UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 5, No. 5, pp. 293-380 August 19, 1910 THE CHIMARIKO INDIANS AND LANGUAGE BY ROLAND B. DIXON BERKELEY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS UNIvERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY The following publications dealing with archaeological an4 ethnological subjects isued under the direction of the Department of Anthropology are sent in exchange for the publi- cations of anthropological departments and museums, and for Journals devoted to general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology. They are for sale at the prices stated, which include postage or express charges. Exchanges should be directed to The Exchange Depart- ment, University Library, Berkeley, California, U. S. A. All orders and remittances should be addressed to the University Press. Price Vol. 1. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-88; plates 1-80. September, 1903 ............................................................... $1.25 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 89-368. March, 1904 ....... 8.00 Index, pp. 869-378. Vol. 2. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. Sinclair. Pp. 1-27; plates 1-14. April, 1904 ................................... ........ .40 2. The Languages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29-80, with a map. June, 1904 ..60 3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 81-103. June, 1904 ............................................. .25 4. Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 105-164; plates 15-21. January, 1905 ........... ......... .75 5. The Yokuts Language of South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 165.377. January, 1907 ....................... 2.25 Index, pp. 379-393. Vol. 3. The Morphology of the Hupa Language, by Pliny Earle Goddard. 344 pp. June, 1905.. ..............8................................... 8.50 Vol. 4. 1. The Earliest Historical Relations between Mexico and Japan, from original documents preserved in Spain and Japan, by Zelia Nuttall. Pp. 1-47. April, 1906.. 50 2. Contribution to the Physical Anthropology of California, based on col- lections in the Department of Anthropology of the University of California, and in the U. S. National Museum, by Ales Hrdlicka. Pp. 49-64, with 5 tables; plates 1-10, and map. June, 1906 .............. .75 3. The Shoshonean Dialects of California, by A. L. Eroeber. Pp. 65-166. February, 1907 .1.50 4. Indian Myths from South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 167-250. May, 1907 ................................... .75 5. The Washo Language of East Central California and Nevada, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 251-318. September, 1907 . ................................ .. .75 6. The Religion of the Indians of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 319- 356. September, 1907. .50 Index, pp. 357-374. Vol. 5. 1. The Phonology of the Hupa Language; Part I, The Individual Sounds, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-20, plates 1-8. March, 1907 ..35 2. Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs, with Texts and Translations, by Washington Matthews, edited by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 21-63. September, 1907 ................................ . .75 3. Kato Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 65-238, plate 9. December, 1909 ................................................................................................ 2.50 4. The Material Culture of the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians of Northeastern California and Southem Oregon, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 239-292, plates 10-25. June, 1910 .... ............................................... .75 5. The Chimariko Indians and Language, by Roland B. Dixon. Pp. 293- 380. August, 1910 ..1.00 Vol. 6. 1. The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Inlians, by Sam- uel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 1-332, maps 1-2. February, 1908 . 3.25 2. The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians, by Samuel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 333-368, map 3. 3. On the Evidence of the Occupation of Certain Regions by the Miwok Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 369-380. Nos. 2 and 3 in one cover. February, 1908 ................................................... . .50 Index, pp. 381-400. Vol. 7. 1. The Emeryville Shellmound, by Max Uhle. Pp. 1-106, plates 1-12, with 38 text figures. June, 1907 ..... .............. ... . _ ................ 1.25 2. Recent Investigations bearing upon the Question of the Occurrence of Neocene Man in the Auriferous Gravels of California, by William J. Sinclair. Pp. 107-130, plates 13-14. February, 1908.. 35 3. Pomo Indian Basketry, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 133-306, plates 15-30, 231 text figures. December, 1908 ......................... 1.75 4. Shellmounds of the San Francisco Bay Region, -by N. C. Nelson. Pp. 309-356, plates 32-34. December, 1909 ........................... ............. .50 5. The Ellis Landing Shellmound, by N. C. Nelson. Pp. 357-426, plates 36-50. April, 1910 ................................ .75 Index, pp. 427-441. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY VOL. 5 NO. 5 THE CHIMARIKO INDIANS AND LANGUAGE. BY ROLAND B. DIXON. CONTENTS. PAGE PART I. CULTURE. Introduction -,-------------------------------------------------295 Territory and History ---------------------------295 Material Culture --------------------------298 Social Organization -.---------------------------------...--.301 R eligion .............3......0....................,,,,,.,,,,,,,,...................... 303 Conclusions -------------------------------------------------------------------305 PART II. LANGUAGE. Introduction -------------------------------------------------------307 Phonetics -----------. --------------------------------- 307 Initial Sounds ------------------------------------------------ 309 Terminal Sounds ............3...0...9....................... 309 Dialectical Differences .-3................................09.............. 309 Combinations of Sounds ------------------------------------------------------...--310 Influence of Sounds on One Another ................................-.. .. 310 Summary31 .............. . . . . . . . . . . . . 311 Reduplication .........................-..... 311 Composition ..................... 311 A. Prefixes or Suffixes .................... 318 B. Prefixes .............................................................................................. 318 C. Suffixes ......-................................................................ 319 Pronoun -321 Independent Personal Pronoun -................. ............... . .............. 322 Demonstratives - - 322 Interrogatives ........................................................ 322 Noun --------------------------------------------..------------------------------------------------------ 323 Case Suffixes ...........--.... . . 323 Number ...........- . 323 Possessive -----------------------------323 294 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. PAGE Verb --------------------------------------------------324 Pronominal Affixes .------------------------------.-.- - ---324 Reflexive ...................-.............-......... . . ................. 328 Imperative .............--- 39................... ......... 329 Formative Affixes .................................-.-..... ...... 329 Temporal and Modal Affixes .----------- --331 Verbal Stems - 332 Adjectives .......................-........................ 334 Numerals --334 Postpositions --335 Connectives -----------------------------------------------....- - ----------- 335 Order of W ords ..........................................................................335 Conclusion and Relations - - -335 Texts ------------- --- 339 I. The Sorcerer ............. ....................................................................... 339 Notes ...-------------------------------------- 340 IL The Flood ............................................... ................. 341 Notes ----------------------------------------------- ---.-------------------------------------- 343 Free Translation ..................... 346 III. The Unsuccessful Hunter .......................................... ....... 346 Notes ...... 347 Free Translation ...... 349 IV. The Theft of Fire ...... 349 Notes ............-..................... 352 Free Translation --353 . A Myth --------------------- -- 35 Notes --- . .356 V I . ....................-.............. 359 Notes 360 Sentences ................-.............................................................. 361 Voabulary .362 En glish-Chimariko 363 Chimariko-English ...............................................-.. 370 Place Names ................ 379 VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 295 PART I. CULTURE. INTRODUCTION. The investigation in the course of which the material was secured upon which the following account of the culture and language of the Chimariko Indians of California is based, was conducted during July and August, 1906, on behalf of the Department of Anthropology of the University of California, and, in common with the other researches of the Department, was made possible by the support of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst. At the present time there appear to be only two living full-blood Chimariko. One of these, Doctor Tom, a half-crazy old man, proved worthless for purposes of investigation, and the bulk of the information secured was obtained from Mrs. Dyer, a failing old woman of about eighty years of age, living on lower New River. Some supplementary details were gathered from "Fri- day," a well-known character near the Hupa reservation, half Hupa and half Wintun by birth, but having had close affiliations with the Chimariko many years ago. The little group of Indians to whom the name Chimariko has been given occupied a small area situated in the western portion of Trinity County, in northern California. The language spoken by the group has always been believed to differ radically from all others known, so that, unless certain resemblances discussed in the linguistic portion of this paper are accepted as establishing an affinity with the Shastan family, the Chimariko by themselves constitute an independent linguistic stock. In the small size of the area occupied, the Chimariko fall into the same class with several other stocks in California, such as the Yana and the extinct Esselen. TERRITORY AND HISTORY. As far as can be ascertained at present, the Chimariko seem to have regarded as their territory a narrow strip of country extending along Trinity River from the mouth of the South Fork 296 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. up as far as Taylor's Flat at French Creek. This upper limit is well corroborated by repeated statements of the Wintun, who controlled all the upper Trinity, reaching as far downstream as Cox's or Big Bar, some five or six miles above French Creek. In addition to this strip of territory along the main Trinity, there is some evidence to the effect that the Chimariko also extended up the South Fork to a point about fifteen miles above Hyampom, and also up Hay Fork as far as the mouth of Corral Creek. These statements in regard to this extension up the South Fork are rather confusing and somewhat contradictory, but appear to be confirmed by the testimony of the Wintun in Hay Fork Valley. In view, however, of positive statements secured by Dr. P. E. Goddard from the Athabascan tribes on the upper South Fork, to the effect that they occupied the South Fork as far as its mouth, the extension up this stream of the Chimariko may be considered doubtful. Whether or not the so-called Chimalakwe of New River formed a portion of the Chimariko, or were identical with them, is a matter which must apparently remain unsettled. Powers declares' that the Chimalakwe occupied New River, and that they were in process of conquest and absorption by the Hupa at the time of the first appearance of the whites. The upper portion of New River, about New River City and perhaps below, was occupied according to Shasta accounts by a small branch of the Shastan family, speaking a distinct dialect.2 Satisfactory state- ments in regard to the occupants of lower New River cannot now be secured. The survivors of the Chimariko most emphatically deny that they ever permanently occupied any part of New River, stating that they merely visited and ascended it a short distance, and only for the purpose of hunting. The people living on New River are declared to have been very few, and to have spoken a Hupa dialect. It is unquestionable that the name Chimalakwe, given to the New River tribe by Powers, is derived from the same stem tcimal, tctmar3 as Chimariko. Inasmuch as 1 Powers, S., Tribes of California, Washington, 1877. Contributions to North American Ethnology, III, p. 92. 2 Dixon, R. B., The Shasta-Achomawi: A New Linguistic Stock, with Four New Dialects. American Anthropologist, n. s., VII., pp. 241-315. 3 Tc = English ch, c = sh. See the discussion of phonetics in the lin- guistic part. VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 297 these New River people are entirely extinct, and the Chimariko virtually so, it seems doubtful if the question of their relationship can now be definitely settled. According to the information procured, the Chimariko had only a few small villages within the small area they occupied; that at Burnt Ranch, Tsuda'mdadji, being the largest. Other villages of which names and locations were secured were at Cedar Flat, Ha'dinaktcohada; Hawkin 's Bar, Hamai'dadji; Taylor's Flat, Tcitct'nma; Big Bar, Citimaadje; and one known as Mamsii'idji on the Trinity River just above the mouth of the South Fork. In addition to these the following names of places on New River were obtained, but were said to have been mere temporary hunting camps: Itcxapo'sta, Dyer 's; Pakt6'nadji, Patterson 's; and Mai'djasore, Thomas'. The earliest contact of the Chimariko with the whites prob- ably took place in the second or third decade of the nineteenth century, when the first trappers of the fur companies made their appearance in this region. This first contact was, however, of small moment compared with the sudden irruption into the region of the gold-seekers who, in the early fifties, overran the whole middle and upper Trinity River. From this time on for fifteen years or more, the placers of the section were largely worked, and the inevitable conflicts between the miners and the Indians occurred. In the sixties the feeling was particularly bitter, and the unequal contest resulted in the practical annihila- tion of the Chimariko. A few remnants fled, taking refuge either with the Hupa, or on the upper Salmon River, or in Scott Valley with tribes belonging to the Shastan stock. From here, after an exile of many years, the survivors, then numbering only some half-dozen, straggled back to their old homes; and of this handful all are now gone except one old man and woman, besides whom there are two or three mixed bloods who have little or no knowledge of the earlier culture of the stock. What may have been the population of the area before the coming of the whites it is impossible to say. In all probability it could not have numbered more than some hundreds. 298 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. MATERIAL CULTURE. The dress of the Chimariko seems to have been to some extent a compromise between that of the Wintun and the Hupa. Men apparently wore no breech-clout, merely wrapping a deer-skin about the waist, and adding to this in winter a deer-skin mantle. Moccasins were worn only in the winter months. Women wore a buckskin fringe or apron in front, reaching from the waist to the knee, and about ten inches in width. A second apron or half- skirt was also worn behind, similar in general to those worn by the Hupa, but plain and unfringed. A basket cap was worn on the head. In winter time men wore snow-shoes, which were made by bending a hazel stick in a circle or hoop, and tying to this two cross-sticks at right angles to each other. The foot was securely tied on by a buckskin lashing. Bodily decoration and ornament were more restricted than among the Hupa. Dentalia and abalone were used to some extent, as was also a variety of small cylindrical beads, said to have been made of bone. All of these were, however, sparingly employed. Dentalia, if large, were sometimes wrapped spirally with narrow strips of snake-skin, and were measured by the string, the unit of length being from the thumb to the tip of the shoulder. The ears were generally pierced, but not the nose, and tattoo- ing was less elaborate than among the Trinity Wintun. These latter tattooed the whole cheek up to the temples, and also the chin, whereas the Chimariko, like the Hupa, confined themselves to a few lines on the chin only. The tattooing was restricted to the women alone, and was effected by the same method as among the Shasta, namely by fine, parallel cuts rather than by puncture. The process was begun early in life, and the lines broadened by additions from time to time, until in some cases the chin became an almost solid area of blue. Certain women were particularly skillful in the work, and were much in demand. The food supply of the Chimariko was formerly abundant. The Trinity River supplied them with ample quantities of salmon, which were split and dried in the usual manner, and preserved either in this or in powdered form. Eels were another important source of food. Deer, elk, and bear constituted the VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 299 larger part of the game supply, in addition to which mountain- lion and several other animals supplied an occasional meal. Yellow-jacket larvae were considered delicacies, but grasshoppers and worms, relished by the Sacramento Valley tribes, were not eaten. As among most California Indians, vegetable products, and particularly acorns, formed a large element in the food supply. The acorns were prepared and eaten in the same manner as among the Hiupa and Maidu.4 Grass-seeds of various kinds, pine-nuts, berries, and roots of several varieties were gathered in large quantities, and eaten either fresh or dried. In cooking, deer-meat was either roasted or boiled, whereas for bear-meat only the latter method was practiced. None of the old type of houses built by the Chimariko now survive. As described they were roughly similar to those of the Hupa, but ruder. The structure was made of fir-bark slabs, and in shape was round or oval. The usual diameter of the house was from ten to fourteen feet, and the interior was as a rule excavated to a depth of about one foot. The ridge-pole was supported by two posts, and the simple gable roof, in general like that of the Hupa, was not provided with any earth covering. The low side-walls were formed of vertical slabs of bark. At one end of the house was the door, small, but not rounded, and closed by a movable piece of bark. At the end opposite the door was a small draught-hole, through which game was always hauled in. Along the sides of the house were the sleeping places, consisting of beds of grass, leaves, and pine-needles, covered with skins. In addition to this dwelling house, awa', the Chimariko had a sweat-house, ma'tta. This was circular, excavated to a depth of two or three feet, and had the fireplace somewhat back of the center. The roof was of brush and earth, without any smoke- hole. Houses of this type would accommodate eight or ten men, and in these houses were held the so-called sweat-dances. This type of house seems on the whole to be rather more like the earth lodges of the Sacramento Valley than the taikyuw of the Hupa. It is stated that there were no menstrual lodges of any sort. 4 Goddard, P. E., Life and Culture of the Hlupa, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., I, pp. 21-29; Dixon, R. B., The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., XVII., pp. 184-187. 300 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. The furnishings of the houses were simple. Baskets exclu- sively were used for storage and cooking, and the soap-stone troughs and vessels of the Hupa appear to have been lacking. For stirring acorn-mush a simple paddle was in use. Informa- tion as to spoons was contradictory, one informant declaring that carved spoons like those of the Hupa5 were employed, the other that this was not the case. The cylindrical wooden trunks of the Hupa were not known. Knives and arrowpoints were as a rule made of obsidian, obtained either from the Wintun or the Redwood Creek Indians. Both informants declared that no axes or adzes were made, and that trees, if cut, were laboriously hacked with small knives. The bow was of yew as a rule, flat, sinew-backed, and resem- bling the usual type of bow in Northwestern California.6 Arrows were generally made of syringa, and were carried in a quiver of raccoon, wild-cat or fawn skin. In shooting the bow was held horizontally. For armor, the Chimariko used an elk-hide robe coming down to the knees, the heavy skin of the neck standing up in front of the face. Slat or stick armor is said not to have been used. Canoes were not made by the Chimariko, and rivers and streams were crossed by swimming, or on rude rafts, built of logs. Pipes were made, according to one account, similar to those of the Hupa, with neatly formed stone bowls.7 Other accounts, however, state that the pipe was much cruder, and made like that of the Wintun, without stone and with a large bowl. For musical instruments the Chimariko made chief use of the flute. This had four holes, and was used chiefly in courting. Rattles are declared to have been only sparingly used. Fish-spears were, like the arrows, made of syringa, and had bone points. Nets, apparently identical with those of the Hupa, were largely used in catching salmon. Basketry, of which no specimens now survive, was considerably developed. The baskets were exclusively of the twined variety, and in pattern were declared to have been similar to those of the northern Wintun.8 5 Goddard, op. cit., pl. 16. 6 Ibid., pl. 11. 7 Ibid., pl. 17. 