UNIVERSITY OF CALI FORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 4 No. 5 THE WASHO LANGUAGE OF EAST CENTRAL CALIFORNIA AND NEVADA BY A. L. KROEBER t~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ BERKELEY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS SEPTEMBER, 1907 - . ? w w - - Z S w UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY The following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnol- ogical subjects issued under the direction of the Department of Anthrop- ology are sent in exchange for the publications of anthropological depart- ments and museums, for journals devoted to general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology, and for specimens contributed to the museum collections of the University. They are for sale at the prices stated, which include postage or express charges. Exchanges should be directed to The Exchange Department, University Library, Berkeley, California, U. S. A. All orders and remittances should be addressed to the University Press. AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY. (Octavo). Cited as Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn. Vol. 1. No. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pages 88, Plates 30, September, 1903 . . Price, $1.25 No. 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pages 290, March, 1904.. Price, 3.00 Vol. 2. No. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. Sinclair. Pages 27, Plates 14, April, 1904 . . Price, .40 No. 2. The Languages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages $2, June, 1904. Price, .60 No. 3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 22, June, 1904. .Price, .25 No. 4. Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 60, Plates 7, January, 1905. Price, .75 No. 5. The Yokuts -Language of South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 213, January, 1907 . . Price, 2.25 Vol. 3. The Morphology of the Hupa Language, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pages 344, June, 1905. Price, 3.50 .Vol. 4. No. 1. The Earliest Historical Relations between Mexico and Japan, by Zelia Nuttall. Pages 47, April, 1906. . Price, .50 No. 2. Contributions to the Physical Anthropology of California, by A. Hrdlicka. Pages 16, Tables 5, Plates t0, June, 1906. .- . . . . . . . . . . Price, .75 No. 3. Shoshonean Dialects of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 100, February, 1907.. . .Price, 1.50 No. 4. Indian Myths of South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 84, May 1907. . .Price, .75 No. 5. The Washo Language of East Central California and Nevada, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 67, September, 1907. Price, .75 No. 6. The Religion of the Indians of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pages 38, September, 1907. Price, .50 Vol. 5. No. 1. The Phonology of the Hupa Language: Part I, The Indi- vidual Sounds, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pages 20, Plates 8, March, 1907. .Price, .35 No. 2. Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs with Texts and Trans- lations, by Washington Matthews, edited by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pages 43, September, 1907. Price, .75 Vol. 6. No. 1. The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo Indians, by S. A. Barrett (in press). No. 2. The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians, by S. A. Barrett (in press). UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY VOL. 4 NO. 5 THE WASHO LANGUAGE OF EAST CENTRAL CALIFORNIA AND NEVADA* BY A. L. KROEBER. CONTENTS. PAGE Introduction ....................................... 252 Phonetics ....................................... 253 Initial and Final Sounds ....................................... 255 Combinations of Sounds ....................................... 255 Influence of Sounds upon One Another ...................... ................. 256 Summary ....................................... 256 Reduplication ....................................... 257 Composition and Structure ....................................... 258 List of Grammatical Affixes ......... .............................. 260 Pronoun ....................................... 264 Independent Personal Pronouns ........... ............................ 267 Demonstratives ....................................... 269 Interrogatives ....................................... 269 Noun ....................................... 270 Case-suffixes ....................................... 270 Plural ....................................... 271 Possessive Pronominal Affixes .......... ............................. 274 Verb ....................................... 279 Pronominal Incorporation ....................................... 279 Intransitive ....................................... 280 Transitive ....................................... 281 Reflexive ....................................... 284 Imperative ....................................... 285 Instrumental Prefixes ....................................... 286 Suffixes of Motion ....................................... 288 Tense and Mode ....................................... 289 Singular and Plural ....................................... 294 Verb Stems ....................................... 296 * This paper may be cited as Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., Vol. 4, No. 5. University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. PAGE Adjective . ......... ............. ...... 299 Numerals ........................................... 299 Connectives .. ....... 301 Order of Words ..3.0.......1........1..... ........ 301 Texts ........ ............ 302 Notes to Texts ...........................3.. ........-. 304 Specimen Phrases ............ 306 Vocabulary ..................3.. ....................... . 308 Summary .31..........................2.................... . 312 INTRODUCTION. The following information on the Washo or Washoe language was obtained during two visits of a few days each, devoted partly to other purposes, at Reno, Nevada. A number of Indians, both Washos and so-called Paiutes of Shoshonean stock, live on the outskirts of the town and can daily be found about its streets. The information secured was from Robert Schermerhorn, a young educated Indian speaking good English. The time devoted to investigations was so short that the progress made is due to the satisfactory interpreter and to the fact that the language does not present great phonetic and structural difficulties. From the ma- terial obtained a number of points are touched upon but neces- sarily left undetermined, and probably there are others which a further study may show to be of importance. Sufficient infor- mation seems however to have been secured in the study of the language to recognize with certainty some of its principal char- acteristics, sufficiently at least to compare the language morpho- logically with the neighboring lexically unrelated languages and to determine its place among them.' Like the preceding linguistic contributions published in this series, the present paper is the product of the Ethnological and Archaeological Survey of Cali- fornia which the Anthropological Department of the University owes, together with its foundation and support, to Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst. The territory of the Washo was situated both in California and Nevada in the vicinity of Lake Tahoe and the lower Carson 1 R. B. Dixon and A. L. Kroeber, Amer. Anthr., n. s., V. 1, 1903. 252 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. valley, east of the Sierra Nevada. The neighbors of the Washo on the west were the Maidu and the Miwok, living on the western slope of the Sierra. On all other sides were Shoshoneans, prob- ably all of whom belonged to a dialectic group comprising the Mono and the so-called Paviotso or "Paiute" of northwestern Nevada. The Washo language was definitely established as a dis- tinct family by Powell on the basis of its lexical content, and there appears no reason to change this classification. Although the Washo territory lay more largely in Nevada than in Cali- fornia, it was so restricted that the Washo present all the appear- ances of one of the numerous small linguistic families charac- teristic of California. They constitute, however, the only small family, in this region, east of the Sierras, and their cultural rela- tions, whether through the force of environment or through affil- iation, have been apparently mainly with the neighboring Sho- shoneans. They are the only Indians in Nevada that do not form part of the great Uto-Aztekan family. For this reason the first question of interest in regard to their language from a compara- tive point of view, is whether in its morphological characteristics, -its lexical and genetic independence being recognized,-it re- sembles more nearly the neighboring widely spread Shoshonean dialects with which it is chiefly in territorial contact, or the many distinct smaller families constituting a morphological group in northern and southern Central California. This question can be better discussed after a consideration of the information secured upon the language, and the answer will therefore be found in the conclusion of this paper. PHONETICS. The vowels of Washo are u, o, a, e, i. E and o are open. Mod- ifications of a such as ii; closed e and o; 6 and u; and nasalized vowels, do not occur. The vowels are both long and short. At times they are so short as to be obscure in quality. Accented or long vowels are often heard as doubled. The Indians distinguish two i's in certain stems according as these stems are combined with varying affixes, but the dissimilarity in sound between these i vowels is at best so slight that it is difficult to say whether a dif- VOL. 4] 253 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. ference actually exists or is only heard by the interpreter because he is conscious of a difference in meaning. i i I e e E a a A o s 0 u A U The chief difficulty to a foreign ear in the consonants of Washo is presented by the surd and sonant classes. There are probably three of these classes, whose true nature and relations have not been exactly determined. The sonants are apparently spoken as in English. The surds may be formed differently. The third class may consist of the surds aspirated. In recording the language, surds, "intermediate sonants," and aspirates, k, k, and k', were written in addition to sonants; but it seems likely that actually these symbols represent only two sounds. In the fact that its sonants seem more nearly than its surds to resemble the corresponding sounds of English, Washo differs from most Californian and many other Indian languages, in which the sonants are usually more different from their nearest European equivalents than are the surds. Outside of the question of surds and sonants the consonants present no great difficulties to the English ear. There are only three series, represented by k, t, and p. In each of these there is found, besides the probable surd, sonant, and aspirate, only a nasal. Spirants other than s sounds do not occur. A sound re- sembling the spirant of k, found occasionally between vowels and written x, is probably only h, for it does not occur either initially or finally. Ts is treated by the language as a single sound. S at times is a very pointed sound, dissimilar from English s. C (sh) approximates s. L is frequent, but r does not occur. A d which approximates r has been found in a number of words, but as it seems to occur neither initially nor finally it is doubtful whether it represents a distinct sound. Y, w, and h require no comment. Characteristic sounds wanting in the language are spirants di- rectly related to surds or sonants, velars, lateral 1, tc, and r. 254 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. Frequent and characteristic sounds occurring are g, d, b, -n (ng), 1, and y. k .(k) g k' (x) nl t (t) d t' n p (p) b p' m ts ts' S c 1, (r) y, w, h INITIAL AND FINAL SOUNDS. All the vowels occur both initially and finally. All the con- sonants have been found initially and most of them finally. Y and w appear finally as i and u. H, ts, and n have not been found finally, though it is probable that at least n occurs. The initial sound of syllables is usually a consonant, the final sound a vowel. The typical monosyllabic stem formula thus is consonant-vowel, less commonly consonant-vowel-consonant or vowel-consonant. COMBINATIONS OF SOUNDS. Combinations of sounds are not carried very far. The prin- cipal diphthongs are au and ai. There are no combinations of consonants either at the beginning of words or at the end of words, although it must be remembered in this connection that ts is a simple sound for the language. Within words practically any combination of two consonants can occur; but there are no combinations of three consonants. The only exceptions to the rule that any two consonants can be put in juxtaposition seem to be that h and ts, which cannot occur finally, are not found as the first member of combinations; and that w and n have so far not been found as second members of combinations. There is every probability that the stems and elementary syl- lables of the language contain no consonantal combinations. The fact that no combinations at all are found either at the beginning or end of words, is overwhelming evidence to this effect. Of the double consonants occurring within words a considerable number can be actually explained as due to affixion or reduplication. VOL. 4] 255 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. INFLUENCE OF SOUNDS UPON ONE ANOTHER. The various sounds, both vowels and consonants, influence each other comparatively little by coming into contact or prox- imity. There is a certain amount of vowel modification, usually of a to e and i to e. Thus, lak 'a, one, lek'lini, one person, lek'ek'- eni, one each. Before certain verbs the transitive pronominal prefix la- appears as le-; before initial i stems it becomes 1-: la- galami, le-glti, 1-icli. Before similar stems the intransitive and possessive prefix 1-, originally perhaps le-, changes i- to e-; afial, l-ainal; emlu, I-emlu; but lyek, l-eyek; lbu, l-ebu; lye, l-eye-i. Dal-, prefixed to color adjectives, becomes del- before i stems: dal-yawi, dal-cocofni; but del-pllpili, del-elegi. Contraction of vowels is uncommon. There are a few in- stances, such as laca, in me, from le, I, and -aca, inside of. There is some duplicati-on of stems, with consequent juxtapo- sition of consonants. The mutual contact of such consonants does not affect either of them. Dokdoki, beat, delpllpili, blue. In the final reduplication characteristic of the collective or distributive noun, the final consonant is usually lost by the first of the pair of syllables. Thus, -xat becomes -xa-xat, sa-n becomes sa-sani. If the reduplicated syllable is not final but in the middle of a word, the final consonant seems to be retained in both its occurrences but the initial consonant is lost in the second syllable of the pair. Thus hel-el-mi from hel-mi and lek'-ek'-ein from lak '-a. Such cases of reduplication in the interior of polysyllabic words make it almost certain that these words, however unan- alyzable they may otherwise seem to be, are composed of mono- syllabic elements. An idea of the phonetic character of the language is given by the fact that the English word quicksilver (kwiksilvEr) is pro- nounced gEi'ts 'iluwe in Washo. SUMMARY. The phonetic character of Washo is thus seen to be marked by a certain simplicity, regularity, and smoothness of sounds, at least from a European standpoint, qualities which are foreign to many American languages, though they are typical of a majority 256 OKroeber.