Morris K.
Jesup, and under the direction of the Trustees and officers of the
American Museum of Natural History, to whose courtesy the writer
expresses his indebtedness.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
PART I
DIALECTS OF THE ARAPAHO GROUP
THE DIALECTS
According to the latest authority, Dr. Truman Michelson,1 the
languages of the great Algonkin family fall into four primary, sub-
stantially co-ordinate, but very unequal groups. Three of these are
Blackfoot, Cheyenne, and Arapaho. The fourth, or Eastern-Central,
comprises all the other dialects of the family. The Blackfoot, Chey-
enne, and Arapaho were buffalo hunters in the open plains. The
other tribes with scarcely an exception were timber people. It is
erroneous, however, to look for an exact repetition of this primary
cultural cleavage in the linguistic organization of the family. The
Blackfoot, Cheyenne, and Arapaho tongues are as distinct from one
another as from the remaining languages. This fact had indeed been
asserted, in so far as the imperfect evidence permitted opinion, before
Dr. Michelson 's exact comparative studies, and has long rendered
very improbable, at least as regards the Blackfoot and the Arapaho,
the prevailing assumption, which is still largely current, that all the
Plains Algonkin tribes are recent offshoots from the main body of the
stock in the wooded region. It cannot be emphasized too strongly
that wherever these tribes may originally have lived, they were not,
for a long time past, close relatives and perhaps not even neighbors
of the Cree, Ojibwa, or any other known Algonkin division. The
recent brilliant discovery of Dr. E. Sapir that the far-away Yurok
and Wiyot languages on the Pacific Coast of California are Algonkin
proves that the history of this great assembly of tongues cannot be
deduced by any off-hand inference from recent habits of life or dis-
tribution of the Indian tribes involved. The writer believes that the
Arapaho have been separated from the Central and Eastern Algonkins
for more than a thousand years.
The Arapaho recognize five former divisions of their people. As
placed by them in order from south to north, these were the NanwaOi-
niiha'nan or South- ?-people, the Hananaxawf1ne'nan or Rock-people,
the Hinana'e'inan or Arapaho proper, the Basanw&ne'nan or Wood-
' Science, xxxv, 675, 1912, and Bureau of American Ethnology, Twenty-eighth
Annual Report, Washington, 221-290, 1912.
73
1 916]
74 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
house-people, and the Hitpune'nan or Begging-people. The last are
the tribe that calls itself Ha'a'ninin and has long been known as
Atsina or Gros Ventre of the Prairie. The Arapaho proper have for
a considerable time been divided into a northern and a southern
branch. As the language of these two halves scarcely differs even
dialectically, the distinction, however important historically, may be
disregarded in the present connection.2 The three other tribes have
long since coalesced with the Arapaho. The Basanwilnena, whose
dialect was very similar to that of the lHinana'einan, are still to be
found among them in some numbers, though without any identity as
a separate group. A very few people remembering something of the
Nanwa9iniihanan dialect were living in 1899. From one of these was
obtained the brief vocabulary given below. This dialect is more
divergent from Arapaho proper than either Basanwuinenan or Gros
Ventre, and, at least superficially, shows some resemblance to Chey-
enne. No one was found who remembered the speech of the H&na-
naxawfinenan, which is said by the Arapaho to have been the most
different from their own. One of their submerged dialects, probably
this lHananaxawuinenan tongue, some Arapaho declare to have been
intermediate between their own speech and Blackfoot. The state-
ment is here made only on Indian authority. It is not impossible
that some specimens of this speech may yet be recoverable by careful
search among the Arapaho.
A brief comparative vocabulary of the four dialects on which
material could be obtained is appended. This is unfortunately badly
selected, and the phonetic perception and rendering are no doubt
inadequate even for Arapaho and Gros Ventre, which the author had
ampler opportunity to hear. Further, the words in the two other
dialects were obtained from people who no longer habitually used
them, perhaps had never done so. Still, the lists contain new infor-
mation, which may never be duplicated, and are therefore given with
all their imperfections.
2 Mr. James Mooney (Bur. Am. Ethn. Ann. Rep., xiv, 954, 1896, and Bur.
Am. Ethn., Bull. 30, 73, 1907), gives the five Arapaho subdivisions differently,
apparently through identifying the Nanwa6inihfnan with the Nanwuinenan, the
southern half of the Arapaho proper. He therefore virtually omits the former
and exalts the southern branch of the Arapaho into a distinct division. Politi-
cally this may be correct for recent centuries, but the existence of a markedly
separate Nanwa6iniihanae dialect, as discussed below, necessitates the recognition
of this people, instead of the southern Arapaho proper, as one of the five divi-
sions, from the point of view of language and earlier history. The only alter-
native is to assume the specimens of speech obtained as NawaOinahanan to be
not NanwaOiniih'anan, but Ha nanaxawfinenae, a proceeding which would reconcile
all conflicting statements, but which would be arbitrary.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY
Arapaho
English Hinana 'einan
1 tcaseix
2 nisi
3 nasan
4 yein'
5 y&Oan'
6 nitantaxu
7 nisantaxU
8 nasantaxu
9 O9i a
10 biitiitaxu
man hinen'
woman hisei
child teian
white man nih 'aOnan
father neisanan
mother neinatm
elder brother nasaihai'
son neihiin
daughter natane
grandfather niibaicibii
grandmother neibaihiin
grandchild neici
eye bicilsii
nose beic
mouth biiti
tooth beitci6
tongue bei0an
ear wanatana'
neck biisonae
belly wanot
hand biitcet
foot wa lanot
house ninan
house ha 'anwu
bow batii
arrow hoOt
sun, luminary hicis
star haa 'an
water netc'
river nltciye
stone haha 'anankiin
earth bita 'anwu
fire icitain
wood baic', biix-
metal beitci0ei
road ba 'an
tree, cottonwood hahant
grass, medlicine waxu '
horse
dog
hiwaxuhanx-iibi
(pl.)
heO-dbi (pl.)
buffalo bull hana"tciin
buffalo (herd) hiOeinan
deer bihi 'i
antelope nisitciin, nansitci
elk hiwaxu
mountain sheep hota'
Southern People'
Ndnwa9in,dhdnan
tcacnilaha '3
nisiihii
nahaha'
niabaha'
niotana. ha
neix0ioti
niciotan
nexiotdhiihiin
cioxtaihaihan
maxtoxtahiihiin
hiten
hihi 'i
hakutsa 'anahai4
mats6hufa
hiOextin
hiiietin
nixtsian
neictii '
naxtaniihii
(h)amacim
(h) ihi 'im
ni licitAhain
masixsan
maic
matin
meitcixta
moxtan, monoxtan
mo 'oxts
ml 'in
ha 'axamun9
ma 'axta
hot
hicihiji"
netc
titc
haxtan
mixta 'amu
ih 'citan
ma'
manhi ltsitai
mihia"
hoxtoxt
maxsou
masoutihem
hatam
hitanm6n
mixtihi
,jin teasitcan
himaxsout
hoxtiihan
Wood-lodge People2 Gros Ventre
Ba'sanwinenan Ha 'aninin
niinisetci tcaOeity
niinisehi' nlO
niinasei na'Od
yiinanei yani
yana0ani' yatani
nitcatax neityantos
nIsantax nlantos
nanasantaxweit naoantos
ciotaxahei iinhAbetantos
batcatoxe betantos
hini hineni
hisiinan hiea
teiaenihi' teiannii
ni 'ans5 niX 'ant
hWsananin* n!Oinan
neinah* neinan
nih 'sa* naoiihi'
neihai '* neihai I
natana* natan
nanbacibaiha* naibeseip
neibiih in* niip
niisai
hicisii besoO
hi0eii beicia
hitcina betyl '
hinitcic bitsit'
hiniOan biitani
hinatana ' wanotan
hisan wa0ana
hinot* wanote
hitcet batyetyi
hi 'anc wa 'ants
nInan nl'in* nin nin
ha 'anwu*
bata* bat
hoci* hotsi
hicls* hlsos
hafa 'aha 'an hatou
netsi* nets, nits
nItciye* nitsa"
haha 'anankiin axa 'iiniintyiin
bita 'awu bita 'awu
hixt, ih 'tjan* iS6tajn
biici,* biix bis
beitci0ei* beitsit
ba 'ah*
hahatci* hahantinan (pl.
waxu ',* wasiinan (pl.)
waxuinae (pl.)
hiwaxuahaOa,* hi- hiwas 'hano
waxuha"2xeb (pl.)
hOAi,* haeabihan hote
(pl.)
hknantci* hanantyei
hicinan hltiinnan
bihi 'i* bihiy'i
nictca* nansity
hiwaxu* hiwas6n
hotii * hote
1916]
75
76 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
Southern People'
NdnwaOindhadnzan
hamaha'
mankut
mahom
sao9
teiisei
hahaha'
mouxtiain
ma 'iinanhan
nanamatit
miinacie
wanatsiiin
moxtsiain
maoxtaheini
hitianie
Wood-lodge People2
Ba'sanwiinenan
hiibiic*
nanku*
woxU,* waxuinae
(p1.)
hanxe*
xouhu*
ni 'ix
hou
bii In*
tanjinabji 'iinan
biinasan
nank-*
wa Yotiin*
nihanyan*
1 From Tall Bear.
2 Unmarked words from
Tall-Bear.
NOTES ON VOCABULARY
the wife of Row-of-Lodges; starred words from
3 An 1 was recorded, but seems doubtful, as the Arapaho ordinarily are un-
able to pronounce this sound. The word for "rain" in the same dialect was,
however, recorded both as hiinsivaxta and hiinsilaxta.
4 " Small." Evidently contains the diminutive suffix, as does the Basawnii-
nenan form.
5 The manuscript record may be read either with final s or 0.
Additional Words-Arapaho Proper
young man
young woman
old woman
old
human being
ghost
head
hair
throat
bone
heart
arm
elbow
sinew
milk, breast-water
penis
testicle
vagina
tail
rib
liver
kidney
blood
exerement
shadow
shaman
hanaxa 'aha
hiteiyan
baitabi (a)
biihii 'ei, behi 'i
hinenitiin
Oiku
hakuhan
bei0e 'i
beitan
hixu
biitiin
bianec
biitic
haotin
bdOenetc'
ha0An
biOas
hiihiitc
biitihi 'i
hitean
hic
hit!Oii
ba
ba. bi-hif
bRAtaan
biitat
English
beaver
rabbit
bear
wolf
skunk
eagle, bird
crow
magpie
turtle
supernatural
large
white
black
red
yellow
Arapaho
Hinana 'einan
hiibiic
uanku
wogu
hanxei
xouhu
ni 'ihi
hou
wa 'uei
bii 'iinan
nainaibai inan,
biitanan
bainasan
naek-
wa 'otiin
ha-
nihanyan
Gros Ventre
Ha'aninin
huibes
nantse
was
han0ei
Oouu
ni 'ihi
ouu
wouxei
bii 'iinou
batii-
ba'sou
nanantsa
wa 'otainyen
baxa 'an
nihanyan
mountain
night
moon
sky, cloud
thunder
fog
creek
snow
tent pole
robe
awl
dress
bed
boat
meat
pipe
tobacco
corn
fruits
bush
coyote
buffalo cow
fly
louse
worm
fish
hd 'ani'
bikan
bik6sis
hanan '
baxa 'a
bai 'iinan
kaha 'anwu
hi
hak&nx
hou
bei
bixuiti
han
Oiwu
haseinou
= rib
CIsanwan
beckatiina
binan
blc
kan 'an
bii
noubiin
biitei
blSnw, hlSannan
nawat
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
Some of the more readily noted correspondences in sound between
Arapaho and the other Algonkin languages, and within the Arapaho
dialects, will now be given. There is no pretense that these observa-
tions are complete. The material used in the comparisons is familiar
to students of the subject in the works of Baraga, Jones, Lacombe,
Hayden, Rand, Petter, besides many others whose efforts have not
been drawn upon. For this reason the Indian forms of the words
referred to in English have not been given. The few who may follow
up the present suggestions can verify them with ease, and will be at
least as familiar with the material as the writer. The following ab-
breviations have been used to designate groups, languages, and lialects:
E-C Eastern-Central Algonkin
Mi Miemac
F Fox
0 Ojibwa
Cr Cree
Ch Cheyenne
Bi Blackfoot
A Arapaho group of dialects
Ar Arapaho proper
GV Gros Ventre
B BPasanwiinenan
N Nanwa6inaihanan
Of the symbols used, c is s or sh as customary in American phil-
ology, 0 is the same as English surd th, x is a surd fricative approxi-
mately in k position, ii is a as of "bad' in American English, jan and
an are nasalized vowels, 6 is somewhat as in German, but probably
unrounded, and ' is the glottal stop.
EXTERNAL PHONETIC CORRESPONDENCES OF THE GROUP
K
Assuming the Eastern-Central group of dialects, in which are
included the great majority of those belonging to the family, to be
most representative of the original or former condition of Algonkin,
it is clear that original k is but rarely retained in the Arapaho division.
It appears most commonly as s or h, or is entirely lost or represented
only by a glottal stop.
k>k: wolf. Ch, Bi, A.
k>t: black, E-C, k; Ch, xt; A, t.
k>tc: metal. Ch, k; Bl, ks; A, tc.
k>s: neck, nose, eye, woman, antelope, one. Ch shows k, x, ts. GV usually
has 0 for s.
k>h, x: beaver, deer, bone, bear, sun, skunk. E-C has k or sk; B1, usually
1916]
77
78 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
k; Oh is variable.
k> ',-: bow, turtle, red, star, eagle, foot, nine. E-C again shows sk as well
as k, also kw. Ch usually agrees with Arapaho, while Bl oftener retains k, but
is variable.
T
Algonkin dental stops seem to be of two kinds. One appears with
but little variation as t in all dialects, including Arapaho. The other
varies between t, d, n, and 1 in the Eastern-Central group, is t in
Cheyenne as in Gros Ventre and Nitnwa9iniihana , but 9 in Arapaho
proper and Basanwiunenan.
t>t: bow, heart, fire, night, daughter, buffalo bull, ten, reflexive suffix. Bl
has some inclination toward ts or st, N toward xt.
t, d, n, 1>0: tongue, tooth, foot, star, metal,.dog, five. Mi, t, d, 1; 0, d, n;
Bl, t , kI; Ch, Na, GV, t; Ar, Bii, 0.
t>tc: pipe, mouth, six. E-C, t; Bi, -; Ch,i; Bia, GV, tc; Ar, t, tc.
P
Original labial stops begin to be lost or altered as soon as the
Eastern-Central division is left behind, and seem to have disappeared
entirely from the Arapaho group.3
p, b>k: rabbit, white, sit, sleep. E-C, p, b; BI, p, k; Ch, k, x; Ar, Na, Bia, k;
GVY, ts. These are the principal occurrences of k in Arapaho that the author can
account for by any phonetic rule.
p, b>tc: tooth, water, night. E-C, p, b; Bl, Ch, p w; A, tc.
N
N usually recurs unchanged in all Algonkin groups, though in
some stems the sound varies between n and y. There may be two
distinct original sounds involved.
n>n: bone, man, daughter, turtle, one, two, three, six, sing, water, fish, drink.
In the last three stems m sporadically supplants n.
n, y>n, y: tongue, mouth, neck, wolf, four, five, sleep. All dialects except
Mi and 0 have y in some of these stems. F and Na show ny.
M
M of original Algonkin seems to be retained quite regularly in
Eastern-Central, in Blackfoot, in Cheyenne, and in the Nanwa9inii-
hanan dialect of Arapaho. In the three other Arapaho dialects it is
entirely lacking, and replaced by b and w. As between these two
3 E. Sapir, American Anthropologist, n. s., xv, 538, 1913.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
sounds, the rule is that b occurs before the front vowels i, e, ii, ajn, and
w before the back vowels u, o, a, an.4 This is a consistent phonetic
law of Arapaho; even within the dialect the same stem changes from
b to w if the vowel becomes a back one. Compare Ar neibiihiin, my
grandmother, and hiniiwahan, his grandmother. It is also illustrative
that in trying to say the English word "buffalo," the Gros Ventre,
whose idiom follows the same law, speak wa0anou instead of ba0anou.
All Arapaho labial sounds seem to be derived from original m.
m>b (i): eat, defecate, give, dog, deer, earth.
m>b (e): metal.
m>b (a, ain): blood, red, bow, wood, turtle, beaver, ten, drink.
m>w (a, an, o): bear, fish, grass, black.
In a few words m changes to n in Arapaho. In these Cheyenne
has n also.
m>n: eagle, house.
w
A more remarkable change is that of original w to Arapaho n.
This probably represents the transition w>m>n.
w>n: buffalo herd, antelope, rabbit, white; perhaps also ear. Ar, Bii, GV,
regularly n; Na, sometimes m; Ch, Bl, E-C, w.
S
Eastern-Central s, like t, sometimes recurs in Arapaho, sometimes
becomes 9. There is thus the possibility that eastern s, with which
c (sh) has been included, represents two sounds originally distinct.
s>s: sun, fire, wind, rain, tobacco, two, three. Bl, Ch, and Na show -, h,
or x frequently. GV alone has 0 sometimes: tobacco, two, three.
s>0: hair, nine, eat, defecate. E-C, s, tc, dj; Ch, Na, s; Ar (and Bii ), 0.
s>h: stone, yellow. A dialects have h, except Na t. Perhaps allied to the
change k>s, h.
VOWELS
The vowels of Arapaho also evince fairly regular correspondences
with those of other dialects, though the cause of their most marked
peculiarity, the frequent nasalization of a and a, is not clear to the
writer. Counting ajn and an for the present with a and a, four prin-
cipal equivalences are noticeable.
4 ba 'an, road, and baha 'an, thunder, are exceptions noted in simple stem
words.
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80 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
Mi F Cr, O Bi Ch Na Ar,Bii, GV
Type 1 i i i i i i i
Type 2 var. a, e i (i) (i) a a, e
Type 3 a, o,u a a a, o o a a
Type 4 var. a a var. o,u o,u u
It is evident that there is a special similarity between Fox and the
Arapaho group, at least under the orthographies that have been em-
ployed; that NM wa9iniihanan leans towards Cheyenne; that the latter
favors a sound usually written o,5 and Blackfoot the vowel i.
Type 1-i>i: nose, eye, tooth, sun, fire, water, eat, defecate, give, two, re-
flexive suffix. GV alone several times has o, which in most its occurrences in
that dialect seems to replace Ar i.
Subtype la-i, e>i: woman, pipe, six. F, e; Cr, 0, Bi, Ch, i, e, a; A i, some-
times ei.