8 See Kroeber, A. L., Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Amer. Arch. Ethn., II, pl. 21 and passim. Dixon, R. B., Basketry Designs of the Indians of Northern California, Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., XVII, pp. 17-19, pl. XXIII, XXIV. VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 301 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION. The information secured in regard to the social organization of the Chimariko is unfortunately rather scanty. In common with most California tribes, there was no trace, apparently, of any clan organization, and the only social units were the various village communities. Each such village group had its chief or head-man, whose position was usually hereditary in the male line. If the natural successor was, however, thought unfit, some one else was elected. The chief led his people in time of war, and seems to have exercised considerable control over the members of the village group. Any type of social stratification into classes, seen in a rudi- mentary form among the Hupa, and increasingly northwards into Oregon and Washington, appears here to be lacking; and slavery, which was a regular institution among the Hupa, was not known. The whole area occupied by the Chimariko was a common hunting ground, and fishing places in the river are also said to have been public property, without any evidence of private control as among the Shasta and other neighboring peoples. The Chimariko were, in general, monogamic. Wives were usually bought from parents, although sometimes a girl would be sent by her parents, as a wife, to a man who was famed as a good hunter and a reliable man. If the girl disliked him, she would bite his hands, and scratch him, until he sent her back to her home. The levirate was a common custom, and if a man's wife died soon after her marriage her family were bound to give him her sister, or some near relative, as a second wife. For this substitute wife, no additional payment was required. Puberty ceremonials for women were as a whole simple. The girl had to remain secluded in the house for a period of about a month. Much of this time she was obliged to lie down, and be covered up with skins. She was subject to many food restric- tions, and ate sparingly, always alone, at dawn and sunset. Throughout the period of her seclusion she was obliged to use a scratching-stick. At times, she was supposed to dance, usually outside the house. In these dances her hair, cut in a bang on 302 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. the forehead, was made with pitch into a series of tassels or tassel-like ringlets, and these were long enough to fall down over her eyes. When the period of seclusion was over, there was generally a feast given by her parents, and another dance, and then the whole was regarded as completed. The ceremony was apparently not repeated at any of the subsequent menstrual periods. At childbirth a woman was subject to food restrictions, and had to remain in seclusion for two or three weeks. But little information was obtained in regard to funeral cus- toms. Cremation was declared never to have been practiced, the body always having been buried. The ceremony if possible took place on the day of the death, and a considerable quantity of prop- erty, both personal and gifts from relatives, was placed with the body in the grave. Widows cut their hair short, and "cried" for a month, but did not put pitch on their faces and heads. The house of the deceased was sometimes, but not always, destroyed. The persons who dug the grave were considered unclean, and had to undergo a five days' fast, and then bathe before they might again take up their regular life. The chief gambling game of the Chimariko was the wide- spread "grass-game" of Central California.9 It was played here by two players on a side, each player having a single, unmarked bone or stick about two inches long. One side guesses while the other "rolls," shuffling the bones from hand to hand, wrapping them in small bunches of grass, and then presenting their hands, containing these bunches of grass, to the other side that they may guess the relative position of the two bones. Each side is said to have started with ten counters, and one side or the other must win all twenty to come out victor. Details in regard to methods of counting could not be secured. The cup and ball game, played with salmon vertebrae, was in use; also cats-cradle; and a game in which objects were thrown at a pin or a post, as in quoits. 9 Dixon, R. B., The Northern Maidu, Bull. Am. Mus. Nat. Hist., XVII, pp. 209-216. VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Langutage. 303 RELIGION. The religious ceremonials of the Chimariko appear to have been more like those of the Shasta than of any other of their neighbors, in that they had no other dances except those of the shaman. There were, it seems, both men and women shamans, and they might or might not inherit their position. The sign that a person was destined to become a shaman was a series of dreams. These were, in the case of a man, often the result of solitary visits to remote mountain lakes, in which the person would bathe at dusk. In these dreams, instructions were given the neophyte by various supernatural beings, and these directions must be followed exactly. Later a full-fledged shaman came and put a "pain" into the mouth of the new member. This ceremony was accompanied by dances, held out of doors, the neophyte wearing a buckskin skirt painted red in stripes, and holding a bunch of yellow feathers in the hand. Details of this dance could not be obtained. In doctoring, the shaman was usually seated, and after singing for some time, sucked out the pain, which was generally a small, spindle-shaped object from one to two inches in length. The pain once extracted, melted away and dis- appeared in the shaman's hand. Apart from the dance held by the shaman neophyte, and that already alluded to in speaking of the girls' puberty ceremony, the Chimariko seem to have had nothing except the so-called sweat-dance. This was a very simple affair, participated in by men alone, dancing without clothing and indoors. One member sang, and beat time on the ground with a stick. So far as could be learned, all the typical dances of the Ilupa, Karok, and Yurok were wanting, and the Chimariko did not even attend them when held by the Hupa, as did the Shasta with the Karok. In the summer time occasionally people would hold the "round-dance" merely for pleasure. This consisted simply in a number of people dancing around in a circle, without orna- ments or paraphernalia of any sort, and was repeated as often as desired. It seems to have had little or no religious or cere- monial importance. 304 University of California Publicationts. [AM. ARCH. ETE. Of the mythology of the Chimariko, only one or two frag- ments could be obtained. Concerning the creation, it is said that the dog was the most powerful being. He knew everything beforehand, and told the coyote that a great wind was coming, which would blow all people away. He counselled the coyote to hold tightly to a tree, but when the wind came, the coyote whirled round and round, twisted the tree off, and blew away. Later the coyote returned, and the dog sang songs over him, and made him strong. The dog next prophesies a flood, and to escape it the two build a house of stone with an underground chamber. The flood comes, and all other people are destroyed, except the frog, mink, and otter, and one man. The flood sub- sides, finally, and the man finds a small fragment of bone in the canoe in which the frog has taken refuge. This piece of bone he preserves in a basket, and it later comes to life as a girl child. The man marries the child, and from this pair all Chimariko are descended. There is possibly an element of missionary teaching in this tale, but it constitutes all that could be learned in regard to ideas of the origin of things. The second fragment secured deals with a man who had two wives. Unsuccessful in hunting, he cuts off one leg and brings this back as game for the household. Next day he brings back his entrails and finally his other leg. The wives suspect what he has done and refuse to eat the meat, finally leaving him secretly while he sleeps, and running away. There is finally a brief statement in regard to the securing of fire. The coyote suggests that all animals unite in an attempt to steal fire from the person who owns it. Several try to reach the place where it is kept, but give out before arriving. Finally Coyote himself tries, and succeeds in reaching the house, to find all away but the children. He outwits them, seizes the brand, and runs away. He is pursued by the father when he returns, and is almost caught, but throws the brand away, setting the whole country on fire, and thus escapes. In the fire the fox is burned red. These tales do not show any close resemblance to any recorded from the Hupa or Wiyot, as representatives of the Northwestern Californian culture. As little relation appears to VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 305 the tales known from the Wintun. With the tales from the Shasta there appears to be slightly greater similarity, although here the agreement is not at all striking. At best, however, these fragments do not offer very satisfactory material to judge from, and the most that can be said is that what association there is, appears more clearly with the Shasta than with any other of the stocks in the vicinity. CONCLUSIONS. From the foregoing account of the Chimariko, meagre though it is, we may draw certain conclusions in regard to their general culture, and their relation to the surrounding cultures. Living in close proximity to the Hlupa, they nevertheless do not seem to have assimilated themselves at all closely to the Northwest Californian culture, of which the Hupa are represen- tative. They feared the Hupa, and fought against them, allying themselves rather in sympathy and to some extent in culture, with the Northern Wintun and the Shasta. Like the latter they lacked most of the distinctive features of both the Central and Northwestern Californian cultures, and seem to have occupied a kind of intermediate position between the two. In their material culture they were colorless, and this lack of any strongly marked characteristics is also apparent in their social organization and religious beliefs. Any attempt to discuss the past history or determine the movements of the Chimariko must be almost wholly speculative. On the one hand we may regard them as the remnant of a once much larger stock, subjected to pressure and attack on several sides, and so reduced to the small compass and unimportance which were theirs when discovered; on the other, we might perhaps assume from their cultural colorlessness and lack of close agreement with either the Northwestern or Central Californian cultures, that they are more closely affiliated with the Shastan stock, which appears to have been pushing in a south- southwesterly direction. With them also, as already stated, such resemblances as may be noted in the myths are most apparent. The two outlying dialectic groups of this stock, the Konomihu and the New River, apparently occupy advance positions beyond 306 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. the natural physiographic boundaries of the main area of the stock. Moreover, the language of the Chimariko shows in general greater similarities both formal and lexical, to the Shasta than to either the Hupa or the Wintun. These similarities, which are discussed in the linguistic portion of the paper, in fact are so numerous as to make it seem most likely that the two languages are genetically related. Further, it was among the Shasta, chiefly, that the remnants of the Chimariko took refuge when they fled from the Trinity River in the sixties. The paucity of material secured in regard to the Chimariko culture of course adds to the difficulty, and as usual in California, we get no aid here from any tradition of migration or earlier habitat. All things considered, the second of the above two suggestions appears the more reasonable, and we may conclude that, so far as the evidence goes, the Chimariko are to be regarded as related culturally most closely to the Shastan stock, and in origin prob- ably forming part of it. Their historical affiliations therefore run northward and northeastward towards the interior of south- western Oregon. VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 307 PART II. LANGUAGE. INTRODUCTION. The material upon which the following sketch of the Chimariko language is based, was collected in the summer of 1906 on the New River, and at Willow Creek or China Flat, in Trinity County, California. The bulk of the material was obtained from Mrs. Dyer, probably the last full-blood Chimariko survivor, and from Friday, a man who, although not of Chim- ariko descent, yet spoke the language fluently, and had lived much of his life with the people. Owing to Mrs. Dyer's age and lack of teeth, she was not a very good informant, and some of the phonetic uncertainty is probably due to this fact. Previous to the writer's visit in 1906, short vocabularies and some gram- matical material had been collected by Dr. P. E. Goddard and Dr. A. L. Kroeber, in part from the same informants. This material has been placed at the author's disposal. The only other available source of information on the language is Powers' vocabularies in his Tribes of California, and these have been used in connection with the more recent collection. It is to be regretted that a larger mass of texts, and of a more satisfactory character, could not have been secured, as these are so necessary for a clear understanding of the language, and to check information obtained in other ways. It is felt, however, that the material here presented affords a reasonably complete sketch of the main features of Chimariko, although certain details still remain obscure. PHONETICS. The vowel sounds occurring in Chimariko are i, e, a, o, u. As a rule the vowels are not short enough to be obscure, the only exception being in the the case of e, written E when obscure. Doubling of vowels or their extreme length, particularly in the case of a and o, is not uncommon, and the language is apparently 308 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. fond of combinations of two vowel sounds, separated by ', a faint glottal catch. The sound of 6, although occurring, is not common. There is some doubt as to whether long open e should not be written a. A broad a or open o sound resembling English aw has been represented by a. Of all the vowel sounds, a is by far the most frequent. Nasalized vowels do not occur, and the infre- quency of ii, 6, and ii, so common in the adjacent languages, as for instance the Shasta, is noticeable. The vowels may be repre- sented as follows: i e e E a a o o o ui u In the consonants, the sonant group is somewhat more de- veloped than the surd. A true b seems to be lacking, although an intermediate sound, between surd and sonant, occasionally occurs. Of the two sonants g and d, neither is common initially, the latter perhaps never so occurring, and generally being found in combination with n as nd. The velar surd stop q is of moder- ately frequent occurrence, but its corresponding sonant is absent. Nasals are represented only by n and m, in (ng) being absent. The surd 1 sounds common in the languages adjacent, are absent, although ordinary 1 is common. There are apparently two r sounds. Besides the ordinary, rather strongly trilled r, there is a velar or uvular r, almost equivalent to spirant guttural x. T fol- lowed by r seems to be a sound similar to tc, as one was often written for the other. A single instance of the use of an inter- dental, 0, has been noted. The consonants in Chimariko may be shown as follows: q x k g k'10 t d S, c (=sh) 010 n p b m ts, te dj 1, r, r y; w; h,';' 10 It is not certain whether 0 represents a Stop or a spirant. Several California languages possess a t whose interdental quality causes it to resemble English th. The character ', whether following k or another sound, indicates aspiration. VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 309 INITIAL SOUNDS. Although all the simple vowels occur initially, e and especially o are rare, a being by far the most common. The tendency for words to begin with vowels is only moderately strong, perhaps one-fourth falling into this class. Of the semi-vowels, y is initial but rarely. Of the consonants, g, d, b, and r do not occur initially, and 1 and n are rare. The most frequent initial consonants are h, k, q, tc, x, p, s or c, m, t. Syllables begin most usually with a consonant or double consonant. TERMINAL SOUNDS. All vowels except o have been found to occur finally, u and e however being rare, and a by far the most common. Vowels are terminal sounds in perhaps three-fourths of the words noted. Of conasonants, the only ones which rarely appear finally are b, q, x and h. The most common are n, r, 1, and t. Syllables very frequently end in a consonant, and the typical monosyllabic stem is formed of either consonant-vowel, or consonant-vowel- consonant. DIALECTICAL DIFFERENCES. In one point the material secured from the informant Friday differs rather regularly from that obtained from Mrs. Dyer. Very generally 1 was used by the former, where r was heard from the latter. There was also a less frequent substitution of s for c. The fact that Mrs. Dyer had but very few teeth may in part account for these differences, but in not a few cases the same person would speak the word sometimes with r and sometimes with 1, or the sound would be very doubtful, as between the two.:' The difficulty was most noticeable where the souind was terminal. It is possible that there may have been a real dialectic difference, but the opportunity of determining this point with any certainty was lacking, owing to the fact that Mrs. Dyer represents one of the two last surviving members of the stock, and Friday is not a native Chimariko. 1i This was also the experience of Dr. A. L. Kroeber, who at times found difficulty in distinguishing d from 1 and r, though he states that Friday frequently spoke 1 where Doctor Tom, another informant, used r. 310 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. COMBINATIONS OF SOUNDS. Combinations of vowels are frequent, and several diphthongs are in use, as ai, ei, oi, 6i, au and eu. Consonant combinations occasionally occur at the beginning, and less frequently at the end of words, the initial combinations noted being tq, tx, trx, px, sr. Combinations of two consonants within words are very common. In such combinations there is wide latitude as a whole, although the following restrictions may be noted. Both q and x are unknown as initial members of combinations. Of the sonants b, d, and g, the first is never, and the others very rarely first members, and the labials are also, as a rule, unusual in this position. Combinations of three consonants are not wanting, the following having been observed: ntx, ndr, mtx, mpx, trq. Com- binations of consonants at the beginning of syllables occur quite frequently, tr, tx, tcx, kl, km, and px being the most common. INFLUENCE OF SOUNDS ON ONE ANOTHER. Chimariko is in accord with many of the languages of Northern Central California, in that there is little apparent modification of sounds through juxtaposition. There is a slight tendency for the connecting vowel between the pronominal prefix and the instrumental prefix, or the pronominal prefix and the verbal stem, to show some relationship to the vowel of the stem. This is, however, noticeable only in the case of o and u and perhaps a stems. In these cases, the connecting vowel is either the same as that of the stem, or near it in the regular vowel series. Such instances are retroactive. In other cases, the influence is proactive, the vowel of the negative prefix being assimilated to the vowel of the pronominal prefix, where this changes in the first person plural, as tcaxawini, I am old, tcoxowini, we are old. So far as consonants are concerned, euphonic and other changes in sound are not of very common occurrence. The following are the more important of those noted. K is sometimes softened to x, owakni becoming owaxni, and is generally elided before x, as in yeta(k)xani, I shall sing. One instance occurs where x is re- placed by w: ixusni, I blow, qowusni, ye blow. For euphony, m is sometimes inserted after a before d, x, or g. In some cases, VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 311 g changes to x after tc. There are a number of instances where one stem-consonant may be replaced by another without apparent change of meaning, as: mum, muk; sum, sux; sim, six; am, ak; tcut, tcuk; pen, hen; pat, hat. In these cases t and m are replaced by k or x, and p by h. Contraction occurs not uncommonly, as in yaatciman for yayatciman; natcidut for noatcidut; -wax, -wak, -wok, -wauk for -watok. SUMMARY. In general Chimariko may be said to be simple and regular in its phonetics. It is not so smooth and soft as are Maidu, Wintun, and Yana and some other languages of the Central Californian area, but is considerably more so than the Shastan languages, and those of Northwestern California. The relative absence of sonants and spirants, and of velars and laterals, is characteristic. The considerable frequency of consonant combinations renders the language less transparent in structure than the Maidu or Wintun, but the slight degree of phonetic modification saves it from any considerable obscurity. REDUPLICATION. As compared with some of the adjacent languages, Chimariko makes comparatively little use of reduplication. Employed little if at all as a grammatical form, it occurs only sparingly in the names of a few birds, animals, and plants. In the case of the bird names, most, if not all, show clearly onomatopoeia. Color adjec- tives, it is interesting to note, do not appear to be reduplicated. The following cases of reduplication have been noted: a 'a, deer himimitcei, grouse pipilla, chipmunk lalo, goose tsokokotei, bluejay teitci, buzzard xaxatc,i, duck tsadadak, kingfisher yekyek, hawk. hutatat, crane masomas, red-salmon COMPOSITION. Investigation of the processes of composition and derivation for purely etymological purposes, does not reveal a very exten- sive use. The following cases illustrate the principle examples noted: 312 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. aqa, water aqa-qot, aqa-kat, river ("at the water"?) aqa-reda, aqa-teeta, ocean (probably "water-large") aqa-xatsa, spring, "water-cold" apu-n-aqa, "fire-water," whiskey tcitci-aqa-i, "manzanita-water," cider aqa-mateitsxol, water-fall, "water-dust" asi-n-alla, sun, day-sun himi-n-alla, moon, night-sun hi-pxa, intestine hi-pxa-dji, skin, bark