-The Washo Language. spoken in Central California, including Maidu, Miwok, Yuki, Pomo, Wintun, Yana, Costanoan, Esselen, and Yokuts. Outside of the aspirates and perhaps "intermediates" and the somewhat peculiar s, there is hardly a sound which is not readily spoken by a tongue accustomed to European pronunciations. The absence of spirant, velar, and lateral sounds distinguishes the language from most American languages. The freedom with which both consonants and vowels are brought into contact within the same word without modifying one another, the very limited accumu- lation of consonants, and the fact that the elements of which words are built up appear never to contain any combinations either of vowels or consonants, make the pronunciation of the language at once easy and its structure transparent. REDUPLICATION. A number of words appear duplicated or reduplicated in their simplest forms. These include nearly all color adjectives, which in addition have a prefix dal-, and a number of nouns. This ety- mological duplication of words in their absolute form must be distinguished from the more grammatical reduplication to indi- cate iteration or distribution. dal-tsatsami yellow, green dal-coco-ni red del-pilpili blue dal-popoi white de-lelegi dark red tamomo woman tewlwi youth niaunia-n baby -bapa paternal grandfather -elel maternal grandfather -ca 'ea mother's sister tsi-guguc belly memeu ribs ts 'ats'a chin tupipiwi skunk le'lem midnight 257 VOL. 4] University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. COMPOSITION AND STRUCTURE. Washo appears to be a language in which, as in most American tongues, composition and derivation for grammatical purposes are developed to a considerable extent. Its study in the present instance has really been carried on to so limited a degree that little isolation and determination of derivative and inflectional elements was to have been expected. Such elements are however comparatively so prominent, and the transparent phonetic char- acter of the language so much facilitates their discernment, that a considerable number of morphological affixes have been deter- mined. It is certain that the number of these is much greater than for instance in Yokuts, a language the study of which has been carried much further than that of Washo, and probably also considerably greater than in Yuki, an equally simple language from which a still greater volume of material has been subjected to analysis. While composition and derivation for formative or etymolog- ical purposes have not been specially investigated in Washo, it seems that they are not particularly highly developed. It is prob- able that binary composition, as of two nouns, is of little impor- tance. That processes of word-building by derivation occur to some extent is evident from such suffixes as the -hu which occurs on the words for man, girl, and boy. The usual class of suffixes serving to derive nouns from verbs in many Californian lan- guages, is but little developed or lacking in Washo, its place being taken by a group of d-prefixes. Nominal affixes or stems of sub- stantival meaning used only in composition, of the type found in Algonkin and in greater development in Selish and Kwakiutl, have not been discovered. The principal observed instances of etymological composition or derivation follow. 258 OKroeber.-The VWasho Language. teliw '-hu caulam-hu me-hu nauwafn-aanal bu-meli bu-aiiali dal-yawi mal-yawi n-lci duk-nulci t-emli gulc emle-guic emle-gfic-i d-ibe ebe d-ibe-luc kum-ebe-yi dapauwit gua-pauud-i daw-ad-acaa daup-ad-acaa daup-ad-umua dek-mel-bolewi del-pilpili t 'awi-pilpili t 'awi man (te-wiwi, young man) girl boy (me-lu, old man) navel-string (" baby-live") husband (meli, make a fire) son-in-law (anial-i, live) black (dal-, prefix of all color adjectives) a black object, charred wood worthless dislike, hate heart noise, sound heart-beat it is beating sun, moon, month to-day noon days (when preceded by a numeral) night nights (when preceded by a numeral) before day afternoon, before evening evening five-cent piece, said to mean small and thick blue iron knife Composition or derivation with grammatical function have been noted wherever possible, and it has become certain that such composition is richly developed. The following list comprises the ascertained prefixes and suffixes of a grammatical or morpholog- ical nature. VOI.. 4] 259 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. LIST OF GRAMMATICAL AFFIXES. Pronominal prefixes: 1-, di- first person, subject of verb or possessive with noun m-, um- second person, subject of verb or possessive with noun mi- subject of first person with object of second la- subject of third person with object of first ma- subject of third person with object of sec- ond le-um- subject of second person with object of first ke- second person imperative ka- second person imperative with object of third person de-, da- possessive of third person gi-, ge-, ga- emphatic or reflexive of third person gum-ci denotes "a person and his." Compare the reflexive and dual suffixes. Suffixes of pronominal stems: -ci dual (on the numeral for two this suffix de- notes that persons are referred to) -ei inclusive of first person (first and second persons) -u plural (on numerals above three this suffix denotes that persons are referred to) -di formative of demonstratives from demon- strative adverbial stems -k emphatic -kum reflexive object. (Perhaps a prefix of verbs and nouns.) -a a frequent suffix of interrogatives Local and instrumental case-suffixes of nouns: -a -adi -aca -digu -aci adessive, terminative, inessive, general loca- tive inessive inessive inessive ablative 260 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. -uwe ablative -awic terminative -iwi superessive -elmu subessive -dulil juxtapositive -leleu approxiimative -haka comitative -lu instrumental Noun and verb suffixes denoting number or distribution: -kic distributive or collective on nouns and verbs -da distributive on verbs Instrumental prefixes of verbs: dum- with the end of a long object uga-, yugi- with a long object de- with the hand ( ?) liwi- with the foot nii- with the head le- with the teeth, by rubbing bilu- (k)- by turning ('?) u- ugal- be- -lup- instrumentality Verbal suffixes relating to motion: -uk, -buk -ue, -bue -giti -giliwe -c -a-hat -am, -awam -us -wa -aya -u toward the speaker from the speaker (cf. ablative of nouns, -uwe) up down motion through to? up? VOL. 4] 261 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Modal-temporal suffixes of verbs: -ye imperative -ce optative -es negative -i present -a aorist, narrative past -ic present participle -ac past participle -leki recent preterite, completed -aiki more distant preterite, completed -gul-aiki distant preterite, completed -alamaik indefinite perfect -hi future -aca future-desiderative -iki, -icki future-potential -gana inchoative -ue inchoative? (cf. suffix of motion from) -uc frequentative, usitative (cf. suffix of motion toward) -du-we, du-we-we, -du-hai conative -hai, -ihai -idufn dubitative It will be seen, first of all, that the affixes in this list include both prefixes and suffixes. In this respect Washo differs radically from several Californian languages, such as Yokuts and Yuki, and probably Costanoan and Esselen, which employ only suffixes. Among the more distinctly grammatical affixes the pronominal prefixes, both those indicating a single person and those indi- cating the relation of two persons to one another as subject and object, are conspicuous. In the fact that the pronominal elements when joined to other stems appear only as prefixes, Washo agrees with probably the majority of North American languages, there being evidently some tendency on this continent, broadly speak- ing, for the pronominal elements, and besides these but few classes of affixed elements, to be prefixes rather than suffixes. Among Californian languages, in Yokuts and Yuki the pronouns 262 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. are neither prefixed nor suffixed, but are always independent words; in Costanoan this is also virtually the case, although the pronouns are quite regularly preposed. As distinguished from the prefixes consisting of pronominal stems, there are in Washo a number of suffixes added to pronouns to indicate number and other grammatical ideas. The Washo noun is subject to a large series of suffixes indicating local and instrumental relations, but to no others. There are no affixes denoting purely logical or grammatical cases and practically none of number. Affixes to the verb, other than the pronominal ele- ments, comprise both prefixes and suffixes and fall quite distinctly into three classes: first, instrumental prefixes; second, suffixes of motion or direction; and third, the various modal and temporal suffixes analogous to those found in most languages. All three classes are numerously developed in Washo. Instrumental pre- fixes occur in other American linguistic families, such as Siouan.1 In California they are also found. They occur in Pomo, and Dr. Dixon has found similar affixes in Maidu, which, it will be remembered, is territorially adjacent to Washo. Yokuts and Yuki are known to lack such instrumental prefixes, and the same is probable of a number of other Californian languages, besides Shoshonean. The Washo suffixes of motion sometimes occur in pairs, such as those denoting motion respectively toward and from the speaker. The exact meaning of a number remains to be determined. Suffixes of motion precede in their position on the verb those of the third class, the modal and temporal suffixes. 1 Athabascan (P. E. Goddard, Morphology of the Hupa Language, present series, Vol. III) possesses verb-prefixes denoting objects or substances, such as mouth, fire, water, but uses them neither instrumentally nor objectively, but only with reference to motion or position: ya-, air; ye- house, basket, hollow object; no-, end; sa-, mouth; ded-, fire; te-, water. Sa- cannot be used in such compounds as "to bite with the mouth" or " to hurt the mouth," but only in words like "to put into the mouth," "to shoot the mouth," where motion (or position) is described by the prefix. These Athabascan prefixes are very similar to the corresponding prefixes of Washo and Siouan, with apparently the one difference that they can be used only instrumentally in the latter languages, and only adverbially, with reference to motion or position, in Athabascan. VOL. 4] 263 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. PRONOUN. As in many if not most American languages, the part played in Washo by the pronouns themselves, that is the independent pronominal words, is slight, being largely made up for by the all- important pronominal affixes. These affixes and the independent words are generally more or less similar, so that the affixes may be regarded as abbreviations of originally independent stems, or these words as expansions of originally synthetically used word- fragments. In the objective verb, where two persons are in ques- tion, there are forms appearing to be combinations of two simple pronominal elements, but there are also forms which are not thus derivable. While, owing to the absence of complications on ac- count of number, these bi-personal transitive pronominal affix- forms are not very numerous or formidable, still, because the relation or similarity to the independent pronouns fails in the case of certain of these double forms, Washo must be reckoned with the pronominally incorporating languages, or those in which the pronominal verb affixes are so closely amalgamated with the verb stem or other component parts of the verb as not to be iden- tical with the independent unaffixed pronominal stems of the same meaning. The pronominal affixes of the noun and of the intransitive verb, in the one case possessive, in the other subjective, are iden- tical and their use is exactly analogous. This is a common phe- nomenon in American languages and it does not seem necessary to derive from it the conclusion, as has often been done, that the verbal-pronominal relation is in fact a possessive one and that the form which is the equivalent of I run means really my running. Such explanations originate from conceptions based on our own European languages, for which, if such phenomena occurred in them, the explanations would perhaps be justifiable. In the Indo- European languages the pronouns are whole words independent of any others in the sentence, and the possessive pronouns are possessive case-forms of these stems, even though the phonetic form and origin of these case-forms may be different from the corresponding possessive case-forms of nouns. If therefore a 264 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. possessive pronoun in an Indo-European language were found used as the subject of a verb, the explanation could perhaps not well be other than the one in question. In American languages, however, especially those showing a considerable development of pronominal incorporation in noun and verb, conditions are quite different. Pronouns are represented in these languages not by independent stems but by synthetic particles. Far from the pos- sessive particle used with nouns being a possessive case formation of the pronominal stem, there often, as in Washo, is absolutely no case-expression of the possessive relation in the language, the only means of indicating this category being in fact through the use of the pronominal element itself. Such being the circum- stances, there is therefore first of all no real possibility of this element being actually possessive in form, analogously to the possessive pronouns of Indo-European languages; and secondly, there is no reason why it should be considered so. With the pos- sessive my lacking in the language, I house, if the context or the form of the word shows house to be a noun, can only mean what in English we call my house. There is therefore theoretically nothing lost by the employment in these languages of the same pronominal element in the verb and noun in such ideas as I live and my house; and this being the case, it is not surprising that only one form does occur. But to regard this undifferentiated form as actually subjective, and its use with possessive function in the noun as a crudity of the language, or as actually possessive and its use in the verb an indication of a material conception of verbal action as being a possessive relation, is without warrant. It can not be affirmed that Washo says either I house or my live; it uses an undifferentiated affix, which in itself is neither posses- sive nor subjective, but which has possessive force in the noun and subjective force in the verb. An explanation similar to the one here discussed has been applied to a phenomenon occurring in a number of American languages, though not in Washo, namely, the similarity of the pronominal elements expressing the subject of an intransitive verb and the object of a transitive verb. The explanation for this circumstance has been that the intransitive, especially in the case of verbs of mental action or experience, is really an imper- 265 VOL. 