UNIVERSITY OF CAtIF RNIA PUB-LICATION.S : AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AN D ETHNOLOGY VOLUME 3 THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE- HUPA LANGUAGE BY PLINY EARLE GODDARD BERKELEY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS JUNE, 1905 UNIVERSITY OF CALI FORNIA PUBLICATIONS DEPARTMENt OF ANTHROPOLOGY The publications issued- from the Department of -Anthropology .of the University of California are sent in -exchange for the publications of. anthropological societies and museums, for journals devoted to general anthropology or to archaeology and ethnology, and *for specimens contributed to the museum collections of the Department. They are also for sale at the prices stated, which include postage or express charges. They consist of three -series of octavo volumes, a series of quarto memoirs, and occasional special volumes. GRAECO-ROMAN ARCHAEOLOGY. Vol. 1. The Tebtunis Papyri, Part I. Edited by Bernard P. Grenfell, Arthur S. Hunt, and J. Gilbart Smyly. Pages 690, Plates 9, 1903 . Price, $16.00 Vol. 2. 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Price, 3.50 ANTHROPOLOGICAL XEXOIRS. Vol. I. Explorations in Peru, by Max Uhle (in preparadon). No. 1. The Ruins of Moche. No. 2. Huamachuco, Chincha, Ica. No. 3. The Inca Buildings of the Valley of Pisco. SPECIAL VOLUMES. The Book of the Life of the Ancient Mexicans, containing an account of their rites and superstitions; an anonymous Hispano-American manuscript preserved in the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence, Italy. Repro- duced in fac-simile, with introduction, translation, and commentary, by Zelia Nuttall. Part .- Preface, Introduction, and 80 Fac-simile plates in colors. 1903. Part II. Translation and Commentary. (In press). Price for the two parts .$25.00 Address orders for the above to the- University Press, Berkeley, California. Exchanges to be addressed to the Department of Anthro- pology, University of Cailifornia,-Berkeley,.California. A. L. KROEBER Sec?etary..' F. W. PUTNAM, Director. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY VOLUME 3 FREDERIC WARD PUTNAM EDITOR OF THE BERKELEY THE UNIVERSITY PRESS 1905 THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE HUPA LANGUAGE BY PLINY EARLE GODDARD TABLE OF CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTION... 9 NOUNS ...13 Classified according to Form and Length . . . 13 Monosyllabic . . ................. 13 Monosyllabic with Possessive Prefix . . . 14 Polysyllabic, without Descriptive Meaning .. . 16 Formed by Means of Suffixes and Composition . . 17 Suffixes ............................................ 17 Compounds .......................................... 19 Verbs as Nouns. . . 21 Active ............................................. 21 Passive ...21 Compounded with Nouns . . . 22 With Prefixes. . . 22 With Suffixes. . . 23 Compounds with Suffixes..23 Plurals ..................................................... 24 Cases ...................................................... 24 Temporal Endings ........................................... 28 PRONOUNS ...................................................... 29 Personal ................................................... 29 Possessives ................................................. 30 Demonstratives . . .31 Relatives ...31 Interrogatives .............................................. 31 Article ..................................................... 31 Adjective Pronouns . . .32 NUMERALS ...32 ADJECTIVES ..... ................................... 33 Comparison ...34 VERBS ...34 Classified ................................................... 34 Transitive and Intransitive . . .34 Classes ...34 Voice ...35 Modes and Tenses. . . 36 Person and Number . . . 37 Structure ................................................... 37 Prefixes and Infixes (preceding the root) . . 39 Adverbial Prefixes of Place and Direction ... 39 Prefixes of Pursuit ............... . ................... 66 Adverbial Prefixes of Manner. . . 67 Prefixes Expressing Identity. . . 77 Prefixes Expressing Distribution over Space and Time..... 78 6 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. VERBS (continued). PAGE Conjugations (based on syllable preceding the root) ......... 95 Class I............................................ 96 Conjugation 1A ...................................... 96 Conjugation IB ............... 104 Conjugation 1c ............... 109 Conjugation 1D ............... 112 Conjugation lE.114 Conjugation 2.................. 116 Conjugation 3A ................. 122 Conjugation 3B ....................... 131 Conjugation 4........................ 134 Class II ... ...... ........ 140 Conjugation IA ................. 140 Conjugation lB ................. 142 Conjugation Ic ............ 145 Conjugation 1.47 Conjugation 2.149 Conjugation 3A.152 Conjugation 3B ....................... 155 Conjugation 4.................. 159 Class III ....... .. ........ 161 Conjugation 1... 161 Conjugation 2.165 Conjugation 3.168 Class IV . .170 Conjugation 1.170 Conjugation 3 ................. 174 Objective Conjugation . .177 Conjugation of the Passive Voice .193 Conjugation of Irregular Verbs . .196 Conjugation of Adjectives . . 200 Roots 203 Listed in Alphabetical Order . .203 Classified as to their Form .286 Classified as to their Meaning .297. Su3ffixes 304 Temporal 304 Temporal-Modal . .313 Modal 319 Indicating the Source of Information . .322 Conjunctional 326 Adverbial . .327 ADvER.s 328 Place and Direction ............... 328 Time and Sequence..... 333 Manner .335 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. ADVERBS (continued). PAGE Degree .337 Assent and Negation ...................................... 338 PREPOSITIONS .339 CONJUNCTIONS .343 INTERJECTIONS .343 CONCLUSION .344 KEY TO THE SOUNDS REPRESENTED BY THE CHARACTERS USED. a as in father. a nearly of the same quality, but of longer duration. It is used as a matter of convenience to distinguish a few words from others nearly like them. ai as in aisle. e as in net. e as in they but lacking the vanish. ei the sound of e followed by a vanish. i as in pin. i as in pique. 6 as in note. o a more open sound than the last, nearly as in on. oi as in boil. ui as in rule. uf nearly as in but, a little nearer to a. - a faint sound like the last. Sometimes it is entirely wanting. y as in yes. w as in will. w an unvoiced w which occurs frequently at the end of syllables. When it follows vowels other than o or iu it is preceded by a glide and is accordingly written uw. hw the preceding in the initial position. It has nearly the sound of wh in who. 1 as in let. L an unvoiced sound made with the tip of the tongue against the teeth, the breath being allowed to escape rather freely at one side of the tongue. 7 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. LI nearly like the preceding, but the sides of the tongue are held more firmly against the back teeth, resulting in a harsher sound often beginning with a slight explosion. Some speakers place the tip of the tongue in the alveolar posi- tion. m as in English. n usually as in English, but sometimes very short. n as ng in sing. h as in English but somewhat stronger. x has the sound of jota in Spanish. s as in sit. z the corresponding voiced continuant; only after d and rare. c as sh in shall. It seldom occurs except after t. d is spoken with the tongue on the teeth. t an easily recognized, somewhat aspirated surd in the posi- tion of d. t an unaspirated surd which is distinguished from d with difficulty. k, ky a surd stop having the contact on the posterior third of the hard palate. Except before e, e, i, and ! a glide is noticeable and has been written as y. g, gy the sonant of the preceding, occurs rarely. k when written before a back vowel (a, o, 5, uf, iu) without a following y stands for a surd nearly in the position of c in come, but the contact is very firm. The resulting sound is very harsh and quite unlike the English sound. q is a velar surd occurring only before back vowels. tc as ch in church. dj the corresponding voiced sound equivalent to j or soft g in English. The syllables, considered as phonetic elements without regarda to their possible morphological force, have been separated by spaces thinner than those employed between words. 8 THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE HUPA LANGUAGE INTRODUCTION. The Hupa are a small community isolated in their home by the surrounding mountains. The valley which bears their name is in Humboldt county, California, on the Trinity river a few miles above its confluence with the Klamath. It was here the Hupa were found by the first white men who passed through this section of the state in 1850. The short memory of their own traditions knows no time when they lived otherwheres. Their myths explain that they came into spontaneous existence here, as the tree springs from the soil. At the taking of the first census in 1866 there were reported to be 650 of them, already physically on the decline from contact with civilization. They number now about 450, upon whom their old traditions and religion have a strong hold notwithstanding their garb and dwellings supplied by white people. The older people speak their own language chiefly, having recourse to the few English words they know when communication with white people is necessary. The younger people all employ the Hupa language in their home life and when talking to each other, but have a good command of English for their intercourse with white people. The Hupa neighbored and traded with the Yurok and Karok on the Klamath river, rather than with the tribes to the south and west. Travel by water in the excellent canoes was swift, comfortable, and comparatively safe. The crossing of the moun- tains not only entailed severe physical exertion but brought the AM. ARCH. ETH. 3 2. 