ama, earth, place, country ama-yaqa, sand ama-idatei-ku, nowhere ami-tcxamut, earthquake wec, antler wec-naqalne, spoon tira, di'la, bird tira-cela, teila-teele, blackbird -sot, eye -so-xa, tears (eye-water?) -sot-nimi, eyebrow -su-nsa, eyelash xuli, bad xuli-teni, left hand h-akta-xoli-k, lame hisi-kni, good hisi-deni, right hand -kos-, to blow i-kos-eta, wind apu, fire apu-n-aqa, fire-water apu'-natxui, fire-drill base apo-tcitpid-aktea, smoke-hole teim-ar, person, Indian tcim-tukta, white man acot-n-o-umul, "winter-salmon," steelhead umul-iteawa, "salmon-large," sturgeon pa, to smoke oni-pa, pipe VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 313 atcxu, net atexu-nde, rope a'a, deer a 'eno, aanok, elk am, ama, eat ame-mtu, hungry hime, himi, night hime-tasur, hime-tacus, morning himi-n-alla, moon hime-da, to-morrow himok, evening himok-ni, night himoq-anan, noon himi-santo, "devil" itri-, to grow itri, man itri-lia, boy itri-nefilla, old man itci-la-i, my father itra-xaid-eu, chief itri-dusku, old maid Other instances appear in the Chimariko-English vocabulary, in which derivatives are grouped under stems. Compare there, for instance, tcemu, sky, tca, hand, txa, leg. In several of the above instances, an -n- appears between two nouns that are joined in composition: apu-n-aqa, asi-n-alla, himi- n-alla, acot-n-o-umul. Some verb stems are identical with body-part terms that execute the action of the verb. cam, sem, ear, or to hear tu, wing, feather, or to fly pen, tongue, or to liek Derivation is by suiffixes, of which the most important are: -alla, -ulla, -olla, diminutive, especially on names of animals: xar-illa, xal-ala, baby teiteam-uilla, apxante-olla, fox hemox-ola, jack-rabbit ipuit-ella, bluebird itr-illa, boy itrine-filla, old man cunh-uilla, old woman 314 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. punts-ulla, girl 6ol-ulla, bachelor o-glla-i, my son mas-olla-i, my daughter itc-illa-i, my father mag-olla-i, my uncle teisum-ulla, orphan pasindjax-ola, water-ousel pip-illa, wis-illa, chipmunk, beaver(?) poq-ella, cooking basket (pok, to wash) citc-ella, sitc-ela, dog (citc-iwi, wolf) cid-ulla, a spring tumtit-ella, swallow aw-illa, who(s) maidjahute-ulla, Yocumville -na, tree, wood, stick, bush, plant: apfi'-Ena, fire-drill, lit. fire-wood axac-na, puktca-Fna, chaparral i2txol-na, madrone haqew-ina, sugar-pine (haqeu, the eone) hau-na, tinder hawu '-una, grass hepuiitci'-ina, live oak klpi'-ina, fir mine '-Ena, black oak (muni, the acorn) mutuma-na, redwood (mutuma, canoe) qapu-na, deer brush ipxadji'-ina, trfipxadji'-ina, maple pakt6 '-Ena, alder tOutOu-na, fern tseli-na, gooseberry bush teimia-na, serviceberry bush tcitca-na, manzanita tsuna-na, digging stick xaxec-na, poison oak yaqia-na, white oak yutxfi-ina, tan-bark oak -eu, forms nouns from verbal stems: aqed-eu, wild oats ahat-eu, dentalium axad-eu cat 's cradle ha'-eu, mortar basket haq-eu, sugar-pine cone ham-eu, food (am, ama, eat) habuked-eu, slave hekot-eu, tattoo hiektcand-eu, woman's skirt hltcumuidad-ehu, cup and ball game ho '-eu, board VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 315 hohankut-eu, fish spear hap-eu, acorn soup hasunwed-eu, spear isekdad-iu, tongs itraxaid-eu, chief petson-eu, grass-seed tremamutc-eu, thunder tcen-eu, acorn-bread trun-eu, belly xapun-eu, bow -ktca, -uktca, -gutca, instrument or object for. As all the forms obtained begin with a vowel or h, it seems that they contain the pronominal prefix of the third person. apo-tcitpid-aktca, smoke-hole atcib-uksa, arrow-flaker haim-uksa, ham-uktcu, ax hamame-gutea, fish-line, hook hatma'an-aksia, table (ama, eat) hatciinar-utsa, bed hax-aktca, deer trap h6muim-ektsa, split stick rattle heuma-kutca, grass game hiasmai-gutca, paddle himi-gutca, sling himinid-uktsa, red lizard hipun-aktca, button his-isamd-aksia, window hiiixi-gutca, saw hiwoanad-atsa, chair hose-ktca, hasus-akta, quiver hatsi-ktca, fire-drill (hatsir, make fire) hatsi-na-ktca, cedar (-na, wood) ixa-gutca, thief ixod-akta, clock opum-aktca, storage basket -ar: tcim-ar, man punts-ar, woman at-ar, fish-spear (at, to hit) kos-ar, crane Perhaps also: tsat-ur,.grasshopper (tsat, fishweir) akwee-ur, gray squirrel tsabok-or, mole pis-or, quail himetas-ur, morning -xol, -xal, -xul: mateits-xol, or matre-pa, dust aqa-mateits-xol, waterfall 316 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. patc-xal, cocoon rattle t 'amitc-xul, red ant petc-xol, hawk sap-xel, spoon 6t-xol-na, madrone-tree -tcei, on names of animals, especially birds. The syllable preceding the suffix is usually reduplicated, and therefore probably often onomatopoetic: himimi-tcei, grouse xaxa-tcei, duck tcukuku-tcdi, owl konana-tcei, woodpecker trelek-tcei, humming-bird tsokoko-tei, blue-bird exoi-teei, otter qbpxami-tei, fisher q6rek-tcei, humming-bird -tada, suffix of tribal names: maitrok-tada, Hyampom people qataiduiwak-tada, Arcata Wiyot hadinaktco-hada, Cedar Flat, a place (hatsinaktca, cedar) -dji, -dje, local suiffix: aqi-tee, Salt Ranch (aqi, salt) tsuidamda-dji, Burnt Ranch pakt6na-dji, Patterson's (pakto 'xna, alder) maidjatcei-dje, Cecilville (maitra, a flat or bench) hituiai-dje, Willow Creek and many others given in the list of place names in the vocabulary. -ma, -mu, on place names: tcitcan-ma, Taylor's Flat (tcitea-na, manzanita) tcintxap-mu, Big Flat (tcintcei, sun-flower) tranqo-ma, Hyampom hisa6-mu, Weaverville -matci, on names of seasons: ahan-matci, summer kicu-matei, spring kicu-matci, spring (kisum, crane) qa-suk-matci, when -cikut, privative: aquye-ckut, tail-less itra-ckut, handless hu-po-ckun, footless puntsarie-ckut, wife-less, bachelor itri-d-usku, old maid -gu, -ku, negative; perhaps also indefinite: xani-gu, by and by curai-gu, some time ago (sul, long ago) patceam-ku, something (patci, what) patci-gun, no amaidatci-ku, nowhere VOL- 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 317 -da, on terms of direction: wise-da, down-stream wai-da, up-stream, east qadai-da, south xunoi-da, north tcem-da, across stream tranmi-da, down-stream Possibly also: hime-da, to-morrow -'i, on terms of color and other adjectives, both syllables of the stem showing the same vowel: teele- 'i, black mene- 'i, white wili-'i, red sote '-i, blue ( t) tono '-i, dull mata- 'i, clean cupu-i, sharp -in, -n, -ni, on adjectives, is evidently the verbal sulffix indicating present or incompleted action: atexum-ni, dry elox-ni, hot hadoha-n, straight hemudadja-n, bitter hiqili-ni, sweet hisik-ni, good hitcu-n, hitci-mni, long, high hoqata '-Eni, square huk5na-n, deaf hutcolana-n, empty hutcula-n, low quoyo-in, sour kumitc-in, all lo 'ore-n, soft luiyu-in, smooth nodaduh-ni, rough pepe- 'in, thick p 'qele- 'in, crooked tqe 'er- 'in, thin teele- 'in, dirty tcuxunm-in, deep texale-n, light xe'ire-n, xer6'-in, narrow, wide xodala-n, poor xuitcula-n, short For grammatical purposes, affixation is chiefly used. The following list of affixes comprises those which have been deter- mined with any certainty: 318 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. A. PREFIXES OR SUFFIXES. Pronominal: tc, first person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransitive verbs, with adjectival stems. Prefixed as object of transitive verbs. Prefixed as possessive, with nouns where possession is inherent. i, y, first person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransi- tive verbs, with verbal stems. Prefixed as subject of transitive verbs. Suffixed as possessive with nouns where possession is accidental. m, mi, second person singular. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransitive verbs. Prefixed as subject or object of transitive verbs, or as possessive with nouns where possession is inherent. Suffixed with nouns where possession is accidental. n, second person singular. Imperative. Prefixed. h, ', third person singular and plural. Prefixed (as h) or suffixed (as I ) as subject of intransitive verbs. Prefixed as possessive with nouns where possession is inherent. tea, teo, first person plural. Prefixed or suffixed as subject of intransi- tive verbs, with adjectival stems. This suffix is distinguished from singular te- by change of vowel. If the singular has a as connect- ing vowel, the plural has o, and vice-versa. Prefixed as objeet of transitive verbs. tee, first person plural. Suffixed with nouns where possession is acci- dental. ya, we, w, first person plural. Prefixed or siuffixed as subject of in- transitive verbs, with verbal stems. Prefixed (ya-) as subject of transitive verbs. q, qo, qe, second person plural. Prefixed or suffixed as subjeet of intransitive verbs. Prefixed as subject or object of transitive verbs. Suffixed as possessive with nouns where possession is aceidental. Affix used with verbal stems: x, g, k. Negative affix, with variable connecting vowel. Used either as prefix or suffix, or both. B. PREFIXES. Instrumental, with verbs: a- with a long object e- with the end of a long object ma- I me- with the head mitei- with the foot tc- I tcu- with a round object tu- with the hand wa- by sitting on(?) VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 319 C. SUFFIXES. With pronominal stems: -owa Combined with the independent pronouns of the first and second persons to form the inclusive and exclusive first person plural. With nominal stems: Locative, instrumental. -dan, -danku ablative -mdi, -mdu instrumental Miscellaneous. -hni many -tan many -rotpin only a, just a -gulan merely, only (Cf. negative affix -g) -abo also, too With verbal stems: Ideas of motion or direction. -dam, -tam, -ktam down -]ima into -Enak into -ha up -hot down -lo apart ( ) -mi down(?) -puye around, about -ro up -sku towards -smu across -tap out -tpi out of -usam through -xun into Modal, temporal. -ak completed action, past -n, -ni, -in incompleted action, present -sun present. Used apparently as the auxiliary verb to be. -xan, -gon future. (Former with verbal, latter with adjectival stems.) -soop conditional -dialhin dubitative -hun continuative -pum iterative -wet continuative -tcai desiderative ( ) -eyb reflexive -ye interrogative 320 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -a interrogative -Pu interrogative -da, -ida, -inda, -tinda present participle Miscellaneous. -tei Used to indicate plurality, generally of the object, but oecasionally of the subject. -nan, -an A general verbal suiffix of uncertain meaning, possibly temporal (Cf. -ni, -in). With all classes of stems: -ot, -ut, -op A suffix apparently with an intensive, or em- phatic meaning, such as indeed, really, in truth. It is used with nominal, pro- nominal, verbal, adjectival, and adverbial stems. The above list brings out clearly several features of import- ance in regard to the Chimariko language. In the first place, it will be seen from the series of pronominal affixes, that these are by no means regular in position, ap pearing sometimes as prefixes, sometimes as suffixes. It is possible that in some cases they are also used as infixes. This variability of position of the pro- nominal elements with regard to the verbal stem is a feature also found developed among the Shastan languages, which adjoin Chimariko on the north, and differentiates these two languages from those which, like Washo, Chumash, Southern and North- eastern Maidu, have the pronominal elements in an invariable position. Although there seems to be a strong preference for prefixation, there are yet a large number of verbs which take the pronoun suffixed. No logical reason is apparent for the distinc- tion, such verbs as to sit, to work, to dance, to run, to eat, and others, prefixing the pronominal elements, whereas to bleed, to grow, to die, and so on, take them suffixed. The lack of any logical division is shown still more clearly in the verbs indicating condition or state. Some, as to be good, to be bad, to be old, have the pronominal elements prefixed; others, as to be hot, to be cold, to be strong, suffix them. Dry belongs to the first class, and wet to the second. The employment of varied position in the pro- nominal affixes, to indicate two forms of possession, is interesting. Where possession is inherent, the elements are prefixed, where accidental, suffixed. A further feature brought out by the list, is the great paucity VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 321 of nominal suffixes. Chimariko not only lacks such indications for grammatical cases and for number, but also is almost destitute of locative endings. An instrumental suffix it has, to be sure, but of locatives the only one noted is an ablative; there is apparently no general locative. In this paucity of locative suffixes, Chi- mariko lies at the other extreme from the majority of the languages of Central California, which possess a considerable development of this class of suffixes. Even the neighboring Shastan languages, although having fewer locatives than Maidu and Washo, still exceed Chimariko in this particular. The considerable development of verbal instrumental prefixes, places Chimariko in this respect in agreement with Washo, Maidu, Wintun, and the Shastan languages. As is usual, the suffixes of motion precede those which are modal or temporal. In general, the large preponderance of suffixes over prefixes places Chimariko in the class of suffixing languages. An interesting feature of the language is presented by the emphatic or intensive suffix -ut, -ot. It is used with the pro- nominal stems to form the independent pronouns, which are rarely used except for emphasis, or where the sense is doubtful. These may therefore be translated I indeed, I myself, and so on. With nouns, this suffix is used generally to mark either the sub- ject or the object as the most important in the sentence, as, citcela hitratinda puntsal-ot, the dog bit the woman (not man); fimul-op yekotpumni, salmon (not deer) I kill. In some cases, curiously, it is used with both subject and object, and in others entirely omitted. With verbs, its purpose is similar, to emphasize the verbal idea above any other in the sentence, as, tcimal-ot hititcex-ot pusuia man broke (not cut, burned) the stick. With adjectives and adverbs it also intensifies the idea contained in the word to which it is added, as, qa'a trewil-ot nahak, stone large bring me; citel-op yekoxan himet-op, dog I will kill to-morrow. PRONOUN. Chimariko, differing from a large number of languages in California, belongs to the class of incorporating languages. There are thus two forms for the personal pronoun, the independent and the incorporated. 322 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. INDEPENDENT PERSONAL PRONOUN. In general, as already stated, the independent form is rarely used. A complete paradigm can not be given, as it proved im- possible to get from any of the informants the second and third persons plural, they invariably using either the numeral two, or some word equivalent to many or several. So far as obtained the forms are as follows: Singular. Dual. Plural. 1. nout n6utowa (excl.) nateidut mamutowa (inel.) 2. mamut 3. hamut It will be seen that, as in so many American languages, the pronominal stems of the first and second persons are based on n and m. The independent forms are derived from the stems no- and mam- by the addition of the emphatic suffix -ut. The form given for the third person is only rarely used, a demonstrative form, pamut, paut, pat, generally taking its place. Although the material secured is not entirely clear on this point, it is prob- able that there are, in addition to a simple plural formed by the addition of what is apparently a plural suffix -atc, also both an inclusive and exclusive form, derived from the first and second persons singular. On the other hand, it is possible that these two forms are really the first and second persons dual. DEMONSTRATIVES. Two demonstratives are known with certainty. These are formed with the stem qe-, near the speaker, here; and pa-, at a distance, there. These stems take the intensive suffix -ut, becom- ing thus qewot, qat, this, and pamut, paut, pat, that. INTERROGATIVES. The interrogative pronouns are derived mainly from a single stem qo-, qa, and are as follows: qomas or awilla who qatci or patci what qomalla where qosidadji why qasuk when qatala how many qatcu how far qatramdu how often VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 323 NOUN. CASE SUFFIXES. As might be expected from its being an incorporating lan- guage, Chimariko shows no trace of any syntactical cases. Locative and instrumental suffixes are largely lacking also, their place being taken in part by a small number of postpositions. The suffixes of locative or instrumental meaning derivable from the material at hand are only two: -dan, -dankui, a general loca- tive or more commonly ablative, and -mdi, -mdu, instrumental. NUMBER. Number is not indicated in the noun, and no variation for number is made when nouns are used with numeral adjectives. There are, however, two suffixes sometimes used to indicate a collective. These are -hni and -tan, as in qa 'ahni, a lot of stones, many stones; itritan, a crowd, a lot of men. The latter suffix seems to be a shortened form of hetan, many. POSSESSIVE. The possessive is formed by affixing to the noun the proper pronominal stem. Two classes of possession are recognized, accidental and inherent. In the former, the pronominal ele- ments are always suffixed, and are -i, -mi, -ye, -ida,- tce, -qe, -ye, -ida; in the latter they are always prefixed, and are tc-, m- h-. It will be seen that the same form of the pronominal element is used thus for inherent possession as is employed in intransitive verbs with stems indicating a quality or condition. Quality or condition may thus be thought of perhaps as more inherent in the subject than are motion or action, on stems denoting which the same pronominal elements are used as to indicate accidental possession. Examples of the use of the two forms are: Accidental: masomas-i my red-salmon awai'-i my house masomas-mi thy red-salmon awa-mi thy house masomas-ye his red-salmon awa-ida his house masomas-itee our red-salmon awa '-itee our house masomas-qe your red-salmon awa-qe your house masomas-ye their red-salmon awa-ida their house 324 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCE. ETH. Inherent: tcu-po my foot tcfi-sam my ear mfi-po thy foot ml-sam thy ear hui-po his foot hi-sam his ear Some question arises as to the two forms used in the third person where possession is accidental. The suffix -ye seems to be merely the interrogative, often found in use with verbs, so that this form should be translated: "is it his?" The use of -da on the other hand offers much difficulty. This suffix is, in its uses, far from clear, although its normal foree, as used with verbs, is participial. VERB. The discussion of the verb may best be taken up under two headings, first the various affixes used for syntactical or etymo- logical purposes, and second the stem and such modifications as it undergoes. PRONOMINAL AFFIXES. First in importance are the pronominal affixes. As stated in speaking of the pronoun, the independent forms are rarely used, and the subject and subject-object relationship is expressed instead by incorporated forms. In the intransitive, the pronominal affixes show some variety of form, and a rather puzzling irregularity of use. The affixes in question are as follows: Singular. Plural. 1. tc, i, y tc, ts, ya 2. m, mi q, qe 3. h,' h As compared with the independent forms of the pronoun, it is evident that there is correspondence in the second and third persons, the first person being on the other hand entirely distinct. A further difference lies in the apparent absence, in the affixed form, of any distinction between inclusive and exclusive plurals. In use these pronominal elements seem normally to be prefixed, VOL.5] Dixon.-The-Chimariko Indians and Language. 