Type 2-i, a>a: heart, bow, wood, dog, beaver, turtle, red, drink, two, three,
four, ten. Mi, I; F, a; Cr, 0, i; Bl, Ch, i often, but not always; Na, ii, oftener
a; Ar, Bii, GV, a.
Subtype 2a-i, e>e: hand, man, water, metal. Mi,l; F, e; Cr, 0, i; Bl, i;
Ch, a baek vowel; Na, e, a; Ar, Bii, GV, e.
Type 3-a>a: daughter, wolf, buffalo, rabbit, turtle, fish, star, stone, pipe,
yellow, jump, sleep. Mi, back vowels, possibly only variant orthographies for
a; F, Cr, 0, a; Bl, a or o; Ch, o; A, a, an. GV occasionally shows ou.
Subtype 3a-Same, except Bl i, A sometimes a: tongue, neck, beaver, dog,
five, ten.
Subtype 3b-Same, except Ar, and sometimes other A dialects, open o for a:
neck, bear, black, sit.
Type 4-a>u: bone, bear, skunk, rabbit, grass.
INTERNAL PHONETIC CORRESPONDENCES OF THE GROUP
BASAnWUNENAn
Within the Arapaho group, Basanwiinenan differs little from the
principal dialect. S or c sometimes appears for 9, as in tooth, foot,
white man. This is not a reversion to original s which Arapaho 9 at
times represents, but a further specialization, since Arapaho 0 in these
words stands for original t. On the other hand, Arapaho s, or c,
becomes 9 in Basanw-inenan in the word for nose, and x in fire and
wood. In other stems Arapaho 9, s, and c recur unchanged in Basan-
wiinenan. T occasionally appears as tc: tree, mouth, six, ten.
All the Basanwflnenan body-part terms obtained from both in-
formants begin with the possessive prefix of the third person hi-,
instead of the indefinite wa-, bii-, of Arapaho, which elsewhere in the
family is represented by ma-, mi.
5 Petter, Mem. Am. Anthr. Ass., I, 448, 1907, denies that Cheyenne properly
possesses the vowels i an(l u.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
GROS VENTRE
Gros Ventre presents greater changes.
Ar x>GV s: grass, elk, bear, eight, ten. GV evidently clings to the older
sound which Ar has altered.
Ar x>GV 0: wolf, skunk. GV apparently has specialized.
Ar 9>GV t: tongue, white man, dog, buffalo, buffalo herd, star, metal, five,
"nephew"I (when not called "son"'), father-in-law, son-in-law, brother or sister-
in-law of opposite sex.6 Comparison shows Gros Ventre to be the mnore con-
servative, as the Ar sound stands for original t.
Ar 0>GV ts, tc: foot.
Ar t>GV tc, ty: mouth, hand, six. Ba shows a similar tendency. In many
other words, on the other hand, such as ear, belly, fire, mountain sheep, black,
eight, ten, both Ar and GV have t.
Ar s, c>GV 0: eye, neck, woman, tobacco, two, three, seven, eight, father,
older brother, "niecely (when not called "daughter "), daughter-in-law, wife.6
In some of these words Ar s represents original s or h, in others original k.
In other instances Ar s of both origins remains s in GV.
Ar tc was usually heard as either ts, or ty, nearly ky, in Gros Ventre.
Ar k>GV ts: rabbit, white.
Ar i>GV o: eye, sun, fire.
NAnWUOINAHANA"
NMnwu9iniihanan not only departs farthest from Arapaho proper
but stands nearest of the known Arapaho dialects to Cheyenne and
Eastern-Central. It presents enough peculiarities, however, to be
more than a mere transition.
Nauwu9iniha-nan agrees with Cheyenne in retaining m which Ara-
paho has converted to b and w; in fact the dialectic pronunciation
of "Washington" was given as moPcten. It agrees with Cheyenne
and Ojibwa in having w, or b, in certain words which possess n in
Arapaho. Like these two dialects, it shows n as the initial of the
words for four and five, where Arapaho has y. In all these points it
departs from the Arapaho group of dialects in the direction of the
Central and Cheyenne groups.
As regards s and h sounds, correspondences of all three types, s>h,
x>s, s>s, are found between Arapaho and NMnwuOiniihanan. Ara-
paho x is probably an h with partial stricture rather than a true
palatal fricative. In place of it NMnwu9iniihanan sometimes has s,
sometimes a sound written xs. In "bear" h equals x.
Arapaho 0 was usually rendered by t, once or twice by s and ts,
in the Nanwu9iniihanan words obtained. Three words in this dialect
6 Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xviii, 9, 1902.
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82 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
were recorded with 0, but the sound does not agree regularly with any
Arapaho sound in tnese cases, and must be considered doubtful.
Arapaho ii was sometimes rendered by ii in NanwuOiniihana , some-
times by a. Ei becomes e.
The x or h so frequently written before t, ts, and s in Nanwu9i-
niihanan causes the suspicion that the informant was exaggerating a
real or imaginary greater degree of aspiration, either of vowels or of
consonants, than he believed Arapaho to possess. It seems somewhat
doubtful whether full xt, xts, and xs were really spoken. Cheyenne,
however, shows a similar parasitic x or h before t, as well as before k.
Yurok also has xk, and Fox 'k.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
PART II
SKETCH OF ARAPAHO PROPER
PHONETIC ELEMENTS
It is fourteen years since the writer has heard Arapaho or Gros
Ventre. At that time his understanding of the nature and formation
of spoken sounds was vague. Some experience with and much interest
in the two languages have, however, left many distinct motor impres-
sions of words; and a comparison of variant orthographies makes
other points clear which inability of interpretation rendered baffling
at the time. The following notes may therefore still have some value.
Arapaho vowels are:
U, u, open.
o, very open, often confused with an; long, ou.
an, an, nasalized, possibly spoken with the tongue slightly more raised than
in the following.
a, a.
A, less clear than a, was often written, but not regularly, and has been omitted
from the present orthography.
a, a, as in American English "bad."
an, a , nasalized.
e, very open, sometimes resembling a; long, ei.
, l, open.
Gros Ventre adds to these a mixed vowel 6, sometimes heard as
almost o, sometimes as u. This is a derivative from i. Arapaho ei
was sometimes heard with an approach to the quality of oi.
The extreme openness of most of these vowels, as well as the pres-
ence of ii, are conspicuous resemblances to the phonetics of Yurok,
now that Dr. Sapir has shown the connection.
Long vowels are more or less doubled. See text iii, note 1.
Final vowels, unless long or accented, are surd or whispered. The
nature of surd vowels was not understood by the author at the time
his notes were recorded; they were therefore sometimes omitted, some-
times written as sonant, sometimes indicated by small superior char-
acters. So far as it could be restored with what seemed reasonable
safety, the latter orthography has been employed in this paper. The
writer is strongly of the impression that no word in Arapaho really
ends in a consonant, a final surd or sonant vowel being always present;
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84 Untiversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
but proof or disproof of this belief must be left to future investigators.
Gros Ventre may furnish an exception in the case of final surd n;
but this sound seems to owe its quality to the surdness of the preceding
vowel. In Gros Ventre, also, the surdness of final vowels seems more
complete than in Arapaho.
Vowels followed by a glottal stop (') show usually, perhaps always
in distinct speech, an echo. Niihii and niihiiii, this, were written indis-
criminately for niihii'ii, perhaps more exactly niihii '. The orthog-
raphy niihii' should be sufficient.
Arapaho consonants:
k, t, and tc (English ch) are probably sonant during part of the explosion,
as in so many Indian languages. The g mentioned by Dr. Michelson was not
observed. When final, these stops seem to be entirely surd, and their explosion
takes on a vowel color.
In Gros Ventre, tc is replaced by two sounds: ts, the general equivalent of
Arapaho tc, and ty, which often stands for Arapaho t. The two are however
not as different in articulation and sound as the orthographies might indicate.
Ty seems to be a very posterior t; it is sometimes heard as ky, and the Arapaho
so render it in trying to reproduce Gros Ventre.
b is a full sonant, as would be indicated by its origin from m, and by its
alternation, both in Arapaho and Gros Ventre, with w.
w, y, and n need no discussion. Gros Ventre surd n has been mentioned in
connection with the surd vowels.
s and c (sh) are difficult to distinguish. They were very much confounded
by the writer, though he is inclined to consider them two sounds.
x and h were also much confused. It seems that x is really an h with con-
siderable stricture, and that h is fainter than in English, so that h and I might
have been better orthographies. If this is the case, the nature of the two
sounds is the same as in Yana, Mohave, and other Californian languages.7 In
Gros Ventre initial h is particularly faint, and was often not heard. Final h
or x, that is, h followed by a surd vowel, is strong in both languages.
0 is a surd dental fricative like English th in thin.
Vocalic changes are illustrated throughout the grammatical and
textual material presented below, but are very complex. Changes
proceed from stem to suffix, from suffix to stem, and from stem to
prefix; they are sometimes in the direction of assimilation, at other
times of contrast. Consonant alterations, especially between b and w,
follow the vowel changes. Here again the similarity of process to
Yurok is marked.
Consonantal changes are also somewhat obscure, but it is of note
that in part at least they follow the interdialectic equivalences be-
tween Arapaho and Gros Ventre.
7 Present series of publications, x, 62, 1911.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
COMPOSITION
The intricate subject of word composition is too little plain in
Arapaho to allow of more than a listing of some of the principal
forms which word compounding has been observed to take. These
comprise nouns containing two or more elements used also as inde-
pendent words, a few words containing elements occurring only as
"prefixes," and a larger number ending in elements which are always
"suffixes." Verbs consisting of two verb stems, or of a verbal and
an adverbial stem, are mnore conveniently considered in connection
with the subsequent section treating of the structure of the verb.
A. NOUNS COMPOUNDED OF TWO SEPARATE WORDS
Noun and noun, the first determining the second:
han-n-isei, " Bed-Woman "
heOa-bic, dog bush
he0a-w-anwu, dog lodge
hi-tcee'iiox-anwu, club lodge, club dance
bisiin-n-oxu-inan, worm weeds
waxu-sei-nan, bear, women
nitclhe-hinen, Kiowa (nltciye, river)
nih 'dn-ousei, white-man woman, American woman
ciclye-n-axu, snake weed, snake medicine
Verb with a noun as its object, which can also be used as a separate,
independent substantive:
wan-isei-nai-hi0i, they go after women, burrs
not!-sei-n-aint', looks for a wife
hi-netci-bl-niO', the giver of water, he who owns the waters
It will be seen that the noun comes before as well as after the
verbal element. It is not certain how far these examples are to be
interpreted as being verbs or as being nouns. Hence the term " incor-
poration" is avoided for them.
Noun with following verb or adjective stem, the former determin-
ing the latter, but the entire word being nominal. It will be seen that
the majority of the forms are proper names. Compare the verbal
suffix -ni.
ha 'ati-n-ahankain, "Lime Crazy"
wax-tclyei, "Bear Creeping" (ciel, creep)
wax-kukatani, " Bear Spotted (Is)"
hanxa-ba 'ani, "W IWolf Red (Is) "
hisei-waotnani, " Woman Black (Is)"
iCitiin-kfi0an, fire drill
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86 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
Verb, adjective, or adverb preceding and determining a noun:
h-ax&n8-ineninan, funny men, name of a band (axant-ehi, laughable)
nanwu-nenitanan, south people
hawah-anwi, many houses, town
hawAn-fi-n-anaxa'ahli, praying young man
habat-a0, large dog (he0)
haibiit-anxe, large knife (w&nXe)
hlibKO-inen', large man
hibd0-i-waxfi, large bear (woxU)
hMtcax-Anxe, small knife
hiitciic-inen', small man
kaha'fi-ci-nin, half a day
haseihi-n-axucitanan, sacrifice (sun dance) paintings
nihan-n-ouhan, yellow buffalo calves (wou)
waotain-n-ou, black crow (hou)
kanku-nantinei, "One-eyed Sioux" (kankou-iyan, patch on)
kankuiy-ii0iibi, scabby dogs
hiiat-etc1, large water, ocean (netc', water)
citci-nii-waxu, lasting weed (cieltci, stretch)
tcdyatawu-inenitiin, untrue person, spirit
Oawa0-inenitini, real person, human being
B. NOUNS AND VERBS FORMED WITH PREFIXES
wot-i-, in fire, into fire.
woti-tan-ehi, fire-starter
wotl-tank-tanfa-nan, they burn it
hiniiX-woti-0-an, they put him in the fire
woti-kanhu-nae, they ran into the fire
woti-tanain, added wood to the blaze
sai'a-, sa'i, flat.
si'aii-bitxan, flat wood, boards
sii 'ei-tea 'an, "flat ' (straight tubular) pipe
sit 'i-hi0i, flat ones, bedbugs
taha-sii 'i-ei, after she lay
sia'ii-beitciOi, flat metal, spade
sit 'i-ce-6&nan, roof
sit 'ai-sanan, sliced meat
hitnix-sit 'it-se 'es!, then cut them into slices
sit 'i-Oi-xa-h-uOenI, I peg you out flat
sit 'i-Oi-xa-h-un, the crucified one, Christ
sit 'i-ei-w-anaxa 'a, " Lie-abed-long Young-man "
na-, relating to clothing.
na-t&nnei, take off moccasins
na-tatahitn, take off leggings
na-Oibi, take off clothes
na-yae-un, dress!
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
kaka-, relating to mental action.
kaka '-uOetcaW-nan, thoughts
kako-xa'iiniatan, think about it.
C. NOUNS AND VERBS FORMED WITH SUFFIXES
-1-nioaon measures of time. Compare the suffix -ini on the numerals
11 to 19, which is no doubt the same.
kahafi-cl-ni-n, half a day
tihi '-si-ni, yesterday
tayu-ni-n', tatayou-ni-nl, autumn (tai, cold)
tcaitel-n', winter, year
isib!-ta-n1-ni, bedtime, time for lying down
xtaiiei-ni-ni, shortly after, sometime later
taha-tciini-bihiyan-ni, when it was late in the night
-iititi, on names of ceremonial acts. The last part of this suffix is
almost certainly an ending denoting the third person.
tcii '-iitlti, welcoming
tceitan-h-iitit', ear piercing
tiaxan-n-iititl, foot touching, an invitation
teiitceei-n-iitit', untying, a redeeming
tcaoxu-tcaibi-h-iitit', foe-shooting, the settling of a dispute by a game or test
-ahaw&nti, dance. Also seems to contain the ending of the third
person.
hou-n-ahawantl, crow dance
hasan-n-ahaw&nt1, rain dance
nou-t-ahawantl, dancing out of sun dance
ka'ei-n-ahawantl, round dance, ghost dance
tawa-n-ahaW&nt1 cutting dance
nand-n-ahaw&nt-anibi, all of you dance around me!
-tana, burn, do to or with fire.
woti-tana-t', he makes a fire
ha-tana-hei, put the fire out!
hA-tan&-_-0nt, he extinguishes it
h&-tana-kana-Oei, drench the fire
wot'-tana-hokani, they burn it
-tca-na, cook; probably from the same radical as the last.
hi-tcAna-iit', gridiron
teiibitiina-teana, fried bread
ni-te-tenii-O@iyei-na , I maintain the fire constantly
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88 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
-i-Oetcan, think.
kaka '-uOetca -na , thoughts
wax-uOetcanI feel sad (wansan, wanxeit1, bad, ugly)
hun -s-iOetcan-hoku, she thought
bi 'anh-ouOetcae, I truly thought
hiinniin-kaxtaw-iiOetcaI-tI, then she thought something was wrong
-Oibi, relating to clothing. This and the preceding three elements
seem verbal and could with equal propriety be listed among the suffixes
or stems of the next section.
na-Oibi, undress
tcl-Oibi-ti, he dressed
-anwu, water.
haxeci-n-anwunete, muddy water
tciinaitiin-n-aewunetc', blue or deep water
oiinOi-anwu, high or rough waves
kaha '-anwu, creek
kakuiy-anwu, sticky liquid, molasses
-(i)yei, tent: ninan, ninan, tent.
naiyei, hayei, hiyei, my, your, her tent
yeiyi, set up a tent
sis-iiyei, take down a tent
n-eihanwfi-uyei, I have no tent
-akac, -akay, tent, house.
habit-akay', large tent
haitcax-akay', small tent
wanOei-n-akay, wanOei-n-akac, an old brown tent
waotiinna-h-akay-eit', "Black Lodge," his tent is black
biitiibi-h-akac, old woman's tent
hi-beitciOei-n-akay-anit', who has the metal tent
hina-n-akay-a , "main " pole, by which tent is raised
tcIt-akahay-inanti, enter-tent-song, sung when water is brought into the
peyote tent
heOaw-akay-a-ni, in the dog tent
-iiOii', fire.
bdna's-iif ', a large fire
hi-baxutcan-0iia, when the fire became low
kox-k-aOa-yan-nan, kindlings
-anihi', pet, domestic animal; perhaps contains the diminutive
suffix quoted below.
tc!y-anehi, furry, shaggy dog
ta'-anaihi-hi', short-legged dog
n-eihanwfi-t-anihi', I have no horses
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
-h-ainxu, plural -h-nxniibi, horse, domestic animal.
n-iibit-anxabei-t', steals horses or cattle
noti-n-_xndbi, looks for horses
hiwaxu-h&nxabi, horses (hiwaxu, elk)
-ii'ei, head, hair, neck. The independent word for "Ihair " is
beie 'ii, for "his head" hakuhiin.
ot-ii'ei-hi, comb hair
huintit-ii'ei-nioi, beheaded ones
tca I 'ei-n-axa ananxu, round-head-ax
tcistc-A'ei-niOi, scratched head
biiba'-a'ei-nl, you are curly haired
na"-tan-h-icib-A'ei-nei-t', and when he laid his head down
kank-i'ei-ei, Blackfeet (with erect hair)
kax-ii'ei-sibiit', fractured his skull
kan-xu-hiiaix-tiib-ii'ei-kfi-0-iinan, then again they cut off his head
behic'-tiib-'ei-tehi, all cut off heads
tAb-V'ei-bis-i, cut-head-wood, stumps
tub-u 'ei-nan, cut-head, hornless saddle
tcih-tiis-ii'ei-ci, lay your head on!
nank-a'ei-n, white-neck, starched collar
tah"-tcihI-bii-tclt-ii 'ei-xan-Oi, when they all put their heads iti
-i-oii, nose. The independent word is beic.
tib-iOi-bic, cut-nose-bush, whose fruit appears noseless like a skull
-ehi, face.
kou-ehi, swell-face, mosquito
kahan-ehi, hair burnt off
hii'-ni-tiibi-eihl-ti, struck him in the face
-Oii"n-i, fingers, hand. Independent word, biiteet.
hihils-OiWO-ohu, wash hands
-ant, leg. Independent word, wa'anoi.
hawah-ant-uit', many legs, centipede
-ixtan, nail, claw, foot.
was-ixtan, bear claws, bear foot (woxu, bear)
huns-ixtan-cjsan, "Sore-foot-child"
-ineihi, tail. Independent word, bitihi'i.
tuntanka-n-ineihi, raccoon (twisted, ringed tail?)
taxan-n-ineihi, opossum (smooth tail?)
wan0einiO-ineihi, bat, also Satan (brown, or old, ugly tail?)