0University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. traveler into places in which might lurk the foe, man or beast. There was little necessity for travel. The salmon came up the river in abundant numbers to the nets of the waiting fisherman. The deer and elk, unlike the buffalo, wandered but short dis- tances from their accustomed feeding grounds. Trade, never extensive, was carried on by canoes with the Yurok along the Klamath and southward from its mouth. In return for seaweed, which furnished the supply of salt, and sea- fish, the Hupa supplied the coast peoples with acorns and other inland foods. Dentalia were the common currency. The Hupa and Yurok intermarried largely, and attended one another's dances, in which they joined, as well as in the games and con- tests which followed them. Since these people spoke languages totally different, communication was necessarily carried on by and through those who knew both languages. That the Hupa language differs widely from the other lan- guages of the Athapascan stock, to which it belongs, is evident. How much of this difference is due directly to the non-Atha- pascan Yurok, with whom they were so intimate, and how much is due to the slow and ordinary changes which are constantly taking place in an isolated people, it is impossible to tell at present. This difference is manifest in the phonetic character, several changes in the consonants and vowels having taken place; in the vocabulary, many new nouns, especially, having arisen; and morphologically, verb formns having been multiplied and extended. On the other hand, the remaining languages of the Pacific Division of the Athapascan are rather closely connected and grade into each other. They were spoken from the valley of the Umpqua, in Oregon, southward to the Klamath, where their ter- ritory was cut through by the Yurok and Wishosk. South of these peoples they occupied most of the valleys of Mad and Eel rivers, as well as the intervening mountains and the coast as far as Usal. There is no published account of other languages of this divi- sion. Some material in manuscript, not yet thoroughly digested, 10 VOL- 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the HIupa Language. is in the possession of the Department of Anthropology concern- ing the Tolowa language, spoken in Del Norte county, California, and the Wailaki and Lassik dialects spoken on the upper waters of Eel river, in southern Humboldt and northern Mendocino counties. Less complete material of the same nature from the Athapascan peoples of western Oregon is also at hand. Of the languages of the Northern Division of the Athapascan we possess a large comparative dictionary in French, Diction- naire de la Langue Dene-Dinjie, par le R. P. E. Petitot.' who was for many years a missionary among the peoples near the mouth of the Mackenzie river. As a preface to that volume a comparative sketch of the grammar of the languages treated is given. The dialect of the Carriers, which is not included in -the above mentioned work, has been treated by Father Morice in a paper entitled, "The Dene' Languages," published in the Trans- actions of the Canadian Institute, Vol. I, March, 1891. The linguistic material concerning the Southern Division is exceedingly scanty. Dr. Washington Matthews has published a few texts in connection with his treatment of Navaho religion, but the frequent repetitions in the prayers and hymns reduce the lexical and grammatical material to the minimum. The Apache and Lipan are almost unknown in regard to language and culture. The sources of information for the matter published in this paper have been two. The Hupa Texts,2 collected and published largely for the purpose, have furnished many forms of the gram- mar, and a context for their interpretation. Such texts are lacking in first and second persons of the verb, and in colloquial forms of the language. These have been supplied by means of questions suggested by forms occurring in the texts. 1 Bibliotheque de Linguistique et d 'Ethuographie Americaines, Vol. 2, Paris, 1876. 'Hupa Texts, Pliny Earle Goddard, University of California Publica- tions, American Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 1, No. 2. The numbers given after the examples in the present paper are to the pages and lines of Volume 1 of this series. 11 12 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. The words and forms thus obtained have been studied by means of comparisons, seldom extending beyond the limits of the language; and analyzed to determine the force of each changing part. Afterward these forms have been assembled in classes, that an adequate conception of the language as a whole might be obtained. In the presentation of the morphological facts the number of examples has not been limited, that the conclusions drawn may be easily and quickly justified, and that complete material may be available for comparative studies. Little regard has been paid to the terms and forms of formal grammar, since they tend to obscure the facts of a language in many respects quite different from those to which they were originally applied. VOL- 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. NOUNS. CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO FORM AND LENGTH. The nouns of the Hupa language, when classified according to their length and form, fall into five fairly well marked classes. MONOSYLLABIC. There are many monosyllabic nouns, for the most part, names of common material objects and elements. These words and others are found with various phonetic changes in the cognate languages. Some of them are the following: a, cloud. 104-13, 105-8. es, fish trap, cf. es tein-. 208-5. ya, lice. 151-10. yon, corner, part of house back of the fire. 241-2, 136-6. la, a seaweed, Porphyra perforata. 31. Liia, pet, domesticated animal, dog. 114-12, 195-8. Lit, smoke, steam. 96-2, 170-7, 321-7. LOL, a strap. 278-9. Lon, mouse. 153-15. L6k, fish, salmon. 98-7. LuW, rattlesnake. 195-8. LO, grass, herb, medicine. 101-3, 121-15, 242-4. LIJw, alder. 341-14. ml, weather spirit. 79, 271-3. mintc, a hut. 17. mfiik, lake, pond. 100-7. nin, ground, the earth. hwa, sun, moon. 104-10. hwini, song. 315-5. xai, winter. 198-1. xai, root of conifer. 39, 41. xon2, fire. 104-15. xaiL, load, burden. 105-16, 171-17. xuin, river. 265-9, 200-9. sats, bear. 276-1, 198-7. sits, skin, bark. 97-4. dje, pitch. 150-11. 13 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETHE. tan, gods of the deer. 77. te, blanket. 190-4, 204-7. teuiw, coal, charcoal. 114-4. tin, road, trail. 102-8, 106-15, 121-7. tits, cane, digging stick. 150-9, 12, 363-11. to, water, ocean. 159-7, 195-4. tse, stone. 197-1. tse, brush, fence. 176-9. tsefuk, fur for tying hair. 247-14. tcint, dead things. 346-5. tewal, frog, toad (?). 164-13, 196-1. tewiltc, huckleberry. 32. tewitc, wood, firewood. 157-2. tewifi, dirt, excrement. 111-10, 207-3. kin, stick, tree. 100-2, 108-14. kin-, a game. 61. kos, bulbs. 110-5. k-ft, root of a decidious tree. 39, 41. kya, woman's dress, a skirt. 164-9, 179-10, 333-8. ky6ts, sinew. 97-4, 288-5. qo, worm. MONOSYLLABIC WITH POSSESSIVE PREFIX. Many nouns, of themselves monosyllabic, do not occur with- out a possessive prefix. These words, like the preceding class, seem to belong to the oldest stratum of the language. Most of them are to be found in the other Athapascan languages. They are generally the names of parts of the body and personal pos- sessions, and terms of relationship. a dil la, her hand. 307-2. adimmit, her own belly. 276-5. a dit ta, (in) his sack. 152-9, 282-6. a dit tsel, his biceps. 142-2. iL de, sisters (of each other). 169-1. LiL Lin, brothers (of each other). 140-9. minnini, its face. 115-15. mit tse-fk, its umbilical cord. 157-4. mit tsini, its meat. 208-13. 14 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. mite tew6, grandmother. 136-12. mikke, its tail. 283-15. mik kil, her brother. 189-13. mik kin, its base. 230-6. min tewii,1 their mother. 135-10, 229-12. ne xun, your husband. 210-11. nit dje, your mind. 351-9. nit tai, your paternal uncle. 237-3. no ta, our father. 192-9. hwauw, my sister's boy. 120-14. hwimmit, my belly. 112-17. hwinnini, my face. 247-12. hwuiw xai, my boy. 137-5. hwit dje, my mind. 296-13. hwik kai, my brother-in-law. 142-14. hwiun tewifi, my mother. 181-9. xoi kil, his younger brother. 150-1, 332-1. xoi kyai, her granddaughter. 135-1, 241-5. xoikyon, her odor. 165-4. xoik kyi-a, his mind. 102-16. x6 Ut, his wife. 117-15, 195-1. xs la, his hand. 96-4. x6 mit, her belly. 102-15. xonna, his eyes. 105-15. xon nin, his face. 174-8. x6 xa, his tracks. 159-4. x6 xai, her boy. 139-9. xs xsuni, her husband. 305-11. xS dje, his mind. 307-9. xs ta, his father. 169-1. x6t da, his mouth. 112-14, 113-18. xot detc, her sister. 169-13. x6 tse, his daughter. 237-1. xot tseftk, its umbilical cord. 157-7. xot tsel, his biceps. 139-13. x6te tcitc, his elbows. 347-8. 'This word and hw'un tewii below point to dissylabic base, fin tewifi probably connected with the root -tewe, to make. 15 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. EITH. xS tcw6, his grandmother. 290-2. x6 kylln-, his breast. 301-1. ke tse, somebody's penis (severed from the body) . 171-3. ke kai, somebody's thigh. 171-7. kfitc tcw, its grandmother. 100-16. POLYSYLLABIC WITHOUT DESCRIPTIVE MEANING. A considerable number of nouns of two or more syllables, evidently secondary, are not easily analyzed. The Hupa them- selves do not attempt to assign meaning to them beyond the designation of the objects for which they stand. Examples are the following. is de au, madronia. 96-11. is dits, strings (verbal?). 144-7. yiL xai, mornings (verbal?). 255-17. wiL dfiun, yesterday. 175-13. Lit tcuiw, sand. 117-16. min tsit da, smokehole. 136-3. miin kil en, menstruating women. 253-6. mis dje, fog. 244-6. na di yau, dentalia. 208-13. na tses, arrows. 139-12. nis kifi, Douglas spruce. 152-16. no le, dam, waterfall. 102-7. xai tsa, basket-bucket. 