4] University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. sonal transitive verb with the person in question as its object, so that when the language says "me thinks " it really says "it thinks to me." But here again the incorporating American language differs from Indo-European in that its pronominal forms are in- herently not words but only fragments of words, which need no case suffixes, or if they had them would lose them in composition; and second, in that there are no forms whatever to express the logical case relations, whereas in Indo-European the pronoun, appearing as an independent word, is like the noun unable ever to escape the stamp of case. In Indo-European I and my and me must always be differentiated; even if their forms become homon- ymous, the three are kept clearly apart in the consciousness of the language. In the American languages in question, the three ideas of 1, my, and me are not thus inevitably differentiated, and there is no a priori reason why they should be. If there is anything to show that a certain pronominal element is the object of the verb which it accompanies, there is nothing lost in efficiency of expres- sion if this objective element is identical in form with the element which is the subject of verbs or the logical possessor of a noun. There is thus no necessary reason whatever for the differentiation of the forms expressing these three categories, except in the case where two pronominal forms occur directly in combination, namely, in the subjective and objective relations of the transitive verb. This double relation, if position and other means of gram- matical expression fail, practically enforces at least one differen- tiation in the pronominal forms. But given this one differentia- tion, with its resultant two forms for each person, there is no theoretical reason why either of these two forms should not be used for any combination of two or three of the four categories: -possessive, intransitive subject, transitive subject, and object,- except of course the last two. As long as usage has once definitely established in a language, from whatever cause, that the object and the intransitive subject are alike in form, and the transitive subject and possessive also alike, the expression of ideas is as clear as under any other arrangement. If this distribution of the two or more differentiated pronominal forms among the four cate- gories of meaning expressed by pronouns, were the only one found in all languages, there might be some reason for believing that the 266 VOL.4] Kroeber.-The Washo Language. 267 transitive subject was really a possessive and the intransitive sub- ject really an object, and that instead of I see him and he looks, languages said my seeing him and it looks to him. But the fact that there are languages in which other combinations of the four categories are expressed by single forms, shows such an explana- tion to be untenable. When, for instance, the objective pronom- inal element is identical with the possessive' instead of the in- transitive subjective,2 when the intransitive subject is in one language identical with the transitive subject," in another with the possessive,4 in another with the objective,2 no reasoning of the kind can be sustained. The fundamental error in such explana- tions is that they apply ideas derived from the independent pro- nominal words, necessarily marked for case, in Indo-European, to the essentially synthetic pronominal elements, which are both undifferentiated and undifferentiable for case, in many incor- porating American languages. It is undoubtedly true that when in one language the objective element is identical in form with the subjective and in another with the possessive, these circum- stances are not meaningless and fortuitous; and a knowledge of the causes of the phenomenon in each language, and of the dif- ference between them, if it can be obtained, is of the highest interest and value. But such inquiries must be made on the basis of the specific internal evidence furnished by each language and not by the mere direct application of principles derived from the knowledge of more familiar languages; principles which may be, and in certain cases unquestionably are, inapplicable to American languages. INDEPENDENT PERSONAL PRONOUNS. The Washo pronoun shows three numbers, singular, dual, and plural. The stems, contrary to what occurs in many American languages, remain the same for each person throughout all num- bers, being modified only by affixes. As is frequently the case in American languages, there is no independent form for the third person. In the pronominal affix-elements forms occur not only 1 At least similar in Creek. 2Haida, Tlingit. a Nahuatl, Otomi, Heiltsuk. 'Chumash, Costanoan. University of Californuia Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. for a reflexive but for a direct third person; but even then the third person is often indicated by the omission of any affix, not by any positive element. The stem of the first person seems to be 1-, of the second person m-. In the independent forms of the pro- noun these appear as le and mi. In the affixed forms the first person is represented either by 1- or di-, the second person by m- or um-, according to phonetic circumstances; the third person either not at all or by da-, and the reflexive by gi-. When two pronouns are brought together in the verb in the transitive ob- jective conjugation, these same forms are in some cases merely placed together, whereas in other instances there are forms which cannot be derived from any simple combination of the single forms. The dual in the independent pronoun is indicated by the suffix -cj, the plural by -u, In t-he first person, at least in the dual, the inclusive is distinguished from the exclusive by the addition of another wci. It is curious that the same suffix should thus be uwd, even to duplication in the same word, to express ideas ap- parently as distinct logically as duality and the inclusion of the second person with the first. It would seem from this case, as from others, sueh as Dakota, that there exists a tendency in lan- guage, or at least in American languages, to connect, or to fail to distinguish between, the two eategories of duality in the pronoun and of the difference between inclusion and exclusion of the seeond person. The independent personal pronouns accordingly are the fol. lowing: Singular Dual Plural Exclusive Inclusive 1. 1A leci lMcici leu 2. mi mici miu These independent personal pronouns receive the locative case suffixes or appositions exactly like nouns. Thus: le-wi, I-on, on me. As has been stated, the syntactical functions of the pronoun are expressed normally through the synthetically used affix-forms, so that the independent pronouns occur chiefly with an emphatic force. This being so, it is not surprising that these independent forms seem to be used alike subjectively, objectively, and posses- 268 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. sively. They must be regarded as standing outside the essential structure of the sentence except in so far as they are connected with it by being in apposition to the pronominal elements com- bined with the noun or verb. The pronouns are made especially emphatic by the addition of the suffix -k. mi-k m-iidi, you yourself told it. le-k l-eed-ac, I am the one who said it. The essentially reflexive stem gi is frequently used with this suffix. gi-k iidi, he said. Even the demonstrative stems appear with this emphatic suffix -k. le-yuli-duhai ha-k l-eedi-c-da, they want to kill me because I said that. DEMONSTRATIVES. The demonstratives show three stems, which are more or less coordinated with the three persons. The simplest forms of these stems occur in the demonstrative adverbs. The substantival or adjectival demonstrative pronouns are built up from these ad- verbs by the addition of the suffix -di. There is no distinction in form for substantival or adjectival use: whether it is said "this one goes" or "'this man goes, "this" is identical. here, near me wa this, near me widi there, near you ha that, near you hadi there, distant di that, distant didi INTERROGATIVES. The interrogative pronouns go back to two stems, a commoner ku- and a less frequent hu-. Most forms end in -a. The interro- gative particle hec, an independent word, is regularly used with all interrogative pronouns. It would seem from this that the interrogatives without the interrogative particle may be indefinite in meaning. who kudiii-a what kufiate hutaii-a where kuii-a why huina how many kuteciuiia VOL. 4] 269 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. Hunfa and kuteciu-na are the only ones of these forms that have not sometimes been found without final -a, though all usually have it. NOUN. There are three principal subjects to be considered in connec- tion with the Washo noun. First, while there is no trace of any syntactical cases, there is a vigorous development of locative cases and other suffixes of more or less material as opposed to formal meaning. Second, while a pure plural seems to be wanting, there is some development of categories related to the plural. Third, is the combination of the noun with the pronominal elements. CASE-SUFFIXES. As in so many American languages, syntactical cases are wanting in Washo, the subjective, objective, and possessive being identical in form. The language being an incorporating one, that is, one in which the relations of subject and object are indicated in the verb and the possessive relation is expressed by pronominal affixion to the noun, this lack of formal cases is not so much felt. What would in other languages be the possessive case relation is expressed by juxtaposition of the two nouns standing in this re- lation, the possessor showing the form indicative of the third person possessive, -which, it must be remembered, is expressed not by an affix but by the absence of affixes from the stem. The locative and 'instrumental case suffixes, postpositions, or appositions, as some would prefer to call them, are numerous, and the following list probably does not exhaust their number. There is no doubt that as they are used on the noun they are actually suffixes and not independent postposed particles equivalent in their employment to our prepositions. Nevertheless their union with the word to which they refer is not very close, as appears from the fact that in the case of pronominal words a syntactical suffix or particle is sometimes interposed between the stem and the "case suffix." Thus, in huniate hec lu, what with ?, the in- tervening hec is the independent interrogative particle. On the 270 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. other hand forms like laca, for le-aca, a're evidence of closer union between stem and suffix. -a in, to -aci from -awicl to, toward -uwe' from -adil in, within -digul in, within -aca in, within -dulill next to -leleul near, close to -iwi on -elmu under -haka in company with -lu with, by means of, within a period of time PLURAL. There does not seem to be a plural in Washo which corre- sponds to that of English. Questions in sentences so framed as to bring out the plural, usually resulted in words showing one of two forms, the first with final reduplication, the second with the suffix -kic. The fact that neither of these forms was used with numeral adjectives, and that both were wanting in other cases where there was little doubt that the noun had a plural meaning, makes it almost certain that there is no true plural in the lan- guage. What the two forms used actually designate, is not clear. The reduplication naturally leads to the surmise of a collective or distributive. The suffix -kic when appended to parts of the body seems to designate loose or acquired parts as distinguished from parts of the body in their normal position in the living indi- vidual. Most nouns seem to be used with only one or the other of the two forms. This applies both to names of animals and inani- mate objects. Nouns denoting persons seem always to be redu- plicated instead of having the -kic form. The word moko, knee, has been found in both forms, moko-ko and moko-kic, the latter said to mean separate knees scattered about, or a pile of knees. 1Found once. VOL. 4] 271 University of California Pu,blications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Nouns found with final reduplication: dim-layaLa-ya my wives dik-milut-lu my friends tamomoo-mo women me 'li-lu old men me 'hu-hu boys wacii-ciu Washoes (wa'-ciu) palee-leu Paiutes, Paviotsos (paleu) tabob'oo'o whites (taboo = tabo'o?) di-gucu-cu my dogs gusu-su buffalo memdewi-wi deer haiiakmuwe-we elk k 'ewe-we coyotes malosa-sa-ni stars meskitse-tsa-t arrows (meskitset) baloxa-xa-t bows (baloxat) tawii-wi knives mokoo-ko knees teli-li-w 'hu men (teliw 'hu) cau-au-lamhu girls (caulamhu) nauni-au-n-aii babies (iiauihii) dan--an--al houses (dafial) metuntucu old women (nentucu) Nouns found with the suffix -kic: aiyas-kic tuliici-kic peleu-kic tsali-kic mogop-kic tubupiwi-kic hZola-kic basat-kic biwi-kic delem-kic patalnii-kic antelopes wolves jackrabbits cottontail-rabbits foxes skunks badgers ground-squirrels tree-squirrels gophers eagles 272 Kroeber.- The Washo Language. kagi-kic crows tek-kic stones mayop-kic feet layuc-kie hairs dalifn-kic arms (separated from the body) moko-kic knees (detached) The final reduplication is quite regular when the last syllable of the unreduplicated noun consists of a consonant followed by a vowel. When the last syllable ends in a consonant this occurs in a reduplicated form on the second of the pair of syllables, but not on the first. It can therefore be said that in words ending in a consonant this final consonant is lost before the syllable added by the reduplication. Certain words show reduplication of a syllable within the word or are somewhat irregular. That the suffix -kic does not occur with any meaning akin to that of a plural on nouns denoting persons, may show that this suffix is not the exact equivalent of final reduplication. That on terms denoting parts of the body this suffix signifies, as has been stated, that they are detached or acquired, does not seem to be due to any inherent or primary significance of the element, but rather to its collective or distributive denotation which is not ordinarily applicable to parts of the body in their living function or position. A suffix -kic occurs also on verbs with an unquestionably collec- tive or distributive meaning, though whether collective or distri- butive could not be determined on account of lack of connected textual material. dik-milu-lu l-ayuc yok'am-kic-i, my-friends mny-hair pulled- out. dik-milu-lu lek '-ek '-e-n l-ayuc yok 'am-i, my-friends one-each my-hair pulled-out. dik-milu-lu pakarec 1-ecl-i, my-friends a-head-of-beef I-give. dik-milu-lu pakarec l-ecli-kic-i, each-of-my-friends a-head-of- beef I-give. ieda mile d-anial dibikefi mlpul-kic-a, then all the-houses bones were-full-of. dekk'cu-kic-as, many coming. 