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90 University of Califorznia Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
-hi 'i, -ha', -hiihi, diminutive.
hanaxa'aha, young man, hanaxa 'a-hi'i, boy
biitiibi (a), old woman, batabi-hahi
teian I child, teian-n-aiha'
eleltei, duck, cilctce-hin'
ta 'aniihi-hi', short-legged dog
VERBS
WORD-FORMING PREFIXES
Among the elements prefixed to verbs, it is clear that those which
are essentially word-forming come nearest the stem, while those whose
purpose is more strictly relational or grammatical on the whole pre-
cede them. As might be expected, no hard and fast line can, however,
be drawn between the two classes.
Word-forming prefixes, in turn, are often difficult to separate from
independent words. Thus, tiis-i- and tciin-i- mean "on" and "under"
in verbs; but provided with the locative suffix -i-hi' they are adverbs
which stand alone. Just so xou-wu-hu', "straight," and xanou, "im-
mediately," are employed, in the forms xou- and xanou-, as prefixes
to verbs. Verbs themselves, like tcasis, "to begin," and Oanku-h, "to
follow," are used as prefixes to other verbs.
Apparently related to this last group are such elements as tai'--,
tou-, "to stop," and ta, tou, "to strike, tie, or be or come in contact
with"; kax-, "through," and kax, "to impact violently"; tciio-i-,
"away, outdoors," and tcit-i, "to depart or elope"; tciib-i-, "past,
alongside," and tciib-i, "to travel."
It is true that even when these elements are themselves verbs they
are not used merely with the personal suffixes, but that second elements
such as -hi, -ni, -ku, -xa, -h are added to them. Now these added
elements, which are frequent on indubitable verb stems, have all been
listed as suffixes. But the possibility is by no means precluded that
these "suffixes," whose significance usually is of the vaguest and most
general, are themselves the real stem of the verb; in which case the
preceding element, which is so much more specific in meaning as
usually to carry the principal idea conveyed by the complete word,
would after all be a prefix of the adverbial or prepositional type
familiar from so many other languages.
For instance, Oi- or Oei- occurs as the first etymological element of
a considerable number of verbs or nouns in all of which the idea of
'in" or "on" or "projecting upward" is contained. Thus, Oi-ayan,
1Eroeber: Arapaho Dialects
"a post"; Oei-ka-h and Oei-wa-n, "to carry on the back." On the
other hand, the frequent element -ku is always at the end of words,
and often adds little if anything to the meaning of the stem to which
it is attached, as in iibita-ku, "to steal," of which the stem appears
without the -ku, but with the same denotation, in iibitii, "to steal,"
n-iibit-ihi, "thief," h-iibIt-anxabei-ti, "he steals horses." When, how-
ever, the prepositional "prefix" Oei- and the vague "suffix" -ku are
put together they form Oei-ku, "to put in." In the same manner the
combination of the variant Oi- with the suffix -oku, apparently an
intransitive equivalent of transitive -ku, results in Oi-oku, "to sit."
Which part of Oei-ku and Oi-oku is what in other languages would be
called the stem? If the first element is a verb stem, then Oei-wa-n,
and such parallel forms as tciOi-n-anha-b, "to enter in order to see,"
are clearly compound or double verbs. If the second element is a
verb stem, then iibitii-ku must be a compound of two verbs.
That Arapaho, like Shoshonean and some other American lan-
guages, possesses true compound verbs-verbs functioning as such
and composed of two verbs-is thus probable. But either Oei- or -ku,
or both, and with them a large number of other elements, are lost
as affixes. And yet the process involved in these cases is not one of
mere simple word-compounding, for apparently Oei- never occurs with-
out a following element and -ku never without a precedingf one. In
short, it would seem that the Arapaho verb is frequently, perhaps
normally, compounded of elements which themselves either are, or
can become, verbal in force.
It is therefore possible that the old terms "polysynthesis" and
"holophrasis," which in recent years have been in justifiable disre-
pute on account of their vagueness and their implication of processes
totally foreign to other languages, may, when the Algonkin, and for
that matter the Iroquoian and Caddoan languages, are more preciselv
understood, be rehabilitated with a new and exact meaning. And
still extreme caution seems called for in drawing any such inference.
"Incorporation" is another linguistic concept which has been re-
established of late years; and yet the justification was brought about
only by an abandonment of the very traits which "incorporation"
was originally and long believed to denote. Bandied about without
standing for anything definite, the term "incorporation" was abused
until the very existence of the process was challenged and denied.
And when the reality of the process was finally demonstrated the
proof resolved itself into the recognition of pronominal incorporation
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as a familiar and purely grammatical method represented in some
degree in most languages, and of nominal incorporation as a form
of the equally familiar process of etymological word-compounding,
with only the one distinctive feature that in "incorporating" lan-
guages noun and verb can be combined to form verbs, whereas in
other idioms they combine only into nouns. In short, the concept
of incorporation involves only a new application of a widespread
and well known linguistic process, not a new and unique process itself.
Or it might be said that incorporating idioms differ from non-incor-
porating ones in degree, not in kind.
In an analogous manner it seems possible that we may ultimately
be justified in speaking of Algonkin as truly "holophrastic" or
"polysynthetic." But if so, these terms will essentially be only a
convenient designation for the linguistic process which allows two
verbs to consolidate into a single one.
In fine, the Algonkin verb, so far as Arapaho is representative of
it, cannot in any off-hand manner be broken up into the usual elements
of "prefix," stem," and "suffix"; and any attempt to apply such a
procedure leads quickly to contradictions and inconsistencies that
reveal the arbitrariness of the method.
The late Dr. William Jones reached exactly the same conclusion
as regards the Fox dialect. He does not separate "prefixes" and
"suffixes" from "stems" in the verb, but distinguishes "initial
stems," "secondary stems of the first order," and "secondary stems
of the second order," making these elements differ from each other
not so much in their kind of meaning or in their ability or inability
to appear as separate words, as in their mere order or position in the
word-compound. This classification is a valuable and important de-
parture from the all too frequent method of forcing new languages
to fit old schemes or the categories established in other tongues. That
the principles of Algonkin verb formation are in some respects con-
spicuously different from those of Indo-European Dr. Jones has made
very clear; and a realization of this fact is the first requisite to a true
understanding of Algonkin structure.
At the same time, while Dr. Jones has cleared away the brush and
brought us face to face with the trees, he has not led us out of the
forest. This task he would no doubt have achieved, save for his
untimely death; but it remains undone. The realization that the
Algonkin foot does not fit into the grammatical shoe built around
the Indo-European last is, however important, only a first step. The
1 Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
next and necessary one must be the construction of a new type of
shoe which upon suitable modification for individual cases will fit
both feet. Or, to drop the metaphor, while an application to Algonkin
of linguistic categories derived from Indo-European leads to misun-
derstanding, the construction and use of an entirely novel set of
categories for Algonkin is meaningless. The types of structure rep-
resented by the two groups of languages obviously have something in
common, however different these common principles may in reality
be from what superficial acquaintance or a one-sided approach would
lead one to suppose. In fact, the determination of what they have
in common, involving as it does the recognition of that in which they
are different, is an essential purpose of the study of both; for whether
our interest lies in the problem of the nature or that of the origin of
human speech, a classification is involved. In its widest ultimate
aspect philology is concerned not with Algonkin as such nor with
Indo-European as such but with all languages. Only when speech
in general, its scope and its methods, are better understood will both
Algonkin and Indo-European, or for that matter any particular group
of languages, be more truly understandable. The real aim of the
study of any American tongue, as well as the aim of any deeper
research in Indo-European philology, must therefore be the more
precise and fundamental determination of their relations to all other
languages; and this necessitates concepts and terms which are applic-
able in common. It is impossible to characterize the wolf in terms
of his skeleton, the elephant of his embryology, the whale of his habits,
and then to construct a classification which will help to reveal the
inherent nature, the development, or the origin of the animal king-
dom. True tribute to the memory of Dr. Jones's work will be paid,
not by a standing still where his labors were unfortunately broken
off when chiefly their negative or destructive side had been completed,
but by carrying his efforts and formulations on through a constructive
phase to a point, denied to him by time, at which Algonkin will once
more appear in a definite relation to human speech as a whole.
What this relation will be the writer does not have knowledge or
understanding enough of any Algonkin language to say. But until
the science of language is revolutionized by entirely new methods of
thinking about it there seem to be only three possible descriptions of
the Algonkin verb that have a usable meaning.
The first interpretation is that of the verb as the result of a process
of composition similar to that of noun composition, but extended in
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94 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
Algonkin also to verbs. This essentially is the conclusion of Dr.
Jones; and it is also the inference of the present writer. But it can-
not be too clearly recognized that even if this explanation is in sub-
stance the correct one we do not yet really know anything as to the
rules and conditions and limitations of this verb-compounding.
The second interpretation of the Algonkin verb is that of a stem
followed by a greater or less number of suffixes.. In this case the
"initial stem" of Dr. Jones would be the only true stem, his "sec-
ondary stems" the suffixes. In support of this explanation is the
fact that the initial elements of verbs come nearest to having the
power of forming words by themselves, in both Arapaho and Fox;
and the statement of Dr. Jones8 that on the whole initial stems more
definitely perform the function of verbs. If this view is correct, the
type of Arapaho verb-building would be somewhat analogous to that
of Eskimo.
The third possible interpretation is also that of a verb stem with
affixes, the word-forming ones, however, being chiefly or wholly pre-
fixes, the stem coming last, except for grammatical endings.
In favor of this last view is the fact that practically all the
"secondary stems of the second order" given by Dr. Jones are nat-
urally translated by words which in most other languages are verbs,
whereas substantially all his cited "initial stems" and "secondary
stems of the first order" can actually be rendered, without much dis-
tortion, as adverbs, nouns, auxiliary verbs, or modal particles. It is
not certain how far Dr. Jones's examples of each class are fully rep-
resentative of that class, his lists obviously aiming at well translated
instances rather than at fullness; but it is clear that his own presen-
tation of evidence leaves the interpretation of the "secondary stems
of the second order" as being true verb stems defined by prefixes, in
a position where it cannot be summarily dismissed.
Thus the "secondary stems of the second order" listed by Dr. Jones9 are
most simply rendered as follows: egii, dance; tcim (Arapaho tcawou), swim;
isi, fly; isaho, jump; 6tii, crawl; usai (Arapaho is-i, us-a), walk; gapa (Arapaho
Oi-anku), stand; paho (Arapaho i-kan-hu), run; 6, carry on back; hogo, swim,
convey by water; pugo, float. nlitital stems citedio are: ki, about; pem(i), past,
alongside, incipiently; pyii, hither; pi(t), into; cask, straightly, smoothly; sag(i),
projecting, holding; mik, assiduously; k6g, wetly, with water; kas(i), by wiping;
pas(i), suddenly, hotly; wi, with; tii(wi), painfully; nag(i), stop; pon(i), cease;
8 Some Principles of Algonquian Word-formation, American Anthropologist,
n. s., vi, 401, 1904.
9 Op. cit., 394.
10 P. 388.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
wiip(i), begin; kask(i), can, be able; klc(i), completely; notii (pp. 394, 404),
be unable; pag (pp. 393, 403, Arapaho kax-), by striking, with impact. Second-
ary stems of the first orderll are a'kw, wood, resisting; nag, hole; tag, color;
nagu, appearance; itii, feel; ine, think; kam, expanse; and the following body
part stems, used objectively or adverbially (in translation) to the verbal element
in the verb complex: cii, ear; kum, nose; tun, mouth; winii, horn; 'kwii, head,
hair, nape; tcii, belly.
Compare also wiip-usii-w8, "he begins to walk" (p. 386) "incipiently he
walks" (or "he begins in his walk" ); wiipi-pyii-tei-tetep-usii-wa, he begins to
walk approaching in a circle "incipiently hither circularly he walkss (or
"he begins his hither circular walk" '?); pagi-kumii-cin-wa, "he bumped his
nose" (p. 393) = "with impact his nose he struck"I (or "he struck his nose
against it"?); tiiwi-cin-wa, ''he fell and hurt himself"I (p. 386) = ''painfully
he struck" (or "he hurt himself against it, he hurt himself by impact)'?);
tiiwe-' kwii-h-wa, "'he has a headache"I (p. 394) = "painfully as to his head
he is " (or "he hurts as to his head" ?); pag-a' kwi-tunii-cin-wa, "he bumps his
mouth (p. 403) = "with impact against something resisting his mouth he
struck" (or "he struck against something resisting with his mouth so as to be
stopped I?). Translating these Algonkin words as compound verbs gives a
third set of renditions, which are perhaps the truest, but, owing to Indo-
European idiom, almost unintelligible in English: "he begin-walks," "he
begin-hither-around-walks," "he hit-nose-strikes," "he hurt-strikes," "he
hurts-head," "he hit-hard-mouth-strikes."
The posthumous and fuller grammatical sketch of Fox by Dr.
Jones in the Handbook of American Indian Languages12 gives some
other forms, to which the reviser, Dr. Michelson, has added a hundred
odd further initial stems taken from the Fox Texts of Dr. Jones.
But this increased material does not alter the conclusion which can
be drawn from Dr. Jones's earlier work as here summarized. The
secondary stems of the first order are clearly not the principal stems
of the verb-complexes. The "initial stems" may be verbs. If they
are, the "secondary stems of the second order" are either suffixes or
other verbs compounded with the "initial stems." That they are
suffixes does not seem likely from the character of the examples given.
If their number is substantially limited to those quoted, their suffix
nature might be conceived of; but if their number is indefinitely
large they cannot well be anything but true verb stems. The evidence
of quantity, then, becomes as decisive on this point as that of quality;
and this evidence must be awaited with interest from Dr. Michelson
or soine other authority competent to carry on Dr. Jones's analysis.
Meanwhile the strong probability is that if the "initial stems" are
truly verbal in nature the normal Fox verb is a compound binary
11 P. 391.
12 Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull. 40, 735-873, 1911.
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96 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
verb. If, on the other hand, the "initial stems" are essentially ad-
verbial, prepositional, or modal in quality, they deserve only to be
ranked as prefixes, even if some of them may have reached this con-
dition by the way of once having been subsidiary verbs; and in that
case Fox, and with it no doubt Algonkin in general, possesses verbs
that are built up around a kernel of a normal verbal stem or root, as
in most languages, and these stems or roots are the "secondary stems
of the second order."
The problem has a somewhat different aspect in Fox and Arapaho
because Dr. Jones and Dr. Michelson have started their analysis of
the verb from the concept of three kinds of stems, while the present
treatment proceeds, though with full realization of the difficulties
involved, from the more conservative premises of prefix, stem, and
suffix. But Arapaho is so obviously Algonkin in its whole plan of
expression and word-building that the fundamental problem is un-
doubtedly identical in the two languages.'3
One suggestion to future laborers in this field may not be amiss.
It is the dropping of the term "secondary stems," at least as applied
to those "of the second order." If these "secondary stems" are
suffixes, nothing will be gained by denominating them stems. If they
are stems, that is, true verbal elenients, they are either the real stem
of the entire verb or at least one of a pair of stems, and in the latter
case probably the ruling and "determined" one of the pair. In that
event the designation "secondary" will be misleading. Tentatively
the name "final stems," which parallels that of "initial stems" with-
out any implication of primacy or dominance, is proposed.
In short, the undetermined and, in the writer's mind, fundamental
problem of Arapaho, Fox, and Algonkin in general is whether these
languages say "he enter-looks, " "he enters lookingly, " or " enteringly
he looks." The first solution seems indicated; if it proves fallacious,
the third appears more likely to be correct than the second. In either
the probable first or third event, however, it can be said that the last
element comes nearest to being the principal verb stem of the complex
word.
The thorough difficulty of judging this case in the present state
of knowledge may be illustrated by the English words "contend,"
13 It is a matter of great satisfaction to the author that since the preceding
passages were written, two statements from the pen of Dr. Michelson (Am.
Anthrop., n. s., xv, 475, 693, 1913) have been published which evince a very
similar realization of the more important aspects of this intricate problem.
Dr. Michelson's knowledge of Algonkin is much the greater; that he should
have come to nearly the same conclusions is therefore gratifyingly corroborative.
1Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
"contest," "conflict," "combat," "compete." If English were as
little understood in its basic structure and history as Algonkin, it
would be a fair inference that "con-" in these words denoted the
verbal idea of "struggle, oppose, fight," and that the second syllables
were adverbially modifying suffixes of this stem. That "-flict" and
"-pete" do not occur independently, and " tend " and " test " when
separate words have an entirely different meaning from their com-
pound forms, would only incline to confirm the conjecture. Obviously
it would require a wealth of accurately understood and exactly ana-
lyzable lexical material before the true nature of the elements of these
words and their strict parallelism to the constituents of "offset,"
"'forbid, " or "'withdraw " became clear. This understanding of
Algonkin we do not yet possess; and therefore, tempting though it
may seem to explain its verb as compounded of two verbal elements,
or of a nominal or adverbial with a verbal element, it is wiser to
proceed with caution. Accordingly, for purposes of presentation, the
old concepts of stem, prefix, and suffix have been retained, subject to
the qualifications discussed, as the categories underlying the following
classification of Arapaho verb elements.
A. PREFIXES USED ALSO AS INDEPENDENT, SEPARATE WORDS, OR MADE INTO VERBS
BY THE ADDITION OF AN UNSPECIFIC, MERELY VERBIFYING SUFFIX
tciisis-, begin.
teiisis-inaeei, go off to hunt
teesis-ta-kanhu, begin to flee
tceOi6-ouhu, begin to climb
niiye-, try.
taha-bii-niiyei-0', when all tried
ndyi-kaxk-ati-wa 'ou, tried to roll through
niiye-tawa-h-un', try to chop it down!
Oanku-, following, behind.