325 being so used in over seventy per cent. of the cases known. In the remainder of the instances they are suffixed, with one or two possible cases where they seem to be infixed. From the small number of instances of this latter usage, however, it is not pos- sible to be sure that the syllable following the pronominal element is really a part of the verbal stem. What principle determines the use of one or the other of these positions is obscure, such verbs as sing, work, be good, be blind, taking the elements as prefixes, whereas grow, die, be hungry, sick, take them as suffixes. One distinction can however be made, namely that verbs indicating action or movement invariably take the pronominal affixes prefixed. It will be seen that two wholly different forms are given in both singular and plural for the first person. In the use of one or the other of these, there is a fairly clear distinction in use. The first type, tc, is never employed with verbal stems indicating action or movement, but with those, on the contrary, which indicate a state or condition. On the other hand, whereas the second form, i, y, is invariably used with the former class of verbal stems, it is also employed with the latter, but is then always suffixed. In most cases, there is no confusion between the two forms, i.e., if the first person singular is i or y, the first person plural is ya. A few instances appear however in which this does not hold, and we have i in the singular, and tc or ts in the plural. In a limited number of cases also, either form may apparently be used, as qe-i-xanan, qe-tce-xanan, I shall die, i-saxni, tca-saxini, I cough. A phonetic basis is to some extent observable, in that tc or ts is never a prefix when the verbal stem begins with a vowel. As between i and y, it appears that the latter is always used before stems beginning with a vowel except i, whereas i is employed before stems beginning with i or with consonants. The first persons singular and plural are distin- guished from each other, where the form tc is used, only by a change of connecting vowel already pointed out. The pronominal elements as given, are, when used as prefixes, attached to the verb by means of connecting vowels. These, as stated in discussing the phonetic characteristics of the language, 326 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETE. often show some relation to the vowel of the verbal stem,12 but this is noticeable chiefly in the case of o and u stems. The first persons singular and plural are distinguished from each other only by the change in this connecting vowel. As a rule, the first person singular is tco or tcu, whereas the plural is tca. In one or two instances, however, this seems to be reversed. The material collected to illustrate the use of the pronominal elements in the transitive verb, is unfortunately conflicting, and the lack of adequate text material here makes itself felt. In the transitive verb with nominal object the situation is clear enough. Here the pronominal elements used as subject are invariably prefixed, and are those used with the intransitive verbs indicating action or movement, i.e., the first person appears always as i, y, or ya. Where the object is pronominal, however, the usage is dif- ferent, as the following table will indicate: me thee him U8 ye them I ~~~~ ~~i- i- i-atei I thou mi-, me- mi- mi mi he tcu-, tea- mi- I tea-, ya- qo-, qa- I we ya- ya- ya- ya- ye qo- qo- qo- they tcu-, tea- mi- ha- tca- qo- ? From this it is clear, that in the first and second persons, only the subject is expressed by a pronominal affix, and that the same form is used as with the transitive verb with nominal object. In the third person, on the other hand, it is the object rather than the subject which is expressed by the prefix, which here, in the 12 Much the same occurs in the possessive prefixes of the noun. The fol- lowing are observed cases of the third person possessive on body part terms: Vowel of prefix same as that of stem: i: hi-wi, hi-mina, hi-ni, hi-mi, hi-ki, hi-pel, hi-teipe, hi-pen. u: hu-truneu, hu-txun, hu-tsu, hu-tu, hu-sot, hu-po. a: ha-wa. Vowel of prefix differing from stem: i: hi-ta, hi-tanpu, hi-sam, hi-wax, hi-ma, hi-pxa, hi-pxadji, hi-txa, hi-txanimaxa, hi-taxai, hi-suma, hi-mosni. u: hu-si, hu-santcei, hu-tananundjatun. o: ho-wee, ho-napu, ho-xu. e: e-qa, e-que. It will be seen that the connecting vowel of the prefix contrasts with the stem about as often as it differs from it, but the principle determining the choice of vowel-which is definitely fixed for each word-is not clear. Con- ditions in the verb are generally similar. VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 327 case of the first person as object, is the other form, that namely in tc. In some cases, where the first or second persons are the subject, the independent form of the pironoun is used outside the verb to indicate the object. In other cases the independent forms were not used, leaving the meaning apparently obscure. To some extent Chimariko in this respect resembles the neighboring Shasta, where also both subject and object are not always indi- cated by incorporated pronominal elements. In Shasta, however, this loss of definiteness is atoned for by the wide use of demon- stratives, which do not seem to be in use for the same purpose in Chimariko. In this connection should be mentioned the troublesome suffix -da, -ida, -inda, -tinda. This is frequently used with verbs, and was at first thought to be perhaps a demonstra- tive, but seems on the whole most probably to be simply the parti- cipial suffix -da, combined with the suffix of the present tense, -in, -ni. Examples of the use of pronominal elements with verbal stems are given below. Nominal object: i-mitcitni citeela I kick the dog mi-miteitida citeela You kick the dog hi-miteitni citeela He kicks the dog ya-miteitni citeela We kick the dog qo-mitcit citeela Ye kick the dog hi-mitcit citeela They kick the dog Pronominal object: i-mitcitni I kick you i-patni I poke you i-mamni I see you i-puimukni I pinch you i-mitcitinda I kick him i-patni pamut I poke him i-mamni I see him i-puimukni I pinch him i-mitcitnatci I kick you i-patnatei I poke you i-puimuknatci I pinch them me-miteitida You kick me me-patni You poke me me-puimukni You pinch me mi-miteitni You kiek him mi-puimuk You pinch him mi-mitcitida You kick us tcu-mitcitida He kicks me tcu-hatni He pokes me 328 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tcu-mamni He sees me mi-mitcitni He kicks you mi-hatni, mi-hatinda He pokes you mi-mamni (?) He sees you tca-mitcitinda He kicks us tca-puimuk He pinches us tca-mamni He sees us qo-mitcitinda He kicks you qa-hatni He pokes you hi-mitcitinda (?) He kicks them ya-mamni We see you ya-mamni We see him qo-mama Ye see me qo-mama Ye see him tcu-mamtinda They see me mi-mamtinda They see you A feature of considerable importance in the structure of the verb lies in the apparent use, although rarely, of nominal in- corporation, and possibly of complete incorporation of both subject and object pronominal elements. In the texts as obtained occur the forms apexadjit and apisuxta, translated respectively as "'fire he steals" and "'fire he throws away. " The noun fire is apu, and the verbal stems -xadj, to steal, and -sux-, to throw, occur frequently without any such apparent in- corporation of nominal object. As these are the only clear cases, nominal incorporation is hardly a characteristic of the language. The tendency toward such forms may however be seen also in the words for wink and to shake the head, (nu) sulaplap, (tcu)maitsat, the former incorporating the stem for eye (-sot-), the other that for head (-ma). A single instance of apparent incorporation of both subject and object pronominal elements occurs in the form ye-mam-i-xan, probably for ye-mam-mi-xan, I-feed(eat)-you-will, I will feed you. As the verbal stem here ends in m, it is difficult to tell whether the i really stands for mi or is simply euphonic before the future suffix. REFLEXIVE. The reflexive is indicated by the use of the suffix -eye, -yiye, -eiyeu, added directly to the verbal stem, the prefixed pronominal elements being the same as those used with the intransitive verb. i-tcut-6iyeu I strike myself mi-tcut-6iyeu you strike yourself hi-tcut-eiyeuni pamut he strikes himself VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 329 IMPERATIVE. The imperative is indicated in the singular by a prefix n-, which always takes the same connecting vowel between it and the verbal stem as the second person singular indicative. The verbal stem is ini most cases used without suffix of any sort. For the exhortative "let us" the prefix of the first person plural, y-, ya-, is used, the verbal stem being similarly without suffixes. na-tak sing ! ni-mitcit kick him! ni-puimuk pinch himI n-ama eat! ya-tcxuai let us fight! ya-traxismu let us run! y-amma let us eat! FORMATIVE AFFIXES. Apart from the pronominal and the modal and temporal elements, there are two classes of affixes used with the verb. One of these is instrumental in meaning, the other is used to modify the idea of motion contained in the verbal stem. Ideas of instrumentality, as that the action is performed by the hand, foot, end of a long thing, and so forth, are expressed uniformly by means of prefixes. This is in accord with the usual rule of American languages, and with the usage of three of the stocks which are in close geographical proximity to Chimariko, the Shasta, Maidu, and Wintun. These instrumental prefixes are placed immediately before the verbal stem, and, so far as obtained, are as follows: a- with a long object e- with the end of a long object ma- t me- with the head mitei- with the foot te- tcu- with a round object tu- with the hand wa- by sitting on(?) Examples: ni-a-axiaxe rub with long thing (side of S) n-a-klucmu knock over with bat ni-e-kluemu knock over with end of pole by thrust 330 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. ni-e-kmu roll log with end of pole ni-me-kmu roll log with head, by butting i-me-klucmu knock over with head, butt over ni-mitci-kluemu knock over with foot, kick over ni-mitci-kmu roll log with foot ni-tcu-kluemu knock over with a stone, ball ni-tu-kluemu knock over with hand ni-tu-kmu roll log with hand ni-tu-xiaxe rub with hand ni-wa-tcexu break by sitting on. Modifications of the idea of motion expressed in the verbal stem are indicated uniformly by suffixes, and not by prefixes. The meanings of some of these suffixes are not as yet wholly clear, and it is probable that the list could be extended by further material. -dam, -tam, -ktam down -Ema into -Enak into -ha up -hot down -lo apart (E) -mi down(?) -puye around, about -ro up -sku towards -smu across -tap out -tpi out of -usam through -xun into Examples: nu-tu '-nma jump into na-ar-ha climb up wak-ti-he-inda they travel about ni-sap-hot-mi slide down roof ni-tu-k-tam roll down with hand ni-tc-xa-lo pull out tooth hu-tsut-min he flies down hu-tut-puye he flies around hu-tsu-sku he flies toward ni-tu-smu jump across toward hu-tsu-tap-ni he flies out nu-tu-tpim jump out of nu-tu-tusam jump, run under ni-tcuk-xun-mi hammer into down (a nail) VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indiants and Language. 331 TEMPORAL AND MODAL AFFIXES. As in the case of the last group, ideas of tense or mode are uniformly expressed by suffixes, and these suffixes invariably follow any suffixes of motion where these are used. In the case of the future, the suffix follows the verbal stem or suffixes of motion when the pronominal element is prefixed, but comes after the latter in those cases where it is suffixed. In addition to those here giveen, there are several suffixes of which the meaning is still obscure. -ni, -nin, -in, present, incompleted action: i-mam-ni I see you tcu-kei-ni he hears me sidre-i-ni I bleed -sun, present. Used apparently as the auxiliary verb to be. -aki, -k, past, completed action: amemtuin-ak I was hungry ya-hadan-ak we were rich ecomdum-qa-tc-ak-cur ye were cold then -gon, -xan, future: pala-tce-gon we shall be strong amemtu-tce-gon xani I shall be hungry by and by ye-hada-e-gon I shall be rich yo-wam-xanan I shall go hi-mum-han he will run ye-ko-xanan I shall kill him -da, -ida, -inda, -tinda, present participle: puntsari-da anowesta itrila woman-being she whipped boy imim-da i-txa-Eni I stop running (running I stop) i-mam-ni sanixun-ida I saw him dancing hi-samxun-inda ye-ko-n I kill him while dancing (dancing I kill) qo-xowin-tinda ye being old, ye are old i-mitcit-inda I (am) kicking him -ye, -e, interrogative: ma-ko-ye are you going to kill met mi-ke 'e-ye do you hear me?I -soop, conditional: mi-mum-soop ye-nuwec-xan if you run, I shall whip you himeta hitak-soop yu-wam-xan if it rains to-morrow, I will go qe-soop if (I) should die. -dialhin, dubitative: qe-tc-ok-dialhin perhaps I shall be sick (sick-I-perhaps) mi-mitcit-dialhin you kick he may (he may kick you) 332 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -hun, -nihun, continuative: ye-tak-nu-hun I continue to sing ye-man-hun I continue to eat -wet, continuative: i-mum-wet I run all the time ye-ma-wet I eat continually -tcai, desiderative: xo-wam-gu-tcai-nan not-go-not-wish -pU, interrogative. -xa, -xo, -xu, -xe, -gu, -k, negative: ma-xa-hada-nan you are not rich tco-xo-xu-nan I am not fat xe-tak-nan I am not singing pala-mi-gu-nan you are not strong me-xe-puimuk-unan you are not pinching me The negative is expressed in two ways, according as the pro- nominal elements are prefixed or suffixed to the verbal stem. In the former case, a prefix xa-, xo-, xe- is placed between the verbal stem and the pronominal element, and a suffix -nan added after the verbal stem or such other suffixes, as there may be. The essential element seems to be x, the connecting vowel varying with that of the pronominal element and the verbal stem. In the first person singular intransitive, it is generally xe-, and the pronominal element is omitted. Where the pronominal elements are suffixed, the negative affix is combined with -nan, and is placed as a suffix following the pronominal element, the x being changed to a g, and the connecting vowel sometimes drop- ping out, resulting in the form -gnan. In some cases, indeed quite frequently in the transitive verb, the negative affix appears twice, xo- or xu- preceding, and -gu following the verbal stem. Very commonly the apparently desiderative suffix -tcai is used with the negative, resulting in a form which may be translated "do not wish to.'" VERBAL STEMS. In a limited number of instances, a different verbal stem is employed in the plural from that in the singular. Not infre- quently, however, informants, on giving such forms, on closer questioning admitted that the singular stem might also be used, and that the variant stem first given for the plural might be VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 333 used also in the singular, i.e., the two stems were merely synonyms. Only two cases were found which did not appear to be explainable in this manner, and the second seems only to belong partly to this category, inasmuch as the distinction holds good only in the present tense. Singular. Plural. Sit -wo- -pat- Run -mum- -teaxis- The verbal stems which have been isolated in the analysis of the material collected, are both monosyllabic and polysyllabic. Many of the latter are probably derivatives, but it has not been possible to analyze them as yet. The great majority of stems appear to be monosyllabic. Monosyllabic: ap get off horse luc shake, throw ar climb mai carry at strike man fall ax lose, get lost maq roast bis split ma, ama eat dai pay mat find djek go in a boat mo fall ha, hoa stand mu make hai spit, vomit mum run ham carry pa smoke hap take down p1ak burst(?) hen, pen lick pat sit huc, xuc, kos blow pim play koc whisper po dig k roll poi sleep kat break, separate pu work k6 understand pu1 shoot ki lean pxel twist kim, gim float, hang qe die kir scratch qi carry on head klu slip, slide (Cf. lu) qo pour kluc knock over (Cf. luc) qo kill kmu make, do (Cf. mu) qol shatter ko talk sap slide kot tattoo sax cough ku cut sek swallow kut keep (s) sik, sim accompany le hiccough cik cover up lot mash sit sharpen lu drink six sweep lus drop su throw 334 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. sum look for tcum marry ta pull, tear tcxua fight tak sing wa go, travel tos break whek push tot bury w6 cry tu fly wo sit txax abandon xai make tra spread out, tear xadj, xatc steal teex break in two xii swim tci, tcit squeeze('1) xu whistle teu sleep Polysyllabic: adap grow samut stay behind am6 hungry (Cf. am, samxu dance ama, eat) trahu know mi 'ina, i ini like, love tciwa sell inada wait for wemtso gamble koru bend xaca yawn licxu lose xatutu snore luli, luri drop, fall xaxo pull mamat alive xiaxe rub nook recover iota wateh oru reach up for Beduplicated: tudu jump lolo cut up pupul nod potpot boil laplap, xexe sweep raprap wink ADJECTIVES. Adjectival stems are commonly polysyllabic. The attributive and predicative forms are alike, and the former precedes the noun, whereas the latter follows. In their combination with the pronominal elements, some take these before, some after the stem, as pointed out previously, but no rule has been found for the varied use. NUMERALS. The numeral system of the Chimariko is quinary up to ten and then continues decimally. Six is 1-cibum, seven is 2-sbum, eight is 4-cibum, nine is 1-tcigu, ten is sa'an-1, eleven is 1-lasut or 1-rasut, twelve is 2-risut or 2-lsut, thirteen is 3-risut or 3-ulsut, and so on regularly to twenty, which is two-ten, xoku-mtun VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 335 sa'anpun. Thirty is three-ten, xoda-m-tun sa'anpun, and one hundred is wood-one, pucua-pun. Numerals seem to be un- changed, and do not vary with things counted. POSTPOSITIONS. The paucity of locative suffixes in the noun is in part made up for by a few postpositions, which serve to point out locative ideas. But two have been tentatively identified, and their use may be seen from the following: awa xunoi yeaxu'nmoxanan house into I shall go pusua hiya'talot tefimi board it lies under CONNECTIVES. Chimariko is apparently rather destitute of connectives. In the text fragments secured, they do not appear at all, but the texts are clearly somewhat disjointed, and so do not serve as satisfactory material to' judge from. The complete absence of connectives, however, seems to point to their comparative rarity. ORDER OF WORDS. The usual order of words is subject-verb-object, or subject- object-verb. In some cases, however, particularly when the sub- ject is pronominal, the order is reversed, object preceding subject. In the transitive verb when the independent pronoun is used as object, the order is regularly subject-verb-object. When one of two nouns stands in a possessive relation to the other, the possessor always precedes the thing possessed. CONCLUSION AND RELATIONS. Compared with neighboring linguistic families, Chimariko occupies a somewhat intermediate position. In phonetic character it lies rather between the smooth, vocalic languages of the Cen- tral Californian type, and the harsher, more consonantal North- western type. In this respect it is like the Shastan family, and may be regarded on the whole as belonging to that group. In its use of incomplete incorporation and its lack of plural it also 336 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. resembles this type, but differs from it in its lack of syntactical cases, and its greater paucity of nominal locative suffixes. In common with the Shastan languages, and some of those of Central California, is its use of verbal instrumental prefixes. It will be seen, therefore, that Chimariko does not fall distinctly into either the Central or Northwestern morphological group, and may more properly be regarded as belonging to the Shastan type. In the general classification of Californian languages recently proposed,"' Chimariko was placed with the Northwestern type, but it was stated that it showed less clearly than the others of that group the distinctive features upon which the group was based. The considerable degree of similarity in grammatical and phonetic character between the Chimariko and the Shastan family, lends further interest and importance to certain curious features on the lexical side. Comparison of Chimariko with Hupa and Wintun shows practically nothing in the way of lexical resemblance, and in the case of Wintun at least, less than one might expect in the way of direct borrowing between two adjacent and friendly tribes. If comparison be made however with the Shastan family, a different situation is revealed, for between forty and fifty cases have been noted here, in which lexical correspondence is clear or probable. The similarities are found in words of varied classes, including parts of the body, animals, artificial and natural objects, and verbal stems. Further, a number of verbal instrumental prefixes and directive suffixes, and perhaps pronominal elements, show agreement also. So con- siderable a number of lexical similarities, and with so wide a range, brings up sharply the question how far such agreements are to be regarded as due to borrowing. That one language should adopt from another a few words is to be expected; but can the possession of common forms for such fundamental words as head, ear, mouth, tooth, tongue, man, woman, fire, water, deer, rattlesnake, and several numerals, and such verbal stems as to eat and to see, be explained on this basis? The explanation of bor- rowing here is made more difficult in view of the further fact 13 Dixon and Kroeber, tPhe Native Languages of California, Am. Anthr., n. s., V, 18, 1903. VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 337 that the larger number of similarities are not between Chimariko and its immediate neighbor the Shasta, but between Chimariko and the Atsugewi and Achomawi, members of the Shastan family, but separated from the Chimariko by the whole extent of Wintun and Yanan territory. As has been pointed out,14 the Achomawi and Atsugewi are lexically widely divergent from the Shasta, and in many cases Chimariko agrees with forms in Achomawi or Atsugewi where their stems differ wholly from Shasta. If bor- rowing is the explanation of these agreements, then we must assume that the Chimariko and Achomawi and Atsugewi were formerly contiguous peoples, since separated by migration. Such movements must have been however relatively old, as no tradi- tions or other evidences of migration are observed. If, on the other hand, the similarities are regarded as of such character and number as to point to real genetic relationship, then we have another instance of the great degree of differentiation which has taken place within the Shastan family. That this is unquestion- ably great, is shown by both Achomawi and Atsugewi, and the problematical Konomihu, with which latter indeed, there are one or two agreements in Chimariko. The fact that, in spite of the close association of the Chimariko with the Wintun, there has been practically no borrowing, and that the phonetics and gram- mar of the Chimariko show close similarities with those of the Shastan family, makes the probability of real relationship much greater. The following list illustrates the more striking instances of lexical agreement between the Chimariko and Shastan families: Chimariko. Shasta. Achomawi. Atsugewi. arm -tanpu lapau rapau armpit cil8itcumuni amdjilex tumitcilbha blood cotri icurli ear -sam isak isat eye -sot a 'sa excrement -waxni wehki head -ma .na(Konomibu) lax naxa intestines -pxa ipxai bitsxol bitsxaru leg -txan xatis liver -ci aipci 14 Dixon, The Shasta-Achomawi: A New Linguistic Stock, with Four New Dialects, Am. Anthr., n. s., VII, 213-217. 