273 VOL. 4] 4University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. POSSESSIVE PRONOMINAL AFFIXES. The union of the possessive pronominal elements with the noun discloses some of the most characteristic features of the Washo language. To begin with, the topic can be simplified by eliminating the dual and plural from consideration. As there are no special pronominal forms for these numbers, the dual and plural of the possessive pronouns are expressed in two ways: either by placing before the noun, but as a separate word, the in- dependent form of the pronoun in the number required; or by suffixing to the noun to which the pronominal element is prefixed -ci or -hu, the suffixes of duality and plurality otherwise added to the independent pronouns. The latter method has been found only in the first person. The former, that of indicating the num- ber by the apposition of an independent pronoun in the dual or plural, has been found in both the first and second persons. The plurality of the noun as distinguished from that of its modifying pronominal element, that is to say the presence or absence of its final reduplication or the suffix -kic, does not affect the prefixed pronominal elements and may also be disregarded in the present connection. I-an'al my house leci I-an-al our (d.) house m-anal thy house miu m a-nal your house di-tawi my knife leci di-tawi our (d.) knife leu di-tawi our knife leu di-tawiwi our knives di-ha-na my mouth di-ha-na-ci our two mouths di-ha-na-hu our mouths l-adu my hand l-adu-hu our hands miu m-adu your hands In their relation with the possessive pronominal elements, which are always prefixed, the nouns are divisible into two great 274 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. classes, those beginning with a vowel and those beginning with a consonant. Those with initial vowel indicate the first person by 1- and the second by m-. Those with initial consonant indicate the first person by di- and the second person by um-. A differ- ence of greater importance between the two classes than this dif- ference of the prefix forms for the first and second persons, is the fact that initially vocalic words in the absolute form, that is to say when unaccompanied by any pronominal element, show a prefix or initial element d-, whereas words beginning with a con- sonant lack this d-. If it were not that the presence of this d- in the absolute form of the noun is conditioned so rigorously by the phonetic form of the beginning of the word, it would be difficult to avoid the conclusion that this d- had some important structural function. The two initially vocalic and consonantal classes of nouns differ also in the expression of the third person. Nouns beginning in a vowel express pronominal possession of the third person by the absence of any prefix, so that the initial d- of the absolute form of the word,-which, as the language is first learned, gives the erroneous impression of being the stem form,- is lost. D-aadu is hand, aadu his hand. The second or initially consonantal class of nouns, which lack the initial d- in the abso- lute form of the noun, usually but not always show a pronominal prefix in the third person. This prefix is da- or de-. Certain nouns of this initially consonantal class, however, resemble those of the initially vocalic class in lacking every pronominal prefix in the third person. These nouns include not only words like dog, which differ in the absolute (suku) from the pronominal (gucu) form, but nouns like tawi, knife, and mayop, foot, which accord- ingly are alike in the absolute form and with the possessive of the third person. The following therefore are the two classes of formations. VOL. 4] 275 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. I. Initially Vocaic. Absolute Form My Thy of word d-afial l-afial m-afial d-6mlu l-Wmlu m-emlu d-ayuc l-ayuc m-ayuc d-lyek l-eyek m-lyek d-ahil I-ahil m-ahil d-lbu l-bu m-lbu d-adu l-adu m-Adu d-aliii I-alii d-emli l-emli d-aca 1-aca l-ayuk m-ayuk d-ihep l-ehep II. Initially Consonantal. Dog Knife Nose Foot suku tawi cuyep mayop Knee moko Eye wigi Finger tulitsek Belly tsigfiguc Son Daughter Father Mother Sister-in-law Paternal grandfather Man's son 's child Maternal grandfather Man's daughter's child Elder sister Elder brother Paternal grandmother Woman's son's child Father's brother Wife um-laya Friend Tongue madut Arrow meskitsat Mouth hafia Thigh yowi Rib m'emeu Younger brother Younger sister Dream Medicine muts 'uk di-guieu di-tawi di-cuyep um-gucu um-tawi um-cuyep di-mayop di-mbko di-wigi di-tulitsek di-tsiguiguc di-niam um-fiam di-fiama um-fnamu di-k 'oi um-k'oi di-la um-la di-yanll um-yafiil di }bpa um-bapa la-I di- } elel-i le- di-isa di-at 'u um-At 'u di- } ama um-ama di-euci di-m-laya mi-m-laya dik-milu u '-mila dik-madut di-meskitsat di-hafia di-yowi di-m6meu di-beyu di-wits 'uk di-hamukuyiuk di-muts 'uk u '-muts 'uk From the fact that the great majority of nouns obtained with initial d- in the absolute form designate parts of the body, it might at first sight seem that this element was an indefinite pronominal Meaning House Food Hair Tooth Leg Neck Hand Arm Heart Urine Father-in-law Head His anal ayuc lyek a-du ayuk ihep gucu tAiwi cuyep, de-cuyep mayop, da-niayop da-mbko de-wigi de-tulitsek de-tseg&gue da-niamu da-k 'oi da-la da-bA'pa da-bapa' da-isa da-ama de-euci da-m-laya 276 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. prefix analogous to affixes found in certain other American lan- guages with the meaning "someone's." That this is however not the case appears both from the fact that words like d-ainal, house, show this initial element, and that many nouns denoting parts of the body, like madut, tongue, and hafna, mouth, do not take ini- tial d-. It is possible that the initial d- is at least in origin an affix making nouns of verbs. There is evidence for this in words such as d-afnal, house, d-6mlu, eat, and d-ime, water, whose stems, lack- ing the d-, are -used as verbs with the meanings respectively of live, eat, and drink. It is true, however, that the more consider- able number of nouns denoting parts of the body which begin in the absolute form with d- are not thus analyzable, at least in the present stage of knowledge of the language. On the other hand the explanation of d- as a noun-agent prefix is strengthened by the occurrence of several forms similar to d- and with similar force.' tam-atki murderer (atki, kill) da-y-atki the murdered one (his murdered one?) de-yulii a dead one (yfili, die) deuh-yuilii ghost, skeleton deu-beyu chief t-4ye good walker (iye, walk) det-milei runner (muc, run) dem-giti-i biter (git-i, bite) It is to be noted that a few words beginning with m show the prefix of the first person in the form dik- instead of di-. The reason for this anomaly is not clear. That the k is not part of the stem is seen in their absolute form, as madut, tongue, dik-madut, my tongue. Terms of relationship furnish the only exception to the rule that all nouns of the first class begin with a vowel and all of the second with a consonant. -isa, older sister, -at'u, older brother, -ama, paternal grandmother, -euci, father's brother, and -elel-i, 1 Salinan shows a complicated and little-understood combination of the prefixed possessive pronoun with the noun, accompanied by a frequent t.- prefix of unknown value, which present at least some external similarities to the conditions in Washo. Present series, II, 46. VOL. 4] 277 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. maternal grandfather, all belong to the second class in taking the possessive prefixes di-, -um, and da-. As terms of relationship are not used without possessive prefixes, there is no opportunity of knowing whether or not these words would in their absolute form also belong to the second class and lack initial d-: whether for instance "older sister" per se would be d-isa or isa. On the other hand two terms of relationship, -ayuk, father-in-law, and -eyec, daughter-in-law, have been found to belong to the first class, to which one would expect their initial vowels to refer them if they were not terms of relationship, and form possessives respectively by 1-, m-, and -, like other initially vocalic nouns. A curious phenomenon is displayed by certain terms of rela- tionship which denote two persons standing in reciprocal rela- tionship to one another, such as paternal grandfather and a man's sona's child. These are both expressed by one stem, for instance -bapa. When the older of these two reciprocal relatives is meant, the possessive of the first person is expressed by di-. When the younger is meant, the prefix of the same person is la-, recalling the 1- prefix of the first or initially vocalic class of nouns. Thus, di-bapa, my paternal grandfather, and la-bapa, my son's child. In the second person no such distinction was observed. In the third person, according to the informant, there is a difference, perhaps of accent or length of vowel; but the same prefix da- is used for both significations. The reflexive possessive of the third person, or the possessive referring to the subject of the sentence, is not expressed by da- or by lack of a prefix, but by the prefix gik-. Thus: da-isa, his, another's, older sister; gik-isa, his own older sister; gik-beyu- haka anial-i-a, her-own-younger-brother-with she-lived; gi gik- namin ugaiami, his-own-child he strikes; da-nfamin ugaiami, her- child he-strikes; gik-isa-y-es ipu-a, not-his-own-elder-sister he- found; tabo de-isa-haka g-ipu-a, a-white-man his- (the white- man 's) -elder-sister-with he- (another person) -found. A double affix consisting of the prefix gum- and the suffix -ci denotes "so and so and his," as in phrases like "he and his brother." Gum- is probably the reflexive gum or kum. John gum-beyu-ci paleu ipu-a, John and his brother found a Paiute. 278 oKroeber.-The Washo Language. VERB. Nearly everything that can be said about the Washo verb is comprised under the head of affixes. These fall of themselves into four well-marked classes, differing both in use and in meaning. First are the pronominal elements, which are always prefixed, and for which there are transitive-objective as well as intransitive forms. Second, also prefixed, but of etymological as well as syn- tactical function, is a class of prefixes expressing instrumentality or explicitly limiting the nature of the dynamic action of the verb. Third, perhaps somewhat less etymological than the last, but still scarcely purely grammatical, is a class of suffixes denot- ing motion. Fourth and last is a large group of suffixes denoting tense, mode, and a numerous category of related ideas. With the discussion of these four classes of prefixes and suffixes the exami- nation of the verb is practically exhausted. *The stem does not seem to undergo any essential changes. Reduplication is unim- portant. A distributive or collective is occasionally indicated by the suffix -kic, which is used for the same purpose in the noun. The plural is not expressed, except for the fact that in the case of certain verbal ideas different stems occur for the singular and plural. There is no incorporation of the noun into the verb. I. PRONOMINAL INCORPORATION. Pronominal incorporation in the verb must be declared to exist, since not only are the pronominal elements fully joined into one word with the verb stem, but they are simpler than the independent pronominal forms- and sometimes differ from them. As in the case of possessive incorporation in the noun, the process of incorporation, in many American languages so intricate, is considerably simplified in Washo by the absence of any indication of number, the singular, dual, and plural being identical. The intransitive and transitive-objective pronominal incorpor- ations in the verb must be considered separately. VOL. 4] 279 University of California Publicatios. [Am. ARCH. ETH. Intransitive. The intransitive conjugation is exactly parallel to the incor- poration of the possessive elements in the noun. There are the same two classes of stems, those beginning with vowels and those beginning with consonants; and the same prefixes, respectively 1- and m- in the first class, and di- and um- in the second, denote the first and second persons, with absence of any prefix for the third person. This parallelism between the noun with a possessive pro- nominal element, and the intransitive verb with a subjective pro- nominal element, becomes especially interesting in those cases in which the same stem is used for nouns and verbs of kindred mean- ing. Thus the stem anial means both to live and house, dwell or dwelling. The prefixes used being the same, my house and I live are identical except for the fact that as a verb the stem is not used without a modal-temporal suffix. L-ainal is my house and l-afial-i I live. Exactly the same relation exists in the ease of the stem emlu, food or eat, and ime, water or drink. The initial d- which forms the absolute or non-possessed form of many nouns, and which appears to indicate the object, instru- ment, or agent of the verbal action expressed by the stem, bears a close relation to the pronominal prefixes, not through any simi- larity in the nature of its meaning, but on account of being a functional equivalent. Not only is it prefixed exactly like the pronominal elements, but it is alternative with them, being lost when a possessive prefix is used and universally reappearing on certain stems whenever the possessive or subjective prefix is lack- ing. This d- prefix has been discussed in connection with the noun and its pronominal elements. It need only be said again here that several similar prefixes, such as t', dam-, and det-, hav- ing agentive force and probably related to d- in origin and mean- ing, have been found. D- seems more frequently to denote the object of action, that which is eaten, drunk, inhabited; t', dam-, and det- appear to refer to an agent. D-emlu is food, t emlu, eater; t'lye, walker; d-a-nal, house; d-ime, water; d-aea, urine; det-miic-i, runner; dem-glt-i, biter; tam-atki, murderer, killer. 