Oanku-h, 0ananku-h, follow
Oa ku-nae-usa, come back
Oan(k)-kanoutan, follow making dust
ta '-, tana-', tou-, tanou-, stop, cease. The element occurs also as
an independent verb or characteristic first part of the verb in a
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98 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
number of words which denote contact, impact, or the meeting of an
obstacle by a motion.
ta '-usa, come and stop
tana'-usa, stop when going
kou-ta'-an-bd-, lie abed long (an, bed)
hantni-taux-tce-i-ni6i, stopping place
hi-tou-n-anwi-n-e8i, I hold it for you
tanou-ku-hu0i, three first poles erected to hold up the remainder of the tent
ni-tou-nan, I strike
tou-ninat', coup, counting strokes
tou-ku-hu-ta-ni-na., they are tied up for
tou-ku-hu-i-n-a_wnI, tying-up house, jail
tou-tci-hit', belt
ta'a-xa-n-eOen', I kick you
tan-yan-b-e6enl, I bite you
taa-w-anti, taa-b-WV, struck him
ta-wa-hei-nan, I chop wood
hant-ta-wa-h-iit', he will cut down the tree
nitawfi-tou, "Striking First," a name
kax- seems to imply violent impact or penetration. Compare Fox
pag-.
kax-ka nana , it went through
kax-k-oti-wan, rolled through
kah-ai'ei-si-bii-t', fractured his skull
kax-aei-t', striking
kaxa '-axuxan, wedge
kaxa'-at', there was a fissure
kax-ouhu, chipped off, shot off
kaxal-iin-hhiku, shoots him,
kox-kuOabiin-nan, "breastpins" of tent
kox-k-8Oii-yan-nae, kindlings ("through flame starts"?)
kox-ta-wu-h, touch, do to, copulate
tciib-i-, passing, past, on, continuing.
t&db-i-hi-t', travels
tcaib-i-sii, pass on, pass by, be on way, walk, go continually
tciib-i-kanhu, pass, come by
tciib-i-xantl, walks
tcaib-i-xa-h-eOent, I carry you
tclt-, tci9-i-, in, into, entering.
tclt-ei, enter, go indoors
tcI6i-n-anha-b, go in to see
tclOi-x-tec-hi, run inside, go into
tclt-ii-n-an, takes him in
tcIt-awantI, dancing in
tclt-an-bixflti, undershirt, inner garment
tclt-anwii, indoors
1Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
B. PREFIXES USED ALSO AS INDEPENDENT, SEPARATE ADVERBS, OR SIMILAR PARTS
OF SPEECH
h-ixtc-i-, up.
hixtc-iibii, up, above
he-tci'-ixtci-ku-s-i-bai, throw me up
h-ixtc-is, go up
huin0ib-i-, to, reaching to, before, ahead.
hiineiibl, toward
huin0iib-i-nou-isa, go there
hjn0eb-i-nk-sai, arrive
t4in0iib-i-nR-usK, when arrives
hiinei'-ei-siin-t', before him
hiian8i'-ei-tiin, in front
hiiOaw-unenan, head men
hkiab-iisei, chief woman
hiieawd-n-axu, "chief-medicine," a root
tciin-i-, far, down, headlong.
tciin-ihi', under
tciin-isei, give birth to, "drop"
tcan-isi-b-eit', threw him off
teiin-isai, fall off, go down, go far
tciin-i-xoukan, flew down
tcen-i-ta-kanhu, flee far
taha-tcdni-bihi 'iyan-ni, when it was far into the night
tcen-a-niibii'ii-t', plunged headlong
tiis-, taix-, on, at the top.
tiis-ihi', on top of, on, at the top
hiini-tiis-ii-n-iin, then he put it on
tins-isa'-ni, mounted (horse)
tAx-ohiiOi, put hands on
hih'-tiix-oku-ta-ni, which he rode
tasi ninanii, top of a tent
taisihiin tea 'otiinyan, on top of the hill
tiisihi' aba, on the bed
&nxu-, across.
h-a4x-ana&, across the stream
axnXu-n-oti-wan, rolled across
h-anXu-x-antl, the crossing
h-anxu-iy-ei-n, sew
tcih'-anxu-s, come across!
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100 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
Oi-, Oei-, on, upon. Perhaps more properly Oi'-, Oei'-.
oi-oku, sit, live
Oi-ank'1, stand
Oi-iinii, put, place
Oi-a-yan, post, monument
Oei-ku-O, put in
Oei-ka-h-in, carries on the back
Oei-wa-n-6hu, carrying on the back
his-, huins-i-, hard, very, fast, violently.
huinini, hainou, hard
hii'na 'ei, hii'naii ou, fast, very fast
haisei-yei-hi6e-tl, very good
hiinsi-i-kanhu, run hard, swiftly
hisa '&n-tI, iinesa 'kn, swift
haisa 'an-n-oti', " Ifast-wheel, " train
haseisen', wind
hasan-netc', rain
hiis-anha-b-eti-ti, looking at oneself
hiis-anha-Oanan, sights
(h)iisi-biin, a sore
haOs-ixtini-cisan, "Sore-foot-child," a name
iisi-na-ta, hungers for it
iisi-na-n-at', anger
asi-ni-h, to make angry
t-iis-owa-bi-x-t', when he became sick
nou-, nanii-, naha-, out, around, down.
nanu-hu', down
naani-hi, go out, come out
naMi-sii, walk about
naed-kanhu, run around
nou-tai-n-in, bring her out!
nou-sa-n, drive out
nou-t-ahaw&nt', dancing out, a ceremony
nou-Oitanan, went out in file
nohu-ku-0, lift up, carry
nanii-n-ahawant-ani-bii, dance around me!
anwu-, inanwu-, hani-, down, falling.
hanwu ', hanawu', down
n-a lwu-hu', south
n-aewu-bii'ei, southern berries
tcih'-anwu-inn , let it come down!
taha-nansou-n-anwuI-nihi-sii-t1, while he traveled down-stream
h-anwui-nihihi, down-stream
t-anwu-n-lho-an, floating down-stream
inanwil-siin-hMik, dived, went under water
h-ianwil-an, it sank
hani-naan, fall
hani-ku-0a", throw down
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
kou-, kanou-, long, far.
kanan-anya , "oblong," extended
kaeiin-ihi', slowly
kanou-ci-bi-Oi-hi-naa, I eat a long time
kou-0-inmat-it', long life
kou-ta '-an-bii-, lie abed long
kou-Oihi', some time later
kanou-tantani, long
xou-, xanou-, straight.
xanou, xaxanou, straightway, immediately
xouwu, xouw-uhu', straight, straight in
xoub-iin, straight
xanoub-i-x-t', straight
tani-xoub-ei, a very straight one
xouwu-xati, take this straight
xanan-ku-bd, " straight (across) red," name of a design
xouw-usa, go straight
tceib-i, aside, crookedly.
tceibl, crooked
tceib-iin, crooked (cf. xoubain, straight)
tceib-i-s, step aside!
tceib-i-si-naa, I get out of the way
tceib-i-tcena 'an , jumped aside
tciiO-i-, away, off.
tc'ai', outdoors
tcao-i-ant', he elopes
tceO-i-kanhu, escape, start off, leave
tceO-eiant,, goes, departs
tce6-akouuhu, go farther up
tciiO-i-Oiici-b-eitI, blew him away
watiin-, into the camp circle.
watiin-ni', into a camp
watiin-sn, go into the camp circle
watiin-kaehu, go (run?) to camp
ei-, cix-, seci9-, senix-, into water, in the water.
see'I-anwu, at the bank, near the river
hit' tcih-clh-kU-6-i, throw me into the water here!
haindn-clh-ki-O-aett, then he threw him into the water
seniex-tciihit', jumps in the water
niin-tcl-ci-eisiin, come right into the water!
hiinin-nilsan-cl-e isAn-Oi, then both entered the water
wan-ci-e-b, take into the water
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niniib-, north.
nanaba l, niiniibi', north
niiniib-isa-t', goes north
nis-bis-, east; nis-nii-, west.
nis-bis-isa, go east
nis-n'a-isa, go west
naxku-n-, with, also.
naxkfi-hu', with, together, including, also
han-bii-naxku-hUi, you might be included
nanaxku-ni-hi-tawa, I include it
naaxki-n-isii, travel with
hant-naxk-a-tceO-ei-ant1, he will go away with him
nas-, hainas-, thus; compare the demonstratives nii-hii', hi-nii.
nas-inmit-iti, thus lived again
n&s-it-a t', did accordingly
hinas-iOetcan-tana-hoku, thought of him thus
taba-, just then, begin to.
tabii, then! lo! just then! being about to, when
tabia-biina, begin to drink
t'abii-tawa-h-at', begins to chop down
kanxu- kanxiin-, again, once more.
kanxu, kanxii, kaxniini, again, another time, then at last
kanXijni-ka9e-n-ii, again lost him
ka,xXani-naxawu, again was near
kae-xini-aneOeia-n-ii, once more he struck one down by kicking
hana 'ut-, hana'a-, all, completely, enough, sufficiently, until.
hanauti biteixan teiin-isei, all leaves are falling
haniX-hana'uta-yae, now was complete
hanaauti-hiiDix-yaOani-sibihei, until he had killed (all) five
hana'ut1-hant-leite-n-an, indeed I will catch it
hana'ut'-huh '-naha-'ou, until I killed them all
ha-, behi-, behIc-, biibiinei-, all.
biihihi', all, everyone, anybody, completely
ba-hi-nihuini-x-t', the owner of all
ba-tani-ci-ni0i, all have a hole cut
ba-hi-nihan-you, all are yellow
ba-hi-yeiyan-unuin-0i, all have four arrows
ba-h-&xaP-Rt', shot all
hiin9ei-, all, all who.
hlineei, all. See Text I, note 5
hiinOei-hifeti-ni, all that were good
hMinei-wana-fineiti-ni0i, all who still lived
[Vol. 12
1Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
C. PREFIXES NOT YET FOUND AS INDEPENDENT PARTS OF SPEECH
1. Apparently Verbal-
wan-, go to, go for, go after.
hiinain-wan-bl-n-Ant', then he went to give it to him
wan-i-bi, go to eat
ni-wan-kanhuwa, I went and cut
wan-ote-n, go and gather
wan-i-tcena 'an, go in order to jump
wan-isei-nii-hiOi, burrs, "they who go after women"
niibi-, nawu-, make a motion to, move forward.
naibi-x-tcii-hi0i, made a motion forward
tcena-nibii '-ii-tl, plunged headlong
nls-, to, tied to.
nis-axiiyan, wire fence
nls-i-iieiyo, trousers, "tied leggings"
ni-nis-anku-hu-niOi, the tied ones
na '-, to, arriving.
na '-usa, nan-us, arrive, come to
cit-, continue.
cit-isa, journey, go on, keep going
ha0a 'an-, truly, surely, indeed, necessarily.
ha6a 'an-biti, indeed I shall be revenged
haa'an-hMin-t-Icite-n-an, surely I shall catch him
haa 'ae-hanni 'itcei, it must be eatable
2. Apparently Adverbial, Referring to Manner-
hinix-, hanux-, very.
hinix-i6eti, very good
hanux-uOeti-n, very good
hin-tcii-b-it1, water-monster ("very-shooter"')
hinix-hiinixt', very tall
ni'-, good, well.
ni '-bi-ni, good to eat
iii -ina1ei, good hunting
ni '-bahan, smell good
ni '-tcei, eatable
ni '-tcan-t', is sweet
ni '-owa-be-hi-nall, I feel well
ni-eh-t1, is fine-looking
1916]
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104 University of California Publicationzs in Am. Arch. and Etlh. I Vo 1'
tani-, indeed, very, skillfully.
tani-xoub-ei, very straight one
nihl-taai-tca-mati-hoku, skillfully he lived agaii
ina-, fast, more swiftly.
nihl-ina-sii-t', quickened his pace
h-ina-nawa, without delay
nani-, niiani-, constantly.
nani-biini, drink frequently
neni-nanku-tl, blind
ni-neni-s-ei-kanhu-t', mole ("who constantly rus s"')
in-i-, aimlessly, randoinly, about.
in-i-sii, wander, go aimlessly, "bum around'"
in-i-kuhi, was chased about
in-i-i-kanhu, went around
in-i-taO-kanha-h-eitl, dragged him along
3. Apparently Adverbial, Referring to Space-
tei-, tei-, back, again, returning.
tcii'-isa, tci'-isa, tcl-sa, go back
tcii-yi-kanhu, run back
tca -w-oti-wan, rolled back
tcii-naiih-&n-tl, "again killing," a place
iy-i-, near.
h-ly-i-sa, come near, approach
i-han-n, lyi-han-n, go after, pursue
any-, in front.
aey-ei-kanhu, go ahead
tei-bixin-, out of the woods, into the open.
tci-bixjn-u-kan, came running out of the timber
bisi-, up, out.
hinjix-bisI-tcena'an, sprang up
1Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
WORD-FORMING SUFFIXES
The etymological "suffixes" of Arapaho verbs are not only less
numerous than the "prefixes" but far less concrete and specific, to
the degree of being almost grammatical. They comprise transitives,
intransitives, causatives and similar derivatives of wide applicability
but general meaning.
-ni, to be, to have; verb-forming.
hihanw-aha 'anakan-ni-n, there are no stones
hit-akanxu-i-ni-ti, he who has tentpoles
n-eihanwfi-uta-ni-hi, I have no horses
n-IOe-ti-ni-n, that which is good
hinana ei-ni-nae, I am an Arapaho
inenitii-ni-nl, you would be well, living
bihiiei-iihe-ni-ti, becomes an old man
ni'-bi-ni, good to eat
niitci-ni, wet (netc, water)
hi-netci-bi-ni-O', the water-giver, owner of waters
nihan-ni-x-tt, is yellow (nihan-yan)
tca'otaya-ni-nae, I am hump backed
niinii-ni-nan, I, it is I
-Oi, intransitive.
na 'd-Oi-x-t, resembled (na 'a-si, thus)
bi-Oi-, eat (bl-n, eat something, bl-6i, food)
anain-oi-, be differcnt in appearance
-hi, intransitive.
h-i0ei-hi-ndxku, if you are good
bihi'i-hi-n, be a deer
baini-6i-hi-nan, I eat
kanane-hi-nan, I am a coward
niniibiL-hi-ti, what is sacred
hiOanwu-tai-hi-nan, truly I am cold
-hu, intransitive
i-kae-hu, run
ta-kan-hu, flee
na-kan-hu, come, bring
ni-sanku-hu-0i, were tied
nitou-hu-ti, shouts
tcaibixan-hu-tl, flies
yana-hu-t', pledger, he who vows
tea'otaya-hu-ti, hump backed
1916]
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106 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.
-awui-ni, become, begin, be.
t-linteiibit-awui-ni-t', he became a water-monster
kaendn-n-awui-ni-Oi, they opened it
baini-awui-n', spring (biini-tee, summer)
-owa, feel; bodily condition.
ni' -owa-be-hi-nan, I feel sick
hiis-owa-, sick
-Si, be in the condition of.
isi-si, be lying
bi-tani-si-ni-Oi, all have a hole cut
na'ii-si, na'ei-si, thus, thus it is
kah-ii'ei-si-bii-t', fractured his head
-ba-n, -wa-n, cause, make, bring about.
t-aseinou-bai-nan, I get meat
axan-bii, made laugh
axa-biin, axa-wu, fed them, give me food!
waxu-bii-, to have medicine
oti-wae, roll (hoti', wheel)
-h, causative. See the starred forms under the "connective"
suffix -h.
-ei, causative.
hakanx-ei, make tentpoles
h-&nxu-iy-ei-n, sew (anXfi-, across)
tea-tcib-ei-0i, making pemmican (tcebl)
tic-tclbat-ei-t', after he made a sweat-honse
-xa-h, cause to be in condition of.
tcabi-xa-h, make travel; transport (tcab-i-, passing)
nana-xa-h, bring in (nou-, nanii-, out)
tca'e-xa-h, take back (tcii-, back)
si'iOI-xa-h, peg out flat (sa'a-, flat)
xouwu-xa-ti, takes it straight (xou-, straight)
tcii-bi-xan-hu-t', flies (tca-b, shoot)
ni-tana-xa-hei-nan, I dig a hole (tana-tl, hole)
bi-xa-h, strike
What at first appears to be the stem preceding this suffix is in
most cases an element which itself is normally a prefix. Whether
the "prefix" tciibi- or the "suffix" -xa is the true verbal "stem"
remains to be determined, as in so many other cases.
FVo]. 12
1roeber: Arapaho Dialects
-ku-0, to make a motion leading to the condition or position de-
scribed in the "stem." This "stem" in turn is often a "prefix" in
other words.
Oei-ku-6, put in (tci6i-, Oei-, in, on)
noh-l-ku-O, lift, carry (nou-, out)
tcei-ku-O, release, let go (tcai-, tci-, back; tc4i-i-, away)
hainix-ixtci-ku-O-ian, threw him up (hixtc-, hixtcaibii, up)
tou-ku-6, bind
kankanni-ku--4in, he uncovered him
iOi-ku-0, seize
iibita-ku-O, steal
bii-kui-tan, "red stand," a head-dress
Probably the same in origin as -ku-0 is an intransitive ending -oku.
Oi-ank", stand (Oi-, on, projecting)
Oi-oku, sit, be sitting
tciin-oku, sit down, seat oneself (tciin-i-, down)
tiinx-oku, ride (tiax-, tais-, on)
-a, to nmake, bring, cause to be.
bas-a-, carry, bring wood (bds')
tcit-ii-n-a , takes him in
-ta-n, -ta-na, for, to, of, about.
ci-ta-n, capture for
ic-ta-n, ici-ta-n, make
kousa 'dn-ta-n, attack
Oanwa-ta-n, believe
clyi-ta-0, make disappear for
anOi-ta-n-a ti, tells it to him
axan-tana-w-ant', makes fun of him
aiheisi-ta-ni, gave to be washed (iheisi-ou, wash one's self)
hanas-i0etcan-tana-hoku thought of him thus
h-IOi-ku-ta-n-anOi, when they seized them
isi-bi-ta-ni-ni, bedtime, time for lying
Oihi'i-ta-n, be agreeable (to?)
kaha 'fi-san-ta-b-in, took half of her
tou-ku-ta-n-in, tied to him
tou-ku-hu-ta-ni-nan, they are tied up for
nai-nd(h)A-ta-n-einan, he killed them for us
-wu-n, to, for, with.
waOanaha-wu-n, write to
ata-wu-n, eat up for
neiiinan-wu-n-in, holds it tight for him
ni-tana-wu-hei-na , I dig a hole
kox-ta-wu-h, do to, meddle with
1916]
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108 lUniversity of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
-ti (-I-ti, -an-ti), forms abstract nouns. This ending seems to be
that of the third person subjective.
bixan-O-et-it', love
bi-Oi-h-it', food, eating
biisii-ihuint-it' (ceremonial) touching (by old men)
hinii-t-it', life
hinen-tin-it', tribe
teeitan-h-iit-itl, ' ear-piercing" ceremony
tee '-ut-it', " welcoming " ceremony
huis-owa-be-h-it', sickness
iinet-it', speech, voice
waxu-c-it', paint, the painting
ka'ue-h-it', a bleeding
tou-tei-h-it', belt
bait-ant', a dance
asina-n-antI, anger
h-_AxnX-ant', a crossing
-ehi, ohu, agent, action, instrument, thing for.
h-iibit-ihi, thief
dneti-b-ehi, speaker
hibiO-Yhi, a large one
kata-6hu, beadwork (kata-, cover, hide)
teawouw-iihu, swimmer
-an, -y-an, that which.