110-16. xea kai, baby-basket. 289-17. x6isdai, man. 136-15. Xs Lit, noise. 241-2. xonta, house. 97-13. x6s saik, abalones. 347-17. din niw, manzanita. 200-3. din nai, arrowpoint. 119-3. dit tsik, acorns. 137-15. djelo, storage basket. 151-12. tai kyilw, sweathouse. 98-15. tea xiitc, girl. 189-8. tis mil, eagle. 114-8. tsiL tifi, bow. 139-12. 16 VoL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. tcUW hwuww, elder sticks. 118-1. kai lulw, willow. 197-2. keL tsan, maiden. 135-2. kix xak, net. 256-7. kit t6, paddle (verbal?). 314-4. kos tan, hat. 209-4. kyfik ka, deer fat. 164-10. FORMED BY MEANS OF SUFFIXES AND COMPOSITION. There is a large and increasing number of nouns, formed by suffixes or by composition, the descriptive force of which is ever present in the mind of the speaker. The occasion for the increase of this class of nouns is the death of well known people who had, for a name, the name of some object or animal; and the intro- duction of new things by the white people.' SuiFrFxsx. Suffixes which have no separate existence are few. The inhabitants are distinguished from the place they inhabit by suffixing -xoi to the name of the locality. Lomittaxoi, prairies among people, New River people. 110-12. na tin n3x xoi, Hupa Indians. x6!Lkfttxoi, Redwood creek Indian. 110-12. kit doin xoi, people having evil power. 181-1. A suffix, wvhich does not appear as a verb, signifies that the plant or animal is found in, or frequents the place named. yin ne tau, in the ground they are; a bulb. 135-2. xaslintau, riffles he frequents; crane. 203-14. xOL tsai tau, dry places he lives; a land monster. 114-18. xon teL tau, glades, he frequents; coyote. 151-8. Augmentatives are made by the suffix -kyo, which is evidently connected with the adjective nik kya 6. Its use is frequent to distinguish the larger of two plants or animals which resemble each other. 1Compare Amer. Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 3, p. 209; and Life and Culture of the Hupa, p. 73. 17 Universtty of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. sel ky6, Heracleum lanatum. 31. kiL we ky6, spider. 151-13. KiL we is a small enemy of mankind.' kiL mulk kyo, Aralia Californica. kiL dik kik kyo, pileated woodpecker. 204-7. kos kyo, Chlorogalum pomeridanum. 109-12. tcim mul kyo, an herb. 295-footnote. Diminutives are formed by adding -itc or -tc to the noun. is de witc, Heterorneles arbutifolia; from is de au, the madronfa, whose fruit resembles the Heteromeles. Lit tso witc, little blue ones (beads). 199-7. L6 daitc, an herb. 310-10. L6 kate, a straw. 158-6. me dil itc, a small canoe. 102-9. miL tcoL waltc, a small axe, hatchet. 198-8. min ditc, wildcat. 222-12. Panther formerly had the corresponding augmentative for a name. naL tsis itc, a spoon basket; it hangs small. 288-6. nis satc diii, a little way. 234-5. Compare, nis sa, a long way. dje l6tc, a small dje lo, a storage basket. 158-13 Small trees and animals have a diminutive in -yauw. Lok l yauw, small salmon. niL tuk yauw, young black oaks. 362-17. teim me yauw, young Douglas spruce. 283-7. A suffix -ne wan, is a very fruitful source of new nouns. xonnewan, fire like. 329-10. to ne wan, water like; glass, black obsidian. 108-2. tsel ne wan, blood like; red obsidian. 180-11. kim mit ne wan, belly like; watermelon. kit tsai xfuL ne wan, hawk black. 332-2. qo ne wan, worm like; rice. Compare, no nin Liuk ne wan, dough put on the ground like, 209-4, and xot tsin ne wan, carefully. 142-5. Certain adverbial suffixes of place furnish secondary nouns. Lit tculw din-, sand place, a village. 169-1. 1Compare Life and Culture, p. 64. 18 VOL. 31 Goddard.-ALorphology of the Hupa Language. mil la kin ta, its hand bases; its wrists. 215-2. niL tftk a lai, black oak tops among; a dancing place among oaks. 174-5. xon ta dini, house place; village, vicinity of a house. 210-5. to dini, water place; the river. tse dini, brush place; a grave (from the ancient practice of fencing graves with brush). 176-8. mis kfut, a slide on; a Hupa village. 105-4. kin tculw hwik kAt, its nose on; a Hupa village situated on a nose-like ridge. 135-1. COMPOUNDS. A) A few compounds consist of two nouns in juxtaposition without a subordinating possessive prefix. The second noun qualifies the first. LuU xan, snake river; eel. 98-13. L6 tse, grass stone; a sedge. 100-8. The first noun qualifies the second. hwiL tSiL tin L6L, my bow string. 153-15. xon na tftui, his eye leaves (?); his eyebrows. 362-11. xs tsin dfuk kan, her leg ridge; her shin. 103-1. kin naLd'un tsp, kinaLdiui stick. 238-7. kix xak kinl, net pole. 257-6. B) Compounds consisting of two nouns, the second of which has a possessive prefix, have the first qualifying the second. xon na kit to, her eyes their water; her tears. 245-11. din nulw mul wit wat de, manzanita its flour. 200-3. din dai mite tcw6, flint its grandmother; a bird. 182-1. tin mu wa, trail its edge. 121-7. kai luiw mik kut de, willow its root. 197-2. ki yauw me de ai, bird its scalp, woodpecker's scalp. 187-5. kiL La xun mit tcit dil ye, deer its dance. 231-1. c) A few compounds, true substantives, have the first ele- ment a noun and the second an adjective qualifying it. yauLkai, louse white; grey-back. 111-1. niL tewin dil mai, niL tewin gray; an herb. 283-8. 19 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. nin nis an Luik kai, mountain white; Mount Shasta. 328-1. tittauLuk kai, tit tau white; a bird. 144-10. to nulw hw6n din, water good place; Freshwater Lagoon. 245-17. tfun tcwiii, leaves fragrant; pepper wood. 271-9. tseL kai, stone white; a white knife. 101-1. tse Lit ts6, stone blue; a hard bluish stone. 114-17. tse Lit ts6, brush blue; Ceanothus integerrimus. 319-8. tsoyoLtel, (7) wide. 223-8. D) Certain compounds whose first elements are nouns fol- lowed by qualifying adjectives are introduced by possessive prefixes. These words, while performing the office of substan- tives, really qualify a subject understood. min tciuw mil, its nose pierced (?); yellow-hammer. 113-12. mis sa niL tewin, its mouth stinks; buzzard. 113-17. mitc tcwftn ttUL tan, its dung soft; fox. 143-12. xon tefu, dite tcetc, his nose rough; a mythical charac- ter. 150-1. kimmiLnatufltci!wol, its foot round; bob-cat. 143-6. kit tun dnii qotc, its leaves sour; Oxalis Oregana. 121-12. kittsaiLkai, its (?) white; bluejay.1 120-13. E) There are compounds, similar to the last, but having for their last elements words indicating the presence, abundance, or lack of some part or quality. mex xon tau xs len, its house it has; wood-rat. 152-9. mis lit x6 len, folds having. 364-14. mite dje x6 len, its pitch abundant; Pinus Lambertiana. 110-15. mitc dje e din, its mind lacking; a baby. 101-14. mitc tcil le xs len, their wings they have. 317-3. mux xaix xo len, their chidren they have; does. 310-2. mux xa tee xs len, its roots abundant; Leptotaenia Cali- fornica. 1 For the first element, compare, kit tsai X'UL ne wan, hawk black. 332-2. 2 Compare, xon ta e din, house without. 192-14. 20 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. VERBS AS NOUNS. Any verb in the third person present, of the active or passive voice, seems capable of becoming a noun without changing its form. Verbs are also variously compounded to form descriptive substantives. ACTIVE. na i ya, it comes down; rain, or it is raining. 229-3. nas dik, over the ground it creeps; yerba buena. 364-15. na ke dil yai, on each side they hang(?); beads. 190-10. nil lin, it flows; a creek. 119-17. nis tan, on the ground it lies; a log. 341-4. no taLa; big lagoon. 117-7. nun dil, they come down; snow. 170-10. Compare, na i ya above. xoi de il lIi, they attack; a war company. 332-5. xot dan tce, it blows down; a wind. 227-4. xun neulw, it speaks; language. 110-10. dfuk kan, it is on edge; a mountain ridge. 137-9. tes deL, they came; hoar frost. 270-5. tCiLwal, he shakes; the kinaLd'un dance. 366-2. tcit dil ye, they dance; a dance. tCiL tal, he stamps with his foot; a dance. 366-2. kai tim miL, he carries along; a wood-basket. 363-11. ken nulw; thunder. 144-4. kis sea qot, he works with a needle (?); a net-headdress. 159-9. PASSIVE. yai kyui wil tats, they have been cut in strips; a blanket or dress of strips. 207-5. wil loi, that which has been tied; a bundle. 210-3. Le na wil la, they have been laid together; a fire. 109-10. naulmats, around it has been coiled; a coil. 151-13. na xo wil loi, around him it is tied; a belt. 209-6. no na wit tan, a long object placed; a door or cover of boards. 203-9. da kyh we wit tan; fishing board. 21 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tal kait, over the water it has been pushed; a fishing board. 119-18. kin nal mats, around it is coiled; cribs of hazel. 191-3. kin na kyul wil mats, around it is coiled; cribs of hazel. 191-4. kit Loi, it is twined; a basket. 103-7. COMPOUNDED WITH NOUNS. Compounds are formed with a noun for, the first element, as subject, object, or the limit of motion of the second element, a verb. es tcinnauw, fish-trap (?) it comes in; a swimming deer. 162-1. nax ke k6s na dui wful, two its necks waving around; a monster. 163-12. Le konte dittille, salt it likes; wild goose. Lok yit dit til le, fish it likes; otter. 144-8. sa luw, they are put in the mouth; food consisting of the green stems of herbs. sa xauw, liquid is put in the mouth; acorn soup. na di yau kiL tewe, dentalia maker. 325-9. WITH PREFIXES. Adverbial prefixes of place, instrument, accompaniment, and manner make substantives out of verbs. meui na sit tan, under it sits; a head-dress. 211-12. me dil, in they go; a canoe. 101-12. miL X6 wit loi, with it he is tied; his belt. 120-2. miL da kit diL dil, with it she shakes( 7); a winnowing basket. 365-10. miL tCoL walte, with it he chops; an axe. 198-8. miL kit tuk kitc, with it he plays shinny; a shinny stick. 143-5. miLky& w6 hwal, with it he hooks; a hook. 106-16. miL kyo xait, with it one buys; money. 