280 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. Mean,ing Stem I Thou He Eat emlu 1-bmlu-yi Walk iye 1-eye-i m-iye-i (gi-)iye-i Live anlal I-afial-ii m-afial-ii anlal-ii Come ibi 1-6bi- ibi-i Drink ime I-eme-i ime-i Urinate aca 1-aea-i Run muic dik-muic-i u '-muie-i (gik-)muic-i Hungry bica 'pu di-bica 'pu-i um-biea pu-i bica 'pu-i Dream gumsuia di-gumshie- Chew di-bemfikul-i um-bemuikul-i bemulkul-i Transitive. In the transitive conjugation, or the incorporation of both subject and object, the bases of the pronominal elements are vis- ible. Nevertheless these transitive pronominal forms are in most cases not simply composites of the subjective and objective pro- nouns, but inseparable monosyllables. The only exception is the combination of the subject of the second person and object of the first person, where the form is le-um, consisting of the inde- pendent pronoun le, I, me, and the pronominal prefix um- denot- ing the subject or possessive of the second person. This form occurs also as lem. It is doubtful whether it is actually prefixed, that is, joined to the verb stem, or whether it is only preposed. The remaining transitive pronominal elements are unques- tionably prefixes. An Pm- occurs wherever the second person is represented either as subject or object. When it is the subject, this -m- forms the last part of the prefix; when it is the object, it is at the beginning of the prefix. This would show that in the formation of these prefixes the subject stood nearer the stem, the object farther from it; in other words, that the objective pronom- inal element was prefixed to the subjective prefix. In the transitive first person the 1- or d- characteristic of its intransitive and possessive forms always appears, except in the combination of the first person as subject with an object of the second person, where the form is simply mi-, the phonetic sign of the second person having evidently predominated over that of the first to the exclusion of the latter. In the third person matters are somewhat different. It will be remembered that the third person has no indication in the VoL. 41 281 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. intransitive verb, and that in the possessive noun it is represented by a prefix da- occurring only in certain cases. In the transitive conjugation, when the object is of the third person, it seems not to be expressed. The transitive form of the third person ob- jective with a subject of the first person is di-, and with a subject of the second person um-, the same as for initially consonantal intransitive verbs. When however the subject is of the third person and the object of the first or second, an -a- appears as the sign of the third person. This, combined with the elements 1- and m- characteristic of the first and second persons, forms the pre- fixes la-, he me, and ma-, he you. This -a- characterizing the sub- jective transitive third person does not occur as a separate prefix, much less as a separate word; but it is probably more than a coincidence, though possibly only the influence of analogy may have been operative, that the possessive prefix of the third person found before initially consonantal nouns, da-, also contains -a-. It must of course not be supposed that the analysis which has just been made of the prefixes 1-a- and m-a- necessarily represents their actual origin and development, although the order of the two elements in the prefix, object before subject, is the same as in the other transitive prefixes. When both subject and object are of the third person, there is no pronominal indication or in- corporation, as is the case also in the intransitive verb of the third person, and in the possessive noun when this is initially vocalic. me thee him Intransitive I mi- di- 1-, di- thou leum um- m-, um- he la- ma- Examples: mi-yatki I kill you mi-galami I like you mi-ugatsap- I kick you mi-dam- I strike you di-yatki I kill him di-galatmi I like him di-ugatsap- I kick him di-dam- I strike him 282 oKroeber.-The Washo Language. lem-yat 'k leum-galami leum-giti lem-dam- lem-i-ugatsap- um-yatki um-galami um-giti mi-ugatsap la-galami la-ugatsap- la-dam ma-galami yatki giti dam- you kill me you like me you bite me you strike me you kick me you kill him you like him you bite him you kick him he likes me he kicks me he strikes me he likes you he kills him he bites him he strikes him There are certain phonetic modifications in the transitive verb. Before stems commencing with i, di-, I him, is not used, being replaced by 1-, after which the initial i of the stem is changed to e. This is analogous to the process occurring in intransitive i-verbs in the first person, such as ime, l-eme-, ibi, l-ebi-, iye, l-eye-. Be- fore transitive verbs beginning with i the prefix la-, he me, is also changed to 1-, and um-, you him, seems to become simply m-. Occasionally other verbs beginning either with consonants or vowels undergo similar changes. Le- and me- are common for la- and ma-, just as the possessive prefix of the third person da- is often de-. mi-l-ecl-i I-ecl-i 1-icl-i mi-l-lkil'eki Ie'm-ikil"eki m-lkileki ikileki l-Ikileki l-Ikileki I give you I give he gives me I saw you you,saw me you saw him he saw him I saw him he saw me VOL. 4] 28.3 University of California Publications. [AM- ARCH. ETH. The i- in the last two words is said to differ in quality. le-giti me-giti le-duknufc-i me-dukniuc-i le-yuli- me-yuli he bites me he bites you he dislikes me he dislikes you they kill us they kill ye As has been stated, number of the subject or object is not indicated in the verb, at least not in connection with the pro- nouns. The verb forms I run and we run are alike; but to indi- cate the latter form the dual or plural independent pronoun is used in the sentence. The dual or plural forms of the pronoun are thus used in apposition, as it were, to the numerically inde- terminate pronominal elements incorporated in the verb. In certain cases, however, especially if the subject is of the third person and the object of the first or second, or when both subject and object are dual or plural, the incorporation seems to be dropped entirely and the independent pronouns alone to be used. teliwhu di-yat 'k iweyesi tabiboo di-galami tabiboo la-galami dimlayaya la-dami dimlayaya di-damhi miu mi-galAmi lecici cacuduwa miu leci di-cacuduwiesi John miu gitileki men I-kill constantly the-whites I-like the-whites me-like my-wives hit-me my-wives I-shall-hit ye I-like us-two they-fear ye we-two do-not-fear John ye bit Reflexive. The reflexive is not indicated by incorporation. It is formea by a suffix -kum, which is combined with the pronominal elements di-, mi-, and gi- respectively for the first, second, and third persons. The resulting forms, dikum, mikum, and gikum, are perhaps independent words, as they were heard, or possibly com- pound prefixes in which the reflexive element kum intervenes between the subjective prefix and the verb stem. Compare the gum-ci form with terms of relationship, meaning "he and his. " 284 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. le dikum galimi, dikum yapak-hi, leu dikum behececlaganiaa, mi hec mikum lapnapi, taboo gikum galami, I like myself I will cut myself we began to shoot at each other did you crush yourself ? the white man likes himself imperative. The imperative is expressed by a prefix ge or ke, the original force of which is not clear, but which in general phonetic char- acter, in position, and in use, is like the noun-forming prefix d- and the pronominal prefixes. This similarity is carried further by the fact that those verbs beginning with m which have the prefix of the first person dik- instead of di-, show an imperative in gek- instead of ge-. The resemblance of this imperative ge- to the pronominal forms is brought out still further by the circum- stance that when it is accompanied by a pronominal object of the third person, it becomes ga-, just as the indicative forms of the first and second person subject with an object of the third person are la- and ma-. In many cases a suffix or enclitic -ye is used with the verb in the imperative; in other cases it is absent. This -ye would seem to be a particle, and probably an enclitic rather than a structural suffix. ge-bemukul k '-eye k '-eme ge-giti ge-gegel ge-luwe g-aliin gek-mfic-ye ge-yenic k'-emlu-ye ga-ugatsap-ye ka-bali le-giti-ye ka-yali ka-hugipus ga-ugaya chew! walk! drink! bite! sit downa! sit down! (plural) lick up! run! run! (plural) eat! kick him! shoot him! bite me! stand up! stand up! (plural) speak to him! VOL. 4] 285 University of California Publicationts. [AM. ARCH. ETH. la-ugaya speak to me! ka-lapnap crush it! ge-ugisu split it! The optativp of the first person, such as let us, is indicated by the ordinary pronominal prefix of the first person, which it will be remembered is numerically indeterminate, with a suffix -ce. Whether this suffix is related to the pronominal sign of the dual. -ci, is not certain. l-emlu-ce let us eat I-eye-ce let us walk I-eme-ce let us drink dik-muic-e let us run II. INSTRUMENTAL PREFIXES. Verb formatives, that is to say, affixes which affect the mean- ing of the verb itself but not its relation to other parts of the sentence, occur both as prefixes and suffixes. As stated above, the prefixes and the suffixes of this kind each form a class with a different type of meaning. The suffixes seem all to define or re- strict the kind of motion expressed in the verb. The prefixes are instrumental. They tell whether the action is performed with the hand, the foot, the head, by grinding, rubbing, or chewing, with the side or with the end of a long object, and so on. Such affixes are found in other American languages and it is probably not an accident that like the incorporated pronominal elements they appear usually as prefixes. In the Dakota language there are five or six such prefixes which are very freely used. Many verbs, comprising about all those expressing dynamic action, are not ordinarily employed as stems, but only with one of these prefixes or with a correspondingly used causative. In California these instrumental verb prefixes are developed in Pomo, and according to the statement of Professor R. B. Dixon similar affixes occur in Maidu. Other languages, such as Yuki and Yokuts, lack them entirely. It is characteristic that both these latter languages are purely suffixing, even their pronouns being used as independent words. The instrumental prefixes obtained show some variation of forms and their number has almost certainly not been exhausted. 286 Kroeber.-Th e TVash o Langutage. There is only one which is sometimes other than instrumental in meaning. This is dum-, which seems to be used instrumentally with the meaning: with, the end of a long object, and objectively as referring to a long object. Some of these instrumental prefixes have always, and others sometimes, been found placed directly before the verb stem; but those denoting action with a part of the body, such as liwi- and fii-, are sometimes followed by -lup- before they -are prefixed to the verb stem. This -lup- suggests the instru- mental case-suffix -lu. dum- uiga-, yugi- de- liwi- iii- le- pilu-k- -lup- Examples: dum-bam dum-p 'op 'o dum-bec uga-yam yugi-dip ugal-dabem de-dip liwi-lup-gip-us liwi-lup-gic-ue fii-dip fli-lup-gip-us le-dip le-gege di-pilukw-kikeleuhai ge-pilu-gep-us-haya with the end of a long object as object of the verb: a long one with a long object with the hand ( ?) with the foot with the head with the teeth, by grinding, by rubbing by turning ( ?) after instrumental prefixes wAith( ?) hit with the end of, jab mash with the end of, as a pestle throw something long hit with (the side or edge of) something long crush with something long hit with the palm, slap crush with the hand raise with the foot roll with the foot crush with the head raise with the head crush with the teeth, grind with a stone rub I turn it around turn (raise) it up flat! VOL. 41 2i8 7 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. III. SUFFIXES OF MOTION. The formative verb suffixes, constituting, after the pronominal elements and instrumental prefixes, the third class of verb affixes, are numerous. Some eight or ten have been determined and their number is probably considerably larger. Their meanings are much more difficult to determine than their existence. Two of the most important, which show parallelism in form, denote mo- tion toward and from, especially with reference to the speaker. Another pair, also showing some analogy in form, denote motion up and down. Others also have a specific force, such as express- ing motion through a flat surface like a wall. Others, like the suffix -c, are used on verbs of motion, but without any force that has been determined, and are not unlikely indicative merely of motion as such without further definition. Still others probably have exact meanings but these have not been ascertained. -uk, -buk -ue, -bue -giti -giliwe -a-hat -c -am, -awam -us -wa Examples: huc-uk-i behec-uk-a ga-ya-buk ge-yeusiw-ok tugic-uk ge-cemic-uk ge-yeusiw-uwe di-liwi-lup-gic-ue-hi ga-ya-bue ge-dum-buc-uwe mi le-uwe yeusiu-uwe-acai motion toward the speaker motion from the speaker motion up motion down motion through a surface frequent on verbs of motion motion to (?) motion up ('?) motion ( ?) blows against us shot at us run hither! slide to me! look here! throw it! slide away! I-foot-with-roll-thither-will rub off throw it away endwise! to-you me-from slide-hence-will 288 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. di-yeusiu-awam-hi I will slide to you di-cum-ahat-hi I-throw-through-will di-baya-hat-hi I-shoot-in-through-will ge-yeusiu-giti slide down! ge-yeusiu-giliwe slide up! leye-wa-a I went home diyatkiina-wa-a we killed one more baaci-wa-a he went in bip-os pick up, raise u-lep-us lift gip-us lift ga-hugip-us stand up, ye! IV. TENSE AND MODE. The fourth and last class of verbal affixes comprises all the signs of mode and tense, using these terms in their widest sense, and, like the group of affixes expressing motion, is composed alto- gether of suffixes. When both a suffix of motion and one of tense or mode are used on a verb, the latter takes the last place. This shows that Washo, like most languages, regards its mode and tense affixes as more formal and less etymological or derivative than indications of the nature of motion. Just so the inchoatives and conative -ue, -gania, -duwe precede the pure tense suffixes -i, -a, -hi. The list of tense and mode signs determined is a long one even after the limited study so far given to the language, and it can scarcely be doubted that a thorough investigation will reveal many other suffixes. The meaning of some of the endings found is quite clear. In other cases, especially where the tenses are con- cerned, the meaning is more doubtful, especially as regards the finer shades of difference of significance between one suffix and another. Besides tenses, participles or dependent modes, a dubi- tative, inchoative, conative, frequentative, and potential have been found. The imperative seems to be expressed primarily by a prefix ge- or k'e analogous to the pronominal elements; but in many cases this is accompanied by a suffix or enelitic -ye. The optative let us shows a suffix -ce, which may be only the pronominal suffix VOL. 4] 289 University of California. Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. of duality -ei. The interrogative is not expressed by a suffix but by the independent interrogative particle hec. The negative is indicated by es, meaning no or not. This element is used both as an independent word and as a suffix. The simple phonetic char- acter of Washo sometimes makes it difficult to determine whether two or more syllables are independent words or particles, or merely constituents of a single word; but the fact that this nega- tive particle es, which at times indubitably occurs as a separate word, is found also between the verb stem and a tense suffix, shows it to be at other times unquestionably a formative suffix. -ye -ce -es hec (particle) -i -a -iC -ac -leki -aiki -gul-aiki -alamaik -hi -aca -iki, -icki -ue - -gania -Uc imperative (sometimes) optative negative interrogative' present indefinite past, aorist, narrative tense present participle past participle immediate past (to-day) completed recent past (yesterday, several days ago) completed distant past, completed indefinite perfect (action completed but the time of its ocecurrence indefinite) future, without further implication future, implying volition - potential (can, will, do) inchoative inchoative frequentative, usitative -du-we -du-we-we conative -du-hai ) -hai, -ihai ? -iduni dubitative, quotative 11In the totally unrelated Yurok language, spoken about the mouth of the Klamath river, hec, hae, is also the interrogative particle. In the same lan- guage pa, water, is identical with pa, water, of many Shoshonean dialects- and equally unindicative, so far as known, of contact or common origin. 290 Kroeber.