338 University of California Publications. [Am. ARcE. ETH. Chimariko. Shasta. Achomawi. Atsugewi. milk clira itsik etcit ateiska mouth (ha)wa au ap 'bo ap 'bo neck -ki op 'ki teeth -tsu etsau itsa itsau tongue -pen, -hen chena man itri, itci ic woman puntsar daritci minridsara ant pelo 'a blamasa deer a 'a adau, arau raccoon yeto 'a toh'kaa rattlesnake qawu xowatid haiuta wolf citciwi teiwa tsimu acorn yutri yummi willow pate 'xu bas patcu day ase atcaii asslyi fog aptum datumumdji fire a 'pu pah 'yi smoke qe maqets stone qa kwasunip (Konomihu) sun alla tsul water aka atsa as ats 'si winter asoti astsui arrow si sat (arrow- point) bow xapuncu xau deer-trap haxaktca hatsda fishline, hook hamamegutea amai damame spear hasunwedeu lasu nasu soup-basket poqela yapuk two xok 'u xokwa hak hoki three xodai xatski tsasdi kiski five tsanehe atsa tsanse to eat -am-, -ama- -am- -ammi- to carry -mai- -mu- to cry -wo- -wo- to dent -kxol- -qol- to drop -lus-, -lur- -lup- to pull off -pul- -pil- to see -mam- -nima- -ima- with the foot mitei- tsi- with the hand tu- to- by sitting on wa- we- downwards -mi -ni- -mi across, through -smu -snu (into) out of -tap -ta I te s 8 thou m m this qe qepi VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 339 In the present state of our knowledge of the extent to which borrowing has taken place in California at large, it is difficult to arrive at a definite solution of the question of the relationship of Chimariko with the Shastan family. The extent of the similarity in this case, however, points to the necessity of a thorough investigation of the whole matter of borrowing throughout the state. The question also involves the much wider one of the real limits of genetic relationship, in the need of determining the character and number of agreements which shall be regarded as essential to establish common descent. TEXTS. The following text fragments comprise all that was secured. The translation is often doubtful, but as a rule, that which was given by my informant has been given, with queries where the meaning is evidently wrong. The same word is often spelled differently in different places, it seeming better to give the forms just as they were heard at the time, rather than to attempt to reduce them to a common spelling. Not infrequently the text forms differ from those secured in the paradigms of grammatical material. Explanations and discussion of uncertain points are given in the notes. I have attempted to give a running transla- tion of three of the tales, but they are so fragmentary and confused, that it is almost impossible. I. THE SORCERER. himi'santo haa'tpiktal tcima'r oha'tida2 hako't3 (Sorcerer) he comes out a person shooting magically he kills pokelai'dop4 itcxut'td-6xta5 tcima'r akodee'nda basket hiding it away a person missing him kowa'doknanda8 puntsar wa' xniT qowa'doknanda a wa he does not return woman went away she did not return house natciwa'mda8 qowa'doknanda h6'wadokta9 qe'wokinda10 she went to she did not return she did not return (7) said she was sick wa'xni qowa'doknan"1 itse'xni mfltu'm q"a'suk'2 went away she did not return she took canoe why hoida'nda'8 qowd'dokdanda14 m&'ta xunoi atc&'dat15 did she not return she did not return sweathouse in he lay 340 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. itc-dkar'5 wa'mdaanda17 ipo"l8 wuqa'dandal' owa'xtanda drowned he went off traek (?) he went off howa'mtanda hiwo'nda20 ima'mn i2' xf1xw6'danapton he has gone he stays I see him didn't look at him hiw6'mda atcul'danda pun puntsa'ri made'patinda staying he lies down one woman (1) hama'mdanda huwuWmxanan22 dime'da xiino'mnitcku he eats I am going tomorrow Salmon River to amai'da hliu'mxanan.28 place I am going. NOTES. 1 ha-a-tpik-ta. The suffix -tpi, out of, seems sometimes to occur with a final k. The suffix -ta may be the participle. The stem is a. 2 The stem -hat- also occurs in the following: nihatxa, poke; nohat'oi, close window. -ida is the participial suffix. 3 Probably contracted from ha-ko-tinda. 4 Contracted from pokelaida-op. The suffix is the intensive. 5 This stem occurs also as -txat-. The suffix occurs also in himai'dukta, he carried it home. See note 6. 6 Ko is xo, negative prefix. -wa-dok, to return, from -wa-, -owa-, to go, and -dok a suffix apparently meaning backwards, or toward speaker. 7 Perhaps contracted from 6wa'xni. 8 Perhaps natci-awamda, we go. The first person plural has not been found elsewhere without the intensive suffix -dut. 9 Probably participial. 10 This stem also occurs as qedjok-, qetcok-. 11 Shortened from qowa'doknanda. 12Interrogative of uncertain meaning. 13 Verbal stem here is obscure. Negative prefix ho- is xo-. 14 No explanation of the difference between -danda and -nanda could be secured. 16 The stem -teu- is also used for to sleep. The ending -t occurring quite frequently in the texts, after participial and other endings, is found but rarely in the paradigms secured. Its function has not been made out. 10 The stem here is -tcuk-. 17 Abbreviated (1) from howam'danda. 18 Literally his-foot. 19 The stem appears to be qa-, which occurs also in nuqa'duha, lie on back, nuqA'ohunmi, lie on belly. 20 For hiwo'mda. The stem apparently also occurs as -wam-, as in iwa'mdaxanan, I'll stay. Owa-, -owam- on the other hand means to go. 21 Analyzed as i-mam-ni, i being the pronominal prefix of the first person singular, and -ni the suffix of the present tense. 22Probably for howa'mxanan. The stem is owam, howam, with the future suffix -xan. 23 See previous note. VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 341 II. THE FLOOD. wai'da howa'mdal citce'lla tcitindo'sa hitake'gon2 Eastwards going dog coyote it will rain hiko'se 'egon yii'triina ma'wimuda'tcxun3 tcitindo'sawi it will blow live-oak acorns hold tight coyote yi'tri ino'p4 iko'tkut5 teitcindo'sa exo'kut8 citce'lla live-oak tree (?) it blew coyote blew away dog huhoada'ndat7 nuwauk5 pala'mixan9 nuwau'k iko'tce10 he stood up "Come back! you shall be strong come back! blows (?)I" citce'lla pai't11 a'wawum12 la'mipuknil3 tcugu'tcen14 dog he said go back you are weak I do not want to tcitindo'sa xowomgutcai'nan yeko'xaanan15 awuIm16 coyote I do not wish to go I will kill you let's go mowaIm17 nuwa'mI8 po'lam tcitindo'sa hawe'dal9 you go go on! alone coyote he was angry with citce'lla ya'tcxuai20 tcitindo'sa teugu'tcen yuwau'mni2l dog let's fight coyote I don't want to I'm going ama'misudaye22 a'mamiknatianda23 yowa'mdaxanan24 is that your place that is not your place I shall go yfiwa'ktaktcai'nan25 citce'lla xomi "inanan26 awakdaxa'n27 I do not want to go around dog I don't like let's go around mice'qe28 awakdaxa'n mica'kui29 mago'11a30 " miceqe I let's go around nephew uncle husi'kdaktcai'nan31 yetcu'mdaxanan32 mice'qe tcitindo'sa he doesn't want to follow I'm going to get married "miceqe" coyote howa'ktayanaxa'nan83 yetcu'mdan a'qitcu'kdamhut34 I am not coming back I am married water flood tcetre'tcexanan5 qe'wot tea'ldan a'wu a'wa yamu3 we allshall die this metal mountain house we will fix yawe'risam37 hom6'xat"8 a'wa yR'mut omfl'xan89 we make holes through it fell down house we fix all fell down tca'xadjisen40 qe'tce nuilnui aqitcu'kni4l hita'kta42 all do not wish die (?) water coming raining hita'kta hipil'i43 itcuxu'nmit44 ametcatra'djixan45 hita'kta raining it snowed it got deep all will starve raining aqa' hitcu'kni45 aqitcu'ksas e'ye (q) etcexa'non pu'namar47 water it came water comes all will die not one 342 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. qudro'tpinan45 aqidju'tkun49 qeitci'yaxan qatus left water coming all will die Frog puhi'tsedan50 qeitci'yaxan qatus hidje'ktan5l ex'atcei went about in boat all will die Frog he went in boat Otter aqi'ktan52 hune'ri aqi'ktan tci'mar tcetra'xut53 pun he floated Mink he floated people all dead one me'matinda"4 tci'mar hupo'n55 tca'txun himat 'ta56 alive person his rib bone he found itxa'ndakutat57 ixotawe't58 tca'txun iwoxu'nmilas9 I keep it I look at it bone near sunset xara'lima't 'ta50 aumgilo'da xaro'la ileT'di6' ma't 'ta baby find in basket baby small found itxa'ndaguta'ndat53 hame'u583 amat"4 ha'ralo1e'do ha'mat I keep it always food she ate baby-small she ate puntsa'la55 ole'da hiwo't"5 puntsa'lla pun i'tri pR'tcigute? girl small sat girl one man none tci'mar xoku'1lit55 epatma'mdat59 l'trirop70 e'xapfida71 persons we are two we remain that man hunting a "a puntsa'la amanu'da i'tri awa'nhut owelai'72 deer girl he fed man I stay little boy dah 'ta etaxa'nat73 tci'mar owelai'top74 itrl'hida75 born many shall be people boy growing mahinoi'yat puntsa'la teimar etaxa'n aqitcu'ktam had children girls people will be many water-flood hinoo'kni tco'tan ham6'u i'trihinda qaitci hiT'daptcehanda75 (?) (?) food is growing grass growing now yfi'tri ameba'nda77 mu'ne ameba'nda hElputciina acorns are plenty black-oak are plenty live-oak acorns amebanda ya'qa ameba'nda h'ecigo hatciani'nda are plenty white-oak acorns are plenty hazel are many tci'miana ameba'nda tci'tci ameba'nda ii'muli hie'tjumunda sarvice-berry are plenty manzanita is plenty salmon come many tsa'wi e'tjumunda78 amata'nda ho'sanihuinita'nda79 eels are many they ate they danced he'uma'htanda80 hut'ktatandaman owa'ktiheinda8' tci'mar gambled many go about they come people pohimta'nda hosa'm huinideu pohimta'nda82 tci'mar they sleep dance (?) they slept people VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 343 walktixeinda"3 hepata'nda84 ha'matanda ha'madeu85 went about they stayed they ate food hitxa'itanda86 xema'non87 yuma'mxanan xema'non they finished I am not eating I'm going off I am not eating pomii'yen howa'mgutcainan qedjo'kni88 hlitimhuktcai'nan I'm sleepy I'm not going I am sick follow I don't want to nuiwa'man a'wam himollai' mowa'mimi 'ina9 you go let's go niece you want to go. NOTES. 1 Probably participial. 2 The more common future suffix -xan is sometimes -gon, as here, and elsewhere. 3 The verbal stem here is -imu-, to hold. The form is second person, future, the force of the suffix -ate being here obscure. 4 The more usual word for tree seems to be at 'a, atsa. 5 The usual stem for "to blow" is -kos-, koc-, -xos-. This form -kot- appears again below, and also in hekoteu, tattoo-mark. The suffix -ku implies separation. 8 Another form of the stem for "to blow," seen also in tcoxu'xanan, I shall blow away, ahd in yoxun'ot, I whistle. 7 The stem is -hoa-, -ha-; seen also in yoho'adaxanan, I shall stand up, nuha'da, stand up! 8 With the imperative prefix n-. -wauk is probably a contraction from -watok-. Other forms are -wok-, -wak-, -wax-. 9 Pala- is the stem, -xan the future suffix, -mi the suffix of the second person singular. 10 The suffix -tee appears also in such forms as moxolitee, you are bad, maxawintcei, you are old. 11 The stem here is pa-. 12 Probably the same stem as -owa-. Occurs also in nateidut alwam, we go, ya "aye, I go for, awu'm, let 's go. 13 One of the apparent cases of infixed pronouns, la-mi-puk-ni. La- also occurs as la-i-dam-ni, I am tired, la-mi-dam-a, are you tiredt 14 Apparently from a stem -tcai-, -tee-, to wish, desire. Seen also in such forms as xowWtmgutcainan, I won 't go. 15 The stem is -ko-. Ye- is the pronominal prefix of the first person singular, -xanan the future suffix. 16 See note 12. 17 Stem is -owa-. M- is the pronominal prefix of the second person singular. 18 Imperative. 19 The stem here is apparently -we-, seen also in tcaw6'pan, I am angry with you, mawe'ni, you are mean, surly. 20 This stem -tcxua'- is seen also in yetcxua'xanan, I shall fight; mUtc- xua', have you been, are you fighting? 21 y- is the pronominal prefix of the first person singular; the stem is -owa- and the suffix -ni is that of the present tense. 22 Ama-mi-su-da-ye. Perhaps " place-your-being "; see under Pronoun, possessive. 344 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. 23 The -k- here is the negative. 24 The use of the prefix -da with the suffix of the future is frequent. 25 Probably contracted from y-uwa-tok-da-k-tcai-nan, the -k- being the negative. For -tcai- see note 14; -tok-, -ok is a suffix meaning backwards. 26 The negative preflx xo-, with the stem -mi 'inan-. 27 See note 12. The -k- is here again negative. 28 An exclamation characteristic of Coyote, and frequently used by him. 29 Not the usual form, which is himollai. 30 Either maternal or paternal apparently. 31 The stem is -sik-, seen also in yusi'mxan, I'll follow; mexasi'-mnate- xun, don't you follow. The prefix is that of the third person singular. 32 The stem is -tcum-. 33 The prefix h- is apparently the negative, which is more usually x-. 34 Obscure. The same stem appears in niteu'ktam, to lie on ground, of a round thing; also perhaps in hitcu'kni, he drowns. 35 Probably modified from tcet-q6'-tce-xanan. The use of tce- both before and after the stem -qe-, to die, seems intended to intensify the meaning, we all. 36 The stem here is -mu-, appearing also in i'muxanan, I will fix. The prefix is that of the first person plural. 37 The stem is -wer-, -wel-, seen also in hawe'lsamni, it goes through a hole. 38 Translation doubtful. Probably homu'xat, from the same stem as ya'mu. 39 See note 38. 40 Translation doubtful. Apparently tea-xa-djisen, the stem -dji- being perhaps related to -teai-, to wish, desire. 41 See note 34. 42 Probably participial. The stem -tak- seems to be homophonous with that for to sing. 43 The stem is apparently -puii-, not to be confounded with -pu-imu- as in i-pfii-mukni, I pinch (with-fingers-press, hold-tightly). 44 Probably hi-tcu-xun-mi-t. The prefix teu- indicates a bulky object. The stem -xun- appears also in niteuxu'nmi, pound down a nail; notsoxu'n- mu, bore a hole; ni'axunmutpu, put cap on pen, cover on box. The suffix -mi seems to refer generally to the ground, or motion downwards, as nya'tmi, a flat thing lies on ground; nuqa"ohunmi, lie on belly. 45 See note 35. The two forms seem to be identical, except for the addition here of ame-, meaning hunger. 46 See note 34. 47 Pun is the numeral "one." 48 Translation doubtful. The suffix -rotpin occurs in the forms pu'n- usrotpin, one left; xo'kosrotpin, two left. 49 Probably aqi-teut-xan, for aqi-tcuk-xan. See note 34. 50 The stem seems to be -tse-, seen also in itse'xni, she took boat. 51 The stem here, -djek-, tcek-, seems to be related to that in itse'xni. 52 Probably participial. Two explanations of this form seem possible, either aqi-k-tan, water-rolling (-k-, to roll, move over surface), or (h)a- qik-tan, the stem -qik- being for -qim-, -kim-, seen in aki'mni, he floats. 53 See note 35. 54 Compare ma-i-mat-ni, I am alive; ma-mi-mat-a, are you alive? 55 Po is elsewhere always used for foot. VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 345 56 Stem is -mat- seen also in ima'tni, I find. Probably participial. 57 Other comparable forms are, miti'nda kutaxa'na, shall you keep it; icehe'nda kutaxa'na, I shall keep it. Itxan is the word for leg. 58 The stem is apparently -xota-, seen also in: ixo'taxanan, I shall watch; yaxotai'yaxan, we shall look for. The xo- does not seem to be the negative. The suffix -wet is a continuative. Compare imu'mwet, I run cointinually; yema'wet, I eat constantly. 59 If -wo- is the stem, this means to sit, as in I'wo, I sit; hi'wotinda, he sits. For -xun- see note 44. The ending is puzzling. 60 Apparently a case of nominal incorporation, xarala-himat 'ta, baby- he-finding. Another form for the noun was given as xalu'la. 61 Small is ule'da. This is apparently run together in rapid speech with hima't 'ta. 62 See note 57. 68 Noun formed from the stem -am-, -ama-, to eat. 64 The usual form would be ha'ma. The pronominal prefix of the third person is however quite frequently omitted. The final -t here and in other cases does not occur in the paradigms of verbal forms secured. 65 From puntsar, woman. The suffix -la oceurs in many names of ani- mals and of relations, the form here being probably puntsalla, the inter- change or equality of r and 1 being clearly marked in many words. 66 See note 59. 67 Derived from the demonstrative stem pa-. Other derivatives are seen in pAtcea'mku, something; patci, what; pA'teigun, no. The suffix -gun, -gut is the negative. 68 Probably for xoku'litca. Cf. tcima'rtca, we are men, Chimarikos. 69 The stem -pa- occurs also in ya'patcen, we stay with. 70 The intensive suffix -op, -ot. Refers to the particular man previously spoken of. 71 The stem is apparently -pui-, to shoot. The xa- may be the negative, in the sense of not shooting, i.e., stalking, hunting, I stalk game being given as yexap6'unu. The same prefix (1) occurs apparently also in nexadu'mxu, cook, boil it! 72 The usual word for boy is itri'la. This same stem appears again in 6we'lula, bachelor. 78 From eta, many, with future suffix and final -t. 74 See note 70. 75 Literally I man-becoming. " 76 The only comparable form is naltap, sift! 77 Elsewhere the stem ame- means hungry. 78 Perhaps conneeted with eta, many. 79 The stem is -samxu-. Cf. isa'mxuni, I dance; misa'mxuni, you dance. 80 The more common stem is -wentso: hiwe'mtson, he gambles. 81 In the paradigms secured, this is given as owa'kni, or owa'ktinda. 82 The stem is -po- or -poi-. Cf. poi'mni, I sleep; pomu'yen, I am sleep- ing; poa'nmu, are you sleeping? 83 See note 81. 84 See note 69. 85 See note 63. 86 The stem is apparently -txa-. Cf. itxa'Fni, I stop, cease. 87 Negative. Cf. ma'mut maxa'mana, you are not eating; na'tcidut ya'xamanat, we are not eating. 88 Derived from the stem qe-, to die. 89 Compound form, from -wa-, -owa-, to go, and -mil'ina-, to wish. 346 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. FREE TRANSLATION. Dog and Coyote were travelling eastwards. Dog said, "It is going to rain, it is going to blow. Hold tight to a live-oak tree.'' It blew, and Coyote was blown away. Dog stood there and called, " Come back, you shall be strong." ICoyote did not wish to, for he was angry with dog. The latter said, "Let us fight," but Coyote declined. After some diseussion they agreed to travel about, and get married. A flood was coming on, in which they believed they would be drowned, so they tried to make a metal(e) house, but it fell down. Water came, it rained and snowed, and all people were starved and lost. Frog was floating in a canoe, and Otter and Mink floated on the water. Frog found the rib of one of those who had been drowned. At sunset it became a baby, which was put in a basket. The girl baby grew up, and married Frog(?), and to them a child, a boy was born, and by and by there were many people. There was an abundance of food then, and people went about eating and dancing, and living as they do now. III. THE UNSUCCESSFUL HUNTER. exapii'umutl l hako'nwadukta2 hi'tcip himai'dukta3 Hie hunted he didn't kill his thigh he carried back hutrinE'u4 imai'dukta tca'koasun5 a 'a kogutxu'kni6 intestines he brought back I'm good hunter deer you don't like me i'trirok7 aqa' ya'aye5 pu'ntsarop yatcaxi'sxun9 wise'da that man water I go for that woman they ran off down river awa'tmun axa'wayaguktcainan" ewomut'2 i'trirop went did not want to come back he cried that man kuto'kkutcai'danandal3 tciim'4 tejim tcisi't hatcise'nda'5 never coming back (?) (?) I said not following ewo'maminda1l i'trirop I'trirop ewo munda pu'ntsarop still crying that man that man crying that woman xomi "inanan xowa'mgutcai'danan uwi'r ya'patcen17 uwi'r I don't like I do not wish to go (7) we stay (7) ya'pa 'en xowa'mgutcainan yowa'manda xo'wadumgutcai'nan we stay with don't want to go I going don't want to go home again awa'mai ya'pat hisi'k tcutcex'mun elo'hni (7) (7) good (7) (7) xowa'mgutcai'nan tcugu'tcen xomai'muktcainan'8 hi'midandal9 I don't want to go I don't want to I don't want to carry it is heavy tcxale'gu20 imai'momen2l xuxodaktcai'nan22 xugonaktcai'nan23 light-not I carry I don't want to watch I won't talk to you VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 347 teudi "ineman tcupi'tan24 xowa'mgutcainan (t) my foot is sore I don't want to go moxolige 'eefni25 tcfi'itcxemun26 xowa'mgutcainan tcumai'idan you are no good I drag away (?) I don't want to go I carrying tcuwa'xyen exe'U itcxu'Enan27 yex6'yexanan25 x eWu trxol (?) shell I like I'll go and swim shell crayfish imi "inan29 tra'wel fiie'tcida hetce'tc6i poqe'mtrolla I like trout little suckers small suckers yeko "oxan ameqe'Wda30 ye'man xatci'la hama"axan I'll kill dying of hunger let's eat children they will eat xema non5' l1hin52 lmi'gin&'ye naupi' ye:xadumxod6&u I am not eating I drink don't you drink (t) I cook soup ni'maqai nitcxu'cki n6'mux83 nima'qai nexadu'mxu roast it! put it in fire fix it! roast it ! cook it! ye'man m7tkf1wa'tkunat84 ice'mdamdanm xsema 'axanan let's eat you did not come I have been listening shall not eat niama xemaktcai'nan tcu'xoda'mdan pohmu'mdan3" eat! I don't want to eat you look at me sleeping xama'nan qo'ma aqa'deu komatr&'Eni tremu'mtxu not eating grass-seed grass-seed yellow daisy a yellow flower tci'ntcei tcexa'ma kowatcu'mxu pe'tsoneu yemo'rna sunflower-seed a sort of flower (7) (7) (7) NOTES. 1 See note 71, text II. 2 The stem is -ko-, to kill. Cf. yeko'xanan, I shall kill you. The suffix -duk is uneertain. Cf. xowa'doknanda, he didn 't come back; itexu'tduxta, I hide it away. See following note and note 6, text I. 3 Possibly a case of nominal incorporation, from (hi)tcipe, thigh and himai'dukta, carrying back. Cf. nimai'mu, you carry it! imai'muxan, I'll carry it. 4 A nominal form in -eu, formed from a stem -tri- (7) of unknown meaning. 5 Apparently from -ko-, to kill. This form is obscure, as the pronomi- nal suffix tea- is not elsewhere used as subject of a transitive verb, but as object. Cf. pWlut tca'kotinda, he kills me. The use of -sun which else- where has the force of the auxiliary verb " to be," is also unusual. 6 The prefix ko- is probably the negative. 7 Probably for i'trirop. 8 The stem is -a- (Cf. -wa-, -owa-). See note 1, text I. ')The stem is -tcaxis-. Generally used as the plural for "to run,' another stem, -mum- being used in the singular. 10 Probably from -wa-, -owa- to go. The suffix is undoubtedly -mu-ni, upwards, the -ni being the present tense ending. 348 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. 11 The stem seems to be -wa-, with the negative prefix. The usual form of the ending is -gutcainan. 12 From -wo-, to cry, weep. 13 Obscure. There is no stem clear, -tok- being elsewhere always united with some regular verbal stem, sometimes with the meaning of back, returning. Perhaps abbreviated in rapid diction from xowato'k- gutcaidananda. 14 There is a stem -tcu- which means "to sleep." Cf. yetcu'yegon, I shall sleep. Another stem -teum- has the meaning of "to marry." Cf. yetcu'mdaxanan, I shall get married. 15 The usual stem for "to follow" is -sim-. Cf. yusi'm, I follow, go with; mexasi'mnatcxun, do not follow me! 16 See note 12. 17 See note 69, text II. 18 The stem is -mai-. The suffix -mu is uncertain, although it apparently indicates direction of motion. 19 The stem appears to be -mi-. 20 The suiffix -gu here appears also in such forms as xani'gu, by and by; curaigu, some time ago. It is probably the negative affix. 21 See note 18. 22 This is apparently xu-xo-da-k-tcai-nan. There seems to be a redupli- cation of the negative prefix, but other examples occur, where -xota- as a stem means simply to watch, observe, as ix6'tanhun, I watch; ix6'taxanan, I shall look at. Ta- alone has no meaning applicable here. 23 The stem is -go- or -go 'na-. Other examples are neg6'Ena, talk to me!; igo 'enegon, I'll talk to you. 24 Doubtful. The possessive prefix of the first person singular is evi- dent, but the remainder of the word is not clear. The stem for "foot"' is elsewhere always -po-. 