Oi 'a-y&n, post, monument, goal
hasei-y&n, an offering
bii-Oanto-in, hemorrhage
bdOi-y&n, property, clothing
biini-yan, night, darkness
bihi'i-ybn, at night
kana 'an-yan, long, oblong
niha"-y&n, yellow (nihan-ni-x-ti, is yellow)
nihii-y&n, self (niha-ni-, to own)
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
Grammatical affix
most of the pronomin
k-
k-ih'-
k-an-
k-anhei-
k-anhai-
k-aehu-
!-hanwu-
tcl-, tcih-
tcl-ba '-, tl-biih-
tcl-
ni-, nih1-
nih-isi-
hni-n-isi-
hant-
hant-l-
hant-ann-i-
t-
ti-, tihl-
tan-, taha_
tisi-
tisini-
tanhisi-, ta nhuisi-
tanhu#lsni-
hain-ti-
hiin-tih'-
hih'-
oi-
i9i-
han-
hai-ih-, hdn_jX_
hiin-niin-
ni-
nih-
hi-
nihl-
hini-
hiin-tan-
hiin-
hin_-tcis-
nansou-
ti-nansou-
hawa-tih'-
GRAMMATICAL PREFIXES
:es of verbs are prevailingly prefixes, except for
lal and a few other elements.
interrogative
negative
negative
negative imperative
sometimes positive imperative
incompleted action
completed action
future, probably of purpose or intent
when, after, because
action incomplete
action complete
optative, "let me"
''would that!"
optative, ' let me, "''let us"
meaning not determined
' then ' '14
'then ' 114
relatively subordinating or noun-making: "he
who, which, where"
where
while; continuing; "-ing"
the same meaning as the last
although
GRAMMATICAL SUFFIXES
-eti reflexive
-uti
-hoku " it is said, " quotative
-aixku conditional, subordinating
-hiixku
-n4xku
14 These two frequent prefixes, whose exact force is not clear, are evidently
introductory and appear to contrast with each other. See text iII, notes 4, 29.
1916]
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110 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
PRONOMINAL ENDINGS
The pronominal endings of intransitive verbs, including numerals,
adjectives, and independent pronouns, are:
I -nan
you -ni'
he -t', or a vowel
we -nan
you -niin
they -0i, or a vowel
These endings are usually added directly to intransitive stems.
binii-nan I drink
n-iineti-nan I speak
Oioku-t1 he sits
Oiankui-tl he stands
The intransitive imperative is the stem.
The intransitive negative with the prefix !hanwu- is formed with
prefixed pronominal elements.
I n-eihanwu-
you h-eihanwu-
he h-ihanwu-
we n-eihanwu-bai (or -hi-bai)
you h-eihanwu-bii (or -hi-bii)
they h-lhan-wu-nan (or -hi-nan)
In these forms -nan recalls the commonest plural suffix of nouns,
-bi is probably the stem for "all," and the vowel change in the third
person, as well as the initial prefixes, are suggestive of the posses-
sive prefixes. Perhaps the division should be nei-hanwu instead of
n-eihanwu.
The transitive conjugation is formed by suffixes. These are:
Me You Him Us You Them It
I - eOen' -an - -eOenain -ou -awan
You un' -antl -eiiin -antei -awu
He -einan -eiia ant 15 -man -einin -a ntl -a'
We - -an' 4ti ana" at' -awinaO
You -eiiinii"n -anain -eiiinain - -anain -awinain
They -i6i -einani -an0i16 -einan -einjin -anOi -ou
The above forms have been found on most stems. Some verbs,
including tceii-b- and kUnu-s, replace the first vowel of the suffix, be it
e, ei, a, or u, by i, except for the inanimate object, the "I-them " form
-ou, and perhaps certain other forms of the third person object.
Thus, tcii-b-i-nan, Winu-s-i9eni. Some other verbs, including biixa-h-
and sii'i9ixa-h-, substitute u for e, ei, a as the first vowel of the suffix
15 Second form: he (B) to him (A): -eit'.
16 Second form: they (B) to him (A): ei0'.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
in the first and second persons object, but contrariwise in the third
person object change a to ii, and ou to ei. On the other hand, the
stem vowels change according to the suffix in some verbs: nii-niihii',
kill, occurs before all persons of the object, animate and inanimate,
except the "A" form of the third person: niniihi'-einan, niinihi-eini,
niinaiihi'-eiti, but nanaha'-anti.
The endings themselves cannot be analyzed in all cases into regu-
larly recurring subjective and objective constituents, although -ni for
the second person singular object, -niin second plural subject and
object, -ei first plural object, are clear. The impression given by the
endings is that the two elements of each occur in a fixed order not
so much according as they represent the subject and the object as
according to the person denoted. The second person comes last,
whether subject or object; between the first and third persons prece-
dence is not so clear.
This is confirmed by the transitive negative conjugation with the
prefix -I-hanwu-. In this the second person is always prefixed; the
first is suffixed as against the second, but prefixed as against the third,
while the third is prefixed only when there are two elements of this
person. Such a form as hei-hanwu-bixa -0-eO also corroborates the
inference that -eO in bixan-9-eO-eni is the part that means "I".
Me You Him us You Them It
hei-eO nei-an hei-eOebii nei-anna' nei-17
You hei_u hei-a n hei-eiain hei-anna' hei_17
He nei-e hei-e hi-a hei-ein hei-eibai hi-ia hii-1T
We hei-a nei-abii hei-abii nei-abi nei-awubii
You hei-ubii hei-anbii hei-eiiinbii hei-anbii hei-awubii
They nei-ei hei-ei hi-anan hei-ein hei-eibii hi-anan hi-awu
The transitive imperative forms differ somewhat from the indic-
ative: -un, -in, implies the object of the third instead of the first
person. Probably it expresses only the subject of the second person.
bixan-x-u like me!
bixan-x-un' like him! like them!
hi-s-in' fear him!
haiseina-b-in' hate him!
bixan-t-an like it!
bixan-O-eiain like us!
bixa -O-a do you (pl.) like him!
The negative imperative, with prefixed tcI-bii-, has the same suffixes.
The forms referring to an animate object of the third person are
preceded by connective consonants which in the indicative of the
same verbs occur before the first and second persons objective.
17 Possibly a final surd a has escaped notice in these forms.
1916]
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112 University of Californtia Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
CONNECTIVE SUFFIXES
The transitive pronominal endings are not added directly to the
stem, but are invariably preceded by one of five consonants: b, n, s,
0, h. At first regarded as part of the pronominal suffix, later as a
connective characteristic of each verb, these consonants were later seen
to correspond to the "instrumentals" of Dr. Jones.18 Before this,
in fact, -h had been recognized as a causative. The four other con-
sonanlts, on the other hand, do not appear to be significantly instru-
mental in Arapaho, except in so far as they all occur only on transitive
verbs. They certainly do not in most cases refer, except by the re-
motest implication, to a part of the body or a type or shape of instru-
ment. There are also scarcely any observed instances of one stem
appearing, under the same or an altered meaning, with any other than
its characteristic consonant.'9 The designation " instrumentals" there-
fore seems of dubious applicability in Arapaho.'0
It may be added that a search for a possible phonetic relation
between stem and connective consonant gave no results.
Meaning Verb Me You Him Us You rhem It
see anha b2l b w b b w t
strike tan b2l b w b b w t
hate iiseinii b2l b w b b w [t]
shoot tea b b b b b b t
tell itawui n n n [n] [n] n t
eat bi n n n n n n w
reach ouXan-ta n n n [n] [n] n w
fear i s s x s s [x] t
cut kanu s s s s s s x
like bixan 022 0 0 0 0 0 t
peg flat sii'i0i-xa h h h h [h] h h
strike bai-xa h23 h h h h h h
kill na-naha ' ' ' ' ' ' t
These connectives or instrumentals change somewhat according to
the person of the animate object expressed in the pronominal endings
which follow them, and in part according to the stem. Such varia-
tions, which are illustrated in the following table, are clearly of a
phonetic origin. But a radical change undergone by the consonant
's Am. Anthrop., n. s., vi, 403, 1904; Bur. Am. Ethn., Bull. 40, 807, 1911.
19 Except bli, find, which occurs both as bli-n and bil-h; dnanka-b, Ananka-n,
loosen; and cl-n, cl-h, capture.
20 Compare Michelson, Am. Anthrop., n. s., xv, 476, 693, where substantiallv
the same contention is advanced as regards Fox.
21 W with subject of second person singular and third plural.
22 X with subject of second person singular and third plural.
23 This is the only stem found with the glottal stop.
1roeber: Arapaho Dialects
when the object denoted by the pronominal suffix is inanimate, especi-
ally from -w to -t, can scarcely be due to any merely phonetic laws.
The author sees in this thorough difference of form when the object
is inanimate a further argument against the instrumental nature of
these connectives.
CLASSIFIED LIST OF STEMS
A number of transitive verb "stems" follow, arranged according
to their "connective" suffixes. This list is followed by one giving the
principal ascertained intransitive verbs, which lack connectives.
TRANSITIVE
-b, -w
anha-b
Ananka-b
antananta-b
iibita-b
iiseinai-b
bas-iina-b
ka 'an-b
ni-b
tousa-b
ta-b
tanya-b
tahi-b
tii-b
tea-b
wae-ci-e-b
see
loosen (also with -n)
buy
steal
hate
pursue closely
think of highly
bite
marry
bathe
strike
bite,
help
cut, break off
shoot
take into water
outay&n-n
awuina-n
ainna-n
lyihan-n, yihan-n
isa-n
icita-n, ite-n, atta-n, ta-n
nou-ta-n
tcl-ta-n
basa-n
bi-n
bi-n
bil-n, bil-h
koutesa 'a-n
kanaeei-n
kaOe-n
kankoua-n
kanne-n
kayei-n
nouxa-rr
nou-sa-n
nota-n
n-lea-n
nitou-n
-n
hang up to dry
pity
know
go to, go after, pursue
alarm, scare up
take, catch, seize
bring out
take in, bring
touch
eat
give
find
chase, drive off
cut open belly
lose grip on
envy
open (kanu-s, cut)
pull out, pull off
meet
drive out
ask, question (noti-h, seek)
go with, come with
breathe in, suck in
1916]
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114 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
cl-n, ei-h
cinouhu-n
tou-n, tanou-n
ta-n
ta 'xa-n
wa 'awa 'a-n
With suffix -ta:
oux&n-ta-n
ici-ta-n, ic-ta-n
Oanwa-ta-n
kousa 'an-ta-n
nai-naihai-ta-n
cl-ta-n
touku-ta-n
tca 'a-ta-n
tcei-ta-n
With suffixes -wu, -bd:
ata-wu-n
isi-bii-n
Oei-wa-n, Oei-ka-h
tawaha-wou-n
wa0anaha-wu-n
waxu-bii -n
(n-) i-s
itai-s, ita-s
bii-s
kanu-s
nou-tan-s
tanii-s
tcei-s
wahani-s
waxu-s
i n6han-6
anoi-O
ankan-t1
iineti-O
bixan-O
kankoutci-O
sixahan-O
clyi-ta-0
With suffix -ku:
(!i-)tou-ku-6
Oei-ku-0
kankanni-ku-0
nohfl-ku-9
nlsAn-ku-0
tcei-ku-0
take, capture
resemble
hold
pour
kick
go in, draw in, suck in
reach
make (n-lci-h, make)
believe
attack
kill for
capture for
tie to
perceive, notice
visit
eat up for
lay down, go to bed with
carry on back
cut tree down for
write to
imitate a bear
S, x
fear
meet, reach, arrive at, come to
touch
cut (ct. kaene-n, open)
carry out
pierce, make hole in
give here
unite
paint
rub
narrate
take home
speak to
like, love
scratch
do thus, show
make disappear for
bind, tie to
put in
uncover
lift up, carry
bind
release
ata-h give
-axa-h, -iixii-h bring, take, carry (in, back, etc.)
*asini-h anger, be angry at (iisina-na-t', anger)
-i-Oetcan-h think
24 Starred forms show this suffix with an indisputable causative force.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
*h-itcan-h
iya-h
bii-xo-h, bii-xa-h
*bata.-h
bil-h, bli-n
eouu-h, &n a-h
Oanku-h
Oei-ka-Th, Oei-wa-n
*Oianku-h
koxtawu-h
kankaxuka-h
kataya-h
*noti-h
n.iti.ai-h
n-lci-h, ici-ta-n
S;nicka-h
sii 'iO!-xa-h
cl-h, ei-n
*teaibi-xa-h
*tcitei-h
wawa-h
ouhu
ouO
ot
anku-5n
alit-iin
awuinan
iiOixtee-hi
aniinoi
iitei-ni
iitei-yaka-ni
hi0anbei
ixane-hi
ina-ei
inenitai-ni
inikati
isi-bi
isi-si
itou, aitou, aitei-an
h-itou
itan-ei
bal-ni
bei-tcixu
biibii-ii 'ei
biinii, ben'
biinanfei
biisiiyei
bixou
biwan-hu
hiihisi
Oibi
Olya-hu
koxunii
koxahei
ka '-us
ka 'uye-
kanout-
hanhei, kohayei
kankou
kaxou-hu
give pipe to, cause to smoke
ignore, not know
strike
give medicine to, doctor
find
crush, grind, chew (Oaxan, forcibly)
follow,
carry on back
make stand
do to, meddle with, copulate with
stab, pierce, sting
cover up
search for, seek (nota-n, ask)
deceive, trick
make
whip
peg out flat
capture, take
carry, transport, cause to travel
cause to enter, let in
throw over, scatter
INTRANSITIVE
climb
hang
comb
thaw, be warm
stand
be closed
shove
be different
make camp, stay over night
come to a camp
be true, right, so
provide for, favor
hunt
be well, live
play
lie down, go to bed
be lying
shout, make noise, roar (cf. n-itou-hu)
beg
take arms
be bloody, bleed
be red hot
be curly haired
drink
smell
toueh
emerge, rise to surface of water
weep, ery
wash
snore
have to do with clothing
cut hair
hide, enter a hole
dig
drop, fall
pick fruit
make dust
get up, rise, ride
patch on
chip off
1916]
- 115
116 University of California Publicationls in Am. Arch. and Ethn.
kaxa 'a
kanane-hi
kananni, kananinani
kou, kanou, kanan
kaya 'a-hu
na- , naiyan
nana
naOkuOei
nannou
niini0e
naitca, netee
nenin&nk"
nih. -ni
nih 'an, Inih 'aa
nibou-hai
n-itou-hu
siise-hi
saiya
cieltei
clyihanti
tou
tai
tiiye-hi
tcena 'an
tcaini
tciistc
tciitecti
tein
wfian
waxusi
yana-hu
crack, fissure, dent
be a coward
be slow
swell (kou-, kanou-, long, far)
fly away
take off (clothing), dress
sta.y
push
get ready
menstruate
die, be dead
be blind
own
sting, hurt, irritate
use perfume
shout, whistle, breathe (cf. itou)
play, trouble, make noise
chew
stretch
disappear
strike (tou-ku, bind)
be cold
be ashamed
jump
skin, flay
scratch
cut, hurt
plant, bury
rest in water
abound
paint
pledge, vow
In general, transitive stems are used intransitively, or vice versa,
so far as their meanings permit, without further change than that
produced by the loss or insertion of an "instrumental" connective.
The following are the priincipal observed cases of a more extensive
modification.
Transitive
akfi-hu-, cook
aiina-n, know
hinita-(t), inhabit
isi-bW-n, lay down
ici-ta-n, n-ici-h, do, make
basii-n, touch
bil-n, bill-h, find
bl-n, eat
noti-h, seek, nota-n, ask
naha', niihii', kill
ni-b, marry
teii-b-, shoot
sanku-8, bind
Intransitive
anku-, thaw, be warm
ainin-, know
hanita-, live, stay
isi-bi-, lie down; isi-si, be lying
ici-hi-, n-lei-ti-, ici-ta-, do, make
biisii-yei-, touch
bli-ti-, bii-hii-, find
bi-Oi-, eat
noti-hi-, look, search
niiaihei-, naiihan-, kill
ni-ni-, marry
tea-bae-, shoot
sanku-hu-, be tied
L Vol. 12
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
NOUNS
PLURAL
Arapaho nouns take a plural suffix whether animate or inanimate,
this distinction of gender being expressed by the verbs, adjectives, or
numerals referring to them and not in the nouns themselves.
The most common plural suffix is -nan. This has been observed on
hic(i), liver; biiseiti, urine; h&nXei, wolf; hou, raven; bItei'i, dove;
hahinti, cottonwood, tree; kakanx (i), tent pole; haha 'uktan, hair
braid; haxa 'anankiin, stone; ha9an penis; hiinkuhan, head; nhntcai,
chief; hina tciV, buffalo bull; hineni, man; hisei, woman; wa 'a, wa 'aha,
moccasin; kakuiy, tube, gun, whistle; cisa nwan, tobacco; tclbati, sweat-
house; wana', wrist; hI9einan, buffalo; b!sain, worm.