-The Washo Langtage. Examples: hec: mi hee lem dam-i di-gueu hec me-giti-i le miki hee iye mi hec um-yatki um-baloxad-i hec-i huniate hec lu mi he mi-kum lapnab-i kuteciuiia hec mi-mlaya gudifi hec la-dam-i -es-: es ki-y-es mi 1-iki-es-leki l-emlu-y-ec-leki lak 'aia es iibi-i le ec di-ugatsab-i um-bali-es-icki k 'lei l-adu-es-i ieda wayatsim-es-a gik-isa-y-es hada-y-es le-y-ec-tiwa-i di-yuli-y-es-i-iia k 'lei dik-muc-i m-iye-i di-mlaya bicapu-i widi d-emlu aniaw-i l-iki-es-a dik-milu di-degem-a dik-milu iid-a ic le-ci di-lu-a did yotu hit me? did my dog bite you? you saw me? did you kill him? have you a gun? with what? did you crush yourself ? how many your wives? who struck me? no it is not he I did not see you I have not eaten together not come I did not kick him ye cannot shoot us I have no hand then there was no smoke not his own elder sister not there I did not do it I am not dead I am running you walk my wife is hungry this food is good he did not see me I met my friend my friend said then we two sat down -a: VOL. 4] 291 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. -c, -ac: paaleu dek'eu gic-ac leu di-mhahau-gafia-a Paiutes many coming-up, we began-to-fight. dik-milu de-tulitsek-a My-friend in-his-fingers ieda di-bali-a d-emli-a Then I-shot; in-heart le-pam-ac di-bali-a Having-gone-there, I-shot. ida miile deudiic Thereupon all trees siisu yaasa muka birds also as] -leki: mi 1-iki-leki John 1-iki-leki eebe I-emlu-leki di-gum-suuc-leki yeusiu-wuwe-leki -aiki: lot di-gel-uc-i-aiki mi 1-ecl-aiki lot John gum-suuc-aiki l-emlu-y-aiki -gul-aiki: mi I-ecil-gul-aiki -alamaik: lak'alini dimdanial-alamaik dik-muc-alamaiki -hi: di-mdainal-hi da-le-pam-hi dek-lu di-cum-ahat-hi I-eme-hi mi-mutsuk-hi bali-ic-iia iciia iciw-a being-shot, nevertheless recovered. di-bali-ic yuli-ac le-pam-a shooting, having-killed, I-went-there. mukagem-a he-asked. igem-ic gii-sa iking, they-too ic miile Then all gaklaac-es-a did-not-tell-him. I saw you I saw John to-day I was eating I dreamed he slid away (several hours ago) yesterday we ran I gave it to you yesterday John dreamed I ate (several days ago) I gave it to you long ago once I went hunting once I was running I am going hunting I am going there I will throw through with a rock I drink, I will drink I will doctor you 292 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. -aca: John me-giti-aca-i le-yuli-y-aca-hai miw-aca-i yeusiu-wuwe-aca-i -iki: yatk-iki k 'ei mi-yatk-iki k 'lei le-ci-ei yatk-es-iki k'ele piteli miu heic-iki helmil gua-galisi 1-ebikab-iki John wants to bite you they will kill me you will be eaten up will begin to slide off it can be killed I am able to kill you they cannot kill you and me do ye eat lizard? in three years I will return -ue: he is beginning to run I begin to urinate -gana: di-mhahau-gania-a behececla-gaiia-a di-bekel-gaina-a -duwe, -duwewe, -duhai: leem-yatek-duwe-a le-giti-duwe le-yuli-duhai 1-iki-duwewe-hi iki-duwewe-hi l-aca-duwe-i mi-giti-duwe -hai, -ihai: gi-l-aklaac-hai-aiki gudini-a-hec m-aklaac-hai-i di-yuli-y-aca-hai di-pa-ihai mi-u-kal-depem-ihai our battle began began to shoot at each other I began to cut it up you tried to kill me he tries to bite me they wish to kill me I will look for her they are trying to see him I must urinate I will (try to) bite you he told me who told you? I will kill them I lost them I will slap you muc-ue-i i-aca-ue-i VOL. 4] 293 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -idu ii: muc-iduni I think he is coming run- ning l-iye-u-eduii iidi I guess he has gone paleu leci icuc-idufi iidi the Paiutes are coming to kill us, I hear ac t'anu wokaya-idufi id-ac I heard someone speaking SINGULAR AND PLURAL. A number of Washo verbs show different stems in the singular and plural. Sometimes one of the stems seems modified from the other; in other cases they differ radically. This phenomenon is of some frequency in American languages. It has been men- tioned by Powell as occurring in Shoshonean, and Dr. Goddard has recently shown it to exist in a very marked form in Atha- bascan. In California the Pomo linguistic family presents a number of cases, and sporadic instances occur in other native languages of the state. There is not necessarily anything radi- cally different from Indo-European conditions in such existence of totally distinct stems for singular and plural. The phenome- non loses mauch of its strangeness when we reflect that we have numerous verbs in English which denote only repeated or mul- tiple action. The word thrash, for instance, cannot be used of a single striking. It is very probable that the relation between the totally diverse singular and plural stems of apparently the same meaning in Indian languages is to be conceived of as somewhat similar to the relation between our English kill and' exterminate. At least it is not impossible to understand how the relation of meaning between these two English verbs could under certain conditions come to be like that found in the Indian languages between distinct singular and plural stems of the same meaning. One difference is that while we have verbs such as thrash and exterminate which apply only to plural action, we apparently have none that are necessarily limited to a single action. While the existence of such distinctly singular verbs seems to be con- trary to the spirit of the IJdo-European languages, yet it must be plain that their occurrence theoretically is'not more remark- 294t OKroeber.-The Washo Lantguage. able than the occurrence of verbs limited to plural action. When both exclusively singular and exclusively plural verbs exist in a language, it is natural that if the meanings of two are only some- what akin, there should be a tendency to parallel and pair them until they actually become equivalent to merely singular and plural forms of one word. It is, however, not even certain that the phenomenon is actually pushed to such an extremity in In- dian languages, for we know too little about them to say positively that there is no difference in signification other than that of num- ber. It is very probable that in at least some Indian languages there is in such stems the same difference in connotation and even denotation of the verbal action itself, that there exists between English kill and exterminate. The parallels just made with English furnish also an expla- nation of the striking fact that wherever in American languages such distinct stems for singular and plural are found, or where the plural is distinguished from the singular by an affixed ele- ment, as in Mutsun and other languages, the plurality of the intransitive verb is determined by the subject and that of the transitive verb by the object. It may be true, as has been said, that the tendency of American languages is to regard the object as more closely related to the verb than the subject; but the fact that words like our English exterminate imply, not a plurality of subjects nor even of actions by one subject, but a plurality of objects affected, shows that it is not necessary to have recourse to any such wider-reaching explanation. Singular Stem Plural Stem Sit gegel luwe Stand yal ahu Lie macam mayac Run mu-c igelu-c, yenii-c Run off mo-y igalu-y, yaiia-y Fall over piwe heti Fall off piti diti The distributive or collective suffix -kic which has been dis- cussed in connection with the plural of nouns, occurs also on verbs. Instances have been previously given. VOL. 4] 295 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. VERB STEMS. A curious phenomenon which has not become very clear is a change of stem in certain verbal roots according to modification of meaning. This takes place both with and without the addition of affixes. In some cases the stem vowel changes, in others the initial consonant. The changes whether in vowel or consonant are always to a related sound, between a and e, e and i, 1 and d, 1 and n, etc. Somewhat similar are certain series of apparently distinct verb roots which are akin in meaning and resemble each other in form. It thus appears that more thorough study will either lead to a further analysis of Washo verbs than is now pos- sible, or will discover new processes of stem modification. uga-yam to strike with a long object dam to strike with a round object dalik to strike with the fist dum-bam to strike with the end of a long object lep to crush dep to crush with a round object de-dip to crush with the hand le-dip to crush with the teeth, a stone, etc. yugi-dip to crush with a long object lap-nab to crush flat a part of the body lep-neb to crush flat a round object lep-leb to crush flat a long object The number of verbs obtained is not inconsiderable, but only in the minority of these has the simplest stem form been deter- mined with any degree of certainty. Even in such cases the roots seem to be frequently polysyllabic. The purely dynamic stems show a greater tendency to be monosyllabic than others. Of the following apparent stems a number will probably ultimately be found to be derivative. It should be borne in mind that the mono- syllable muc, to run, is not a radical, as mo-y is to run off, to flee. The plurals of these words, ye-ni-c and yanfa-y, show a similar re- lation. It is clear that there are numerous formative affixes that 296 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. have not yet been determined. In connection with the subject of verbal radicals, the close relation between many nouns and verbs should not be forgotten. Monosyllabic: pa iw, eu mu ip-am guc yak, yap 'k suc bip, gip, u-lep dam, bam lep, dep, lal-u bec, cum gic, lel-b yal bal-i id is yok-am mac-am Apparently Polysyllabic: anal giti iki yuli yatEk yoma emlu iye ipu bicapu ibi iwa lose eat (transitive) run (sing.) go to noise, sound cut dream lift, raise strike, hit crush, mash throw roll stand (sing.) shoot, kill say take pull out, pluck lie (sing.) live bite see kill, dead kill kill eat (intransitive) walk find hungry come do VOL. 4] 297 University of California Publications. [AM ARCH. ETH. galam hamu bemukul ime ugatsap mutsuk depu aca gayam, dalik, dab-em ulec eyud ugis piwe, piti heti, diti gegel luwe ahu mayac igelu, yemi, yafna damal da-nal palal aya hucu bekel degem icuC mahau cacu yeusiu basa ukai yakam alifi aklaac peyu like think, wish chew drink kick make medicine stab urinate strike, hit carry put on split fall (sing.) fall (plur.) sit (sing.) sit (plur.) stand (plur.) lie (plur.) run (plur.) hear hunt smell (transitive) to move running to move in the air cut up meet, come to come to kill fight fear slide skin, flay shout to cut lick up tell to buy, pay 298 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. ADJECTIVE. A number of adjectives, such as d-afiau, good, t-iyeli, large, have the appearance of being derived from verb-stems by the noun-formative d-. An-au, good, has actually once been found without the initial d-, and it is not impossible that this form is to be regarded as verbal and predicative, as contrasted with the sub- stantival and attributive form with initial d-. Other adjectives, such as tiyeli, large, and dalyawi, black, have not been observed to undergo any change whether used attributively or predica- tively, except that the predicative adjective, like the verb, occu- pies a place at the end of the sentence, whereas the attributive adjective precedes its noun. di-gucu tiyeli my-dog is-large tiyeli suku l-epu-i a-large dog I-found hufn-a tiyeli hec k'eiki I wonder if he is large d-aiiau d-ime a good drink widi d-emlu aiiaw-i this food is good NUMERALS. The Washo numeral system is quinary up to ten and from there on regularly decimal without any discovered trace of a vigesimal method of counting. Six is five one; seven, five two. Eight seems to be a plural of four. Nine is either five and four or one less. Ten is one ten. Eleven is ten and one, twelve ten and two, and so on. Twenty is two ten, thirty three ten, and so on. Similarly, one hundred is one ten ten. The numerals take several forms but can scarcely be said to be provided with classifying affixes. In ordinary counting the numerals up to five end in -ni, except one and four, which end in -a. When persons are designated, a suffix -u is added before which the final -n disappears. This -u is apparently the suffix which is the sign of the plural in pronouns. This is the more probable from the fact that the word for two has -ei instead of -u and that the word for one shows neither suffix. When animals VOL. 4] 299 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. or inanimate objects are spoken of, the pronominal number suf- fixes are not used and the final -n- is also absent. Only the word for one, which in counting lacks the final -n, uses it when an ani- mal or an object is designated. When periods of time, or meas- ures other than money, are referred to, the inanimate forms are used, while the noun to which they refer is preceded by a prefix gua- or -kum. This prefix is also used on nouns after the inter- rogative kuteci-na, how many? To express a distributive or col- lective, such as one each or three at a time, a reduplication is employed: lek'-ek'-enf, hel-el-mi-u. As in the reduplication of the noun, this is final, not initial, but it is the first or stem syllable, not the whole word or its last part, which is subject to the redu- plication. An appearance of reduplication in the interior of the word is thus given. When persons are designated, these redupli- cated forms take the same suffixes as the unreduplicated forms, -fi for one and -u for numbers above two. A few other forms have been found which give indication of still further modifica- tions of the numerals. Lak'alifn is once, one time. Heskil-cifi is two only. Lak'-aia is separately, alone. Numerals are not sub- ject to any modification for designating differences in shape, as in certain languages of the North Pacific Coast. Counting Persons Animals and Objects 1 lak 'a lek 'liii lak 'afn 2 heskeni heskelci heske 3 helminl helmiu helME 4 hawa hawau hawa 5 tubaldifi tubaldu tubaldi 6 tubaldE lak 7 tubaldE heskefi 8 hawaawa 9 tubaldi ida hawa 10 lak'a mutsumi 11 lak 'a muitsumi 'da lak 12 lak'a muitsumi 'da heskefi 20 heskE mutsumi 30 helmE mutsumi 100 la' muitsum' multsumi 300 OKroeber.