25 The stem here is clearly -xoli-, or -xuli-, meaning bad. Other examples are tco'xoligni, I am bad; qoxoye'utceyi, are ye bad; xuli'da, he is bad; xfili ma'takni, you sing poorly. The suffix -eu may be that used to form nouns from verbs, so that the form here would be "you are a bad-one." 26 Apparently tcu-itc-x8-mun. The stem -xe- occurs also in ni6x&'x, sweep! The prefix tc- is a very common one, and seems to be similar in its meaning to t- or to-, meaning with the hands, or by force. Other instances of its use are ni-tc-xe-tpik, pull out nail; ni-tc-xa-lo, pull out tooth; nu-tc-oru-ha, reach up for, etc., etc. 27 The stem is -texu- or -texuE-. Other instances of its use are ya'- texfiunan, I wish, want (to eat); mitcxfiiuna, you wish, want. 28 The stem is -xu-, as in ixfl, I swim; nixfiiyaxana, shall you swim? What seems to be the same stem however is used with several other mean- ings, as: teoxii'xanan, I shall blow away; noxui', whistlel; te'6xun, I am fat; qa'xunda, ye are fat, etc. In this latter case, the u is generally short however, but it is certainly long in the other cases. 29 The stem is -mi 'ina-. Other examples are: xomi "inanan, I don't like you; mexemi 'inanan, you don 't like me. Cf. teudilineman above. 30 Probably ame-qe-da, I am dying of hunger. See note 45, text IL 31 See note 87, text II. 32 The stem is lu-. Cf. luimi'ginaye. 33 See note 36, text II. 34 Perhaps for mu-ku-wa-tok-gu-nat with the negative affix repeated. 35 The stem is apparently -cem-. See note 10, text IV. 36 See note 82, text II. VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 349 FREE TRANSLATION. A man went out to hunt, but secured nothing. So he carried back his thigh and his intestines, saying, "I am a good hunter." His wives sus- pected, and did not like him. They said, "We will get some water." Then they ran away. (The remainder seems to be wholly unconnected, my informant maundering on until she was tired.) IV. THE THEFT OF FIRE. Waida howamda apexadjit' teitindosa xatcile pun Eastwards he went fire-steal Coyote child one xexadjit2 teitindosa mice'qe himii'kta apisu'xta yuwau'mia he stole Coyote "miceqe" running fire throwing I go mice'qe yaxatci'ya pa'tcimamr3 itukrnisun4 mice'qe "miceqe" I steal everything I make "miceqe" yuwau'mxanan mice'qe kimidjunfi'mdju5 yowamxa'nan I shall go "miceqe" to the head of the river I'll go yuwaumxa'nan wise'da puntsa'r e'tasun mice'qe a'ma I'll go down river woman many are "miceqe" place yuwaupa'kasun mice'qe atma pun xW'nasun8 mice'qe I go around "miceqe" place one I'll not "miceqe " lure'djasun xu'mde tcitindo'sa teusato "mun q&'qatce quick (I) Coyote I choke a bird nut'wam tcusato "Emun7 tce"tc nutwam tcusato "Emun go! I'm choking Buzzard go! I'm choking yekoxa'nan na'tcidut a wam iwa'mdaxanan5 xe'qoqtcainan I'll kill you we go I'll stay I won't kill him tci'marut qe'sop9 xu'nogidji mice'qe nagi'tcuk ice'mtina'0 people if die I'll getwell(t) "miceqe" (7) listening (7) imitcici'gut1 we'lmu mice'qe yowa mxanan mice'qe I kick it open quickly "miceqe" I'll go "miceqe" tcV'sigasun12 mice'qe ye'koxanan mice'qe me'xemi 'inanan I'm handsome " miceqe " I'll kill " miceqe " you don't like me mice'qe megutxukni xflwo'ktcainan hamE'u i'tciknan13 "miceqe" you don't like me I don't want to come back food not growing hame'u pa'tcigun hame'u idan mitcxau'na14 mowa'mxana food none food (7) do you like you shall go xusi'mkuktcainan tcflgu'tcen iwo'mdaxanan tcusi'mxanan I don't want to follow I don't want to I'll stay me shall follow 350 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. tciugu'tcentama hMwu a'man xatcile'gulan I don't want all right place children only cfl'niihulaigulan itre'igulan xatcile'gulan xotxa'gutcainan old woman only men only children only I don't want to stop itre'iguktcaidanan I'nadaxan i'woxanan'5 xowa'xgutcainan (?) I'll wait I'll stay I won't go off itricuxai'dEul' tcoxogo'anatanl7 xowo'ktcainan yowa'mxanan I'm a chief they don't talk to me I don't want to return I'll go I'woxantin iwa'togegon ye'tcuyegon'8 lwo'mtegon iwau'tegon I'll stay I'm coming back I shall sleep I'll stay I'll come yuwa/togegon qedeegon9 x &owattoknop isumda'mdegon20 I'm coming back will pay (?) I may not return I'll seek (?) you mow&'tokatcxun21 miwo'mtohon22 yuwau'gegon you better all return you stay I'll go me 'inada'mdatckun misamda'mdatckun me 'inade'atckun23 do ye wait for me do ye all listen do ye wait for me ye'tcudamdegon mowau'gatckun yowa'tokegon yeaxte "egon I'll lie down ye all return I'll return I'll get lost igo 'na'mdegon tcima'r imamde 'egon ixota'mdegon I'll talk to them people I shall see I shall watch xowa'toknegon yuwamxa'nan amemtfi'ini ul&'idaitce I'll not come back I'll go I'm hungry my brother yowa'mxanan m6k6fitce yowa'mxanan yuwo'kegon I'll go brother-in-law I'll go I'll return yuwa'tokegon imI "inan yuwawu'mnxanan yeuye'ke 'egon I'll return I like you I'm going home (7) mowt'mxanan tco'kehen ya'patmamda axamgutcai'danan24 are yougoing (7) we'll sit don't want to go xa'tcitcenta pola yuwa'mxanan xotai'retce awa'mxanan all lazy alone I'll go three will go husamutni25 .yekoi'yaxanan tcugu'tcen pala'djesun he stays I'll kill I don't waint to I'm strong la'mipukni2a pa'laidje yuwa'mni xokol"tce awa'mxanan you are weak I'm strong I go two of us will go iwo'mdaxanan n-ugiwa'mna niwo'mta isu'mdan I shall stay don't go! stay I look for iko'modaxanan27 mo'xogoanan niya'tcima mame'ini niko'moda I'm going to talk don't you talk laugh! (7) talk! VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 351 niiwau'm nixo'ta mugu'tcen28 yowa'tokxanan go back! look at me you don't want to I'm coming back miwomdatcxun mowa'mkunaxana po'm6xana mice`mxana you stay aren't you coming back? shall you sleep you'll listen po'la iwa'megonye xokole'tce awa'mxanan xi'rale niki'da alone I shall go two of us will go child carry mugu'tcen ni'ceheda29 tre'iuot30 nicehe'm xai'rot31 you don't want to take it that big one take it! that little one niki'da yowa'mxanan niceheda po'la iwomte 'egon carry! I'll go take it! alone I'll stay nuwa'mhini tcugu'tcen n6wa'man ameqe"eni nohla'tamda32 go on! I don't want to go! I'm dying of hunger look at me! nitcu'kta33 tcugu'tcen nowa'mhini xowa'mgutcainan hl'ye take it (t) I don't want to go on! I don't want to go (t) tce'pini natcui'da na'xaman hamE'u muputce'tceaxini (') lie down! don't eat! food you are too lazy (t) iUtce'ndakeye miwo'rhanaqe mugu'tcen a'wam tcugu'tcen (?) (71) you don't want to let's go Idon't want to tcupi'tan xowa'mgutcainan tcupi'tan34 ye'tupmoi na'tcidut my foot sore I don't want to go my foot sore (7) we nuhwe'aqi yamai'ta imai'ta puntsa'r itri puntsa'rie (7) my place (7) (7) woman man wife ulu'idaida miko'modahanxani yowa'mxanan hisi'kni xole'ini sister you will talk I'm going good bad iko'modaxanan yako'onewa mo'xoligositce35 micehe'mxana I will talk we are going to talk you are no good are you going to take him mowa'mxana nuwa'man xosi'mgutcai"nan tcugu'tcen are you going go on! I don't want to follow I don't want to xomi "inanan qaqo'n q6'ni niko'muda ko "omitexun I don't like you you kill me I cry out I talk you better cry out an'tlci laibu'kni poimu'yen yahai'tca3" he'u awaIman (7) weak I'm sleepy let's get food all right we'll go na'tcidut xowa'mgutcai'nan nowaIman xowoktcai'nan we I don't want to go go on! I don't want to stay mitciumaxa'na madaqa'na37 awa'm yaxo'da nisu'ktas8 (7) you sing let's go we look look back! himo' aqe'mtuini39 liu "mixana nuwi'gai40 yuwa'dkun41 yes I'm thirsty shall you drink come on! I'm coming 352 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. ima'mni 1-i'umiteehin tei'rhatce yuwa'man iko'ktaxanan42 I see him you drink (M) I'm going I shall growl iko'ktayexanan mowa'mgunaqo'sexanan43 yuwa'mni I'll go and growl aren't you going to go? I'm going iko'miitaxanan iko'ktasun qosamut ye'woxanan44 I shall talk I always growl you stay I'll give you ma'musqo'sexana he'wu mowa'mxana ye'koaxanan n6'nu shall you give him too yes are you going I'll kill him don't x6'mamgutcai'nan nowa'man iwo'mdaxanan tri'rhatcen I don't want to see you go on! I'll stay (?) nowa'm tcugu'tcen ni'koxun mala' nuwa'm heu himo' go on! I don'twant to cry out! (e) go on! yes yes miko'moda yeeni a'ta magollai ma'tri 'i matco'lai you talk (M) (?) uncle nephew grandmother matrici' ulfi'idai matco'lai ma'la 'i muta'lai masa'lai nephew brother grandmother maternal sister mother's sister (?) himo'lai a'ntxasai xii'wilai uli'idaxaiye mitci'nlulai father's sister's child older sister paternal grandfather younger sister (?) NOTES. 1 Apparently nominal incorporation. Cf. apisu'xta, below. 2 The usual third personal prefix is here strengthened to x-. 3 Cf. patci, what; patcea'mku, something; pateigun, no, none. 4 See note 36, text II. The prefix tu- seems to mean actions done with hands. The stem is puzzling. In several cases, -kmu- seems to mean "to roll, " as nimitci'kmu, roll with foot; nie'kmu, roll with end of stick; nime'kmu, roll with head. There is a common suffix, however, -mu, which seems to have somewhat variable directive meaning and function, as nai'mu, chop; mise'kmu, swallow; ipe'nmu, I lick; iya'tmunip, I lay down a flat thing. If -k- is the stem, its meaning is general, as we have nitcu'ktean, drive nail; nu'kmak, comb hair, etc. 5 Probably a place name. 6 Perhaps related to inam, I touch. Cf. inadaxan, page 350, third line of text. 7 The stem is -satoE-. The meaning is said to be choking because of rapid motion. 8 The stem is -wam-, -wom-. 9 Conditional suffix. 10 Apparently first person. The stem is -cem-. 11 The prefix mitci- meaning actions with the foot. The stem does not occur elsewhere. 12 The stem is apparently -siga-. Cf. misiga'sun, you are handsome. 13 The stem here, -itci- apparently is the same as -itri-. See note 75, text II. 14 See note 27, text II. VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 353 15 The m of -wom- seems to have disappeared here. l6 Chief is itrixaid6u. The pronominal element here is inserted appar- ently into the structure of the noun, which may perhaps be analyzed as itri, men, -xai-, stem for to make, create, and the suffix -eu which usually forms nouns from verbs. 17 The stem is -go- or -go 'na-. Cf. note 23, text III. 18 The stem is -tcu-. Cf. yaxutcu'ixan, we shall not sleep; yetcuda'm- degon, I shall lie down, sleep. 19 Cf. idai'goxan, I shall pay; tcadai'gunip, we pay. 20 Cf. isu'mni, I follow. The suffix (?) -dam occurs also in such forms as meinada'mda, you look for me; yetcu'damdegon, I'll lie down. 21 The suffix -ate seems to denote plurality. Cf. natcidut ( )noatci-dut. 22 Probably for miwo'mtaxan. 23 The stem is apparently -inada. 24 The usual form is xowamgutcaidanan. 25 Cf. i'samutni, I come back; ya'samuta, we come back. 26 Apparently a case of infixing the pronominal element. Cf. la'teipukni, I am weak. 27 The stem here is clearly the same as in the next word. It is tempt- ing to regard the -mo as perhaps an incorporated second personal objec- tive element, but there are no other cases to support this view. Cf. nikomoda, talk, speakl 28 See note 14, text II. 29 The stem is apparently -cehe-. See next line. 30 Shows the use of the intensive suffix -ot, with an adjective. 31 Perhaps related to xara'li, xari'la, baby. 32 Elsewhere -xotam-. 33 The stem -tcuk-, or what appears to be but one such stem, has many meanings. As itcu'ktamnip, I put down a round thing; nitcu'ktcan, drive a nail; tcuiteu'kni, I drown; nitcu'klo, pull off button. See note 34, text II. 84 See note 55, text II. 35 See note 25, text III. 30 The stem -hai- elsewhere has the meaning of to spit, to vomit. 87 The stem is -tak-. Cf. yetakni, I sing; ya'tak, we sing. 38 This stem does not occur elsewhere. To throw is -sux-. 39 Cf. ame'mtuini, I am hungry. 40 Perhaps for -wauk- contracted from -watok-. 41 Perhaps for yuwaltokun. 42 By " growling " was meant, it was explained, "talking big." 43 The suffix -qose apparently means "also, too."' 44 Meaning doubtful. The stem -wo- elsewhere means to cry, whereas -wo- is the form used in the singular for "to sit." FREE TRANSLATION. Coyote went eastwards to steal fire. There was one child only of the owner at home. Coyote stole the fire, and ran off down river, where there were many women. He ran so fast that he choked, then surrendered the brand to a bird, who did likewise, giving it up to the Buzzard. (The latter portion of this tale also is apparently extremely confused, and it seems impossible to make any connected sense out of it.) 354 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. V. A MYTH.13 nise'it1 iwot2 mata hi'wot2 atcalaitafn hiwot2 North lived sweathouse lived with his grandmother lived 6watgu't3 od'mtaW owa'temut owa'mdawa'temut badji'mdu5 started went went up went up-stream what for lmamatcimi8 waituamtuwatmut batlcikitci7 owatmut have you come? come back come back went wd'ita8 i'tusait iwo't2 uwA'wuktan teimar ida't9 west where his sister lived you must talk people many eicimit'ni' catlikltet'0 hoxrada'ktca'natll tsusutaiik 'e'et come to see the dance I am ashamed I don't want to watch do not be ashamed xe'manat12 nimamic"3 hoca'iikunit14 h6tcapunat15 yui'mtal' I do not eat (?) (?) not dance I know nothing arrived boqunmut17 eqftictan18 a'maniku'mkiyat ni'tcaho'dat'9 slept what do you say? you act foolishly have you sense? xa'nimnosainoxosa'n20 lflit21 idji'tmit22 yaca'mkunit23 do you know what you do ? drink I sit on one side that is why I dance yasa'mta24 i'djitmi na2xama'nan25 qosi'n26 imica'fikunit27 thus I do I sit do not eat how did you dance? noxopi'mni25 ma'iki'et'0 a'manot29 yuwa'tmun30 not3sl 'qorok32 do not play are you ashamed? recently I came I my language ml'qot33 midjapii'5 mlqowe'g' an34 xo'lik maliniqo'nag' an35 you speak do you know you will always talk that bad you will always have to talk aqo'sit 8'wanmu3" 6'u 'xaik- 'nan'" ba/tcaamni37 why do you cry? you are no good no xojimta38 lqo'iorot32 dira'mda qe'g' edatci djewu imamni39 you do not know long ago pray large look for moxolikaxa'winta40 ba'dja37 muxi'inat4l dira'mda mi'tcapu'ta15 two old men sat nothing made long ago you know otuntsa42 .... yaca'mkunaxan23 etcutC3 feathers we will dance long 13 Obtained in 1901 by Dr. A. L. Kroeber from Doctor Tom, the Chi- mariko informant mentioned below in connection with the vocabulary. While the thread of the story cannot be made out from the disjointed narrative, it evidently is a myth. Doctor Tom passes among the Indians as being more or less out of his mind. As he is old and knows practi- cally no English, the translation had to be given by him in the Hupa language, with which Dr. Kroeber is unacquainted, and translated into English by a Hupa. While loose, it is however shown to be approxi- mately correct by the analysis that can be made of many forms. VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 355 y&xo'taxan44 mukice'ta45 onicnema'ri naijidiji'tmin 4 we will see you do not wish to go once more we must go then they stay yipqa'radjimni ixo'taxanen47 pa'tcuyama 4 ba'tca I get up now I will see him what will we eat? what qo'tsesekesa'inen yacamkunit naecia'racimni ba/ikinaesan must we do? we dance I must stretch myself I will dance about ho'tceu yfitiwie'ni nimiina't49 xo'miinana'n49 ne'g' ada'txum&'i fall in water you like I do not like yourself we'yit imitsama'kot na'paata mutsumita nicikio'tVe dance hold! me (?) surpassed make a fire! ixota'x47 ima'm39 qosniIni28 1adjin5l xepaki'n b6e'mxan52 let me look! I see how I am tired I am dizzy I am sleepy ixotan53 hinm' ixotemdjukehe'n54 e'g' eta tcimexa/ita5" do not care to look you make nitxit'xana5r la'djin q?osi'ni mica'ikunit" iwonhi'ni58 stop! tired how you will dance I stay here x6'sini qo'sini LMwitama5l ciraku"9 mft'amta6" bRtcax&'hatan1 what makesyoutired already you start I have nothing namauiitciwun nu&'mdat 2 na'cia'tela'axanan ya'apu'tmin you will eat you must go you must take it in go home a'manidja'p&i68 nitc5'us 4 qo'sin nitco'u tci'sagkun55 tcaa'weita5" you know stretch yourself how you stretch I am exhausted I am angry dawuxton yfitsu'nta67 djuklITuxut88 ladjida'mdac8 eica'mkuni do not jump in jump in become tired I dance Ia'djin ye'matsisin miitcA'exotaX70 nupu'o A'wamtu71 tired I want to eat look at it what for? with mouth mikot33 xa'ni mikoxa'nat72 na&'wutbimni73 yuaka'nat you talk by and by you will talk we must play nacibi'mdaxanan73 6tsumni67 namaata (n) hei na'icukudjhen74 we must play jump in do you pick berries do not want to n&'tsuXunmu75 nitxa'nemaexa70 nicie'i nacba'tcikum77 jump into the ground your knees are sore I do not want i'xotama'ri bi'maranii'tcx6 a'tcawe'it ni'wekdapmu78 qocum I want to see you mash it are you afraid? bring him out! how tsi'rokon79 i'mamni e'xaini' no'ot qe'xeta80 ima'mta did I talk I see I make I I make I see taelwta8l ixsotat icati'nit gduton eet 82 hemto itatr 3 h sniiko84 always I see I danee do not want to carry him soon 356 University of Californ- -ublications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. himen85 hi'mitci'lateila85 'j']a816 x6'djabutnat87 mi'sik ee'i88 dark middle of night day do not know make right ml'qoxanat72 naxaik Ena89 miatci'matakxu'n90 mO'xoci'nta91 you will talk do not be ashamed might laugh at you if you do not know niice'x na'maxanat92 ni'iciexe nia'i nide'ek na'witmi93 want you will see want blind let me look lie down! nt'p 'ha94 yuw6'mni95 tcupa'i96 itsawi'sen dj6oqi'n get him up! I am going home my feet are sore do not wish maxa'ikun97 hatcuutan98 nimama ha'tcadarup99 ua!mxanatl?? make it! lies there you see it surely will go ye'wetdaxana'c na'sieta'mxanan'?l LI'mitamakun5'l hi'tat9 I shall catch him it will be day tired many e'icamkunit'02 ila'djin5' a'mimtil'ital03 badji maxa'ia I dance tired I am hungry nothing you can make q6YmaicxWtnun iisa'n yima'mda wu'tsunat104 kat6'oxu'mii'nanan105 know I breathe I see I am not sick I do not like you gaik I'ektcan106 how do you know? NOTES. 1 Perhaps for wise-da, down-stream, i.e., north. 2 -wo-,to sit, to stay. Cf. hiwotinda, he sits. 3 -wa-tok, -owa-tok, return(?). Cf. muku-watku-nat, you did not come, page 347, line 8 of text. 4 -wam-, -owam-, to go; -ta, participle. 5 patci, what; -mdu, instrumental. 6 -mat-, to find; -mamat-, alive. Cf. ma-i-mat-ni, I am alive. 7 Cf. ante, badji-mdu. 8 wai-da, west or up-stream. 9 Cf. etasun, many. 10 c-, probably for te-, I; -aikie-, ashamed. 11 Cf. note 22, text III. 12 Cf. xemanon, page 347, line 6 of text. 13 Perhaps ni-, imperative, and -mam-, to see. 14 ho-, negative; -samxu-, to dance. 15 ho-, negative; tcapu- probably -trahu, to know. 16 Cf. note 4. 17 -po-, to sleep. Cf. po-anmu, you sleep. 18 Probably -qu-, -ko-, -komo-, to talk; e- perhaps interrogative. Cf. i-mi-canku-nit, did you dance?; a-qosit, why?; e-wanmu, do you cry? 19 Probably -tcaho-, for -trahu-, to know. Cf. ante hoteapunat. 20 Perhaps xani, by and by; 21 -lu-, to drink. Cf. page 347, line 6 of text. 22 i-, I; -tcit-, to sit; -mi, the verbal suffix, down; -t probably the inten- sive suffix, -ut, -ot, -t. VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 357 23ya-, we; -samxu-, to dance. 24 Probably -sam-, to listen(?). Cf. mi-sam-damdatckun, page 350, line 8 of text. 25 na-, second person imperative; x-, negative; -ama-, to eat; -nan, verbal suffix. Cf. xemanat, ante line 6. 26 Interrogative stem qo. 27 i, perhaps interrogative. Cf. note 18. 28 no, imperative; xo-, negative; -pim-, to play; -ni, suffix of present tense. 29 Cf. aman-itri, young; aman-inhu, new. Perhaps also almaniku'mkiyat ante, line 7. 30 y-, for i-, I; -uwat-, -owat-, to come. 31 Contracted from n6ut. 32 Evidently from the stem -ko-, -qo-, -go-, to speak. The form is obscure, as the possessive -i, my, is always suffixed. 33 mi-, you; stem as in the previous word. 34 mi-, you; -ko- to talk; -we, perhaps for -wet, continuative; -g' an for -xan, future. 35 It is possible that the first portion of this word is the Wintun pro- noun for the second person dual, malin. A Hupa word is inserted in the following text. 36 Cf. ewo'imamni, I cry. 87 Cf. pS/tceam-ku, something(nothing?). 88 no-, imperative; xo-, negative; -ta, participle. The stem -jim- (tcim) does not occur elsewhere in the material collected. 39 i-, I; -mam-, to see; -ni, present tense. 40 Obscure. -xoli, may be xuli, bad; xawin, old. Cf. note 25, text III. 41 mu-, you; -xai-, to make. 42 hu-tu, its feather. 43 Cf. hitcun, long. 44 ya-, we; -xota-, to see; -xan, future. 45 Cf. -gutce-, -gutcai-, do not witsh, as in tcu-gutcen, I do not wish. 46 na-, imperative; -jid- (tcit) (reduplicated), to sit. So "do ye sit down one after the other" I(s). 47 i-, I; -xota-, to see; -xan, future. 48 patci, what; y-, I; -ama-, to eat. 49 ni, second person imperative; -miiinan-, to like. 30 -cikiot perhaps for -cekta-, to build fire. 51 la-, weak, tired; -tci, I; -in, incompleted action. In other instances, -mi, you. 52 -po-, to sleep; -xan, future. Cf. poimni, I sleep. 53 Cf. ixota'x, line before. 54 Cf. note 45. b5 tci-, I; me-, actions done with hand( ); -xai-, to make; -ta, participle. 56 ni-, second person imperative; -txa-, to stop; -xan, future. 57 mi-, you; -samxu-, to dance. The phrase "how you will dance" seems to mean "thus you will always dance in the future." 58 -won-, for -wom, to stay. 59 ciraku, curaigu, from cur-, long ago, and the negative -gu. 60 mu-, you; -wam-, to go; -ta, participle. 61 Seems to contain the negative. 62 nu, second person imperative; -wam-, to go. 358 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. 63 Cf. note 29. Perhaps -pu is the interrogative suffix. Cf. mexadjipu, have you stolen? 64 ni-, second person imperative; -tco-, cf. -tcu-, to lie down, to sleep. 65 tci-, I; -sag-, cf. -sax-, to cough(?). 66 tea-, I; -awe-, angry; -ta, participle. 67 -tsu-, -tsum-, -tsun-, to jump. 68 dju-, teu-, I; -klu-, to fall. 69 Cf. note 51. -dam is a verbal suffix of uncertain meaning in this case. Cf. meinadamda, you look for me. 70 Contains -xota-, to look, watch. 71 ha-wa, his mouth; -mdu, instrumental. 72 Or else from -ko-, to kill. Cf. ye-ko-xan-an, I'll kill you, text IV, line 9. 73-pim-, to play. 74 Cf. tcugutcen, I don't want to, text IV, line 15. 75 nu-, second person imperative; -tsu-, to jump; -xun, verbal suffix meaning into; -mu, verbal snffix of uncertain meaning. Cf. naimu, chop; nitupmu, roll along, etc. 76 hi-txanemaxa, his knee. 77 Cf. pateigun, no. 78 ni-, I; -whek-, to push; -tap, out of. 79 Cf. iqorok, ante line 10. 80 -xe-, for -xai-, to make. 81 tcem-da means "across a stream." 82 Cf. note 74. 83 Perhaps he- is the negative, xe-; -mai-, to carry. 84 xani, by and by, and -gu, the negative. Cf. note 59. 85 himi, hime, himokni, night. The -n appears in hime-n-ala, moon. 86 asi, asse, day. Cf. asi-n-ala, sun. 87 Xo-, negative; djabu- (tcapu ante) for -trahu-, to know. 88 hisikni, hisiki-, good; -e6i perhaps -eye, reflective. 89 na-, second person imperative; x-, negative; -aikie-, ashamed. 90 mi-, you, object; -yatci-, to laugh; -xun is either the future -xan, or the continuative -hun. 91 mo-, you; -xo, negative; -cim-, -cem-, to listen; -ta, participle. 92 n-, second person imperative; -ama-, to eat; -xan, future. 