145-3. muk kai kit Loi, on it it is woven; hazel basket ribs. 290-6. nis tafi ka kit tfik gow, log along he runs; pine-martin. 222-12. 22 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. na wit dits tin nauw, in a circle it goes around; a whirl- pool. 120-3. nin ni win na kis ten, world around it lies; earthquake. 143-16. x6 muik kult tsis dai, his on it he sits; his stool. 292-3. te kyo xol xuit, from the water; a monster. 328-4. tseufk ka yafi ai, on a stone he sits; ground-squirrel. 222-11 kiL na dil, with them they travel; a wolf. 174-7. WITH SUFFIXES. Suffixes of location furnish names of places Lel diii, the flowing together place; village at the junction of the main Trinity and its south fork. 105-13. Le nal diii, the flowing together a second time place; the junction of the Trinity and Klamath. 158-16. Nail lit dini, fire runs over the ground place; a village west of the Klamath river. 158-2. na na tuL diin, the stepping down place; at the foot of the ladder in the sweat-house. 207-2 natetsedin, the pushing back place; the sliding door- way. 97-17. TakimmiLdifi, the making acorn soup place; a Hupa village. 104-10. Muikkanaduiwuiladin, upon it they come and go; the beach at the mouth of the Klamath, descriptive of the surf. 355-5. COMPOUNDS WITH SUFFIXES. Compounds of noun and verb also add the suffixes of location to form place names. Sa xauw sai ke xauw dini, soup eating place. 226-8. Djic tain a dini, Djic (?) projects place. 104-5. Tonon-atcin, water's end toward. 243-5. Tse non- a dini, stone end place. 354-5. Tcwitc no nin a diii, wood across place; place of fish dam. 353-14. Ki yauw non diL difi, birds stop place. 199-5. 23 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. PLURALS. The only Hupa nouns which change their form to indicate the plural are those which classify human beings according to their sex and state in life; and terms of relationship. Only three instances of the first case have been noted. keLtsan, virgin, maiden; plural keLtsufn. 135-2, 138-5. tsufmmesLon, a fully grown woman; plural tsufmmes- Lon. 98-9, 280-4. xuxxai, a child; xfuxxaix, children. 220-10, 164-16. But few of the terms of relationship are found with plurals.' nik kil, your brother; nik kil xai, your brothers. 191-13, 191-18. hwit tsoi, my grandchild; hwit tsoi xai, my grandchil- dren. 222-14. XOL tis tce, his sister; XOL tis tce xai, his sisters. 208-12. CASES. To show possession, the qualified noun has pronomial ele- ments prefixed. Accompanying these prefixes, in some instances, there is an extension of the word, by an added syllable if the word ends in a consonant or close vowel; or by a vowel making a diphthong, if the word ends in an open vowel. It is likely most words under this condition were once so extended and have been curtailed. Nouns beginning with L change that sound to the voiced 1 on receiving the prefix.2 mil lit de, their smoke; Lit, smoke. 116-1,3. mit L6 we, its herb; L, herb, grass. 287-7, 215-5. mit tsin ne, its bones; kit tsifi, something's bones. 171-13. mik kix xak ka, their nets; kix xak, a net. 99-6. mu wit wat de, its flour; wit wat, flour. 200-3. mufk kftt de, its roots; kfut, a root. 197-2. no lifi ke, our pets; Lin, a pet, dog. 115-2. n6 xon tau, our house; xon ta, a house. 192-9. 1 Compare the similar limited use of the plural and manner of its forma- tion among the Carrier. Rev. Father Morice, Transactions of the Canadian Institute, Vol. I, No. 2, p. 184. 2 Rev. Father Morice has noted similar phenomena among the Carrier. Trans. of the Canadian Institute, Vol. 1, No. 2, p. 183. 24 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. hwil 16 ka, my salmon; L6k, salmon. 100-6, 15. xS liin ke, his pet; Lirn, a pet. 115-11. x6 hwin ne, her song; hwin, a song. 333-9. xS xon tau, his house; xon ta, a house. 117-16. xS tits e, his cane; tits, cane, 150-8. There are several suffixes in the Hupa language which might be looked upon as case endings since they are not permanent parts of the nouns to which they are attached, but indicate vary- ing relations of position or direction. These endings are also prepositions, but when they are used as prepositions they are joined to a possessive pronoun with which they form a word standing after the nouns to which they relate. One of these, -me, indicates position in, or motion into a house, the interior of a mountain, a valley, or an opening or glade in a forest. Is din na me, a place. 324-1. Yas tsim me, a place. 270-1. L6 hwiufn me, a place. 299-13. Mun kfut me, lake place. 328-3. niL tewin me, a feather case. 288-3. hwit ta dime, my chest. 247-14. Xai ya me, a place. 253-4. Xa is dil me, a place. 300-2. xon ta me, house in. 278-8. xon teL me, in a glade. 121-3. Compare, xon teL tau. Dje lo o me, a mountain. 299-8. tai kyuiw me sweat-house in. 363-7. Tan ai me, a mountain. 300-12. Tse ye me, rock under. 280-11. Compare, tse ye diii. 208-6. Tse niin me, a place. 299-3. Kauw kyfi wim me, among the redwoods. 230-3. Place at which, and sometimes place toward which, is ex- pressed by a noun with the ending -difi. IL ba la difi, a place. 364-16. Lel diii, a place. 105-13. Le nal diii, a place. 158-16. Lit tcuiw difi, a place. 169-1. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 3. 25 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. L6k na sa fin difi, a place. 317-7. me din nun diin, at one side. 361-17. me tsa xi6 sin diin, bad places. 302-7. min niin xun diii, by the sweat-house entrance. 115-7. mis xfus tim diii, a place. 300-8. mik kin din-, at its base. 287-1. nail lit diii, a place. 158-2. naIl tsis dif, hanging place. 204-3. na na tuiL diin, stepping down place. 207-2. Na de il tew'un din-, a place. 328-10. nate tse diin, at the door. 98-2. Nil liin kin dini, a place. 271-13. NiL tewin a ka diin, a place. 157-1. nin nis an n6n a dii, a place. 115-16. no na wit tse diin, by the door. 332-8. n6 nin diin, at our heads. 190-5. No taii a din-, a place. 179-6. n'un dil win te diin, snow always there place. 328-3. Xas lin diin, a place. 265-1. Compare, xas lin tau, crane. 203-14. XoLtsaidini, in the dry place. 112-6. Compare, x6L- tsai tau. xonna diii, in his eye. 118-7. Xoii xauw diii, a place. 117-14. Xon sa di n, a place. 174-1. xon diin, fire in. 109-16. Compare, xon tcin, fire toward. 109-15. xon ta diii, to the house. 210-5. X6 x6te diii, a place. 245-4. xo xon tau diii, his house place. 195-7. xot nun diii, a place. 244-3. Xot tin nan dini, a place. 198-13. x6 qot diii, knee deep. 365-11. Sauw tite diii, a place. 198-10. Sa xauw sai ke xauw dini, soup-eating place. 226-8. Da din mot diii, a place. 300-10. Da tewin diii, a place. 179-1. Djic taii a diii, a place. 104-5. 26 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Languqage. tai kyfiw difi, sweat-house. 203-9. Ta kim miL diii, a place. 104-10. tin ta din di n, in the woods. 247-3. TseLtee difi, a place. 280-2. Tse non a din, a place. 354-5. Tse nfun sin difn, a place. 102-5. Tse diii, a place. 280-10. Tee in di qot diii, a place. 216-10. TCiL tel nal la diii, a place. 365-6. TcS xl tewe diii, a place. 98-6. Tewite na nin a diin, a place. 353-14. Kai noni a dini, a place. 208-4. Ki yauw noii diL diii, bird's resting place. 199-5. Ki lai gya difi, a place. 243-17. KiL we din, a place. 354-12. Ki xsun nai ta diin, a place. 226-10. kit ta diin, in the brush. 162-9. KytiweLe dini, a place. 354-8. kyui win ya in yan ta diin, a place. 211-15. The place toward which is usually expressed by adding -tcin to the noun. Yi da xo miii wa tcin, to a place. 208-8. L hwunii kfut tcii, Bald Hill (toward). 216-15. min sit da tcii, smoke-hole to. 329-13. Mis kftt tcii, to Miskfit. 105-11. mux xa tce tcin, to the root. 210-1. nin nis an noii a teini, the world's end. 159-14. nin tcin, toward the ground. 163-1. no na wit tse teii, toward the door. 166-1. Xai ya me tein, to Xaiyame. 267-9. xon ta teii, to the house. 97-12. xon tcii, fire toward. 109-15. Tee wil lin teii, to the mouth of Redwood creek. 175-5. Motion along, beside, or by the way of, is expressed by the ending -kai or -ka. min ta kai, in (through) the wood room. 182-1. min tsit da kai, out of the smoke-hole. 158-7. Compare, min tsit da tein. 329-13. 27 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. xoi kyafn ai kai ta, his arms (along). 347-13. XOL tewil a kai, a marshy way. 361-12. xon na de kai ta, his legs (along) too. 347-14. xon nis te ka his throat down. 118-1. xot tsel kai, from under his arm. 143-4. x2rn nnfk ka, river along. 211-14. Motion toward, or position on a thing or place, is expressed by the suffix -kuit, or -ka. L6 ka, the prairie (grass on). 150-8. Mime da kuft, a place. 185-1. Mis k-ft, a place. 105-4. Xo wfutn kut, a place. 121-5. X6 til wai k-ft, a place. 336-1. de no kfit, the sky (this us on). 286-12. Tse tit mil a kftt, a place. 203-4. Compare, Tse tit- mil me. 299-11. TEMPORAL ENDINGS. The fact that the particular object referred to has ceased to exist, or has not yet come into existence, may be shown by end- ings suffixed to the noun. To indicate that the object no longer exists in the relation thought of, the suffix employed is -ne en. me dil ne en, canoes used to be. 153-17. mit datc ne en,' shells. 171-16. na di yau ne en,' dentalia. 171-16. nin nis anne en, world used to be (a hypothetical case). 343-14. nin xos tin ne en, frost used to be. 273-7. nik kyiu wini ya in yan ne en, your child used to be. 221-2. no le ne en, dam used to be. 102-11. xoi kit Loi ne en, her basket used to be. 325-1. xo 'ut ne en, his wife used to be. 187-8. xo liH ke ne en, his pet used to be. 115-14. xo lo ka ne en, her salmon used to be. 100-16. xo mit ne en, his belly used to be. 121-10. xon na kfit to ne en, his tears used to be. 338-10. 'In these cases it is possession of the object, and not the object itself, which ceases. 28 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. xon nin ne en, his face used to be. 143-10. xon ta ne en, house used to be. 114-17. x6 xfun ne en, her husband used to be. 308-4. x6 ta ne en, father used to be. 172-1. xs kos ne en, his neck used to be. 163-18. te ne en, blankets. 