With some slight or apparent change of final vowel, this ending
occurs also in the following words:
waxu, grass, herbage, waxuinan (contrast waxu', medicine, below)
waxucit', painting, waxucitanan
hanka"x,u saddle, hankanxuinan
nic'tceinan', buckskin (probably antelope skin), nic'tceinanan (for nic'-
tceinan'nan ')
batceot (i), watceot (i), stomach, biitceotanan
Oik', ghost, Oeikanan
Oiwu, bridge, boat, Oiwanae
-an, -han (probably really -an', -han') is also common. Before it
-a, -e, change to a; and -x becomes -9, -c becomes -0 or -x, 9 becomes -t.
baitin, heart, baitanhan
niciteiin, antelope, nicitcahan
ni'ihi, eagle, bird, ni'iihihan
nitclye, river, nitclhaha"
hou, robe, houwae (ct. hou, raven, above)
hank-lhu', mouse, ha nkihuhan
hani'i, ant, h'ani'ihan
hanaxa'aihi'i, boy, hanaxa'jihihan
hatiin, sinew, ha.taha"
waxu', medicine, waxuwa" (ct. wax", above)
wou, buffalo calf, wouhan
tcii'einox, bag, tci'eina9an
ha'uwanux, parfleche case, ha'uwanaOa"n
beic('), nose, beiOan
benec, arm, biinoxan
bits', wood, bitxan
wa 'anO', leg, wa 'antan
beitci9, tooth, beitcitae
tcaoxu, foe, Comanche, tcaoOan
1916]
117
118 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
tee anOXU, club, tomahawk, tee 'Xno0an
bitelc, leaf, bitcixae
tcicihi, night hawk, tcicihan (sic)
hitIOjO, kidney, hitiOiOaa (sic)
Lengthening or vocalization of the final vowel is fairly frequent:
i>!; u>ul; ii>ei; a, an>ou, au.
hoO', arrow, hoOi
bihi'i, deer, bihi'l
tcanOani'i, prairie dog, tcanOani 'i
woxu, bear, woxui
wa axu, nail, wa 'axfi
nete', water, netel
ni'ete', lake, nia'etel
hiintete, ocean, hiintetei
wds&nO ('), arrowpoint, wasbn"e
haibais ( ), beaver, haibisi
hiOanXu, guts, hiOan"Xf
kaha a nwu, creek, kaha 'anwii
hoseinan, meat, hoseinou
wanketc (i), cattle, wanketel
hotia', mountain sheep, hotei
biincIsii', eye, bii"lesei
hanwu, house, hanwfl
ha9an', star, ha0a'ui (et. haOa", penis, above)
wanatana', ear, wanatana'ui
Apparently formed by a special suffix:
heO, dog, heOibi
ka 'an, coyote, kaxawfi
hiwaxuh"nX, horse, hiwaxuhAnxibi
CASES
An oblique ease, usually an objective, was observed on a few nouns.
It seems to be formed by -ni.
hisei, woman, objective hisei-n('), compare text III, note 28.
wot niihi' nIltelhe-hinen' ni 'biibiiniihiixku, this Kiowa was handsome;
hiinixnouxane nitclhe-hineni-nl, he met a Kiowa.
tuxkanii ' biinnant"t niltca-ou-n' bitcineni-n', Tuxkanii' gives a blanket to
Biteineni.
niihii' hinen' taw"nt' hi'ihi' haxa'an"nkiin hinai' hineni-n', this man struck
with a stone that man.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
A general locative, also serving as an instrumental, is more fre-
quent. It takes the forms -hii', -nia', -bii'; also -i', ni -I, -fl, recalling
both one type of plural and the objective.
niayei, my tent, naiyeihai'
hi 'anl, his leg, hi 'bntii', hi'anOin' (plural)
bei, awl, beiha'l
nitclye, river, nitclhui'
haxa'anax, ax, haxa'anaiino'
niana, tent, ninaeni'
hanxeb', spring, hanxebinai'
bd a n, road, ba 'alnii'
haIkui", head, ha kiihiinnii'
hak&nX, tent pole, hakanxuinii'
kakuic, kakuiy, gun, kakuiyana'
teteenae, door, tetcenanniia
teaseix, one, tcaseiya nnii, in one spot
waxu, grass, waxu 'una I
h-an I bed, h-anba'
hoti', wheel, hotibiL'
netcl, water, netci
tea 'otainyan, hill, tea otainni
hahantl, cottonwood tree, hahanti', hahanti-n1
bita 'anwu, earth, bita 'aewi
wawu, ice, wa awu
heO-aw-akay-a-ni, in the doghouse
POSSESSION
The personal possessive affixes of nouns are illustrated by the
following examples:
Word Father Mother Older brother Daughter
Vocative neixan na tan nata
My neisanan neinan nasiihii 'a natane
Your (s.) heisanan heihan hasahiiaA hatane
His hinilsanan(n') hinan' hisaha al hitanan
Our (incl.) heisandnin' heinanin' hasiihii aehin' hatanihin'
Our (exel.) neinAninan nasiihai aiihinan
Your (pl.) heinAninan
Their hinisanAninan hinanininan hitanehinan
Somebody 's beisanan beinae basiihai 'I
Word Grandfather Son Sons Robe
Vocative naiibiiclwan ne 'i (hou)
My niibuicibiihii neih ,iin neih lanhan natou
Your (s.) hiibaiibiihii heih 'iin heih 'ahan hatou
His hibiiclwahan hi 'an hi lanhan hitouwu
Our (incl.) habacibei-hin' heih 'ehin'
Our (excl.)
Your (pl.)
Their hibicilblihiinan
Somebody 's
1916]
119
120 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
Word Robes Penis Dog Tent
Vocative (houwan) (haoan) (heO) (nInan)
My natouwan nei9an netiObibbi niiyei
Your (s.) hatouwan heiOan hetdOdbibi hayei
His hinl0an hitiiOiiblwu hiyei
Our (incl.) hatouwun"n hetiOdbibin' haiyeihin'
Our (exel.) nidyeihina"
Your (pl.) huiyeihinan
Their hitouwunan hitdOiblbina- hiyeihinan
Somebody's bd0an
Some of the above forms under "our," "your," and "their" may
really denote plural instead of singular nouns. The "vocative" in
the terms of relationship is the term of direct address: "father!"
In the other words given, the corresponding form in parentheses is
the nominative.
Several nouns show a suffix with labial consonant in all three
persons. This perhaps denotes acquirement of possession.
nat-ahanti-bi, my tree
hit-ah&nti-wu, his tree
net-dOdbl-bi, my dog
na-nouhuha-bi, irmy kit-fox
naii-na tca"-wa my chiefs
nii-teia"ni-wa", my children
PRONOUNS
The demonstratives, which are alike for singular and plural, ani-
mate and inanimate, are:
niihii', nuhu' this
hinii' that, visible, or near the person spoken to
hini that, invisible, or of reference only
Compare: na'iisi, thus, na'eisi, na'aisan, it is thus, resembles, nania-
hisou, alike, na 'aOixti, he resembles.
Interrogatives:
hinna ' who
hiinyou what
hantan, tanti, tanteihan where
ha"tax" whenever
tou when
tousan why, what kind
tahou, tahoutaxu how many
touOouhu' for how much, at what price
A real personal pronoun does not exist. Independent words trans-
latable by English pronouns occur only in answer to questions, or
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
occasionally for tautological emphasis. They are verbs formed from
a demonstrative stem.
niina-ni-nan it is I, "I"
niinii-ni-t' it is he, 'he"
niinii-huixku it must be he, "he"
Compare:
hineni-ni-nan it is a man that I am, "I am a man'"
hisei-ni-nan I am a woman
hahnkiin-ni-na n I am a fool, I am crazy
The "independent possessive pronouns" are also verbal sentences,
with a possessive prefix and a subjective suffix of the third person.
mine neinis't&ntl ("he is mine')
yours heinisltanti
his hInisIt&ntI
ours neinisIt&ptibinan
yours heinis'tantininan
theirs hinisItantininan
ADVERBS
-ihi', -uhu', is the commonest ending of independent words of
adverbial or prepositional force. Without the suffix, several of the
stems occur as prefixes of verbs.
tciin-ihi', under (tcan-i-)
tais-ihi', on (tas-i-, taX-)
kanain-n-ihi', slowly (kou-)
xou-w-uhu', straight (xou-)
bii-h-ihi', all (ba-)
nan-iihu', out from the river or valley (nou-)
hanawu-n-ihi', hanwui-nih-Ihi', down-stream
n-anwii-hu', south
hawaho-uhu', many times
hi '-ihi', hu '-uhu', with, on account of
hi0anw-fihu', really, truly (hi0anbei-, to be so)
Oei-n-ihi', Oeinei-si, inside
kouO-Ihi', some time later
kox-0-ihi', over, beyond (kax-, violently, through)
kan-kaxuO-ihi', over a hill
kanaw-udhu', meanwhile, at the same time
kanax-uhu', obstinately, unduly
nih-ihi', along, during
tou-Oo-uhu', at what price (tou, what)
k&nk&nO-Ihi', homeward
-bii, -bi, -wu, is another ending of adverbs, whose stems in some
cases also serve as prefixes of verbs.
hixtc-ii-bii, up, above (hixtc-i-)
hiinOii-b', toward (hiinO-, hanOA-bi-)
niina-bii, nainii-bi, north
nantii-bii, at the rear of the tent, opposite the door
1916]
121
122 University of Catifornia Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn.
-_nwu refers to the ground:
bita 'anwu, earth
hioanwu, on the prairie
hi6awanwu, under ground
naxutanwu, above ground
-OU:
huin-ai, hard, hiin-ou, very hard
ha 'na '-ei, fast, ha 'na 'ou, very fast
na 'asi, thus, nanahis-ou, alike
hii-na', who, han-y-ou, what
NUMERALS
The Arapaho numerals given in'the vocabulary are those used in
counting, and mean "- times." The cardinals used in sentences are
formed like verbs with the prononinal endings -i-0i, animate, and -ei,
-i-i, inanimate. They occur either with a prefix hii- or with prefixed
reduplication. In this reduplication initial y of the stem turns to n.
The relationship of these two sounds has been mentioned before. The
stem of the cardinal numeral "one" is the same as that of "two,"
nis, but has the corresponding singular suffixes -ix-ti and -e-ti. In
the ordinal and the forms for "six," the stem for "one" appears in
what may be its original form, nit. The stems for "nine" and "ten"
are 'used without reduplication or the prefix hii-. The ordinals are
formed, with reduplication, by the suffix -awa. This is sometimes
further enlarged by the ending -na' when inanimate, and when ani-
mate has the ending -ti. Numeral classifiers have not yet been ob-
served, except -annii, which is employed when camps, towns, herds, or
portions are referred to, and which may be a locative or collective:
yineiy-_nniin-nan, four bands.
Countting Cardinal Cardinal Ordinal
1 teaseix ha-nisi-xt' (an.) na-nisi-xt' nii-nit-awa-ti
ha-nis-et' (inan.) nii-nis-et' nii-nit-aw&- (na')
2 nis' hii-nisi-e' (an.) nii-nisi-6' nii-nisi-awa-t'
ha-nis-ei (inan.) na-nis-ei nii-nisi-awa- (na')
3 nasa-, nasax ha-niii-O' nii-nai-O' na-na?si-aw&-t'
4 yein' hii-yeini-O' yii-neini-6' yA-neini-awa-t'
5 yaOan' ha-yaOani-0' ya-naoani-0' ya-naAani-awA-t1
6 nit-an-tax' hR-n1t-an-taxu-6' nii-nit-an-taxu-Oi na-n1t-an-taxu-awa-t'
7 nis-an-taxu hii-nis-a-taxu-0i nii-nis-antaxu-Oi nii-nis-an-taxu-awa-t'
8 nas-an-taxu hii-nas-an-taxu-0i na-nas-an-taxu-0' nA-nds-aP-taxu-awA-ti
9 Oi Ya Oi 'a-taxu-0i O1i a-taxu-awa-tI
10 bata-taxu biitii-taxu-0' bata-taxu-awa-t'
[Vol. 12
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
The numerals from :Ii to 19 are formed from those for 1 to 9 by
the suffix -ini, which occurs also on words denoting measures of time;
the tens by the ending -an', -a', or u', with change of preceding con-
sonant.
1 tcaseix 11 tcaseini
4 yein' 14 yeinini 40 yeiyu'
5 yd8an1 15 yaoanini 50 yaOaya'
7 nisa ntaxu 17 nisantaxuini 70 nisantasan'
8 nasantaxu 18 nasantaxuini 80 nasantasa'
Other forms: nitan, first, before; nisanouhu', nisaha 'a, both;
tcaixa , another one; tcaseix, one, inanimate; tcfasii', one, animate.
The suffix -taxu, in 6 to 10, appears to be found also in tahoutaxu,
how many, and hantaxu, whenever.
TEXTS
Only enough textual material is presented here to illustrate some
of the leading structural and phonetic features that have been out-
lined. Several hundred pages of Arapaho texts were secured by the
writer. But the foregoing description is, after all, not more than a
sketch of part of the salient traits of the language; and any analysis
making a pretense at even approximate completeness was impossible,
without a study so thorough-going that it would have crowded into
the background indefinitely other work which was a nearer duty.
With the possible exception of Eskimo, Algonkin, as represented by
Arapaho and Yurok, is far the most difficult form of speech encoun-
tered by the writer at first hand. How much remains to be done in
Arapaho before the language is really understood is revealed by the
notes that have been added to the appended texts. The purpose of
these notes is elucidation; but whoever consults them will not need
the advice that for nearly every point explained there is a problem
raised, and several that are not even touched on. For these reasons
the entire body of texts recorded has been put in the possession of the
Bureau of American Ethnology, in the hope that under the hand of
Dr. Michelson or some other investigator better fitted by capacity or
long occupation with Algonkin than the writer, their publication will
ultimately result in greater usefulness than could be attained now.
1916]
123
124 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
TEXT I-A PRAYER'
huin-heisana'nini2 ninftiine'inan3 na
Ha! our father, hear us, a
naha 'anse'hi 'it nanaxkunihi 'ita'wane
the shining ones I also mention,
huise'iseniS hi 'i'Oeti nii'yeitci i 'i'Oetin9
wind good, timber good,
tedsiWIli h pSite t1tinil hi0anta
Animal listen under the gro
tciisiie'ihi niitci12 tcesiiehe'ihanl3
animal, in water animals,
hUtclyawanni'nanl5 hantwani'binle6
Your food-remnants we will go to eat.
,habiclb
und grandfa
hici'
day
bita
ei
nWUll
Dund!
Wehinii hii9'i5
ither. All
'7 nl'hanyan
yellow,
'an'wu uI'Oetin9
)arth good.
naxutan'wuhl
above the ground
telbih 'tciihi' OtI'4
all listen!
hantihi 'ibeghio 7
Mawy they be good !
huintihitcihikan'tiinls hanwa0a'wu hiniiiti't1l hiintihiawanho'uan
May there be long breath life! May increase
hinaiintanlVtl9 teiannii 20 huiniitcihanye'it2l hisW'hihi22
the people, children of all ages, girl
naha-hana'xa 'ihixih 2 nax '-hine'n huinatcixanye'it hi'sei
and boy and man of all ages, woman,
bihae'ihihun23 hainiitcixanye'in biitiibi' hantninioxane'iiinnou24
old man, of all ages, old woman. It shall give us strength
bi'ciwanls hanneikan'hu9iIo hici'c hin'Oiin neijan'sT
the food while runs the sun. Oh that! my father!
tCiXtcii 'i09tP25 niabdi'e!wan27 n1jjnjihi'iaa"an29 kakau'Oetcan3O
listen, my grandfather! for what I ask, thoughts,
b iitn'hl bixan9etf't32 hanawuinaiti't hantn1niaixaniabe0en33
heart, love, happiness! We will eat you.
Notes
1 Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xVIII, 315, 1907.
2 lSt pers. pl. inclusive: neisanan, my father.
3 -n-, connective; -einan, he me or they- us: thou-us is -eiiin.
4 nan ' or naha iS " and "; the -ha- may be part of this or part of the possessive
elements hii-h-in', our; nabiciba, my grandfather.
G Also a prefix of verbs.
6 na-, for nan' or naha, and; -naxku-n-, with, a prefix of verbs; nih'-, incom-
plete action; ita, stem; -w-, connective; -an, I-him.
7 Cf. hicic, sun, below.
8 Cf. hiisa 'a"tm, swift, and the prefix of verbs hiis-, swiftly, violently, very,
hard.
9 These two words were heard as parts of the preceding ones, to the final
vowels of which their initial vowels are assimilated.
10 hi"Oi- apparently equals hiintl-, optative; -int, transitive imperative.
11 -&nwu, an ending of adverbs referring to the ground.
12 Locative of netc', water.
13 -han, plural; -ehi, -ehei, may be -ehi, denoting the agent, -ehi, face, or -hi 'i,
-hiihi, diminutive.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
14 tcl-, imperative, regular in the negative, occasional in the positive; -biih'-,
all; tcKhaO-t-1, compare tcaO-t-, note 10, is or contains the stem.
15 "Crumbs." Plural, with 2nd pers. possessive.
16 haet-, purposive future; wan-i-, go to do; bi, eat; -n-, connective.
17 hiiftih'-, optative or precative (cf. note 10), -ih' probably denoting incom-
pletion of action; iOe appears to be the stem meaning good, cf. above, note 9;
-hi, intransitive.
18 hiintih'-, as in last word; -tcihi-, possibly tcl-, imperative, and n-ihi-, in-
complete action; k&n-t-an suggests the "prefix" kou-, kanou-, long, far.
19 Cf. hinen', man, hinenitiin, person, hinana'ei, Arapaho, hiteni, life symbol;
-it', no doubt containing the pronominal ending of the 3rd pers., recurs below
on abstract nouns.
20 Plural (') of teian, child. The form has the appearance of a locative.
21 Unanalyzed, except for the abstract ending, cf. note 19.
22 hisei, woman; -hi 'i, -hia, -hiihi, etc., diminutive; hanaxa 'aha, young man.
23 biihai 'ei, behi 'i, old, with perhaps the diminutive suffix. Compare the stems
for old woman, in the second word following, and for grandfather, as in note 4.
The ending of the next word changes from -t to -n, evidently to agree with the
unexplained -n of the present noun.
24 hantni-, or hant-, hantanni-, purposive future; -ni-, perhaps ni'-, good; -oxa-,
the stem, cf. axa-wu, give me food, -axa-h-, to bring, take, carry; -n- appears to
be the connective, in spite of the -h- of -axa-h; -eiiinnou then would be the pro-
nominal ending, not fully clear, though -eiai is thou-us.
25 Unknown derivation from bi-, eat.
26 hiin-, while, continuing; -ne-, for ni-, nih'-, incomplete action; i-kan, stem,
to move, especially to run, usually with the intransitive suffix -hu.
27 "Vocative," 1st pers. possessive, regularly a shortened form in terms of
relationship.
28 Imperative: cf. notes 10 and 14.
29 na"-, perhaps my; nih-, nihi-, ni-, hi-, that which, he who, where.
30 -ietcan-h-, to think; kaka-xa'initae, thought, think.
31 Indefinitive possessive prefix b-a-, b-ei-, w-a-.
32 bixan-O-eOen', I love you; for -it see note 19.