-The Washo Language. CONNECTIVES. Connectives or introductory particles are frequently used between sentences and show a much greater variety and finer shades of meaning than in some Californian languages, in certain of which one or two such particles are made to do universal and monotonous service.' The principal connectives whose meaning has become more or less clear are the following. Ic, th-en, appearing to indicate that the action described in the previous sentence is completed or is not continued in the sen- tence now opening. Usually there is a change of subject. Ac, and, contrasts with ic and indicates a continuance of the action expressed in the previous sentence. Icda, then, and then, is difficult to distinguish in meaning from ic. Ida has about the force of thereupon. It indicates that the action expressed in the previous sentence is over, and denotes something of a break. Usually the same subject is kept in the sentence which it opens. Icia is but. Ina or -nia has the meaning of because and although. Udi is after. Other particles with force evidently related to the preceding are da, a, udic. ORDER OF WORDS. The order of words is fairly fixed in Washo. The verb is at the end of the sentence. The subject, if a noun, precedes the object. The normal order thus is subject, object, predicate. The independent pronouns occupy the same position as nouns. As the pronominal affix-elements are prefixed, their general position as regards the verb stem thus is the same as that of independent words. But in transitive forms the object seems to precede the subject in the compound prefix. The attributive adjective pre- cedes the noun. When the adjective is predicate it occupies the place of the verb at the end of the sentence. Of two nouns con- nected by a possessive pronoun, the one with the pronominal prefix precedes the one in its absolute form. 1 Cf. the interminable Yokuts ama, then. VOL. 4] 301 302 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. TEXTS. Several unsuccessful efforts were made to obtain connected original texts from the informant employed. Two brief narra- tives given in English were however successfully rendered by him; and while they may at times depart from true Washo idiom and may not be entirely accurate translations, they are at least approximately correct and their internal structure shows them to be of sufficient coherence to give that invaluable safeguard and necessary means to arriving at an understanding of a language- a context. ni dim-dafial-alamaik i-da memde le I went hunting. Thereupon a dee: itki-ds-a la-palal-es-a da-y-ds it did not see me, did not scent me, not ic-da . di-bali-a d'emli-a Then I shot it. In the heart le-pam-a di-bekel-gafia ac I went up to it. I began to cut it up. Then iid-ac paleu-dufi iid-ac ic-na speaking, Paiute, it seemed, speaking; but dik-milu-y-awic a' dik-milu d toward my friend. My friend di-bali-ic shooting it, tanu someone l-iki-es-a I did not see. li-dfgem-a I met. .auwi 1-iki-a r I saw. huc-uwe-c the air moving from me. yuli-ac having killed, wokayay-idufi I seemed to hear a-di-yabu'-a I ran off paleu le-ci " Paiutes us (dual) icu'c-idufi iid seem to be coming I thin to murder ic 1i iid-a Then: "Good," he said; kik'et'6keuk'ecle they are many, ic-na le-ci-ci but us iid-a dik-miliu said my friend. i-da dik-milu Thereupon my friend's paleu Paiute -i Lk! di-atuk-ei Let us kill them!" dik-milu di-yam-a to my friend I said. le-ci-ci k' degumbisi ; we (are) brave, ac le-ci-ci heskil-cifal while we two only yatk-6s-iki k'lMe le-ci-ci c4 they cannot kill (us.) Us I ic le-ci di'-lu-'a Then we sat down tawi 1-As-a meckitset knife I took, arrows ha lakafis t'ew'es ekayabikikal-ac one near by being about somewhere (though not seen) 1ei-ci-le we are; lei-ci-le we are; ,acuduwA' a2 they fear," himu-acA in the willows. l-ecl-oc ving given him. le-ci we lak'a-lii At one tilj icna But VOL.4] Kroeber.-The Washo Language. 303 di-beyeclo7 de-wigi-a' di-bali-Ac dik-milu de-tsegiiguc-a shot at him. In his eye I hitting him, my friend in his belly kl-sa ka-bali-oc yuli-a' dik-muw-am-ac5 mA'ac-am-a5 he also hitting him, he died. I having ran up to him (lying there), d'ihep di-basa'-ac paleu dew'es d'ek'eu-gic-as6 the head I having skinned, the Paiutes near having come In numbers, le-u di-mhahai-gania'-a leu di-kum behec-ec-la-gaina'-a' we and began to fight, we and they each began to shoot at. they other i-da lakafa3 di-bali-a di-ukayWc1a mlu le-ci Thereupon one I shot. I shouted: "You we di-cacuduwi-esi2 leci-iial mi-u um-bali4s-icki k'leiui do not fear! But us you cannot shoot (us). mi-u ke um-yu1i-y-aca-iki-me'le'9 1-eed-ic hamukola You dead will be." I said (I) they were afraid() heskil-ci le-ci di-yatk-ic inia behe'ic-ug-a'm5r two we killing because. S3hooting at us thence dik-milu-haka le-ci di-ku akmuyaphay-ac hayeda (I) together with we dodging and there (I) my friend lakA' le-ci di-yatk-ic aw-aie ic yafia-y-a ic-da one we killed another. Then they fled and le-ci di-k'leiciwa(ni) yania-y-a-icnaa bhawa-u le-ci we pursued. Although they fled. four of them we di-yatEk-ifiau'0 t'ihep di-yakam-ay-a 1-ci hawa-u killed others. The heads we cut off we, the four ihep dik-milu de-tulitsek'-a bali-ic-fia' ic-fna their heads. My friend in his fingers although being shot, never- theless iciw-a uidi le-ei Wbiyawa'-a uidi le-u he became After that we two went home. After that we all well. di-yewikel lbc-a war-dance danced. II. IJwi* maduk-tsaitsaiyi gik-beyu-haka anial-i-a l11Em Ioi Blue-jay her younger brother with lived. At night deuh-yuli" libi-a umlaya beyii-a I6wi ka-dage12 ghost came, wife bought, Ioi it was (1) ic-da k-umlaya-eti'-a`8 iidi-c watli Joi Then they were married. Thereupon in the morning Ioi * Cf. Boas, Chinook Texts, 161, and, for a Yokuts version, II, 275, of the present series. 34University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. miiki-ws-etiy-a"' f was gone from there. ic-da de-pAyu Then her younger brother maduk-tsaitsaiyi Blue-Jay lak'A gua-galisi iudi di-isa One year after, "My elder sister l-iki-du'wewe-hi I will try to see," gun-a "Where t'anu a person iid-a ida mile he said. Thereupon all iyewe-hec-igi go can deudiie mukagem-a trees he asked: yuli-y-udi1 ic-fna after he dies?" But deudiic ga-klaac-es-a the trees did not tell him. ic mile sisu ya-sa1 Then all birds also mukmgem-ic asking, mukagem-icki'4 he could (?) ask. ke-peyu-y-a he paid it gi-sai ga-klaac-es-a they too did not tell him. le-peyu-y-ac da " Having paid me, then ic ya-sa teek Then also stone mi-kuw-am-hi5 ic I will carry you there." Then ac deuh-yuli itiinwa-y-a ke-giuw-am-a5 and ghosts' country to it carried him d-afial-a ic-da wayatsim-6s-a15 to a village. Then smoke was not there. ic laka t'iyeli Then one large d-anial-a ya--sa i'pam-a i-da p'aciwa-a i-da house to also he went to. Thereupon he entered. Thereupon gik-isa i'pu-a tat un his elder he found. "(Indicating sister surprise) es-i di-yuli-y-es-i-na k " No, I am not dead, but ic-da k'l,i8 i-da mile (then) (I)." Thereupon all n-yuli-dec-i are you dead me'i8 di-beyu (are you), my younger brother?" I16ei8 deek le gubi'-i (I) stone me brought, t-afnal beyetsEksa-gana-a houses he began to open. ic-da mile d-anial dibikefn mipul-gic-a' Then all houses bones were full of. lak'a(ni) deuh-yiili mic-am-a5 d&-Isa leleu one skeleton lay his older sister close by. hufi-a mada-aca-a heci hadi-ke "What do you wish to do with (question) that (near you) to her. t'euh-yuili skeleton?" ic-da Then ic Then iid-a he said NOTES TO TEXTS. 1 A number of compositions or enc1itic postpositions of an adverbial nature occur in these texts. They affect numeral, pronominal, and verbal stems. It will be noted that some of these: -udi, after, and -iia, but., how- ever, although, occur also as connectives or parts of them. In all instances represented in the texts these adverbial elements were heard and written as forming one word with the preceding stem, which however does not exclude their being in reality only postpositions. ha'lini'a for a long time e'a was there. 304 VOL.4] Kroeber.-The Washo Language. 305 heskil-cini two only leci-fna but us baliic-nia although shot yuliy-udi after he dies ya-sa also gi-sa they too, he also 2 It is not certain whether this word contains the conative -duwe. In two of the three occurrences of the numeral one with a reference to a person in these texts, its final sound seemed to be -fi. In sentences ob- tained independently of the texts, this form laka-n was used of objects or animals, and a form lek-lifi when persons were referred to. I There seems very little doubt that the stems wiki, eye, and iki, to see, have a common origin. 6 Several instances of the use of the suffix -am occur. It seems likely, but cannot be positively determined, that this suffix expresses the idea of motion toward. 6 In the two instances of the use of the suffix -kic appended to verb stems in these texts, its meaning appears to be collective. This is the same suffix that has been described on nouns. 7 The three forms of the stem behec, to shoot at, occurring in the first text, include a finally reduplicated form behec-ec- in the passage where repe- tition or reciprocity is expressed. 8 The forms k'lei, k'mmi or m6i, and k'Mi, occur frequently in Washo with reference to the first, second, and third person respectively. Their exact force is not yet clear. They seem to be more than merely emphatic forms of the personal pronouns and apparently contain a demonstrative or verb sub- stantive. nuci-k'lei I am worthless nuci-k 'm6i you are worthless nuci-k' i he is worthless kudifi-a-hec k'6i who is this? John t'eli'hu k'ei John is a man le t'eli'hu k'li I am a man widi tawi k'1i this is a knife dalyawi-k'm6i you are black dalyawi-k'l i I am black le degumbisi k'l1i I am brave degumbisi k' i it is hard hunia t'iyeli hec k'ei-ki I wonder if he is big cemu k1'-a he was the very one c6mu k' -i he is the one This form is not clear and may consist of two separate words. The suffix -aca is usually a future desiderative but in the present case can scarcely express a wish. The following suffix, -iki-, is the usual potential suffix. 10 The suffix -inaw, occurring in these two words, has not been found other- wise. If the translation is correct, its force is that of again, another, or additionally. 306 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. 1 The connection between deuh-yuli, a ghost, and yuli, the stem meaning to die, is certain. 12 The form ka-d&ge cannot be analyzed. It seems to contain the pro- nominal element ka, ke, gi of the third person, and possibly the demonstra- tive of distance or indefinite reference di. 13 The two forms here given containing the suffix -eti have not been paral- leled in the remaining material obtained. It seems not unlikely that they amplify the verb stem by adding to it the idea of there. 14Although a potential does not seem called for in this verb by the con- text, the suffix -icki has been otherwise found with a potential meaning, though less frequently than the similar suffix -iki. Cf. um-bali-as-icki k'lei, you cannot hit us, in the first text; also gik-iidi-icke iki-duwewe-i, the-one- who-said-it they-are-looking-for, and tabo macam-icke lepui, a-white-man lying I-found. 16 The verb wayatsim-as-a, there was no smoke, is apparently formed from a noun stem wayatsim, the negative es, and the preterite -a. 16 The frequent form gi (ka, ke, etc.) does not ordinarily seem to occur in Washo except as a prefix. Its position in the sentence proves it to be an independent word in the present instance. It has been stated that when there is any idea of distinguishing between a reflexive third person and a third person whfch is not so, as between Latin se and eum or suuS and ejus, gi- is used for the reflexive and de- for the non-reflexive. From the present texts it seems that in connected discourse gi- serves to indicate a change of sub- ject; or, when objective, to express that the person referred to by it is the same as the one indicated by the subject of the preceding sentence. Fuller material is necessary to confirm this interpretation, which if correct would show the Washo pronominal form gi- not to be the exact equivalent of the Latin reflexive, but to possess a force that is primarily distinctive or em- phatic. In other words, as long as the same person continues to be the sub- ject, no specific indication of the third person by this or any other element seems to be regarded as necessary. Gi- is reserved to indicate the appear- ance in the discourse of another person; or, if this person is already suffi- ciently distinguished by the presence of the noun denoting it or by the con- text, gi- is then used for the person previously referred to, who has now become affected by the second. SPECIMEN PHRASES. mi-l-ecil-hi I will give it to you mi-l-ecl-aiki I gave it to you mi-l-ecil-gul-aiki I gave it to you long ago di-tawi dik-milu I-edl-i I gave my friend my knife dik-milu-lu tawi I-edl-i I gave my friends (each) a knife lRmlu-y-i I am eating l-4mlu-hi I shall eat l-6mlu-l1ki I was eating l-6mlu-y-aiki I ate several days ago Kroeber.-The Wash7o Language. l-emlu-ce mi-le-utiki le-u l-emlu t-ayuc l-ayuc m-ayuc gi-t-ayuc widi ayuc hadi ayuc widi ayuc di-cuyep dik-milu cuyep d-lyek l-eyek hadi lyek suku lyek t 'iyeli cemu dik-milu-lu helme t'aba yatki dik-milu-lu hel-el-me t'aba yatki le-di-kum galam-i tabo-bo di-galdm-i tabb-bo la-galam-i widi tabb le-duk-nfic-i mi-sa me-duk-nuic-i widi tabb gikum galdm-i mi-l-lki-ac John um-giti-leki helme gua-galis-i helme gua-p 'auud-i heske kum-ebey-i gutecifi-a kum-ebey-i hec heske kum-tsifiam l-eme-i John laka becu I-eel-i John kawaiu 1-icli laka kum-tsifiam d-aca l-aca 1-aca-hi l-aca-ue-i huic '-uwe huc '-uki ka-yab-uk ka-yab-ue di-mdafial-hi ka-mdafial dik-ma-c-alamaiki yatk-iki k'Mi mi-yatk-iki k'lei di-atu-hak leci di-igelhuca let us eat I will eat you our food hair my hair your hair his hair the hair of this one here the hair of this one near you the hair of that one my nose my friend's nose tooth, teeth my teeth this one's teeth dog 's teeth a large one my friends killed three grizzly bears my friends killed three grizzly bears each I like myself I like the whites the whites like me this white-man dislikes me he dislikes you also this white-man likes himself I saw you bite John (I seeing you, you bit John) three years three nights two days how many days?I two baskets I drink I gave John one dollar John gave me a horse one basketful of urine my urine I shall urinate I begin to urinate blows (away) blows hither run hither! run away! I shall go to hunt go hunt! once I was running it can be killed I can kill you my older brother and I were running VOL. 4] 307 University of California Publications. [AM. ARcH. ETH. laka le-ci di-yatk-iiiaw-a le-ei lek '-ek '-e le-ci di-yatk-iiaw-a gik-ldi-icki iki-duwewe-i 16k I-e'd-udi dik-mo-y-i id-ac dik-muic-i dik-muic-ac id-a l-atdu 1-aidu-'es-i l-adu-i di-lep-lep-i la-lap-lub-i we killed one more we each killed one more the one who said it, they are searching for him after I said it, I ran off he having told me, I ran I having run, he told it my hand I have no hand I have a hand I mash something long so as to be flat a blister VOCABULARY. In the brief field study given to Washo, no attention was paid to securing a vocabulary other than as a means toward phonetic and grammatical investigation. There was no intention of pre- senting the imperfect lexical material thus obtained, until it was realized that no vocabulary of Washo has ever been published, and that the determination of the language by Powell as consti- tuting an independent family, however correct it may be, has never been rendered verifiable by the general availability of the information used for the determination. May this be justification for the quality of the appended vocabulary. While no lexical comparisons with other languages have been made, an acquain- tance with Shoshonean and most the languages of California leads the author to, conviction that Powell's pronouncement is right, and that Washo is genetically unrelated to any of the neighboring linguistic families. Persons: teliw 'hu tam?mo me 'ilu nentueu tewiwi m&hu caulamhu niaufiani man woman old man old woman young man boy girl baby 308 VOL.4] Kroeber.-The Washo Language. 