144-9. tsit dOik na we ne en, fisherskin quivers. 144-8. kai tel ne en, basket-plate used to be. 289-15. kiLLa xOun ne en, deer used to be. 96-8. kim miL na tul tcul wol ne en, wildcat used to be. 143-9. kyul wi y'ul ne en, food used to be. 96-8. That the object will exist in the future, or the possession of it will come to pass in the future, is expressed by adding the suf- fix -te. hwufw te te, my blanket it will be. 204-16. mit L6 we te, their medicine will be. 121-15. PRONOUNS. PERSONAL. The personal pronouns in their independent form are used chiefly for emphasis and in replying to questions. The incor- poration of the object into the verb, and its inflections to show the subject, reduce the need of pronouns as independent words to the minimum. The pronoun for the first person singular is hwe, which serves for both subject and object, and may be placed before a possessive to add emphasis. All other Athapascan languages have a word phonetically related to this. The Tolowa word is cl; the Carrier, si; and the Navaho, ci. The change of c or s to hw, while rather unexpected, is regular. The plural of the first person is ne he. It may be used of the speakers, when more than one, or of the speaker and the person spoken to. Instead of hwe and nehe, longer forms, hween and neheen-, often occur. These seem to be formed by the addition of the particle eni, which points to a person, contrasting him with another. hwe. 104-16, 151-17, 204-16. hweenf, 109-4, 138-14. 29 30 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCa. ETH. ne he. 216-18, 334-6. ne he enf. 139-3, 165-7. The second person singular is expressed by nin, and the plural by no hin, or no n. nin. 106-9. no hin. 280-5. It is to be thought that originally there was no personal pro- noun for the third person, its place being taken by the demon- stratives and by incorporated and prefixed forms. In speaking of adult Hupa, when emphasis is required xoni occurs. This appears to be xs-, the incorporated and prefixed form, and ein mentioned above contracted with it. No example of a third person plural occurs in Hupa Texts. When inquired for, ya xwen was given. This is no doubt xsfi of the singular with ya, the sign for the plural in the verbs and elsewhere. xsni. 96-3. POSSESSIVES. Weak forms of the personal pronouns are prefixed to the qualified noun to express possession. Hwe and nin are repre- sented by hw- and n-, uniting with a following vowel, but form- ing a syllable before semi-vowels and consonants. The syllable is completed by i or ui, before y and w respectively. Before con- sonants the vowel of the syllable is i, which is closed by taking over the succeeding consonant. The first and second persons plural are represented by one and the same syllable, no-, which may be prefixed in that form to any noun. The third person singular has xo- prefixed when an adult Hupa is meant, but m-, receiving the same treatment as hw- and n- above, when the ref- erence is to a Hupa child or very aged person, or to a person of another tribe or race. For animals and inanimate things m- is also frequently used, but for the former k- seems more fre- quent. When the possessor of the object is not known k- is also employed. A reflexive possessive is used where a chance for ambiguity exists. The form is a d- with the second syllable completed, as in the case of hw- and n-. (Examples of these possessives are given above on p. 14.) VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. DEMONSTRATIVES. The demonstratives for the nearer person or object, which must be in sight, are ded, hai ded and hai de, which do not differ in meaning. The more remote object or person, whether in sight or not, is referred to by yo or hai yo. ded, this. 96-10, 98-3. hai de, this. 100-6. yo, that. 151-14. hai y6, that. 115-14. RELATIVES. There are no words whose special office is the expression of relation. The definite article (or weak demonstrative) hai some- times has nearly the force of a relative. Line 12 on page 162 contains a sentence which has a relative: hai tce nin ya te ne en xon teL tau do he tce nin yai. The he was going to coyote he did not come out. come out Coyote, who was going to come out, did not come out. Again, on page 174, line 9, the sentence: hai un kya hai tcit tes deL te. The he saw it was the they two were to travel. He saw it was he with whom he was to travel. INTERROGATIVE. Questions asking who are introduced by diin danl; those asking what, by da xwed u'ni. dfiu dani, who? 151-16. da xwed uni, what? 163-3. ARTICLE. The Hupa employ hai referring to persons or things, singular or plural, in a manner that falls between our use of that, the demonstrative, and the definite article the. The occasional use of hai with a relative force has been mentioned above. It is sometimes employed where our idiom does not require it. It usually occurs before a possessive. hai x6 lifn ke, "the his pets." 195-8. 31 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. ADJECTIVE PRONOUNS. The following words usually stand alone, the persons, or things limited by them being understood from the context. a tini, all. 96-8. a tin ne, all people. 138-6. a tin x6 fun te, everything. 176-16. a tin din, everyplace. 96-5, 98-4. a tifn ka fun te, everykind. 110-10, 113-3. x6 dai de he, anything. di hw6, something. 144-8, 117-17. di hwe e, nothing. 153-10. dun L'un hwon, several people. dun LuAn hw6, several things. 164-16, 176-10. dini hwe e, nobody. 109-12. dini hwo, somebody. 107-5. NUMERALS. CARDINALS. The numerals to four are common to the Athapascan lan- guages, most of which have cognate words for five, also, which is dissyllabic. From five to nine the Hupa numerals are not easily analyzed. Ten, minLu'n, means, "enough for it." The numer- als above ten are made by an expressed addition for numbers lying between the decimal terms; and by multiplication for those terms. The meaning of La it dikkin, one hundred, is not evi- dent, but by a variation of the first syllables the hundreds are enumerated to a thousand, or beyond if necessary. The terminations of the cardinals which are used of persons differ from those used of things. This seems to be brought about by the use of an old termination, -n or -ne, which means people. Numerals used of things. La, one. 98-12. nax, two. 101-9. tak, three. 294-8. diik, four. tewo la, five. 101-6. x6s tan, six. x6 kit, seven. 32 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. ke nim, eight. muk k6s tau, nine. min Lufn, ten. 140-9. m Lun muwa na a, ten by its side again one. minLuln mu wa na nax, ten by its side again two. na dim min LUln, twice ten. ta ki&t dim min Lun, three times ten. diin kit dim min l,un, four times ten. tcw6 la dim mim Lul, five times ten. x6s tun dim min Lull, six times ten. x6 kit dim minLuln, seven times ten. ke nim dim min L'un, eight times ten. muk k6s ta dim min Lun, nine times ten. La it dik kin, one hundred. na xult dik kin, two hundred. ta kilt dik kin, three hundred. Numerals used of persons. Lu wu, one man. 234-1. na nin, two men. 139-2. ta kiun, three men. 169-1. diin kin, four men. 234-8. tcw6 lane, five men. 234-9. x6s tin, six men. 234-12. xS kit din, seven men. 235-3. ke nim min, eight men. 235-6. muk k6s tau win, nine men. 235-7. min Lun, or minLufn ne, ten men. 207-1. ADJECTIVES. The qualifying adjectives in the Hupa language are very closely linked with the verbs. They are fully conjugated like verbs, indicating by internal changes the person and number of the subject qualified and indicating by changes of tense whether the quality is predicated of the present, past, or future. The conjugation of the adjective for convenience of treatment has been given below following the conjugation of the verbs. These adjectives in the present tense seem without exception to be dissyllabic. 33 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. COMPARISON. The superlative, the only form of comparison employed, is expressed by prefixing dad-, the second syllable being com- pleted in harmony with the following sound. hai dadinnes nintuPw, the longest one bring. hai da diL Luk kau niL tfluw ne, the fattest one you must bring. hai da dit dit sit, the shortest one. hai da dik kya 6, the largest one. VERBS. CLASSIFIED. TRANSITIVE AND INTRANSITIVE. Most transitive verbs differ in form from the intransitive in that they have a change of root when the object is plural. If the object is an adult Hupa, it is incorporated in the form of the weak personal pronoun. Many, but by no means all, transitive verbs have -L immediately preceding the root but affiliating itself with the foregoing syllable. Most intransitive verbs have an entirely different root for a dual or plural subject. They do not have -L preceding the root. CLASSES. When a large number of Hupa verbs are compared, most of them are seen to fall into two classes, according to the presence or absence of -L before the root. In only a few cases it may be present or absent in words otherwise alike in form. In these cases it has the power of changing by its presence an intransitive verb to a transitive verb. TcittetaL means he stepped along; tcit teLtaL, he kicked something along. KeWiLtan (150-12) means he put pitch on the top of something, in this case a cane; ke win tan would mean that a bird on alighting stuck fast. In a general way -L may be considered the sign of the transitive. Its absence marks the intransitive; and it is present in all transi- tive verbs except a large but well marked class which express by the root itself the nature of the object affected and can there- fore be used without an expressed object. ya wiii xan, he took up something of a liquid or smally divided nature which must be contained in a basket. 