33 hatni-, one form of future of intent; -nlOixani-, unanalyzed; -b-, connec-
tive; -eOen, I-you.
TEXT II-AN ADVENTURE'
bihi 'i hiinixinanei2 hitaxanhokW wotix touciniehin
"Deer' now went hunting. He came to accidentally one who was pretty
hisein4 behicinicitejins hinaninouyuyaxkan xanoue
woman. All antelope was her clothing. Straightway
huinixtcetieanan tahanahawant7 hisein4 hiinixaneitaxawiiiniin8
then he wanted to court her when he saw the woman. Then she motioned for him to approach.
wanhei hantibTapAe9en hin9anhok3 bihi 'i nah 'nihijyan
"Well, let me love you," said to her "Deer." "And yourself
huicitannani hiineihok3 huinjiiyihantlO tab
please," she said to him. Then he went to her. Just
hantnitenanhokl2 hinannanax huinixwosiitouhinl3 tcestcatcena 'an
he will be about to touch her, to his surprise then she cried (like a deer), suddenly jumped,
tcatcebitn 'eixanc 5 hTnj 'bhnihanhabeas bihi 'i bihi"'i hensisame
ran off looking back. Then he saw she was a deer. "Deer" then was ashamed
hanwo-nihiot-biii 2jjntl7
at being deceived in loving.
hiinnitch*-tckpnhutl
Then he returned
tastayehitae
ashamed.
1916]
125
126 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
hainixxainta 'einin bihi 'i ta 'bihi 'ihinantin 20 ndyeManniin
Now later "Deer" became like a deer. In the camp-circle
Wanixinikuhinin 2 1 bihi 'i Wainti bihi 'i Wanti bihi 'i
then was chased "Deer" like a deer. Like a deer
niOetouhikk22 wanti bihi 'i tcitcena 'anl4 wanti bihi 'i
he cried, like a deer he jumped, like a deer
hiihnankuhniihuiku huibaihiyeihanantiiku ticitiinat24
he fled on the prairie; all pursued. When he was caught,
huinixnananni9ankuan bihi 'i huinixtatinan hjinixbdhineijinAn25
then his eyes looked different. "Deer" now had his mouth open. Then all held him.
hannl hujnixtcenani bihi 'ihin28 na 'a9lilhiti bihi 'i
At last then he ceased being a deer. For this he is named "Deer."
Notes
1 Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., xviii, 20, 1902.
2 For hgnix-, see note 29 to following text; inan, hunt; -ei, causative, here:
go to.
3 -hoku, it is said, they say. Cf. Michelson, Bur. Am. Ethn. Ann. Rept., XXVIII,
237, 1912.
4 An apparent instance of the objective or oblique case: hisei, woman.
5 bii-, behi 'i-, behici-, babanei-, all, completely; na siteiin, nisitcii, antelope.
6 Also a " prefix " of verbs.
7 tah"-, when; n-anha-w, see; -anti, he him.
8 Cf. h-itaxan in the third word of this text; with this " stem compare ita-s,
ita-s, reach, meet. For hiinix-, see note 2: -wflinjni, from -wu-n, to, for, with, or more
probably from -awui-ni, become, begin, and -n-, connective, -an, -an, he-him
(a form different from those given above in the table of transitive pronominal
endings, and no less common; but their relation is not yet clear).
9 For haPt-i-bixan-O-eOen', I will love you.
10 hiinii- hiinniin-, which see in note 29 to next text; iyihant suggests the
analysis iyi-h-anti, but the form otherwise found is stem lyihan with connec-
tive -n-.
11 Also a prefix, but here heard as a separate word.
12 hant-ni-; ite-n, take; -hoku, see note 3.
13 hgnix_; WOS-,?; iitou, itou, cry, make a noise, shout; -hi, intransitive; -n,?
14 Cf. tcesis-, begin; tcii-, again, back, or perhaps reduplication here, " jumped
about"; tcena an, jump.
15 Cf. tcii-, backward, again; tceib-i-, aside, crooked; the stem seems to be
the same verb of motion as in the word referred to in note 8.
ich6inix-, as ante; bini-h-, possibly from bli-n, bii-h, find; anha-b-iin, he sees
him.
17 Perhaps from bixae-0, to love.
18 ha"nan-, as above; tcii-, back, again; -tc-,?; i-kan-hu, run, travel; -ti, he.
19 taha-, when, because; tiiye, be ashamed, as in the preceding sentence; -hi,
intransitive; -ti, he.
20ta'-, for tah"- (I); bihi 'i, deer; -hi-nanti-n, compare ni-waxfl-nantl, she who
turned into a bear, and the independent word w&nti in the next sentence.
21 hiinix-; in-i-, about, aimlessly, at random; -ku-hi-niin, possibly from -ku-O,
make a motion to, transitive, and -hi, intransitive.
22 ni-O-, ; etou, for itou or atou, shout; -hak, for -hiixku, conditional, subor-
dinating.
23hd-,y(); biih-, all, as in note 5; iyeiha-n-, for iyiha -n, pursue; a"tik" un-
certain, but evidently contains the "conditional, " as the word in note 22.
24 tic-i-, when; ite-n, catch; -at, for -anti, equals -&nt', he-him.
25 Again the prefix " all," as in notes 5 and 23.
26 Perhaps the intransitive verbifying suffix -hi.
1Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
TEXT III-TANGLED HAIR'
hinen huinn1x&ntihoku2 naiilhinilnaneihokus hiineitanwuinanhoku
A man lived alone. He went to hunt. He told her
hinini hantannlnanjitij hannanyan tc1bdintankanhanwuniin4
his wife, when he was about to go to hunt: "Mind! do not look at him
hantanYtiinseini5 nannpntjitij hinanhanteineitie hihanwuxuwan7
when he comes to you a powerful one with tangled hair who is hard to satisfy aboul
antltci huinjnjinyan hantann tinsiis nan tCibiinyei9iineini
plates. He will make a noise when he will come and do not look there
hitiinseinihinainku8 hWinnjinyan hotannitoutcannan9ie hannanyan
where he comes. He will make a noise; he will shout; mind!
tc1biinneianhanwuniin4 nannpnteiti hanbanteltelteio hiinyeiiin 'jinil
do not look at him the powerful one, he might enter your tent,"
hiinOanhokul2 hininin'3 tantciinOeiantil4 nanniintciin9ic!naneihokul5
he said to her his wife when he went away. And he went to hunt
ticinihi0antile hiniini nanninnan9anhoku tinaneitilr
after he had told his wife; he left her to hunt.
nanhuinnuineitiinseini9ic hinini hinanhanteineini0il8
And then he came to his wife, he whose hair was tangled.
nanhintc tankanhanwanhoku4 nannintcanlsiinyankanneil9
And she did not look at him. And he went back
tantcineianhanwanti4 hiintciinlsiinyankanl hintlsiinnii2 nuhu
when she did not look at him,
he went back to
where he had come from,
that
hinanhanteinihiniOils tan6aniheiti nuhu tinbaint tnseitia
one with the tangled hair, he failed that one on first coming
nuu anhankiinneinei9i2l huinyawiltiinsei9i5 nitcltankanhanwanhoku4
that demented one, whenever he came to her who did not look at him.
nanyiinneinianwannitt hintann nhoku2a hanteanci beihan 'jnll
But the fourth time she made a hole by means of. an awl
hanx-dti ninanniil tanhIniintciinOeianni9il4 hi 'ihi' beihi 'ii"l
at the left of the door in the tent, when he turned back, with an awl,
tanhih!Oiwanhanwanti4, 24 OihiinI9iinhI6i25 hiinhiiku
as she looked through, "Let me see him!" she said.
huinniineiwanhanwanti4 hlhiO0 'i
Then she looked out through
hl9i 'i ha 'heite I
through. "Here! "
tantelteianneitilo hiineihoku
When he came in he said to her:
i nuu d"tannantihini
that hole
hiin9eihoku12 nai
he said to her
tannhIineindinnan26
"I am hungry,
hanx&It
at the left of the door
inlnijnsanyankani
as he turned back.
niintcIanxanwu27
give me to eat,
1916]
127
128 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
hiin9anhokul2 nuhu' hiseini28 hUinainantitclheiti29 haneinan3O
he said to her that woman. Then she gave him for a plate a clay one.
hIhanwniinIsou 'u31 nantiteitannanas hhnanantitciheitiaa
"It is not the kind I use for plates." Then she gave him for a plate
bacinan30 hihanwniinisou 'u nantiteltannan hThainku
a wooden one. "It is not the kind I use for plates," he said.
hinnanantiteiheiti kankanhanwanti kanxu hinlnaneihiti
Then she gave him for a plate a war-bonnet. Again he said the same.
hannanantitelheiti hIbixutanniniaa tannannin' hin9anhoku
Then she gave him for a plate her dress. "Very nearly!" he said to her.
nanhannuinantitelheiti hlwanninanll tannanniji' hun9anhoku
And then she gave him for a plate her moccasins. "Very nearly!" he said to her.
kanxu hinnan cibin9ilI han9i9eineihi 'i35 ninnan' hiin9anhoku
Again then she lay down flat on her back. "That is it!' he said to her.
nantanhantanwannl9i37 h-inn*iniknoeine iti38 wanhiiniiisei 39
And when he had eaten then he slit her open. She was pregnatt with twins,
nilsanu '39
both
tciinxan4l
one
hanxiibeinii 11
in the spring,
ninanniinll
at the tent.
huininankei
He returned,
hiinitcuintiOini
she did not answer,
huinlijnini5l
he knew
hannan 'jjnhi
were boys,
nuu
that
an4o I
hannan 'jjn
boy
nan teiinxan
and one
huinniinnan9itcian9ianti4
Then he went away
ni-hinainni4s
this man,
tanniclanti49
when he called her,
tanniineineie
that she was dei
nlsannan39 huinnjini 'Itiinnanti4l
the twins. Then he took them,
thian4O huinnuinIwancieiwanti43
then he put in the water
anhuinI9eikVIOin44 OijnyankanXU'
he threw under the right side of the door
15 t!c0eik-IOanti46 tellyanF.n I
after he had placed the children.
huineinici Ijjj49 hinilni
he called his wife,
hinhni nan xanxann6u o
his wife. And straightway
qj52 tantciinti0einii 52
ad when she did not answer.
hiinniintclOinanhanwanti53 hanhineikanOeinia4 neitcinihiOannanouas
Then he went in to see. She was slit open. "I told you,"
hinO9anhoku hinniinlbiwanhutiae hnannhnnanOinanhiti
he said to her. Then he cried. Then he went off.
Notes
1 Field Columbian Museum Publications, Anthrop. Series, v, 378, 1903. The
informant spoke with elaborate slowness and distinct syllabification. To this
are due the numerous nasalized vowels, which, as Dr. Michelson says, tend to
disappear in rapid speech. The slow utterance of the present informant may
have caused nasalization to be heard where it was not organic. Dr. Michelson
nasalizes o and perhaps other vowels; the author noted only an and an, though
an was sometimes confused with o. Arapaho long vowels were usually heard
1Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
and written as geminated or doubled, particularly from this informant. As
the writer in studying other languages has, however, found this apperception
to be largely an individual peculiarity, such double vowels have in this paper
been represented by single letters with the macron, except long e and o, which
are represented, as heard, by ei and ou. The tendency to double crest long
vowels seems nevertheless actually to be fairly marked in Arapaho, although
the slight importance of the trait at best, and the cumbersomeness of its ap-
pearance in print, probably make its orthographical neglect preferable.
2 The ending -hoku, given by Dr. Michelson as a stem meaning 'say," is
common as a quotative. Text ii, note 3.
3niin-, ; inan-ei, hunt, go to hunt, probably containing -ei, causative; -hoku,
''quotative''; hantanni-, haeti-, hant-, purposive future, as in the preceding text;
-ti, for -ti, he, intransitive.
4 tci-, negative, tci-bii-, negative imperative; tank-, nei-, not determined;
tan-, when; nan-, naha- (also independent, perhaps regularly loosely proclitic
rather than prefixed), and; hiin-, probably related to hiinix-, hiinnan -, see note 29;
anha-w, stem, to see; -hoku, "quotative"; -ti, -an-ti, ei-ti, 3rd pers.; -nii, not
clear, but evidently pronominal, -nii occurring quite regularly as the subjective
and objective element of the 2nd pers. plural.
5 hantani-, future; nan-, and; hiinnii-, "then "; tanbii-, just, only, first begin to;
hiinyaw-, if the translation obtained is literal, would mean "whenever" (inde-
pendent, hin-taxu, whenever, hain-you, what); itan-s, to come to; -ni, -ni0i, -Oi,
modal-pronominal; -ti, see note 6.
6 These two words contain the 3rd pers. ending -(ei)-t', and are to all ap-
pearances verbs.
7 ihanwu-, with pronominal prefix, a frequent form of the negative in verbs.
8 Cf. note 5.
9 hotanni- for hantanni-, cf. note 1; itou, stem.
10 tcitei, enter; cf. tclt-, tci9-i-, in, entering.
11 These words all contain a locative suffix.
12 han-oan-hoku, he (A) said to him (B); hiin-Oei-hoku, he (B) said to him (A).
Cf. Michelson, Bur. Am. Ethn., Ann. Rep., xxviii, 237, 1912. It appears that a
similar distinction is made in other verbs in the transitive pronomina] endings.
The two contrasting forms are probably related to the two forms of the third
person in Central Algonkin; but the writer is under the impression that, in
Arapaho at least, the "suus-ejus" distinction has been far transcended, the
two forms serving rather as a convenient and valuable means of expressing
over considerable passages the ideas which in our legal documents are ren-
dered by "the party of the first part" and "the party of the second part."
If this view proves correct, the force of the paired Arahapo forms would be
somewhat similar to the contrasting Yuki particles san' and si', of which one
indicates the continuance and the other a change of grammatical subject or
agent in the sentences which they open.
13 Without the final -n in other occurrences in this text, as ante.
14 tan-, when; tcaino-ei-, tciO-i-, off, away.
15 na'- and; tchni-i-, away; inan-ei, go to hunt; -hoku, quotative.
16 tic-, ticini-, when, after, with implication of completed action; hi-,?; -Oan-,
cf. hin-Oan-hoku, note 12; -ti, he.
17 t-, ti-, tih'-, tan-, taha-, when, after, to, because.
18 Compare the corresponding form in note 6.
19 nan-, a-nd; tca-, back; -sw, go, come.
20 hiint-, hiint-an-, where; j-sajn, go, come.
21 hahankin, crazy.
22 yii-neini-awa-tl, the fourth, animate, yii-neini-awa-na', inanimate. The
ending -ni is evidently the same as is found on the cardinal numbers from 11
to 19, and on words denoting measures of time.
23tand-s, pierce, make hole in. Cf. tV'-, tana '-, tou-, tanou-, to stop, or by
stopping; also the fourteenth word below in the text.
24tan-, when, as; anha-w, anha-b, see; hfihiOi-w- is evidently a form of the
independent word hihl01'-i or hOI'i (as below), probably for hlhlo-ihi'.
25 Oi-, iOi-, let me.
26 asini-h, to anger; Ksina-nA-t', anger; the same stem seems to be used to
express the meanings of anger and hunger, which both imply stirring emotion;
or has the similar sound of the English words led to confusion in translation?
The ending -nan is the regular intransitive of the 1st pers.
1916]
129
130 University of California Publicationts in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
27 tel-, positive or negative imperative; anxan-wu, axa-wu, give to eat!
28 Objective of hisei.
*29 alititei, plates, ante; -h-ei, causative; hiniin-, hiinniin-, correlative with
hdnix-, mentioned in the preceding text. The force of these two common pre-
fixes is not clear. Informants left them untranslated or rendered them by
"then." They appear to be relational to the discourse as a whole rather than
syntactical or gramnmatical. For hWn- alone see note 4.
30 Compare Gros Ventre la la'nty', lime, white earth; and haaninin, better
ha 'aninin, the Gros Ventre name for themselves, translated, perhaps in false
etymology, as "lime-men." The myth refers to a time when the Arapaho at
least knew pottery. For the ending -i-nan compare bacinan, a wooden one, just
below, from baci, wood.
31 I-hanwu-_ negative of verbs.
32 etltCi, plates, as in note 29; -ta-n, -ta-na, to, for, of; either the initial n-
or the final -nan denotes the first person.
33 hi-, her; bixilt', dress; wa 'a wa 'aha, moccasin, plural -nan.
34 lel-bi, isi-bi, lie down.
35 -ihi 'i, -ihi', the commonest suffix of adverbs.
36 Compare niihii', nuhu', this; hinai', that, visible; niina-ni-nan, I, it is I;
niinaii-hixku, he, it must be he.
37 nan-, and; tan-, when; hant-, future intent, and anwan, eat; or h-anta"-, eat
(cf. ata-wu, eat up for), and -wa, -ba, cause.
38 i-kanOei-n, cf. kan"0ei-n, cut open belly (ka'an-b, bite, ka"ne-n, open, kanu-s,
cut off); -eit', he (B)-him (A).
39 nis', two (counting), hi-nis-ei, two, inanimate; -nan, plural.
40 hanaxa 'aha, young man; -hi 'i, -hii', -hiihi, diminutive; -a", for -a"', -ha",
plural. For: hanaxa 'iihiha"'.
41 ite-n, take, catch.
42 Compare tcfaseix, one, in counting.
43 i-wanciei-w for waecie-w, wancie-b, take into water.
44 -Oei-kii-O for Oei-ku-8, put in; -an, he-him.
45 nan"l-,?; teiinOi, for tciO-i-, away, usually a "prefix," here obviously the
"stem, " since it is followed directly by the pronominal ending.
46 tie or tisi-, when, after, completed action.
47 teian, child; -nan, plural.
48 For: niihii ' hineni.
49 This transitive stem seemingly is used without the usual connective con-
sonant. Compare the endings of the two occurrences of the stem: -ant' and eit',
the A and B forms according to the table of pronominal endings, occur, here
and elsewhere in the text, in subordinate verbs; -an, as in note 44, and notes 8
and 16 of Text ii, is found on independent verbs.
50 Or xanou; also a prefix.
51 Transitive ainina-n. This form seems to be intransitive and without pro-
nominal suffix.
52 ta"- once means that, once when.
53 tcI-i-, in, entering, to enter; a"ha-b, a"ha-w, to see. Perhaps best: he
entering saw, he enter-saw. This word illustrates excellently the difficulty in
distinguishing in Arapaho between verb stems with adverbial prefixes and
binary compound verbs, as discussed above in the first part of the section
dealing with verbs.
54 See note 38.
55 The expected ending -eOen', I-you, is lacking; n-ei- seems to be the part
of the word meaning I.