93 na-, second person imperative; -mi,' -tmi, verbal suffix, down; -wi-, cf. hawi'ida, driv deer; ha-wi-maxan, poke hole in sheet of paper. 94 n-, second person imperative; -ap-, to get off horse; -ha, up. 95 Y-, I; -owam-, to go. 96 ten-, my; hu-po, his foot. 97 ma-, perhaps for na-, second person imperative; -xai, to make. 98 -teu-, to lie down, sleep. 99 -up, intensive. 100 -owam, to go; -xan, future; -at(s) for -ut, -ot, intensive. 101 asi, day; -xan, future. 102 ei-, for i-, I. 103 amemtu-, hungry; -i-, I; -ta, participle. 104 The flnal -t- -at, probably the intensive -ut, -ot is of frequent occur- rence. 105 XU-, negative; -mi'ina-, to like; -nan, verbal suffix. 106 -aikie-, ashamed. VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 359 VI.14 ye'ma1 V'waxanin2 e'kocxanan3 tci'mitcakun kolalai yua'mni I eat I will defecate I will urinate enough sick I go nima'ama4 nidjidmaga'na5 nipa'itca8 ba'tciki' ici'eni'xni i'st'n7 you see say so pick up no bring wood sleepy xa'nisamas xe'ma'9 dji'txanak10 h6setdjaniwu' nimina'l hisi'kta12 soon head blanket sick behind good hi'edat hIdjukn'l3 hi'djutbitan14 nadja'ldan15 naxo'2xul' mish/g&lr fall in drown a spring rock cut put in mouth nis&'wka hltail5 k6'on' hiteiwamda nixota20 mumu'lika21 awa'm put in mouth much talk go down look! say go nfiakta22 xa'ye dje'u23 miwu' xumamnan24 yacangxu'ni25 go' small large give do not see let us daine yaxu'tcu n1ci'nWte'i no 'sexana'n26 nlmama' naeco y6ku'n go to bed cover me! suckle me look make basket ne'wu pa'dju27 nuwi'e25 xoda'1a29 nitcxe'm30 nitcxe'ako"0 give enough carry little drag! stop! mi'tcapu51 hi'wana'dan na 'k !o badxa'la nuxu'mamnan24 chew go on see two enough not see y6kumramni'p32 mitcxa'ni33 yeko'n34 tcawi'n m'exo'tan35 run small kill I fear on yutsuxa'mni83 yuwa/wukne'sr bW'anmu"8 na'waxaii39 muxuliini40 fall down I come back you sleep your mouth is small you are ugly xa 'se hitema' nimama nimaitce4e yamat imt'mta n1m&'mxanat grass (7) cook see food I see you will see naot xu'noita42 nintji43 a'ma lxa'ita xo'se him5u I go up your nose earth I made grass yes exraini'p44 ye'kon34 najidi'li naha" luwa'm xa'ni I make I kill play flute! stop go soon ladjitamni djo'pa-elo'nij4 eloneh'e 46 nI'djitmi47 n1tcxe'mku30 tired too hot hot sit down! drag! djemta nuamatexun" wesatk !a'se yIi'tsuItxamu"8 hawalla" across river go! sleepy fall down who are you 1a'mitama namaexuni xMlalaTidji'ni diramda diramd ua'kdat50 tired around go home long ago long ago came 14 Part of a text obtained in the same way as the last. 360 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. hica'mniman ni'xota djiewut23 'tc 'i'xni xuno'ita42 litsuktu'n36 not see you look! large play up fall in md'adokni5l tcigutxotne'i52 yeaxtu'n wetceeo mlgaatcxiuen'8 you come back lonely I return near leave nacuamni' hitai ko'on hupuenei53 memamnei'54 mi'tcapu go away much talk his leg straight I see you you know nama we'lemud55 edjeene'i nema'iradjim55 netcxe'm nicigya't57 eat! quickly shoot carry! drag! make fire! nixa'ii tca'xawinta58 ni'mamxa'nat etc 'i'xta59 koma namaxana't make it! I am old you will see grow seeds wateel ni'mamxanat koma hecigu djimia'na pepper-nuts you will see seeds hazel-nuts sarvice-berry haikye'u hatch6'u hosiri'na60 sugar- pine-nuts digger pine-nuts cedar NOTES. 1 i-, I; -ama-, to eat. 2 j-, I; hi-wax, his excrement; -xan, future; -in, incomplete action. 3 e-quc, his urine. 4 ni-, second person imperative; -mam-, to see. 5 ni-, second person imperative; -tcit-, to sit; -gan, -xan, future. 6 ni, second person imperative; -pa-, perhaps -pa-, to smoke. 7 Cf. iisan, text V, next to last line. 8 xani, soon, by and by. 9hi-ma, his head. 10 tcitxa, blanket. 11 Cf. himinatce, behind; himinna, back. 12 hisiki-, hisikni, good. 13 -teuk-, a stem of varied meaning. Cf. niteuktan, drive nail; niteuk- tapku, take out a round thing; itcukar, drowned; text I, line 7. 14 -teut, to strike(?); -pi, -tpi, suffix, out, out of. 15 Cf. tcaldan metal. 16 Cf. tca-xos-amu, I yawn. 17 Cf. note 65, text V. 19 Cf. note 9, text V. 19 From -ko-, to speak. 20 n-, second person imperative; -xota, to look, watch. 21 Cf. note 40, text V. 22 nu-, second person imperative; -wak-, to come; -ta, participle. 23 dj6u, tceu, trau, large. 24xu-, negative; -mam-, see; -nan, verbal suffix. 25 ya-, we; -samxu-, to dance; -ni, incompleted action. 26 no-, second person imperative; -sex-, cf. -sek- ,to swallow; -xan, future. 27 Cf. padju, grizzly-bear. 28 nu-, second person imperative; -wi, cf. ha-wi'-ida, drive deer. VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 361 29 xodallan, poor. 30 Cf. tcu-itex5-mun, page 347, line 2 of text. 31 mi-, you; -tea-, to chew; -pu, perhaps interrogative. 82 Cf.( ?)nipe-ram-ram-, to taste. 33 Cf. ( ?)ni-texa-lo, pull out tooth; itexa-posta, Dyer 's ranch . 34 ye-, I; -ko-, to kill; -n, incomplete action. 83 mi-xota-n(1). 36 -tsu, to jump. Cf. note 67, text V. But hu-tsu-tmin, fly down; -xam, suffix, down; -ni, incompleted action. 37 y-2 I; -owak, to come, here apparently reduplicated; -ne, -ni, incom- pleted action. 38 Cf. note 17, text V. 39 ha-wa, his mouth. 40 mu-, you; -xuli-, bad. Cf. note 21. 41 Cf. -mai-, to carry. 42 xunoi-da means west or north. 43 A Hupa word. The Chimariko would be mo-xu. 44 e-, for i-, I; -xai-, to make; -ni, incompleted action; -p, intensive. 45 Cf. i-tXa-Eni, I stop. 46 elox-ni, elo-ta, hot. 47 ni-, second person imperative; -tcit-, to sit; -mi, suffix, down. 48 Cf. mo-watok-atcxun, page 350, line 7 of text. 49 awilla, who. 50 -wak-, to come; -da, participle; -t, intensive. 51 mu-, you; -atok-, -watok-, return; -ni, incompleted action. 32 Cf. teigule, we all. Or more probably, tci-, I; gu-, negative. 68 hu-po, his leg. 54 me-, for mi-, you; -mam-, to see; -nei, cf. preceding word, and, post, Mdje-n&. 56 welmu, quickly. 56 ne-, second person imperative; -mai-, to carry. 57 ni, second person imperative; -cekta-, make fire. 68 tea-, I; -xawi-ni, old; -ta, participle. 39 Cf. -itri-, -itci-, to grow, a man. 60 Cedar is hatsinaktca; hosu, xosu is yellow-pine nut. The tree would be hosu-na. SENTENCES. puntsalot hamtatinda citeelot woman whipped dog puntsalot himiteitinda tcimal man kicked the woman citeela hapukeini hemxolla dog caught the jack-rabbit mimiteitida citeela you are kicking the dog hipuimuktinda citcela they are pinching the dog imitcitinda I am kicking him memitcitida you are kicking me tcum l'inatinda he likes me qonowectinda ye are whipping me imitcitxanan citcelot I shall kick the dog nitcut citcela hit the dog! 362 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. imamni I see thee, him im l'inanatein I like ye mepatni you are poking me tcumamni he sees me qomamapu do ye see me hiwotinda he sits miwemtsodida you gamble qatcxundjulinda ye are thin q6woktinda he is sick nout yematinda I eat tcaxawintinda tcigule we all are old mamatindak you ate hisamxunin he dances yawemtsom we gamble mixun you are fat qaxatcuEni ye are short hama he eats imumni I run yetakni I sing haomiuiktsaida his hat awaida his house onipaida his pipe qomas musuda who are you qomas asuda who is he patci suda what is this awilida mohatida who shot you puntsarida anowesta itrila woman whipped boy mitinda kutaxana are you going to keep it?I ewomunda still crying imumda itxaEni I stop running imumda teohotimen while running, he shot me imamni haqomelamda I saw him running, hurrying away hisamxuninda yekon while he was dancing, I killed him VOCABULARY. The following English-Chimariko and Chimariko-English vocabulary is based on the author's notes. To these are added materials from the following sources. Words marked with an asterisk, *, are from Powers' Tribes of California, pages 474-477, slightly transcribed to conform to the present orthography. Those marked with a dagger, t, were ob- tained by the author, but are given in identical form by Powers, allowing for the fact that Powers does not distinguish k and q and writes no glottal catches. VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 363 Words in parentheses, ( ), were obtained by Dr. A. L. Kroeber from the informant Friday in 1902, and those in brackets, [ ], from Doctor Tom, an old feeble-minded Chimariko at Hupa, in 1901 and 1902. Many of the more common words, having been obtained by Dr. Kroeber in a form identical with that recorded by the writer, are not separately given. Words marked with ? were obtained by Dr. P. E. Goddard from Mrs. Noble, a daughter of Mrs. Dyer, in 1902. A consider- able number of other words also obtained by Dr. Goddard, in a form identical with that recorded by Dr. Kroeber or the writer, are not specially marked. ENGLISH-CHIMARIKO. Abalone, sulhim Aunt (maternal), malai-i, muatala-i Abandon, -txax- Autumn, as6diwukni, nomatci* Accompany, -sim- Awl, cibui Acorn, yfutri, (texupun) Axe, haimuksa, hamuktcu* Acorn (black-oak), [(muni)] Baby, xarilla, xaluila, (xalala), Acorn-bread, tceneu halalla* Acorn-meal (leached), paci Back, hi-mina Acorn-meal (unleached), yoma Bad, xuli, holi-ta* Acorn-soaking place, matelya Bark (of tree), hi-pxadji, Acorn-soup, hapeu hi-patei* Acorn (shelled), ihitci To bark, wowoin Across-stream, tcem-da Basket-hat, ha6miuiksa Again, (tabum) (haamiaktca) Alder, paktoa'na Basket (burden), sangen, Alive, -mamat- (cankeen) Alive, .mamat .Basket (cooking), poquela All, (kumitein)t Basket (mortar), hi 'eu Alone, pola Basket (open tray), powa Angry, -awh- Basket (sifting), atanisuk Basket (spoon), kalfiw6 Ant (black), pelo'a Basket (storage),( opumaktca) Ant (red), t 'amitcxul Basket (tray), p 'unna Antlers, ho-wee Bat, tcemxatcila Anus, hi-wi Bachelor, puntsariecku, oeluilla Arm, hi-tanpu, [hi-tcanpu], Beads (disk), mendrahe hi-tcanpo* Bear (black), tcisamra, (djicamla), Arm-pit, ci.tciimuni [djisamara], teisamrha* Armor, t 'ummi Bear (grizzly), padju, (potcu) Arrow, sa 'a Beard, (hu-putcu-n-xame), [ha- Arrow-flaker, atcibuksa budju-n-xami], o-putcun-hama* Arrow-point, qaku Beaver, wisilla Ashes, matripxa, matripa Bed, hatciinarutsa Aunt (paternal), uluida-i(?) Beetle, qo 'a 364 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Belly, hu-truneu, (hu-teeneu), Cheek, hu-tananundjatun u-tcuniwa* To chew, -tcatei- Belt, hi-ca 'amatat Chief, itra-xai-deu, itei-haitie* To bend, -koru- Chimariko, (tcimaliko) Bird, (di'la), tirha* Chin, tsuna, wetu Bitter, hemudadjan Chipmunk, pipila, wisilla(?) Black, teMli, teeli-t* Civet-cat, kakesmillalo Blackberry, xamoana To clap hands, -putata Blackbird, tira-cela, teila-tcele Clean, mata 'i Blanket, tcitxa To clear (weather), -teemux- To bleed, s6dr6- To elimb, -ar- Blind, -sukxomen, -xosanmun Clock, ixodaktca Blood, sotri, citrqi, sitso* Cloud, hawedam, [awetama], To blow, -hus-, -xuc-, -kos-, -xu- (awatamaxni) Blue (t-cf. blood), sote'i Clover, katcu Bluebird, ipuiitella Coals, kowa Bluejay, tsokokotce Cold, eco-, (xatsa), eso-ta* Board, ho 'eu Comb, tanatei To boil, -potpot-, -dum- To comb, -kma- Bone, hu-txun To comb, -watok-, -wok-, -owak Born, -dah- To cough, -sax- Bow, x'apuneu Cousin, antxala-i Boy, itrilla, iteilat Country, ama Brain, hi-ni Coyote, tcitind6sa, (maidjandela), To break, -kat-, -teex-, -xotos- [maidjandera] Breast, hu-si* Cradle, wenteu Breast (woman's), si'lWye, sirhat, Crane, kisum, kasar [cida] Cray-fish, trxol To breathe, -saxut- Crooked, p 'qele'in To bring, -hak-, -hek- Crow, wa'da, wa'la Brother, uliida To cry, -wo- Brother-in-law, meku-i Cup and ball, hiteumuidadehu Buckeye, yonot To cut, -kut-, -lolo- Buckskin, tcirhuntol To dance, -samxu- To burn, -iii-, -maa- Daughter, masola-i, maisula-i* To bury, -tot- Daughter-in-law, tcu-simda Butterfly, tsamila Day, assg,t [asi] Button, hi-punaktca Deaf, hukenan Buzzard, tckteci Deep, teuxunmin (?) By and by, punuslala, xani, Deer, a 'a, aa* taminiDer Deer (buck), (xuwetci) To call, -ktatat -kokDeer (doe), (yeteawe) Cane, hutatat * Deer-brush qapuna Canoe, muitumma, motuma* Deer-trap, haxak To carry, -mai-, -ham-, -qi-, -xu- To dent, -kol-, -tran- Caterpillar, xawin, qawin D denta hatidr, t rddh Cats-cradle, ax&deu [D(ahateu) ] Cedar, hatsinaktca, h&tinaktsana "Devil" (prob. sorcerer), Chair, hi-woanadatsa himisanto, (himisamtu) Chaparral, puktca'Ena, axacna Dew, qoido VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 365 To die, -q^- Fat (adj.), -xu- To dig, -po-, -tsik- Father, iteila-it Digging-stick, tsunana Father-in-law, tcu-maku Vo dip up, -hedo- (t) Feather, hu-to, hi-mit Dirty, tcele 'in Fern, t6ut6una To dismount, -ap- To fight, -texua- Dog, citeella, siteelat To find, -mat- Door, wessa Finger, hi-ta, hi-tra, (hi-tea), Dove, yuiura hi-teanka* Downwards, tranmida Finger-nail, bolaxot, (bulaxut) Down stream, wis6da Fir, kipi'ina, (kimpina) To drag, -tcx6- Fire, a 'pu, apu* Dragon-fly, hiteinemnem To make fire, -cekta-, hatsir To dream, -maka- Fire-drill, apul'xna, h&tsiktca To drink, lfi- Fire-drill base, apui'natxui To drive, -sik- Fire-place, akamina a'pu To drop, -lul-, -lus-, -lurim- Fish-line, hook, hamamegutca To drown, -teuk- (?) Fish-net, atexil Drum, hisamquni Fish-trap, weir, tsat Dry, atexumni Fisher, q6pxamitci Duck, xaxatci, hahatce* Five, tsinehe, tranehe (= mallard) To fix, -mu- Dull, tono 'i Flat, river-bench, maitra Dust, matcitsxol, matrepa Flea, t 'amina To float, -kim- (?) Eagle, wemer, tcawitcau, (djawidjau) Floor, w6boqbm Ear, hi-sam, hi-eam* Flower, atrei Earth, [ama] t Fly, muisaswa, mfisotri, mosotce* Earthquake, amitcxamut To fly, -tu- East, up stream, waida, (waida) Fog, aptum To eat, -ama-, -ma- To follow, -sum- Eddy, apenmaspoi Food, hameu Eel (lamprey), tsawa Foot, hu-pot Egg, anoqai, amoka* Forehead, hi-mosni,j [hi-muclei] Eight, xodaitcibum, hotaiteipum To forget, -xome- Elder tree, teitcxdi Four, qfiigu, qoigu Eleven, pundrasut, saanpun Fox, tciteamuilla, apxantcolla, punlasut haura* Elk, a 'eno, aanok* Friend, [imikot], imi-mut ( love) Empty, hutcolanan Frog, qftus, (axanteibot) Evening, himok* Full, hiteolam Everything, patcimam (?) Excrement, hi-wax To gamble, -wemtso- Eye, hu-sot, hu-cot* Girl, puntsfila, puntcalla* Eyebrow, hu-sotnimi To give, -hak- (?), awu-t* Eyelashes, hu-sunsa To go, -a-, -wam-, -waum-, -wawun-, -owa- Face, hi-suma* Good, hisikni, (hisiki-), hisi-ta* To fall, -man-, -mo-, -klu- Goose, laio, lalo* Fat (n)., pi 'a Gooseberrv, tselina 366 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Gopher, yuimatc To jump, -tudu. Grandfather (paternal), xawila-i Grandson, himolla-i To keep, -kut- Grass, hawunna, (awuna), kotcu* To kick, -mitci- = with foot y ~~~~~~~To kill -o Grass-game, h6umakutca , -ko- Grasshopper, tsatur, tsatul King-fisher, tsadadak Grass-seed, qomma Knee, hi-txanimaxa, [hi-txanemaxa] G himamuto (au To kneel, -komat- (?) himamsu-t* Grouse, himimitci Knife, teisili, teididi, tceselli* To grow, -itri- To know, -trahu- Ladder, ha'amputni Hair, hi-mat Lake teitaha Hand, hi-ta, hi-tra, hi-tca* Lame, h6akta-xolik To hang, -kim- Large, tr6wu-t, (djewu), tceu-t* Happy (D), teumidan To laugh, -yatci-t Hard, tcaxi Leaf, hi-taxai, tahalwi* Hawk, yekyek, petcxol Left-hand, xuli-teni He, hamut Leg, hi-txan, hi-tal* Head, hi-mat To lick, -pen-, -hen- To lie on ground, -tcu To hear, -ke- Lih,tca. Heart, hu-sa'antcei, (hu-santeei) Light, tcxalsn u-santce* 'Lightning, itckas61xun, uHeavyn(1), tceumidahitekeselsel-ta* HeavYi (o), )ktcum n To like, -mi 'inan- Heel, in66kta? To listen, -cem- Hemlock, xutcxu Here, this side of stream, kntcuk Liver (J), hu-ci. See breast Here, t o k cu Lizard taktcel To hide, -txat- Lizard (red), himiniduktsa Tohd,-xt Log, s&amu High, hitcfiEni Long, hitcun To hit, -at- Long, cul To hold, -imu- (dilamda) Honey, huiwu1anukai? To lose, -:icxu-, lulUix& Hornet, husa Low, hutculan (?) Hot, elo-, (eloxni), elo-ta* House, awat Madrone, Utxolna, [hetxolna], How long, far, qaiteu (hetcxolna) How many, qatala To make, -xai- How often, qatramdun Man, itri, itci* Humming-bird, qerektce, tr6lektcei Many, much, eta, (hitat), itat* To be hungry, -ame-, -amemtu- Manzanita, tcitcana, tcitci Hupa, person, hitexui; place, Manzanita-cider, tciteiaqai hitewamai Maple, trfupxadji 'ina, ipxadji 'ina Hyampom people, maitroktada To marry, -teum- hitcuamai Marten, xuneri, qapam To mash, -lot- I, n6ut Meat (dried), pititexun Ice, hateen, atci* To meet, -hayaqom- Intestines, hi-pxa Milk, cira, ci'ila Into, xunoi(?) Mink, huneri (?-see marten) VOL- 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 367 Mistletoe, hakilasaqam Outside, himinatce(?) Moccasin, pa, ipat Owl, tcukuteei, hara Mole, tsabokor, xosanmu Moon, himen Alla,t [himi-n-ala] "Padl," qhwai Morning, himetasur, himetaeus* Pain, q6hewa Morning-star, munoiSta To paint, -poxolxol- Mortar, ka 'a To pay, -daigu- Mosquito, tsl5ye Penis, hi-pel, [hi-bele] Moss, hik'ina Pepper-wood, watcel Mother, cido-i, sito-i* Person, tcimar,t tcimal, [djimar], Mother-in-law, tcu-makosa Pestle, t)esundan Mountain, awu,t aumiya, [ama] Pigeon, yanunuwa, yanunwa* Mountain-lion, tcerasmu, To pinch, -puimuk- [tcidasmu] Mouse, pusudr Pine (digger), hate'ho, hatco,nna Mouth, ha-wa,t [ha-wa] Pine (sugar), haq'winda Mud, ladido Pine (sugar, cones), (haqeu), [haikeu] Narrow, xS 'iren Pine (yellow), xosu, hosu' Navel, ho-napu Pipe, onipat Nest, hemut Pitch, ano 'a Nephew, micaku-i, himolla-i To play, -pim- Nest, hemut To poke, -pat- Newt, aemahut Poor, xodalan New, amaninhu Niece, himolla-i Potato (wild), sawu, qawal, a 'asawi, sanna Night, hime, himokni, [himi] To pour, -qo- Nine, punteigu Pretty, siga No, pateigun, (patcikun), patcut* To pull, -texet-, -texa- To nod, -pukim-, -pupul- To push, -whek- Noon, himoqanan North (west?), xunoida Quail (mountain), pisor, pisol Nose, bo-xu Quail (valley), qadakin pisor Nowhere, amaidateiku Quickly, welmu weleni, luredja Quiver, hasusakta Oak (black), mfine 'Ena, (munena) Oak (live, hepuiitci'ina Rabbit (cotton-tail), hiwinolam (hepeteina) , Rabbit (jack), h6moxola, emoholla* Oak (poison), xaxecna Raccoon, yeto'a, [yeteiwa] Oak (tan-bark), yuitxulina Rain, hitak, itak-ta* Oak (white), yaqana Rainbow, trexanmatcxi Oats (wild), aq8deu Rat, patusu Ocean, aquareda, aka-tceta* Rattle (split), hemuimektsa Old, xawini, hahawin-ta* Rattle (cocoon), p&texal Old maid, itridiisku, amalulla Rattlesnake, qawu, kawu-tcane* Old man, itrineulla To recover, -nook- Old woman, cunhulla Red, wili'l, wili-t* One, pun, p 'un Redwood, mutumana Onion, sApXi To remember, -xutaxun- Orphan, tcisumula Rich, hitam, -hada- Otter, exoitcei, [haiokwoitce] Right-hand, hisi-d6ni 368 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. Ripe, h6mat Six, p 'unteibum, p 'untepom River, aqaqot Skin, hi-pxadji To roast, -maq- Skirt (woman's), hiektcandeu(?) Robin, srito, cltra oxwai Roe, hi-txaiyi Skunk, pxicira, [picui] To roll, -k- Sky, tcemut Root, atci Slave, habukedeu Rope, atexund6 To sleep, -po- Rough, nodaduhni To slide, -sap-, -sapho- Round, nolle Sling, hi-migutca To rub, -xiaxe- To slip, -klu- To run, -mum- Slowly, xowenila Small, uleta Salmon, uimul, omul* Smoke, qe Salmon (dog), (djeida) To smoke, -pa- Salmon (hook-bill), (bitcoqolmu) Smoke-hole, apotcitpidaktea Salmon (red), masomas Smooth, luiyuin Salmon (steelhead), (acotno-umul) Snail, nixetai Salmon (summer), (umul-tcani) Snake (king), mamusi Salmon (dried, crumbled), tsamma To sneeze, -ninxu- Salmon-river people, hdnomiteku To snore, -x'tudu Salmon-trout, heetsama Snow, hipili, hipue* Salt, aqi, aki* Snowshoes, hipui ipa, panna Sand, amayaqa Soft, lo 'oren Sarvice-berry, teimiana Something, patceamkii Saw, hi-uxigutca Son, oella-i, oalla-i* To say, -pa, -patci- Son-in-law, itcumda Scorpion (1-see cray-fish), tcisitcin, Soot, nagotpi txol Sour, qoiy6in To scowl, -suta- South, qadaida To scrape, -xedo- Spear, hasunwedeu To scratch, -kirkir-, -xolgo- Spear (fish), hohankuteu, altar To see, -mam- To sell, -tciwa- Spider, kwanpuitcikta Seven, xakuspom, qaqiepom Spider-web, k 'okoda Shade, qatrata To spill, -qox- To shake, -lucluc- To spit, -haihu- Shallow, txod6hunmi To split, -bis- Shaman, tewu, (teiu) Spoon, wecnaqalne, sapxel Sharp, cupui Spotted, letretre Shell, 6xeu A spring, ciduilla, (aqa-xatsa) Shell (conical), teanapa Spring, kisumatci, kicumatci* To shiver, -nini- Square, hoqata 'xni To shoot, -ph- To squeeze, -tci- Short, xfiitculan Squirrel (gray), akwecur, Shoulder, hi-ta [akuitcut] To sing, -tak- Squirrel (ground), ta'ira Sister (older), antxasa-i To stand, -hoa-, -ha- Sister-in-law, maxa-i Star, munu, mono* To sit, -tcit-, -wo-, -pat- Star (falling), mun&tumni VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 369 To stay, -wo-, -wom- Tongue, hi-pent To steal, -xadj- To touch, -na- Stepfather, matrida Trail, hissa To stink, -mitexu- Tree, at 'a (s), atsa* Stone, qa 'a, kaa* Trout, trawel, (tcawal) t To stop, -txa- Tump-line, hima 'idan, k1susd Straight, hadohan To twist, -pxel- To strike, -tcut- Two, xoku, qaqui Striped, qisoi, exaduqisman Uncle (m. or p.), magola-i Strong, pala Under, tcumu(?), wise? Sturgeon, (umul-itawa) p omanat Sucker, h6teespula Summer, ahAnmatei, ahenmatei* Up, (-tso, wiemu) Sun, alla,t illa, [asi-n-ala] Urine, e-quc Sunflower-seed, tcintcei Vagina, e-qa Sunrise, 8xatatkun Valley, hitcxaeni (C), maitcitcam* Sunset, hiwohunmi Village, awitat, tcimaretanamat To swallow, -sek- To vomit, -haima- Swallow, tumtitella Swamp, hixut, cita To wake, -suhni- Sweat-house, matta Warrior, hStewat Sweet, hiquini To wash, -pok- To swim, -xu- To watch, -xota Water, a 'ka, aqa, aka* Table, hama 'anaksia Water-fall, Aqamateitsxol Tail, aqkiye Water-ousel, pAsindjaxola To talk, -ko-, -go- We, nSteidut, n6utowa, tcigule Tattoo, hekoteu Weak, lapukni To tear, -tra-, -xata- Wedge, tranper Tears, hu-so 'xa Wet, cidji 'in Teeth, hu-tsut What, pStei, qatci Ten, sanpun When, qasukmatei That, pamut, paut, pat Where, qomalu, (qosi) Thick, pepe 'in To whip, -nuwec- Thief, ixagutea To whistle, -xi- Thigh, hi-tcipe White, mene'i, mene* Thin, tqe 'erin White-man, tcimtuikta, This, qewot, qat (djemduakta) Thou, mamut Whiskey, (apu-n-aqa) Three, xodai, hotai Who, qomas, komas,* awilla To throw, -su-, -sux- Why, kosidaji Thumb, hi-tciteeta* Wide, xere 'in Thunder, tremumuta, tremamuteeu, Widow, lasa [djememoxteei], teimumuta* Widow (remarried), yapada? To tie, -wuqam- Widower, mamutxfi (?) Tinder, hauna Wife (my), puntsar-iM, (punsal-i), Tobacco, iiwut puntear-hi* Today, kimase, asset Wild-cat, tagnir, tragnil, Tomorrow, himeda, him6tat hicuimaxutcuilla Tongs, isekdiidiu Willow, piitc'xu 370 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Wind, ikoseta, ikosiwa* Wood-tick, tsina Window, his#isamdaksia To work, -pu- Wing, uti,i hu-tu Worm, hymuta To wink, -raprap-, -laplap- Winter, as6di, asuti* Wintun, pfttexuai To wish, -tcxfif, -teai- (?) To yawn, -xaca- Wiyot(t), aqatr6duwaktada Ye, qatkule