34 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. ya win an, he took up a round object as a stone. ya win tan, he took up a long object as a stick. ya wiin ftt, he took up a cloth or cloth-like object as a blanket. But, also,- ya WiL ky6s, he took up a cloth or cloth-like object. yawiL ten, he took up an animal (including man) or an animal product. While it is quite evident that in its past history this -L was in some way closely connected with the transitive forms of the verbs, it is doubtful if at the present it has such a force, or the two forms yawinut and yawiLky6s could hardly stand as synonyms. All that can be safely said is that -L is associated with certain roots, while other roots are used without it. The last, for the sake of convenience, have been made to form class i, and the former, containing -L, class ii.1 The third class has immediately before the root either d- or -t. The former is found in certain places in the conjugation where it is the initial sound in an inserted syllable. The latter occurs regularly in certain cases where it is joined to a syllable already existing, as its final sound. The verbs of this class are of three kinds; a number containing certain roots which never occur withoutt the dental sound which is the characteristic of the class, verbs having the prefix na- with the iterative force of again, and all passives formed from class i. The fourth class has -1 preceding the root. It is composed of a number of verbs having roots which evidently require this sound preceding, since they do not occur without it, and all passives corresponding to class ii. VOICE. The passive voice is present in the language, but not common. It is usually desired and considered important that the agent or author of the act should appear in the sentence; and when he does so appear, it is as the subject of the verb. The passive is only employed when the author of the act is unknown; or some 'Father Morice, in the work cited, p. 194, has taken this -L as the char- acteristic of one of his conjugations. He speaks of it as a "pronomninal consonant. " 35 6University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. reason, usually religious, prevents reference to him. The passive is also used as a noun. MODES AND TENSES. The clear cut distinction of formal grammar between modes, on the one hand, and tenses on the other, does not exist in this language. There are special forms which affirm the act, and others that indicate it as impossible or improbable. So, too, there are forms for the past, present and future, but one cannot have a past tense of the Impotential mode. The same form does serv- ice as a present indicative, a subjunctive of proposed action, and the second person of it as an imperative. The following names have been assigned to the existing forms.-Present Indefinite, Impotential, Imperative, Customary; and Past Definite, Present Definite, and Future Definite. The last and many other forms are made by suffixes. Present Indefinite. This name has been chosen to distinguish the present of wider use and less discrimination as to the time of the action from the Present Definite, which affirms a single act as being just com- pleted. The former is used of acts in progress but not completed when such act consumes appreciable time, or of acts desired or intended. Impotential. The form of this mode-tense differs from the present, only in the nature of the root syllable which is the longer or stronger form. It is used mostly, or entirely, of future acts which are declared will not take place because they are impossible. The form does not stand by itself but is given the negative sense by the usual negative prefix do- and the potential force by a sort of auxiliary which means to be or become. It seems possible that the form has been differentiated from the present by the accent. Imperative. The real imperative forms, that is, the second person singular and plural, are identical with the same number and person of the present. In the third person, forms are found which do not occur elsewhere in Hupa. The command or request is that the person spoken to, permit or compel the third person to perform the act. 36 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Customary. Acts which are habitual or repeated are expressed by means of this form. Acts or conditions which are thought of as contin- uous or nearly so have forms with -win te suffixed to the present. Definite Tenses. The past, present, and future statement of particular and defi- nite acts, or states, has forms for their expression closely related to each other and distinctly set off from the foregoing. The past differs from the present in the form of the root, which is longer and often varies its termination. This is due perhaps to a sort of accent, which seems to consist mostly in dwelling on the syl- lable for a longer time. The future is formed from the present by the suffixes, -te, or -teL. PERSON AND NUMBER. Besides the usual three numbers there is found in Hupa a second form for the third person which is used when referring to a Hupa child, or very aged person; or to the members of other tribes, or races, and to animals. Intransitive verbs and the pass- ive voice of transitive verbs have in the third person three num- bers,-the singular; the dual, which differs from the singular only in its having the plural form of the root; and the plural, which differs from the singular in having the syllable ya infixed or prefixed. The active voice of transitive verbs does not have a change of root, and therefore no dual. In the first person of all verbs the dual form seems to have pretty nearly superseded the plural. The plural form can be used if it is desired to do so. The form is made by introducing ya, which often becomes yfu because it is followed in many cases by n in the same syllable.' STRUCTURE OF THE VERBS. The verb in Hupa, as in other Athapascan languages, pre- sents many difficulties. It contains in itself all the elements of the sentence. Xa na is di ya de, "if she comes back up," has first, an adverbial prefix, xa-, denoting that the motion is up the side of a hill, in this case the river bank; next, is found the 'According to Father Morice, the Carrier have a dual only in the first person. Work cited, p. 190. 37 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. particle -na-, having an iterative force, showing that the act is done a second time, in this case it is only meant to show that the path from the river is passed over a second time; the syllable -is- shows by the consonant it contains that the act is thought of as progressing over the surface of the ground. Had the act been considered as being begun and not requiring progression, the syllable -wifi- would have been employed. Ya wifn xan, "she picked up a basket of water. .But if the act had been thought of in its completion the syllable would have been -nin-. No nin- xan, "'she put down a basket of water. These three syllables, -is-, -wii-, and -nin-, occur only in the case of single defi- nite acts. The fact that s following i forms a syllable by itself, indi- cates that the action is thought of as performed by an adult Hupa. Had the act been thought of in connection with a child, an aged person, or one of another tribe or race, the s would have been united with the preceding syllable na. There is in this form of the verb nothing to show its person. The second person singular would be xa na sin di ya de, in which -in of the third syllable would indicate the person and number. The infixed syllable -di-, of which d is the essential part, usually follows the iterative infix na, the two being equivalent to English "back again." The next to the last syllable, -ya-, may be called the root, since it defines the kind of act. It is used of the locomotion of a single human being on his feet at a walk. Had this verb been in the plural, the root would have been -deL. Had the pace been more rapid, -La would have been employed. The final syllable indicates a future contingence. Had it been viewed a.s a future certainty, -te would have been employed. The Hupa verb is modified in various ways, as has been seen from the preceding example. First.-By prefixed and infixed syllables, the direction of the motion in space, its manner and purpose, whether repeated or not in time, and whether conceived as continuous, beginning, or completed is expressed. Second.-By the inflection of the syllable preceding the root, the person and number of the subject is indicated. 38 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Third.-By variations in the form of the root, is shown the number of the subject in transitive verbs; the object in intransitive verbs; and also whether the act or state is one and definite in time, or repeated and continuous. Certain roots, since they apply only to certain class of object or kinds of actions, show by their inherent meaning the nature of the object affected. Fourth.-By syllables suffixed to the root, the action may be further limited as to its time, continuance, or likelihood. It will be realized that by so many means of modification the possible number of verb forms is very great. There are, in fact, a very large number employed. Their number is limited, of course, by the logic and necessity of their use. The structure of the verb will be treated in the order given above. PREFIXES AND INFIXES. ADVERBiAL PREFIXES COF PLACE AND DIRECTION. Adverbial prefixes showing the position of persons or things at rest, and the place, limit, or origin of motion. Ya- is used of the position of one sitting, of picking things up from the ground, and of motion wholly or partly through the air, as the carrying of objects and the flight of birds. The primary meaning seems to be, "in the air, above the surface of the ground." A) Relating to the sitting position. ya a a, he sat. 150-8. yauw hwai, I have been sitting here. 174-12. ya wes a, she sat uip. 301-2. ya win a, sitting. 162-11. ya winf a hit, when he sat. 174-6. ya wifn eL, they were sitting 181-8. yan a, sitting. 