56 biwan-hu, to cry.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
PART III
NOTES ON GROS VENTRE
PHONETICS
The sounds of Gros Ventre have been discussed in connection with
those of Arapaho proper. Certain sound correspondences between
the two languages have been pointed out in Part I.
Vocalic changes, consonantal substitutions, increments, and redu-
plications or similar expansions, are frequent, but the laws by which
they are governed are not often clear.
wos, bear; waotini--n-os, black bear.
hitanan(n)-d-bl, buffalo cow.
nixant-ou-ioii, white-man woman.
nantse, rabbit; nank-Ants, "white rabbit," jackrabbit; nawat-ants, "left-hand
rabbit," cottontail rabbit.
naets-ou-hitanan, white buffalo.
nanku-0-otei, "white belly," donkey; wanote, some one's belly; na-nanty-ix-ty',
he is white.
ha 'an-ty', white clay, lime; ha 'a-n-inin, Gros Ventre; ha 'A-n-i0d, Gros Ventre
woman.
bI-teibyi, louse, 'some one's louse''; bei-teibyi, 'red louse,' flea; Oei-teibyi,
"flat louse," bedbug; baxa 'an-teibyi, "thunder louse, butterfly.
anwu, down; anwu-nihi 'i, down along a stream; n-anwI-nantyinei, " lower-
Assiniboines," Sioux.
kaka-ya , flat, it is flat; kaka-tyi, he is flat; kak-ou-bie, "flat wood," cut
lumber, planks.
bae-ani 'i, "large gopher,'" prairie-dog; ba9-antsu, "large mouse,'' rat; bas-ou,
b6-ei- (y)an, bbiinKO-ei-(y)-an, large (inanimate), it is large, a large thing;
bindO-ei-tyi, he is large, a large one; b's-initdn, "large person," a giant;
haibaty-initaL (hiibii-ty'-initiin?), a large person.
baxa-an, red, inanimate; bei-x-ty', he is red, red (animate); bana-ty', he is
red; b&nan bis, red wood; bax-ou, "red porcupine(?)," badger; nix-ba-ii 'a-nan,
I was red headed; ban'aba-'tai-nan, I have red ears; bandnb(an)-a ntS-nan, I have
red eyes.
COMPOSITION
Some body part stems when in composition are dissimilar to the
independent stems of the same meaning; others are the same.
Distinct:
-lba-, nose; be-ic", nose. Arapaho: -i-Oii-, b-eic.
0a-n-lba-ty', "flat nose he is," pig
ta-n-lba-ts, "piereed nose they are," Nez Perce Indians
biias-oba -nan, "large nose I am," I have a large nose
1916]
1.31
132 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
-a 'a-, head; bi-ta 'an (or bit-a an ?9), head. Arapaho: ii 'ei-; ha-kuhuin,
head; bei-Oe'ii, hair.
bina-i0 'a-nan, I am large headed
kaka-a 'a-nin, "flat head men(@)," Flat-head Indians
-taxa-, belly; wa-n-ote, belly. Arapaho: wa-not.
hintyis-tixa-nan, I am small-bellied
-ants6-, eye; be-s"O, eye. Arapaho: bii-elsa.
wan&nwanO-ants6-na , I have ugly eyes
Identical:
ityi-, mouth; be-tyl', mouth. Arapaho: bii-ti.
wananO-ityi-nan, I am ugly mouthed
-itin-, ear; wa-n-otan, ear. Arapaho: wa-natana'.
b1anaba'O-'tin-(n)an, I have large ears
-ants6ti-, tooth; bI-tsiti, tooth. Arapaho: bei-tciO.
ninan'i-antstii-nan, I have pretty teeth
-60ana-, neck; wa-Oana, neck. Arapaho: bii-sonan.
biinas-5oana-ni-na , I have a large neck
-tinii, mammae; be-ten, breast. Arapaho: bii-Oen-etci, breast-water,
milk.
bimnabas-tinii-nan, I have large breasts
Several other nouns occur in two forms:
-okay-, house, in composition only; -yei, house, independent word
with possessive pronoun; ninan, house, independent word without pos-
sessive. Arapaho: -akac or -akay, -i-yei, ninan.
wux-n-okay-iin, "(?) -houses," the Minitari
was6in-hiyei-hi-ts, "grass their houses," "they have grass houses," a
Shoshonean tribe
-anwu-, water, in composition only; netsi, water. Arapaho: -anwu,
netei.
ban-danwuhaeOan_netsi, red rain
nanank_anwu nets', white water
ts6k-anwu, clear water
hou_n-anwu, muddy water
waotIm-nnanwu, black water
waotain-nots', "black water," coffee
nixant-ou-nets', "white man's water," whisky
bete (n) -nits', "breast water,'" milk
beO1-nits', "wood-water," sap
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
VERBS
AFFIXES OF MODE AND TENSE
The tense and mode affixes observed are substantially the same as
in Arapaho.
Prefixes
n-, ni-, nan-, incomplete action, present; Arapaho: nI-
nih'-, ninihi-, incomplete action, past; Arapaho: nih'-
nih-ise-n-, completed action, past; perhaps: once continued action now
completed; Arapaho: nih-isi-
hantan-, hantanni-, future, probably of intent; Arapaho: hant-, hant-_-,
hantanni
nihI-antan-, ''was about to''; nih'- and hantan-
han-&-, interrogative, present; Arapaho: kih'-, kan-, kanhei-, kanha-, kanhu-
hae-ex-, interrogative, past
han'antae-, interrogative, future
ts8-, tsu-, tsii-, tse-, negative; Arapaho: tcl-, tcih-
han-(n), optative, "let me"; Arapaho: hiin-ti-, hiin-tih'
hax-, that, when, subordinating; Arapaho: tan-, taha-
ihi-, if, past unreal supposition
na&Oei-, perhaps; Arapaho: nanxei-
A few etymological affixes have also been distinguished:
niye-x-ts;3-, niyi-x-ts6-, try to; Arapaho: naiye-
tciin-s8-, begin to; Arapaho: tdisis-
naewa-, niinbi-, make a motion to; Arapaho: nawu-, niibi-
Suffixes
-etyi, reflexive; Arapaho: -eti, -uti
-ehi, -6hu, agent; Arapaho: -ehi, -ohu
-n-ixku, added to personal ending, conditional; Arapaho: -h-axku, n-iixku
-yan, ending of many adjectives in the absolute or inanimate form; Arapaho:
-an, -yan
PRONOMINAL ENDINGS AND CONNECTIVES
The intransitive endings are:
Gros Ventre Arapaho
I -nan -nan
You -nan -n
He -ty' -t'
We -nin -nan
You -niin -na
They -ts (') -oi
The intransitive imperative is expressed by -ts; ainity-i-ts, talk!
This ending has not been observed in Arapaho.
1916]
133
134 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
The transitive conjugation is substantially the same as in Arapaho.
Gros Ventre Arapaho
I-you -etin -eOen'
I-him u i -an
I-you (p1.) -etinan -eOenain
1-them -ou -ou
I-it -awan -awan
you-him -ots'i -antl
he-me -einan -einan
he-you -ein' -ein'
he-him -aty' -
they-you -einan () -einani
they-him -ots' -anOi
The preceding consonant or connective also undergoes change much
as in Arapaho.
Meaning Verb Me You Him You Them It
see anha b kw25 b w t
strike tan b b w
shoot tcl by by by bit26
kick taoa n n
tell n-i t27 t27 t27
kill naha
The transitive imperative is -in; Arapaho, -ini, uni.
tci-by-in shoot him !
nihi'-in kill him!
The transitive endings occurring with the interrogative prefix
hanex- are evidently the same as the Arapaho personal suffixes used'
in the negative formed by -I-hanwu-.
Gros Ventre Arapaho
I-you -etai -e
I-him -an -an
you-him, them -an -an, -anna'
he-me - -e
he-him, them -', -a -a
they-me -ei -ei
they-him, them -an n
One of the two personal elements seems to be expressed, the other
understood.
The negative conjugation appears to be based on the use of the
prefix tso- (and its phonetic modifications), corresponding to Arapaho
tci-. The equivalent of the Arapaho negative in i-hanwu- has not been
observed.
ne-tsai-asan, I am not swift
nd-tsi-dtces6u-hi, I am not small
he-tsu-nanha-b-et', I do not see you
25 Unparalleled in Arapaho.
26As in Arapaho.
27 Corresponds to Arapabo s.
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
NOUNS
The plural of nouns shows the same types as in Arapaho.
-n, -in, -an, corresponding to Arapaho -nan, -i-nan.
bear
elk
wildcat
crow
fly
feather
bone
tent
stone
-an, -han, as in Arapa
mouse
antelope
rabbit
gopher
muskrat
otter
squirrel
cat, puss
donkey
bald eagle
turtle
fish
butterfly
river
wos (?)
(h)iwas6n
be0antyia
(h) ouu
n6ubat
bli
hi0an
ninan
(h) axra 'ainantyiin
ho.
&ntsu
nansity
nantSe
(h) ani 'i
i6os
nei
OaOanya 'ei
wus
nankueotei
nankutiy6hi
biL 'iinou
nanwu
baxa 'an-teibyi
nitsa
wos6tn
(h)iwasohin
be0antyiin
(h)oun
n6uban
blin
hiean
ninan
(h) axa Idniint yan
antsuhihan
nansityan
nants 'han
(h) ani 'ihan
iOosan
n6ihan
OaOanya 'eihan
wushan
nankuOoteihihan
nalkutiyehian
bia 'ainouhan
nanwuhan
baxa 'a-teibyihihan28
nitsahan
Lengthening of the final, often surd or inaudible, vowel to -1, -u,
or a phonetic equivalent, as in Arapaho.
deer
beaver
skunk
cattle
mountain sheep
wooden house
ear
water
louse
bihi'i
(h)dbes
eou
wankety'
(h) ot(e)
batyiOou
wanatan
nets', nots
b 'teibyi
bihi 'ihi
(h) iibesoi
Ooue
w&nketyl
(h) otei
batyi0ou 'u
wanatalnou
notsiin
b 'teiwuh28
Words for "domestic animal," or compounded with it, take -ibi,
Arapaho -iibi.
dog
horse, " elk-dog "
dragon-fly, " insect dog "
(h) ote
hiwas 'han9
biOanhii"O
A few words change final -s or -ts to -t.
tooth bitsits
horn ninis
parfleche bag houwanos
28 Apparently different plurals on the same stem.
(h) otibi
hiwas 'ha9nebi
blOanhan6Oibi
bitsit
ninit
houwanot
1916]
135S
136 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
Animateness or inanimateness of nouns is indicated in the con-
joined verb, adjective, or numeral; or, as they should collectively be
called, the verb. The "animate" gender, however, includes many
names of lifeless things. Such are: sun, moon, stars, thunder, wagon,
mowing-machine, which travel; and snow, stone, tree, log, cedar, pine,
pipe, and money, which do not move. Inanimate are the nouns for
sky or clouds, lightning, rainbow, rain, water, river, spring, earth,
iron, willow, sage, grass, mountain, gun, bow, arrow, and wind, several
of which denote moving objects.
A locative is formed by a vocalic suffix, as at times in Arapaho.
earth
stone
parfleche bags
bed
bita 'awu
(h) axa 'anontyan
houwanot
(h)ajnWu I
bita 'awfi
(h) axa 'anajntyej
houwanote
(h)&nbd '
The types
in Arapaho.
increment.
Word
vocative
my
your
his
our (inel.)
our (excl.)
your
Word
vocative
my
your
his
somebody's
of possessive pronominal prefixes are those occurring
The third person frequently shows a vocalic suffix
Father
n11ob)
nlOinan
10inan
inl0inan
i0inan
ainiainan'n
10inaninan
Grandchild
nlsb
nisa
jsa
inisahan
Mother
nla 'n
neinan
einan
Mother's brother
nis 'h&n
nis '
as'
isa an
Son
neihe '
eihe '
ha 'ahan
Hair
nilitan
j..ntan
injtan
biltan
Grandmother
nip
eip
iniwaha
Mouth
netyi'
etyi '
ityi '
betyi '
It is probable that an h-, which is fainter in Gros Ventre than in
Arapaho, occurs before all the above words written as commencing
with a vowel.
PRONOUNS
As in Arapaho, the so-called "pronoun" is a verbal ser'tence.
ni-nia
ni-na-ni-nan
nih-nai-ini-nan
hantan-nai-ni-nan
ni-ni-a-ni-ts
it is it, that is it
"'I, " literally, it is I
it was I
it will be I
"they," it is they
Kroeber: Arapaho Dialects
NUMERALS
Cardinal
ih-niOi-ty' (an.)
iih-nio-e (inan.)
iih-njsi-ts (an.)
dh-n!O-ei (inan.)
aih-nixi-ts (an.)
ih-niO-i (inan.)
iih-yani-ts (an.)
iih-y'an-ei (inan.)
iih-yetani-ts (an.) 29
Ah-bet&ntSi-ts (an.)
Ordinal
ni-nit-aW&n-tyl
ni-nIsa-uw&n-tyi
ni-naisa-uwain-ty,
ye-nana-uw&n-ty'
ye-nAtana-uw&n-tyi
ni -neityantos -aWan-tylt
batajntos-aw&n-tyi
The above ordinals are animate. The inanimate forms lack the
animate intransitive ending -tyi. The form for "second" was ob-
tained without the prefixed reduplication. "First" is nitawd. The
difference of consonant in the animate cardinals for "one " and "two"
follows that in Arapaho.
Eleven to 19 are formed from 1 to 9 by -in, -oin, Arapaho -ini:
*~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~1 .n. . *n
tyaimin, nsoiin, nasoin, yanin, yatanin, neityPntosoin, n iintos5in,
naantos6in, iinhiibetantos3in or iinhinM9ou. Here the 0 of "two" and
"three" reverts to its Arapaho form, s. Twenty to 100 are made by
-ou; Arapaho, -an', -a', -u': n!06u, na90u, yanou, yatanou, neityan-
taOou, ni9anta9ou, naOanta9ou, inhiibetantaOou, betantaoou. Here s
becomes 0. Twenty-two is n!06u nisoin, 39 iinhiiyanou, 200 n!04 betan-
taOou, 1000 bas betanta9ou, "great hundred."
The only appearance of a "classifier" noted is -an-, corresponding
to Arapaho -innii, a collective.
tya 'a5yantei biO yatan-an-ei, "heaps wood five," five piles of sticks
TEXT IV-TANGLED HAIR
ini'n h6uxn10dntc1ba- San an'tasnanka'n
A man was living alone. In the morning
hb.t3uRni wanty1ninin'n11antye1ityi nohui1tcihA`n
in the eveninlg he returned. "When I am am
inilttn tsdbiheti tso'-`itsinethin Waintyl'tanty
a person, do not invite him!" he told her
hdna-yeisdn ts`Ityhnts ts& tyiints tsab 'hi'
if he is about to enter, eniter do not let I
an' 0aoiant i'n-iniiin h6iuuttanw
when he was away this man, surely
29 Or: han-ydtani-ts, animate; huin-ydtan-ei, inanimate.
II
itii
way
lsi
him
h6u'xa 'ats6'u
he went hunting,
nRn nohu 9'aints
r, when comes
: nln ta'tt
his wife. "Even
in anhi'tanWvil'
.'' And indeed
n6unentante'ihini
some one came.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
9
10
Counting
tyaOei
na'Oa
yan'
yAtan'
neity&ntos
nlojantoS
]na0&ntoS
RnhUbetaptos
bet&ntoS
1916]
1.37
138 University of California Publications in Am. Arch. and Ethn. [Vol. 12
i'ninin naxk&n'kan hitsd'wateateini a"h no'hu ini'tiin
His wife just would not say anything. And that person
kankan' hoxn1nXan9annti hini'n 'an hanh1ts6'watya.tyiA
just walked about. His wife would not say anything.
hi'niOdn h6d'xtdanl i'Oawui tSO It SO d ja hanhttia
He made as if to in enter, but he did
its6waty1-1sts-'djiin nah 'nou 'uOd'nts hi'n-inin h6i'xnanteitani
not enter. Returned this man, asked her:
huindxts6-n6un6fnit&nt nlfwatyltant hini'n wa Vidyiyants
"Has some one come?" he said to her his wife. "Indeed he did!"
niwatei'teityi hiha Ian' nl'wateltan hanan'dyiin ta'tan
she said to him. "Is that so?" he said to her. "Now even
hiina'yeiso hi0awii' tixi 'I' tsotyantsi tsotyants tsa'bhe 'j n
if he is about to in enter, enter do not let him! "
wantyi'tantyi ini'n naxta'Oi h6'uxats 'ou nu'hu-inen
he said to her his wife. And again went hunting that man.
haxkouta'nixtyi houxtel' n6unefnit&nte'hinin nu'hu inl'n
When he was away long, again some one came that man.
wanltylnai'xnl 'i' tayanif ti to tsotyan i ts nu hu ini'ttan
He was about to but did not enter, that person
nuhuui' in6unenitante'itan h6-d'xk&nkan!tdk&'uty1n hitidje'nan
who came. Then he flapped the door.
wa tyinehi 'I'tsannine'ixtyi tsodjants wanty tan'tyi anh 'ine'n
She began to restrain herself no longer. "Enter!" she said to him. And a man
6uxts3'djani wantylnehl 'l' byltsiwannan h6"Hiso
it was who entered. She began to cook for him. When she bad
byitsi'wanna wantyinehl 'i' haOa'wantyi anhIy6'u_wdnty1'nits
cooked, she went to give him food. And he said:
UtsUndni' 'i ou na"tyi'tsota" wantyl'teityi wantyinehi 'T'
"That is not the kind I use as plates," he said to her. She went to
atfnatetyin &nty1`tsh&n'tyi &n'ht&no its6na"ni'ou nantylts8'otana
change his plate. And again, "That is not the kind I use as plates,"
wantyI'teityi ni'watci-ka's6 anatyl'tsaha 'an anh h6fi'uxnV'65
he said to her. Constantly she changed his plates and the same
nlteidji waetyine'hi 'i bihi hatyl'tsahan l'nan
he said. Then she began all to use her plates, every kind.
wantyintn,ni '1 ityho/uwin antyl'tshantyi wa"tyinf"n!'T
Then she began not to know what to use as a plate. Then she began
notyanantan otnandjI'tsahantyi wantylne'hi 'I nat 'a'hni 'i
to think what to use as a plate. Then she went and drew off
ixn!'9etyin h!waa'xa' wanty na'n anty tshantyi wf'uu
one of her moccasins. And she went and used it as a plate. "Ha,
thatavninrn wantyoerity
that is very near," he said to her.
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