Wiyot at Arcata, qataiduwaktada Yellowhammer, tseyamen, triyamen, Wolf, clteiwi, sitciwi* (tciaman) Woman, puntsar Yellowjacket, x6wu Wood, pusflat Yes, himo,t [(himo, hiye)] Woodpeeker, konanatc6i, tcuredhu, Yesterday, mo'a, moo* (dedima), [dirima], (tculeti) Young, atmanitri, amaniti-ta CHIMARIKO-ENGLISH... The alphabetical order is that of the letters in English. On account of of some uncertainty as regards surd and sonant stops, b, d, and g have been treated as if they read p, t, and k. The same holds true of dj and te. For similar reasons q has been put in the same place in the alphabet as k, and c as s. The sound of 'a apparently being nearer open o than a, these two characters have also been treated as one in alphabetizing. Ts and te may be variants of one sound; tr, in many cases at least, is not t plus r, but a sound similar to te, with which it often alternates. These three sounds have there- fore been united. Glottal catches have been disregarded in alphabetizing. The order of the characters used is thus as follows: a p, b e r h S, c i t, d k, q, g te, tr, ts, dj 1 u m w n x 0, ff y Words denoting parts of the body are given with the prefix of the third person. Terms of relationship usually show the suffix of the first person. Wherever the derivation or structure seemed reasonably certain it has been indicated by hyphenation. -a-, to go. See also -wam-, -waum-, aqa, at'ka, aka,* water -wawum-, -owa- aqa-qot, river a 'a, aa,* deer aqareda, aka-tceta,' ocean a'e-no, aaanok,* elk aqa-mateitsxol, water-fall, ft'asawi, wild potato. See also ("water-dust") sawu, qatwal, sanna aqa-treduwaktada, Wiyot ahatn-matci, ahen-matci,* summer sitjiu-aqai, Hoboken [(ahateu)], dentalia. See also aqa-xatsa, water-cold, spring hatcidri, t ododoihi [agaxteea-dji], a place name VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 371 akamina a 'pu, fire-place atcib-uksa, arrow-flaker aqed-eu, wild oats atcugi-dje, Bennett's, Forks of aqi,t salt Salmon aqi-tce, [aiki-dje], Salt Ranch atexu, fish-net aqiiye, tail atcxund6, rope akwecur, [akuitcut], gray squirrel atexumni, dry alla, uilla, [asi-n-ala], sun Awa,t house -ama-, -ma-, to eat awi-tat, village ham-eu, food -aw6-, angry -ame-mtu-, to be hungry awilla, who. See q6mas h-ama 'a-na-ksia, table awu,t aumiya, mountain. See ama ama, [ama], country, earth, ground awu-t,* give mountain axac-na, chaparral. Also ama-yaqa, sand puktca'-Ena ama-idatciku, nowhere. Cf. axad-eu, cats-cradle. Cf. ahateu, patcikun, no. dentalia, which were strung ami-texamut, earthqlake (axanteibot), frog. See qatus [ama-teele-dji], place name e, today. See also kimase amaludlla, old maid exatatkun, sunrise amani-nhu, new elo-ta,* (elo-xni), hot amani-tri, amani-ti-ta,* young eso-ta,* eco-, cold [amimamuco], place name eta, (hitat), many (amitsihe-dji), [amitsepi], village et-xol-na, [hetxolna], (hetexol-na), at foot of Hupa Valley madrone ano 'a, pitch exatatkun, sunrise. anoqai, amoka,* egg exoi-tcei, [haiokwoitce], otter antxala-i, cousin ha 'amputni, ladder antxa-sa-i, older sister ha '-eu, basket (acorn-mortar) --ap-, to dismount, get off a horse hahawin-ta,* old apenmaspoi, eddy -hai-hu-, to spit a 'pu, apu,* fire -hai-ma-, to vomit apf '-Ena, fire-drill. Also hatsiktca haim-uksa, ham-uktcu,* axe ap&'-na-txui, fire-drill base -hak-, to bring. See also -hek- Apo-teitpid-aktca, smoke-hole -hak- ( 1), to give (apu-n-aqa), fire-water, whiskey (haq-eu), [haik-eu], sugar pine aptum, fog cone apxantc-olla, fox. Also tcitcamuilla, haq-ew-ina, sugar pine haura -ham-, to carry. See also -mai-, -ar-, to climb -qi-, -xau- assM,t [asi], day, today hamaida-dji, [amaita-dji], as6di, asuti,* winter"'Ha n hamame-gutca, fish-line, hook as5di-wunki, autumn 'hamut he (acotno-umul), winter-salmon, hamis, (a steelhead ~~~ha6mi-uksa, (haamiaktea), basket- steelheadha -at-, to.hithauduslv at-ar, fish-spear. Also hohankut5u habuked-5u, slave -t' ts * tr -hada-, rich. See also hitam it 'a, atsa,* tree h5oan srih atanisuk, sifting basket hdatcen, atci,* ice ateiflower. Cf. next hte, ae, c atr6i, flower. Cf. next hatc 'h, digger-pine (cone or nut) atci, root. Cf. last hatco'Ena, digger pine 372 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. hatciinar-utsa, bed himimi-tcei, grouse hatcidri, dentalia. See also himinidu-ktsa, red lizard t'ododohi, ahateu himo, [(himo)], yes hatcugi-dje, South Fork of Trinity [(hiye)], yes River himolla-i, brother's child, father's hau-na, tinder sister 's child, grandson haura,* fox. See apxantcolla, hipuii, hipue,* snow teitcamulla hipui ipa, snowshoes. See also hawedam, [awetama], (awatama- panna xni), cloud hipuna-ktca, button hawu-nna, (awu-na), grass hissa, trail haxa-ktca, deer-trap [hisaa-da-mu], a place name -hayaqom-, to meet hisae-mu, Weaverville heetsama, salmon-trout hi-ea 'amatat, belt -hek-, to bring. See also -hak- hisi-kni, hisi-ta,* (hisi-ki), good hekot-eu, tatoo hisi-deni, right hand hemox-ola, emoh-olla,* jackrabbit [hisitsai-dje], a place name hemuime-ktsa, split-stick rattle hisilsamda-ksia, window hemut, nest hitak, itak-ta,* rain hemuta, worm hitam, rich. See also -hada- hemfidadja-n, bitter hituitai-dji, Willow Creek -hen-, to lick. See also -pen- hitxaiyi, roe hepilitei '-ina, (hepetei-na), live oak hitcinemnem, dragon-fly hecigo, hazel hitcolam, full -hedo- (?), to dip up hutcolanan, empty hetcespula, sucker hitcu-n, hitci-zni, long, high hMtewat, warrior xui-itcu-lan, short heuma-kutca, grass-game hItcumuidad-ehu, cup and ball game -hi-, to burn. See also -maa- hitcxaeni (?), valley hi&smai-gutca, paddle hitcxui, [hitchu], Hupa (person) hi&ktcand-eu(?), woman's skirt. hitewamai, Hupa (place) See also ozxwai hiiixi-gutea, saw [hiikda-dji], a place name hixut, swamp. See also cita hiki-ina, moss -hoa-, ha, to stand hiqfii-ni, sweet hoa-kta-xoli-k, lame hima'idan, tump-line. See also ho '-eu, board kasusui hohankut-eu, fish spear. See also himamto, green; (imameu), blue; atar himamsu-t,* green, blue, yellow hoqat& 'Fni, square hime, [himi], night hakilasaqam, mistletoe himen alla, hime-n-alla,* h6mat, ripe himi-n-ala, moon xomanat, unripe hime-da, himeta,* tomorrow hap-eu, acorn-soup hime-tasur, hime-tacus,* morning [(hobe-ta-dji)], Hostler village, himok,* evening Hupa, where an annual acorn himok-ni, night ceremony is held himoq-anan, noon hara, owl. See also tcukuktcei himi-santo, (himi-samtu), hasunwed-eu, spear "devil," sorcerer hasusa-kta, [(hose-ktca)], quiver hIm8aqu-tce, Big Creek hotai, xodai, three him!-gutca, sling hotai-tci-pum, xodaitcibum, eight VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 373 hatsir, to make fire qapam, marten. See also xuneri hatsi-ktca, fire-drill. See also qapu-na, deer-brush apfl'Ena -kat-, to break. See also -teex, hatsi-na-ktea, cedar -xdt6s- hadi-na-ktco-hada, Cedar Flat qadai-da, south hoxu-dji, a place name qatai-duwaktada, Wiyot at Areata hunoini,* Trinity river; [hunoini- qatrata, shade wam], South Fork of the Trin- q&wal, wild potato. See also sawu, ity A pasawi, sanna hiinomitcku, Salmon-river people qawu, kawu-teane,* rattlesnake -hus-, -xuc-, -kos-, -xu, to blow -ke-, to hear husfi, hornet hu-ke-nan, deaf hutatat, cane hutculan (?), low. See hitcolam, q, smoke full, hutcolanan, empty -qe-, to die [hutsutsaie-dje], a place name qe-hewa "pain," magic cause huwita-dji, a place name qepxami-tcei, fisher (ihitci), shelled acorns q6rek-tee, humming-bird. See also imimu-t,* to love; -mi'inan, to like tr6lektc6i [imikot], my friend qewot, this. See qat -imu-, to hold ke-ntcuk, here, this side of stream inookta,? heel hi-ki,j neek ipuit-ella, bluebird -qi-, to carry. See also -mai-, isekdiid-iu to -~~~~~ham-, -Xfi- isekdad-iu, tongs -kim-, to hang, to float (?) -itri-, to grow kimase, today. See also e itci, ,t * Y kipi'-ina, [kimpi-na], fir itri-Ila,itia,bo -kir-, to scratch. See also -xolgo- itri-nc-uilla, old man *- itri-nc-ska, old mand qis-oi, exadu-qis-mam, striped itrl-diisku, old maid kisum, crane. See also kasar itri-xai-d-eu, itci-haitie,* chief kisu-mate, kicu-matci,* spring itci-la-i, itci-lla-i, father -klu-, to slip; also to fall, for which [(iteikut)], a place name see also -man, -mo- itckasel-Xun, hitekesel-sel-ta,* -kma-, to comb lightning -ko-, to kill [(itcui)], a place name -ko-, -go-, -koko-, to talk, to call iteumda son-in-law -6,-6,-o6,t ak oel i [kokomiitxami], a place name [itsutsatmi-dji], a place name -kos-, -xue-, -hus-, -xu, to blow itcxaposta, Dyer's Ranch i-kos-eta, i-kos-iwa,* wind -k-, to roll -qo-, to pour qa'a, kaa, stone -qox-, to spill kii 'a, mortar qoido, dew qa-ku, arrow-point q6-mas,t who. See also awilla e-qa, vagina qa-tei, what. See also p&-tci [qaetxata], a place name qo-malu, (qo-si), where [kaimandot], a place name qa-iteu, how long, how far qaiyausmui-dji, Forks of New River ko-sidaji, why kakesmilla,? civet-cat qa-sukmatci, when qa'kule, ye qa-tala, how many kaluiwe,? spoon basket qa-tramdun, how often 374 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. qo 'a, beetle maidja-hfitcula, Yocumville ko'okoda, spider-web maidpa-s6re, Thomas', a place qaqui, xoku, two maidja-tcui-dje, Cecilville qoigu, quiigu, four maido-leda, Jordan's qaqic-pom, xakus-pom, seven maito-tou-dji, Summerville -komat- (?), to kneel maitro-ktada, Hyampom people q6mma, grass-seed (maidjandela), [maidjandera], qo'6meniwiuda, New River City tcitindosa, coyote konona-tcei, woodpecker. See -maka-, to dream also teuredhu mago-la-i, (my uncle, maternal or -koru-, to bend paternal kas-ar, kisum, crane tcu-maku, father-in-law kasusi, tump-line. See also tcu-mako-sa, mother-in-law hima 'idan maxa-i, sister-in-law qat, qewot, this malai'-i, (my) aunt, (maternal) katcu, clover; koteu,* "grass" -mam-, to see qatus, frog -mat-, to find kowa, coals -mamat-, alive qoiy6-in, sour mamsuidji, a place kumitc-in, * all mamusi, king-snake e-que, urine mamutxi (?), widower -kut-, to keep -man-, to fall. See also -mo-, -klu- -kut-, to cut. See also -lolo- masola-i, maisola-i, daughter kwanpuitcikta, spider masomas, red salmon -kxol-, to dent. See also -tran- mata '-i, clean matta, sweat-house -laplap, -raprap-, to wink matra, matcitso lasa, widow ~~~matrepa, mateitsxol, dust lasa, widow lapuk-ni, weak matripxa, ashes l&-, to hiccup matrida, step-father mateiya, acorn-soaking place letretre, spotted meku-i, brother-in-law -lolo-, to cut. See also -kut- -, * ^ ~~~~~~menel-i mene, white llo, lalo,* goose men-drahe, disk beads -lot-, to mash hi-mi,t feather. See also hu-tu loa'or-en so hi-mina, back llido,* mudr hi-mina-tce, behind, outside Il-, lui-t, to drink - -lul-, -lurim-, -lus-, to drop micaku-i, nephew -lul-, -lurim-, -lus-, to drop -mitci-, to kick, with foot luredja, quickly. See also welmu -mitcxu-, to stink -lucluc-, to shake -mo-, to fall. See also -man-, -klu- liyu-in, smooth m l'a, moo,* yesterday hi-ma,j hear, hair. Cf. himaidan hi-mosni, hi-musni,* [hi-muclei], ma-mut, thou forehead -maa-, to burn. Se also -hi- -mu-, to fix -maq-, to roast -mum-, to run -mai-, to carry. See also -ham-, [(muni)], black-oak acorn -qi-, -xfi- mine '-zna, (mune-na), black oak hi-maidan, tump-line munu, mono,* star maitra, flat, river-bench muno-ieta, morning-star maitcitcam,* valley munui-tumni, falling star VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 375 muisaswa, musotri, mosotce,* fly patci, what. See also qatci muitala-i, maternal aunt patce-amkui, something mfitumma, motuma,* canoe patci-gun, (patci-kun), no mutuma-na, redwood patci-mam (1), everything [(mutuma-dji)], Captain John's patcut,* no village at Hupa, which is p&tcxal, cocoon rattle reached only by boat patc 'xu, willow -na-, to touch patcxfiai, Wintun nagotpi, soot patusu, rat ho-napu, navel paut, pamut, pat, that na1tcidut, we. See also noutowa, hi-pel, [hi-bele], penis tcigule pelo'a, black ant [(neradji)], village at head of -pen-, -hen-, to lick Hupa valley hi-pen,' tongue hi-ni, brain t -nini-, to shiver pepe '-in, thick -ninx-, to sneeze p6texol, hawk. See also yekyek -ninxui,? snail pl'a, fat (noun) n1x6tai,? snail -pim-, to play nolle, round -pm,topa hi-wi-nollom, rabbit (cotton-tail) pip-ila, chipmunk. See also wisilla no.matci, * autumn -bis- to split -nook-, to recover piticu, died meat noauhn rog pititexun, dried meat nodaduh-nm, rough nout, we. See (bitcoqolmu), hook-bill salmon n6utowa, we. See also natcidut, P hqlp in, crooked teigule hu-po,t foot -nuwec, to whip hu-po-ckun, footless -po-, to dig. See also -tsik- o-ella-i, o-alla-i,* my son -po-, to sleep oel-uilla, bachelor. See also -pok-, to wash puntsariecku poq-ela, cooking basket onipa,t pipe. Cf. -pa-, to smoke pola, alone (opuma-ktca), storage basket bolaxot, (bulaxut), finger-nail -owa, to go pat, pamut, paut, that -owa-tok, to come pfadju, [potcu], grizzly bear 6xwai, womandu skirt. See also -potpot-, to boil. Se also -dum- powa, open-work tray basket -pa-, to smoke. Cf. onipa, pipe -poxolxol-, to paint -pa-, to say -pu-, to work pa, ipa, moccasin -pui-, to shoot pa-nna, snowshoes. See also -puimuk-, to pinch hipui ipa punuslala, by and by pakt5 '-xna, alder -pukim-, -pupul, to nod pakt6na-dji, baktuna-dji, puktca'-zna, chaparral. See also Patterson 's axacna pala, strong pun, p 'un, one pamut, paut, pat, that p 'un-tcibum, p 'untcpom, six paci, leached acorn-meal pun-tcigu, nine pAsindjax-ola, water-ousel pun-drasut, eleven. See also -pat-, to poke saanpun punlasut -pat-, to sit. See also -tcit-, -wo- p'unna, tray basket 376 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. punts-ar, woman citimaa-dji, Big Bar puntsar-ie, puntcar-hi,* (punsal-i), cido '-i, sito-i,* (my) mother my wife cltra, srito, robin puntsari-6eku, bachelor. See citrqi, s6tri, sits0,* blood also 66liilla sbdr~-, to bleed punts-iila, puntc-alla,* girl citc-ella, sitc-ela,t dog -pupul-, -pukim-, to nod cite-iwi, sitc-iwi, wolf punuslala, by and by cidji'-in, wet pusuit wood cidjiw'-in, Hbk pusudr, mouse cid-iwlqa, a osprin -putata, to clap hands simu, log (hu-putcu-n-xame), [ha-budju-n- -sa so t xami], o-putcu-n-hama,* beard -sap-, sapho, to slide hi-pxa, intestines hu-sot, hu-cot,* eye hi-pxadji, hi-patci,* skin, bark hu-sot-nimi, eyebrow i-pxadji '-ina, tru-pxadji '-ina, hu-sunsa, eyelashes maple (I" bark-tree) hu-so '-xa, tears -pxel-, to twist sUtM'i, blue (?-cf. blood) pxicira, [picui], skunk -su-, -sux-, to throw -suhni-, to wake sa a, arrow cul-, cur, long ago hi-sam, hi-cam,* ear sulhim, abalone -cem-, to listen -sum-, to follow -samxu-, to dance hi-suma,* face hi-samqu-ni, drum hi-cum-axutculla, wild-cat sanna, wild potato. See also sawu, cun-huilla, old woman qawal, a 'asawi . s sangen, (cankeen), burden basket uta-p to scowl s&npun, ten -suta-d, t scowl sa&npun punlasut, eleven. See [suta-dji], a place also pundrasut -sux-, -su-, to throw hu-sa 'antcei, (hu-santcei), u-santce,* -dah-, born heart -daigu-, to pay sipxel, spoon. See also wec-naqalne ta'ira, ground squirrel s8ppxi, onion -tak, to sing s&wu, wild potato. See also qawal, tagnir, trcagnil, wild-cat a asawi, sanna taktcel, lizard -sax-, to cough t lamina, flea -saxutxut, to breathe tamini by and by -sek-, to swallow t' -cekta-, to make fire. See also hatsir ht ananuldjant hu-ci, liver; (husi), u-si,* breast tanatci, comb -sik-, to drive hi-taxai, tahalwi,* leaf siga, pretty cira, ci'ila, si'llye, sirha,t [cida], (tabum), again woman's breast, milk (dedima), [dirima], woodpecker. cil,i-tcfimuni, arm-pit See also konanantcei, teuredhu, teuleti [ciloki], a place tOutOu-na, fern -sim-, accompany tirha,* (di'la), bird tcu-simda, daughter-in-law tira-cela, teila-tcele, blackbird cibui, awl dilamda, [diramda], long ago cita, swamp. See also hixut tqe 'er-in, thin VOL.5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 377 tono '-i, dull -tcex-, to break. See also -kat-, -tot-, to bury -x6t6s- t'ododohi, hatcidri, dentalia. See tcele-i, tceli-t,* black also ahateu tcele '-in, dirty -tu-, to fly trelektcei, qerektce, humming-bird hu-tu, u-ti,j feather, wing. tseleye, mosquito See also hi-mi tseli-na, gooseberry -tudu-, to jump [(tcem-da)], across stream -dum-, to boil. See also -potpot- tcemu,t sky tumtit-ella, swallow -tcemux-, to clear (weather) t 'ummi, armor. See also tcitxa tremui-muta, trema-mutc-eu, -txa-, to stop tcimu-muta,* thunder hi-txan, hi-tal,* leg tcem-xatc-ila, bat hi-txanimaxa, [hi-txanemaxa], tcen-eu, acorn-bread knee terasmu, acid hi-txan-lede, hi-kxan-l1de, ankle tcer5smu, [tcidasmu]; mountain-lion -txrat-, to hide tcesundan, pestle -txat-, to hide -t?etcei buzzard -txax-, abandon. Cf. -taxt- ttc b txol, trxol, scorpion (?), crayfish. trewut, tceu-t,* (djewu), large See also tcisitcin trexanmatcxu, rainbow txod6hunmi, shallow -tci-, to squeeze hu-txun, bone telm-ar, tcim-al, (teim-al), [djim-ar], person, Indian hi-tra, hi-ta, (hi-tea),* hand, finger, (tcim-al-iko), Chimariko arm, shoulder tcim&r-etanama,t village tranehe, tsAnehe, five tcim-tukta, (djem-duakta), white- hi-tcanka * fingers man hi-tanpu, [hi-tcanpu], hi-tcanpo,* tcimia-na, sarvice-berry arm tsina, wood-tick hi-tci-tceta, thumb -tsik-, to dig. See also -po- -tra-, to tear. See also -xara- teigule, we. See also natcidut, -trahu-, to know noutowa -tcai-(?), -tcxilii-, to wash tcintxap-mu, [djundxap-mu], Big trcagnil, tagnir, wild-cat hi-tcipe, thigh tsamila, butterfly teirhuntol, buckskin tsamma, dried crumbled salmon . .m * ' ~~~~~~tcisamra, tcisamrha,* (djicamla), -tran-, to dent. See also -kxol- [djisamara], black bear tcanapa, conical shell tcisili, tceselli,* teididi, knife tranmi-da, downwards teisitcin, scorpion. See also txol, tranq6ma, Hyampom trxol tranper, wedge teisum-ula, orphan tsabok-or, mole -tcit-, to sit. See also -wo-, -pat- tsat, fish-trap, weir tcitaba, tcitaha,* lake tsadadak, king-fisher teitra, Trinity River tsat-ur, grasshopper tcitind6sa, coyote. Cf. tciteam-ulla, -tcatci-, to chew fox tsawa, lamprey eel tcitxa, armor. See also t'ummi trawel, [tcawal],* trout -tciwa-, to sell (djAwidjau), eagle. See also weiner teitcam-iila, fox. See also apxante- tcaxi, hard olla, haura. Cf. tcitind6sa, (djeida), hardog-sa n coyote (djeida), dog-salmon 378 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tcitca-na, manzanita wateel, pepper-wood tcitcan-ma, [djitcaan-ma], Taylor hi-wax, excrement Flat welmu, quickly. See also luredja tcitci-aqai, manzanita-cider wemer, eagle. See also djawidjau tcitcxbii, elder tree -wemtso-, to gamble trlyamen, tseyamen, (tciaman), wentcu, cradle yellowhammer wboq&m, floor (tso), up. See also wiemu we ho-wee, antlers, horn tsokokotce, bluejay tcolidasum, [djalintasun, djalitasom], weenaa, door New River 6s,do tc6wu, (tciiu), shaman hu-wetu, chin. See also tsuna hu-tsu, u-tsu,* teeth -whek-, to push -tcuk- (?), to drown hi-wi, anus tcukutc6i, owl. See also hara (wiemu), up. See also tso wili 'i wili-t * red -tcum-, to marry y Y tcumidan, happy (?), heavy (?) wis.-da, down-stream tcumu (?), under wisilla, chipmunk ('), beaver (1). See also pipila tsuna, chin. See also hu-wetu -wo-, to cry tsuna-na, digging-stick -wo-, -o t oa y ~~~~~~-wo-, -wom, to sit, to stay. See hu-trun-eu, (hu-tcen-eu), u-tcuniwa, also -tcit-, -pat- belly hi-woanad-atsa, chair triupxadji '-ina, ipxadji '-ina, maple hi-wo-hunmi, sunset tcuredhu, (tculeti), woodpecker. See also konanantc6i, dedima, dirima wowoin, to bar -tcut-, to strike w tsidamda-dji, [djidamada-dji], -xai-, to make Burnt Ranch baker tcuxunmin (?), deep xamoa-na, blackberry -tcxa-, -tcxet-, to pull. See also xar-'illa, hal-alla,* (xal-ala), baby -texet- -xaca-, to yawn tcxal-6n, light -xata-, to tear. See also -tra- -tcxet-, texa, to pull -xadj-, to steal trxol, txol, cray-fish, scorpion (?) i-xa-gutca, thief -tcxua-, to fight (xatsa), cold (texupun), acorn. See also yutri (xaumta-dji), a village in Hupa, -tcxiiui, -tcai-, to wish below the Ferry [xawaamai], Mad River uleta, small xaxa-tc6i, duck; hahatce,* mallard uluiida-i, (my) paternal aunt duck uimul, omul,* salmon xaxec-na, poison oak (umul-itcawa), sturgeon ("'large- xawin, caterpillar salmon") xawi-ni, old (umul-tcani), summer salmon x6'ir-en, xer6'-in, narrow (?), fiwu,f tobacco wide ( ?) -x6do-, to scrape ha-wa,t mouth -xiaxe-, to rub wai-da, east; (wai-da), up-stream xoku, qaqui, two -wak, -watok-, to come xaku-spom, qaqi-cpom, seven wa'la, wa'da, crow -xolgo-, to scratch. See also -kirkir- -wam-, -waum-, -wawum-, -a-, to go -xome-, to forget -watok-, -wak, to come xapun-6u, bow VOL. 5] Dixon.-The Chimariko Indians and Language. 379 [xoraxdu], a place xun6ri, huneri, marten(?), mink(?). x6su, hosu,* yellow pine See also qapam xodai, hotai, three xunoi-da, west (?), north (7) xodai-tcibum, hotai-tcipum, eight -xutaxun-, to remember xodalan, poor. Cf. -hada-, rich xutcxu, hemlock -xi5t6s-, to break. See also -kat-, (xuwetci), deer (buck). Cf. -wec, -tcex- antlers -xatudu, to snore xowft-ila, slowlyyaqa-na, white oak xow5n-ila, slowly . xowu, yellow-jacket [yaqana-dji], a place x6wu, ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ynnua yanunwa,jackeo -xu-, -xuc-, -hus-, -kos-, to blow yanunuwa, yanunwa, pigeon -xul-, to whistle -yatei-, iatci-mut,* to laugh -xfi-, to swim yekyek, hawk. See also p6texol -xfi-, to carry. See also -mai, -ham-, yeto'a, [yeteiwa] raccoon -qi- (yeteawe), deer (doe) ho-xu, nose yoma, unleached acorn-meal -xu-, fat (adj.) yonot, buckeye -xUC-, -xu-, -hus-, -kos-, to blow yuimatc, gopher xuitcu-lan, short yhitri, acorn xuli, holi-ta,* bad yuitxui-na, tan-bark oak xuli-teni, left-hand yuura, dove PLACE NAMES. Taylor Flat tcltcanma [djiteanma] Cedar Flat hadinaktcoha'da Burnt Ranch tsuidamdadji [djidamadadji] Hawkin 's Bar hamaidadji [amaitadji] Dyer's ranch itexaposta Patterson s paktonadji [baktunadji] Thomas ' maidjas6re Forks of New River qaiyausmuidji New River City qo 'omeniwinda Willow Creek hittitaidji Big Bar citimaadji Weaverville hisaemu New River tcolidasum [djalintasun, djalitasom] Big Creek h1mfaqutce Trinity River tcitra Hoboken sitjiwiiqai South Fork Trinity River h&teugidj6 Summerville maitotoudji Jordan's maidoleda Ce?ilville maidjatcuidje Yocumville maidjahilteula Bennett 's atcugidje Hyampom tranqoma Big Flat tcintxapmu [djundxapmu] Salt Ranch aqitce [aikidje] Mad River [xawaamai] 380 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. Hupa, village at foot of valley (amitsihedji) [amitsepi] Hupa, village below Ferry [hobetadji] Hupa, Hostler village (xaumtadji) Hupa, Captain John's village [(mutuma-dji) ] Hupa, village at head of valley [(neradji)] Unidentified place names mentioned by Doctor Tom to Dr. A. L Kroeber: amimamuco, hikdadji, kaimandot, itcikut, itcui, hoxudji, sutadji, hisitsaidje, huwitadji, qaetxata, yaqanadji, amateeledji, itsutsatmidji, agax- tceadji, baktunadji ,hisaadamu, xoraxdu, hutsutsaiedje, ciloki, kokomatxami.