309 t 'anu person, Indian tabo white man wac 'iu Washo pMleu Paiute momliu medicine-man deu-beyu chief cleuh-yuli ghost muckeu monster Terms of Relationship: -koi father -la mother -malolo parents -nam son -nam-u daughter -iiam-in child -at 'u older brother -peyu younger brother -isa older sister -wits 'uk younger sister -bapa paternal grandfather, man's son's child -elel maternal grandfather, man's daughter's child -ama paternal grandmother, woman' s sons s child -gu maternal grandmother, woman's daughter 's child -euci father 's brother -ta mother 's brother -ya father 's sister -ea 'ca mother 's sister -maca man's brother's child -magu man's sister's child -cemuk woman 's brother's or sister's child -mlaya wife -bu-meli husband (meli, make a fire) -ayuk parent-in-law -bu-afiali son-in-law (afial-i, live) -eyec daughter-in-law -uladut man's brother-in-law -mac-da-la man's brother 's wife ("my brother 's child its mother") -yafiil woman's brother 's wife, husband's sister -nam-ifi de-euci woman's husband's brother ("child its father's brother ") 3 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Parts of the Body: d-ihep d-ayuc cuyep wiki haina madut d-lyek tuli '-tsEk tuli-pi d-adu d-alifi d-utsu moko d-a 'hil yo 'wi cu d-acuk tsi-gfiguc memeu mukuc d-ibis tsafia tsi-mibi dip fiauwafi-aial aya d-emli d-ilek tsi-gal d-iceu d-lbu ts 'ats'a tsi-mel peguhul di-bikefn Artificial Objects: d-aiial balohat meskitsEt t&wi mutsuk ts 'ifiam becu dayalimi head hair nose eye mouth tongue tooth finger nail hand arm elbow knee leg thigh breast back belly ribs penis vagina anus hip navel umbilical cord ("baby live") intestines heart liver kidney gall neck chin beard eyebrow bone house bow arrow knife medicine basket money (cf. pay) earth-covered dance-house 310 VOL. 4] Kroeber.-The Washo Language. Natural Objects: d-ime, t-ime water dek, tek rock d-lbe sun, moon, month ebe day fnauwa earth ma 'losafl star taumahum cloud teweskim wind deudic tree mak stick, wood da-pauwit night galis year t'-lyu fire Animals: suku dog -gucu dog (with pronominal prefix) memdewi deer haflakmuwe elk gusu buffalo ayAs antelope ke 'we coyote tullci wolf made bear t 'aba grizzly bear peleu jackrabbit tsali' rabbit mogop fox tupipiwi skunk hb 'la badger basat ground squirrel biwi tree squirrel delem gopher sisu bird patalii eagle kcgi crow maki rattlesnake kbta frog pi 'teli lizard Adjectives and Adverbs: mile all mila 'a everywhere (all-at) 6we several iwey6si constantly t '1kyu many t 'iyeli large behetsifi small 311 Urniversity of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. t-afnau good nuci worthless t 'al-yawi black dal-pbpoi white dal-cocofni red del-pilpili blue dal-tsatsami green, yellow, copper del-elegi dark red -bilata rich ye' yes no bbe today lot yesterday wat tomorrow le 'lem midnight -sa also cemu one, the one Verbs have been previously given in the discussion of verb stems, and the Numerals and Pronouns will be found in the sections devoted to these parts of speech. SUMMARY. Washo is of a comparatively simple phonetic character which results in transparence of its structure. There is no evidence that all of its radicals are monosyllabic, but it is probable that none contain combinations of consonants. The sounds of radicals and affixes are very little modified by contact with other radicals and affixes. Little composition of independent words has been discovered, but derivation and the expression of grammatical ideas by affixion are considerably developed. Besides suffixes, prefixes are well represented. Reduplication occurs in the verb, noun, and numeral to express repetition, distribution, or collec- tivity. This reduplication takes place at the end, not at the head of radicals. The independent personal pronouns are little used except for emphasis or distinction. In such cases they are treated like nouns and may receive locative suffixes. The grammatical functions of the pronouns are principally expressed by them in the form of affixes. These are always prefixed. Pronominal pre- fixes of verb and noun are identical, but there are different pre- fixes for initially vocalic and initially consonantal words. Certain 312 OKroeber.-The Washo Language. stems, whose meaning permits, are used with the same prefix at times as verb and at times as noun, these two different functions being indicated only incidentally by such suffixes of case, tense, or other category as there may be present, and by the context. Most nouns whose initial sound is a vowel are used in their non- pronominal absolute form only with a prefixed d- or related dental sound. Everything except the nearly complete limitation of this d- to initially vocalic stems, argues for the supposition that this prefix is a noun-forming affix or deriver from verbs. In all pronominal forms this d- is lost. As the third person in such nouns, as in certain cases in the verb, is expressed by the absence and not by the presence of any pronominal prefix, there is in such cases an apparent apocope to form the third person. That is to say, his hand is in Washo shorter than hand. The union of the pronominal prefix to both noun and verb is sufficiently intimate to allow of the language being classed as an incorporating one, and this characteristic is further apparent in the objective or transitive conjugation of the verb, in which the subjective and objective pronominal constituents in some cases form a unit which cannot be positively resolved into the individual subjective and objective elements as they occur separately. But although gen- uine, the pronominal incorporation is comparatively simple through a complete lack of variation for number, the dual and plural of the pronominal elements being expressed either by ap- position of the independent prefixes or by the addition of their suffixes of number to the verb or noun stem. As is theoretically probable and actually usual in incorporating languages, there are no syntactical cases in the noun. There are numerous local and instrumental suffixes resembling cases. In certain instances these are but loosely attached to the noun or pronoun. They differ in nothing from prepositions except in being postposed or suffixed. A true plural is wanting. A distributive or collective which takes its place is expressed either by final reduplication or by a suffix. This same suffix is used also in the verb, in which, however, final reduplication is employed to indicate repetition. Several verbs show considerably or totally different stems for singular and plural, but the majority are as free from any expression of this category as the noun. Verb stems are frequently augmented by VOL. 4] 313 Unriversity of California PulAications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. suffixes descriptive of motion and by instrumental prefixes. There are other derivative suffixes, such as inchoatives and cona- tives, and a considerable number expressing mode and tense. In a combination of several suffixes the more derivative precede, the more grammatical ones follow. There is no passive, and the im- perative is indicated by a quasi-pronominal form. Dependent clauses are used, but they are participial or introduced by con- junctions, that is to say non-pronominal, and not relBtive or pro- nominal. Demonstrative pronouns correspond in some measure to the three persons of the personal pronouns. They appear to be derived from adverbial stems and not to be used as syntactical elements. There are a number of connectives which indicate with some precision the relation of successive sentences, especially as regards time. On comparison with neighboring linguistic families Washo shows much morphological distinctness. In general phonetic character and structural transparence it belongs to the Central Californian class, which includes the Maidu, Wintun, Pomo, Yuki, Yokuts, Costanoan, and other families. But it differs from these languages in the important characteristics of lacking syn- tactical cases and possessing pronominal incorporation, so that it cannot be more than partially included with the Central Cali- fornian morphological type. In its possession of instrumental prefixes Washo agrees with Pomo and Maidu of this Central type, but differs from other families of the same group, such as Yuki and Yokuts. As yet there seem to be no special resemblances between Washo and any single families of the Central group. The absence of a true plural from Washo is not indicative of morphological affinity, for with but one or two exceptions all the Californian languages north of the latitude of San Francisco appear to lack a plural, and all to the south to possess it. The Washo reduplication to express distribution or collec- tivity recalls the languages of the North Pacific Coast, where this feature is frequently well-developed. It occurs as far south as the Klamath or Lutuami of southern Oregon and northeastern- most California. In California a well-developed reduplication of the noun is found only among the Chumash on the coast of South- ern California. Other resemblances of Washo to the North 314 Kroeber.-The Washo Language. Pacific Coast languages are however lacking. It does not possess the characteristic substantival word-forming affixes of the Selish- Kwakiutl type, nor the sex-gender of Chinuk, Kalapuya, and Selish, and differs widely in phonetic character from almost all the languages of this region. As the only Californian language at once east of the Sierras and in intimate contact with Shoshoneans, the question of a possible morphological resemblance of Washo to Shoshonean is particularly important. There is but little evidence of such affinity. The phonetic systems of the two families differ in im- portant points. Above all Washo does not possess the obscure u and 6 sounds of Shoshonean. These characteristic vowels occur in all the dialectic groups of the Shoshonean family except one in Southern California. They are evidently of some antiquity and possessed of a foothold in the fundamental phonetic system of the family, for they have been impressed by the Shoshoneans on a number of contiguous but independent linguistic stocks, in- cluding practically all with which the Shoshoneans are in contact in California' and one or more in the Pueblo region. That these sounds are however wanting among the Washo, who as regards degree of contact and similarity of environment and culture are probably more closely linked with the neighboring Shoshoneans than any of the stocks which have adopted these sounds, argues for the inability of Shoshonean phonetics to impress Washo. This conclusion is confirmed by the general phonetic appearance of the two languages, which is decidedly different. Structural affinities are equally lacking. So far as its dialects are known, Shoshonean is without any objective incorporation of the pro- noun in the verb. It does affix subjective and possessive pro- nominal elements, but that these partake of the nature of abbre- viations of the independent personal pronouns, and are there- fore enclitics rather than essentially affixes, is shown by the fact that at least in certain dialects they can be detached from the verb stem to which they refer and added to any other part of speech ;2 a trait suggesting certain of the languages of the North 1 Maidu, Miwok, Yokuts, Chumash. See Vol. II of the present series, p. 329. 2 p. S. Sparkman, Am. Anthr., n. s., VII, 660, 1905. VOL. 4] 315 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Pacific Coast rather than any truly incorporating or truly non- incorporating language. Moreover the Shoshonean pronominal affixes are usually suffixed to the verb, whereas in Washo all strictly pronominal elements are prefixed. One of the most char- acteristic features of all Shoshonean dialects-a feature which occurs in far separated groups of the Uto-Aztekan family and goes far toward establishing their affinity, the occurrence of the noun in its absolute form with certain meaningless suffixes which are invariably lost upon the affixion of a possessive pronominal element-this typical process of Shoshonean is unrepresented in Washo.1 There appears to be a much smaller development of derivative or semi-grammatical verb affixes in Shoshonean than in Washo. So far as known the instrumental affixes of the latter language are entirely wanting. As regards locative and instru- mental case-suffixes the two languages present a similar develop- ment, but this they share with numerous other languages, notably in California, so that the force of the resemblance is weakened. Of more importance is the absence from Washo of the Shosho- nean objective case. Shoshonean also possesses a true plural, which Washo lacks. Distribution or collectivity seems to be indi- cated to some extent by reduplication at least in certain Shosho- nean dialects, and at times this process may partially replace the -usual formation of the plural; but after all such reduplication is comparatively restricted in Shoshonean, however it may be devel- oped in other branches of the Uto-Aztekan family, and does not replace the expression of the regular plural by means of a suffix as it does replace it in Washo. The morphological resemblances of Shoshonean and Washo are therefore even fewer than one 1 It might seem that the loss or apocope of the initial d- from so many Washo nouns when the possessive prefixes are added to them, resembles the Shoshonean process referred to, but there are several points of difference. The lost element in Shoshonean is always a suffix, in Washo always a prefix. In Washo it therefore occupies the place taken by the pronominal prefix, whereas in Shoshonean this is usually not the case. In Shoshonean there are at least several suffixes quite distinct in form, whereas in Washo they all go back to a single sound, d or t. In Shoshonean the suffixes occur on so to speak every noun and are quite clearly meaningless and functionless. In many nouns it is certain that they are not the means of deriving the noun from a verb stem. In Washo in many cases they do thus directly serve to turn verb stems into nouns. Finally, the Washo prefix is restricted to stems that are initially vocalic, whereas in Shoshonean there appears to be no such limitation of the prefix on phonetic grounds. 316 Kroeber. The Washo Language. could from experience normally expect between two distinct but contiguous American linguistic stocks. But with no leaning toward Shoshonean, and none toward the languages of the North Pacific Coast, the morphological affinities of Washo, unless they are to be renounced altogether, must after all be sought in California. Perhaps when information as to the structure of Maidu and Miwok, the two Californian families in direct contact with Washo, becomes available, such affinities will be apparent. For the present it must be admitted that detailed resemblances between Washo and the Central Californian lan- guages cannot be successfully pointed out, even though a com- parison certainly gives a general impression of fundamental likeness. This impression probably rests mainly on the phonetic character and structural clearcutness which Washo shares with the Central Californian languages. The languages of this group which are best known to the author, Yokuts and Yuki, certainly do not show many specific morphological resemblances to Washo. But it must be remembered that these two languages are at some distance, as distances go in the ethnology of California, from Washo, sufficient at least to be separated from it by one or more intervening families; and in comparing a family not with single other families, but with an entire group of families, it is obvious that no resemblances, except in a few points of the most funda- mental nature, can be looked for. The degree of morphological resemblance of Washo to the simple Californian languages therefore still awaits its determi- nation. Positive evidence of any considerable similarities in this direction has not yet been adduced. Significant resemblance to Shoshonean or non-Californian families is clearly wanting. Everything therefore points to an unusual degree of morpholog- ical distinctness of Washo. Its lexical distinctness and lack of genetic relationship with any other family are obvious under present conditions of knowledge. 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