110-14. ya na wes a, he sat down. 165-17. ya na wi-n ai, he sat down. 136-6. ya ta a ei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. da ya win ai, he was sitting. 360-6. da ya win a ye, someone sitting was. 337-2. da ya win a ye, someone fishing. 119-16. da ya wes a, he sat down. 138-3. 39 Universtty of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. da ya na wes a, it sat there. 144-11. da ya na wini ai, sitting. 162-2. The following two are used of material things, but seem to belong here. ya na me da a, it loomed up. 121-11. ya na me di! wiii a, (ashes) piled up. 187-9. B) Used of picking up from the ground a person or thing. ya a wuiw, he always takes on his back. 195-6. ya il luw, he picked up (a woodpecker head). 292-14. yauw tulw, let me pick it up. 286-11. ya ya kiin en, they packed up. 164-4. ya wiL ten nei, she picked him up. 287-3. ya wiL ky6s, he picked up. 293-6. ya wim meL, he took them up. 142-4. ya wiln an, he picked up (a stone). 342-1. ya wiln xan, he picked it up (a basket of water). 337-6. ya win tan, he took. 108-18. ya win t uln hit, when he picked it up. 202-6. ya wi xauw hwiL te, he will take it up. 295-17. ya luiw, he picked it up. 292-15. ya nauw tuiw, I will pick up. 286-9. ya na wil lai, she picked it up. 307-6. ya na win tan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13. ya na ke ui wiuw, he used to pack up. 237-7. ya na kil lai, he took in his hand. 337-7. ya na kifi en, he packed up. 238-3. yatexan, he picked up. 109-16. c) The following seem to imply vertical motion. yai im mil, it kicked up (its legs). 290-2. ya yai wim meL ts-f, he heard them kick up their legs. 342-14. ya wil lai hit, when he opened his eyes; when he lifted his eyelids. 347-5. yawilton, he jumped up. 165-9. ya wiL kas, he threw up. 96-3. ya win na hwiL de, if it raises up (the ocean). 117-10. ya wit xfus sil lei, it flew up. 294-15. 40 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. ya wit qot, he jumped up. 329-13. yal ton ei, it jumped off. 163-18. ya na it xfits, it kept flying up. 113-1. ya nauw dinf, the going up place (said of the sun). 195-6. yan yai, the sun was up. 308-3. yan xftts ei, it flew up. 271-2. D) Of horizontal motion through the air. a diLya kiL qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3 ya auw hwei, he held it out. 166-5. yai wa auwwiL'OX, it increased in blowing. 324-6. ya it qot, it always dodged. 286-11. ya wiL waL, he threw (through the air). 362-8. ya wim mas, he rolled over. 112-15. ya wifi en, he carried. 210-4. ya winl kultc, he threw. 143-15. yawitqot, he tumbled. 118-15. ya wunii xftts sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13. ya na wifn en, she carried. 172-1. yanawitqot, he jumped. 329-15. ya nat xutts ei, he flew away. 113-10. ya nat dje ui, they came back. 301-15. ya XoLten, he has taken him. 151-4. yax6inits, he shot. 166-8. ya xos meL, he whipped him. 164-3. yat q6t, it dodged. 286-10. ya ke wulw hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. ya kiln wutw, carry it. 105-18. ya kill wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4. Ya- seems sometimes to carry the meaning of the object's being reduced to many pieces. yai kyiu wil tats, blanket of strips. 207-5. ya na is kil, he split. 142-3, 210-2. ya na ky-dwiL tsil liLte, they (one) may split. 109-8. ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. Ye- is used of motion into houses, beds of streams, and space however slightly inclosed, and also into smaller objects, as canoes and baskets. Am. ARCH. ETH. 3, 4. 41 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. A) Of a house. ye in yauw, they always go in. 305-9. ye wes a, was in. 153-10. ye win ya, come in. 305-8. ye wini ya ye xs uun, had gone in. 118-5. ye wit qot, it fell in. 136-3. yenaidiL, let us go in. 210-13. ye na it dauw, he used to go in. 288-6. ye na wil 1]s, she dragged in. 190-2. ye na wil Lat, she ran in. 136-1. ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15. ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. ye na wit ya te, she will go in. 311-15. ye nal Lat, she ran in. 329-8. ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16. ye nuandauw, come in. 98-17. ye xfii uiin hit, when they ran in. 169-11. ye xs ta an, they ran in. 238-9. ye tce il liiw, he used to take in. 288-2. ye tcit teL kait, one after the other he stuck in. 322-2. ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9. yetcu wiLda, she carried in. 191-13. ye tcui wini yai, he went in. 97-3. yetcftwifnxan, she brought in. 209-10. ye tcFi win deL, they went in. 278-4. ye kiL tseL, she passed in the water. 111-9. ye kin nen diii, light shone in. 308-3. ye kyiu wes tce, the wind blew in. 270-4. do ye in nauw, (no one) ever comes in. 329-4. do ye in dil, never come in. 305-10. do ye na wit yai, he did not come in. 238-12. B) Of a mountain, spoken of as hollow. ye l yoL, she blew in. 302-8. ye 6 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13. ye yu WiL kit de te, will go there. 301-9. ye wit dje fi, they went in. 299-14. ye tcu wil lai, he took them in. 301-7. 42 VoL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. ye tcui WiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. ye kyiu wes tee te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8. c) Of entering the bed of a stream. ye te wifn yai, he went up. 101-8. ye ya xs lai, they took them. 179-12. ye ya xs la yei, they took them. 179-9. ye win deL te, they will go. 255-3. ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2. D) Of landing, with a canoe or otherwise. ye wit kait, he landed. 140-1. ye wit kai te, (a canoe) will come. 209-3. ye wit kait di n, landing place. 140-2. ye na wiL kait, she landed. 135-12. ye nin dil lin ye, had washed ashore. 267-12. ye tCenwiL taL ei, they landed. 362-5. E) Of broad spaces. ye e il ton x6 lan, (birds) used to jump in. 117-17. ye yin ne y6t, (dogs) drove by barking. 321-5. ye na wo deL te, you will travel in (the underworld). 361-12. ye na XoL wab, he threw him (under a basket.). 106-13. ye tein nauw, they will come in (the dancing-place). 231-6. ye tecu wini ya, they came in. 231-4. ye kiL taL, they began to dance. 179-2. E) Of a canoe. ye in t UL ne, you must step in. 209-2. ye we ya te, I am going into it. 314-3. ye na wil de ton, she jumped in. 135-11. ye tcl WiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8. ye tecu wiln ya din, in entering. 140-2. F') Of a basket or small object. ye na WiL ten, she put it in (a basket-cradle). 136-5. ye tee iL kas, he threw (into a basket). 288-7. ye tcn WiL ten, she put it in (a basket cradle). 289-17. ye tcn WiL to, he slipped them (one into the other). 329-1. ye te-l wim meL, they put into (a storage basket). 200-5. 43 4University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. ye tcui win tan, he put in (his quiver). 96-13. ye kiL wis, he bored a hole. 197-3. Wa- seems to mean through, with verbs of cutting and burn- ing. wa kin nil lit xs lan, they were burned through. 119-3. wa kin nin tats, he cut through. wa kin nin seL xs lan, was heated through he saw. 329-16. Compare, wunT dim mil, going through. 144-3. wundim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. yu wun dim mil lei, went through. 211-5. Wa- is employed with verbs of handing or giving something to a man or animal. wai e xus sei, he threw at her. 333-1. wai iL tulw, he always gave. 136-12. wa im mil, he always distributes them. 195-8. miLwa ya kin dil lai, they traded with them, "with they handed each other. " 200-4. nui wa me neL tewit te, I will loan you. 356-6. nu wa na ne la te, I will loan you. 356-7. nul wa nel la te, I will give it to you. 353-7. hwil wa meLtewit te, lend me. 296-11. hwui wa miL tCwit, loan me. 326-7. hwi wun tIw, hand me. 278-7. xo waiLda, she handed her. 181-13. xo wain tan, he gave him. 211-1. xs wa ya in tan, they gave him. 144-14. x6 wa ya tel lai, they gave them. 198-8. x6 wa me neL tewit te, I will loan him. 356-17. xo wa teil lai, he gave away. 103-7. xo wa tcifi xan, to her she gave. 246-12. xwaiLkit, she gave him to eat. 98-11. xwa yaiLkit, they gave him. 110-5. xwayakiLkit, she fed them. 192-11. do hwu wun nui wit lai he, don't to me bring them. 230-13. kyui wa naiL tiw, he who gives back. 241-4. Le- has the general meaning of the converging or nearness of objects. It has the special meaning of building a fire from the 44 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. placing together of sticks. It is also employed of completing a circle or a circuit in traveling. A) Of things brought together and of people meeting. yaLe da a dini, the corner. 286-1. Le il loi, he ties together. 334-12. Le in nauw, they came together. 305-2. Le ya ki x6 lau, he gathered the people. 151-7. Le ye tcui win yeuw, he jammed in. 143-10. Le na is loi, he tied together. 210-5. Le na ya kyu wil lau, they have gathered up. 171-12. Le nal ditc tewifin xs lan di n, it had grown together place. 281-15. Lena neL n6, he placed on end (in a circle). 235-12. Le na de eL, were joined. 347-4. Le na kil la ne, gather together. 192-8. Lena kil diu hwot, it grew back on. 164-1. Le neL te, let us meet. 174-3. Le nul wil nes, met together. 215-6. Le n'l ditc tewen ne xs lIu, it had grown together. 113-8. Le nundii waL, it shut. 108-16. Compare, Le dui wil lu, he had killed several. 165-16. Le de eL ta, in a corner. 270-5. Le ki xs la, gather people. 151-5. Le kin niL yets te, to tie together. 151-10. Liii ya te, they will come together. 295-1. B) In the special sense of building a fire. Le nai yfun dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. Lena il liw, she started a fire. 153-1. Lenauw dilla, I have a fire. 351-6, 355-14. Lena wil la, a fire. 170-9. Lena luw, he built a fire. 235-14. Lena nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. Le na nil la xs lan, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4. Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2. do Le na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14. c) Of completing a circuit. Le na in di yai, he completed the circuit. 220-8. 45 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Le na in dl ya te sil len, he got nearly around. 220-6. Lena it dauw, he used to make the rounds. 336-7. Le na niL ten, he took it all the way around. 293-10. Le na nin deL ei, they went clear around. 102-1. Me- seems to have the meaning of position at; or motion to, against, or along the surface of something. A) Of climbing a steep hill or a tree. me is La dei, he ran up. 217-16. me na is dl yai, he climbed. 103-12. me na ya is deL, they started back. 208-16. me sit te deL, they went along up. 198-13. mesittedeL, they moved up. 216-15. B) Of landing, coming against the shore or a fixed point. me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11. me ne men, he landed him. 162-9. me nil la yei, they landed. 216-13. me na nil la yei, they arrived. 116-8. me nun dl yai, years, said of the sun's arrival at a certain point in its yearly journey up and down the moun- tain ridges. 145-7. ml nil la yei, the waves came ashore. 362-4. mifi yai, it was nearly time. 286-6. c) Of sticking or tying, or of being stuck or tied, against a surface. me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. me it tan, he stuck to it. 202-3. me win tan ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. mil loi ne, you must feather. 207-4 (arrows). D) Of bringing something to, or pushing it against a surface. me WiL waL, he beat on. 315-1. me na niL tCwit, he pushed it. 106-13, 163-16. me niL tCwit, he pushed it. 106-2. me niL tCwit, he put aside. 234-8. me xs niL tewit, something pushed him. 109-13. me du wiiL a, she put the ends in the fire. 242-11. miL tCwit, push it. 105-18. 46 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. E) Of bringing steam or heat against something to be cooked. me wit dil na te, we will steam it. 241-11. me na WiL na ei, he steamed them. 342-12. What seems to be the same prefix used in a figurative sense appears in the following. A) Of speaking and singing. me ya dui wil wauw, they began to talk about it. 265-1. me ya kyu wiL tel, they sang. 234-1. me na kyui wiL tu, they sang again. 238-15. me dil wauw, they talked about. 340-5. me dil wauw ta, they talked about places. 340-12. me kyu wiL tel, singing. 235-4. me kyti wiL til, he sang. 234-6. B) Of watching. me luw, watching. 204-6. me lflw Ox, he watched it. 205-2. me 1luw te, I am going to watch it. 292-9. me nai luw te, I will watch them. 258-10. me nauw luw te, I will watch. 267-17. miiw liiw te, I will watch. 218-3. c) Of finishing. me neL xe, I finish. 260-15. me neL xe teL, I am finishing. 260-4. me niL xe, he finished it. 296-8. D) Of desiring. me dii win tewen, he was hungry for. 99-1. me duiw tewi n, I want. 254-12. d6medi!wtewiin, I don't want. 253-5. Unctassified. me nai yi yauw, they eat it down. 356-13. me nai yi yauw e x6 lan, it will be eaten down. 356-11. me na iL kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10. me na tewil liL te, it will settle. 117-11. Me- appears with much the same meaning as ye-, except that it usually refers to position in something, while ye- is employed of motion into. me nin sis deL, in it they danced. 216-5. me no nil lai, in she took. 307-2. 47 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. me no nin an, he put inside. 328-13. me sa uni, was in it. 243-15. me sit dit tetc, in we would be lying. 190-4. me sit tin te, in they lie. 307-11. me sit tun, was in it. 243-9. me tsis yen, who stands in. 195-11. me tsis tetc, they lie in. 306-8. me tee ya niL to, they skinned him. 328-5. do me sa fun, (nothing) was in it. 243-9. Na- is used of indefinite motion over the surface of the ground or water; and of position on the earth's surface. The primary meaning may be "horizontal." A) Of motion over the surface of the ground. na a a, he always has (said to mean he always carries it). 257-4. na l ya, she used to go. 135-2. na iL its, it is running around. 294-4. naiLte cs, she carried it. 290-6. na in nel le xo lan, he played, he saw. 186-1. na in deL, they went. 266-9. na is its, she ran different places. 185-6. na is ya, he walked around. 157-9. na is ya te, he goes. 307-13. na is deL, they had traveled. 181-15. na is diL Lat, she ran. 185-6. na is te, he carried it around. 282-4. na is tsiu, he rolled about. 119-4. na it dil, who go around. 305-9. na ya wit dil, they went along. 172-1. na wa ye, he goes around. 231-9. na wa ne djox, while walking. 276-1. na we nel le xo lMi, he had been playing. 292-13. na na is ya e xo lan, she could walk. 276-11. na naLits, it running around. 295-10. na na kis le, he felt around. 106-5. na hwa, I will walk. 164-6. na xs teL tCw6 ig, he swept. 210-12. na so tes an, they ran around. 341-4. 48 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. naa xus din na tsii, moving she heard. 191-12. na se te, I will go. 137-14, 139-10. nasiinyate, you will travel. 356-2. nas its ei, it ran around. 294-3. nas ya yei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. nas deL, they began to walk. 180-16. nas dfik q6t, it tumbled about. 136-4. nas qol, it crawled around. 294-1. na diL te, they will travel. 107-7. nateLditdauw, he ran. 100-13. na teL ten, he took it along. 282-3. na tse, rolling around. 157-4. na tciL tsiL, moving as he sat. 171-6. na ka xas dan na tsud, someone moving. 165-18. na kis deL, they came around. 200-2. na kis q6t, he pushed a stick. 145-12. na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9. do na wa, (nobody) going about. 166-2. do na hwai, I have never been. 336-11. do nas do, they won't dodge. 258-13. B) Of horizontal motion on or under the surface of water. na a xa, fills it, floats on its surface. 310-8. naaxaei, fills it. 311-5. naime, I swim in. 311-11. na is men nei, he made it swim. 266-1. nauw me, let me swim. 97-15. na wim me, he swam. 209-13. na la, floating. 243-8. na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12. na lat dei, it was floating. 243-17. na na lat dei, it was floating. 244-9. c) With the meaning of living, derived from the preced- ing (a and b). nai ya dinf, I live place. 231-5. nawa, were there. 209-3. na wa ax, stayed. 166-14. na win ya yei dini, he had lived time. 336-7. na l, which live (said of fish). 100-7. 49 University of California Publications. [A.ARCH. ETH. na nai ya te, I am going to live. 218-2. na nan dil liL te, they will live. 343-13. na na sifn ya te, you will be. 353-8. na nas deL te, they will be. 228-2. na niL ne, how must they live. 317-1. nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4. na dil, were living (in water, said of fish). 100-7. na dil le, they are. 211-13. na diL, they living. 321-3. na diL ne en, that used to live. 204-15. do na wa te, will not live. 257-11. D) Of marking, cutting, or rubbing the surface of the body. na iiuw Lu, I paint. 247-12. nai deL dS, he cut him. 164-3. na ya de it tful, they used to drag their feet. 207-3. na na iiuw me, I bathe it. 247-1. na nai me, I bathe. 311-8. na na im me ei, who always bathed. 311-8. na neL waL, he struck. 163-17. na niL deL, he struck. 120-4. na niL kis, he cut him. 164-1. na Xo wiL me, he bathed him. 187-12. na de LU, she marked across. 311-13. na deL waL, he put it (on him as paint). 114-5. E) Of a position of rest, lying or sitting on the ground. na wil yeiuw, he rested. 119-14. na ne sin dai, you sat down. 351-1. na nes dai, she sat down. 136-2. na nil win tu hwiL ne, you must lie. 343-12. na sa un te, will lie. 226-9. na del tse, they stayed. 102-3. na deL tse, are living. 217-8. na tcil yeutw sa an diii, resting place. 363-3. na tcil yeulw din-, resting place. 347-3. x6 tcin na sil lai, she was dressed in, "on her they lay." 164-9. do nauw ai, I do not wear. 247-15. do na sil kas, was left. 192-16. 50 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. F) Of trees and other objects standing upright from the sur- face of the ground. In this case na is followed by a syllabte beginning with d. na na diwa al, rose up. 103-13. na na di wini a, stands. 364-14. na na di! wiji eL, they stuck up. 106-14. na da a, stood. 150-8. na da ai, stands in the river. 244-12. na da ai, standing. 100-8. na di! wiin a, it stood up. 158-6. na dui wifn a, smoke came out. 197-5. na dui wifn a ei, stand up. 243-6. na dui wifn a te, it will stick up. 204-2. na dui wifn eL, they stuck up. 106-3. Na-, or, na na- expresses motion downward or toward the earth. The second na may be the iterative particle, since what- ever or whoever comes down must previously have gone up. na e l ya, it used to rain. 229-2. nail iiw, (tears) dropping. 337-14. na il tsit, falls. 275-3. nail tsit te e il lii, would drop. 104-11. na ini xfit, dropped down. 115-14. na is x-ft, he tore down. 104-8. na 6l iiw, drops first. 115-12. na ya is x-ft, they tore down. 267-8. na wes len ei, it falls. 104-1. na win tau, it will settle down. 273-7. na wit xOis iL, he is falling. 152-5. nal iiw te, will drop. 115-13. nal tsit, fell down. 145-2. na nee dauw, (sun) goes down. 364-4. na na it dauw, (sun) gone down. 104-10. na nauw daL diin, gone down time. 322-9. na na ya wil lai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1. na na wiL ky6s, he took it down. 204-4. na na winf an, he had taken down. 176-10. na na winf ufni xs luni, he had taken down. 176-17. na na win tan, he took down. 97-16. 51 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. na na wit yai, he came down. 138-15, 174-9. na na wit xftts, he flew back down. 114-2. na nal de iiuw, dripping off. 337-5. na nal dit tsit dini, where it fell. 96-4. na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9. na na diL, come down. 166-7. na na tiL difi, stepping down place. 207-2. na nat yai, (sun) had gone down. 202-9. nain ya, it rains. 229-3. nan deL, it snowed. 169-2. na xs wil tsit xs lfun, fell. 306-15. na dit te meL, fell. 245-11. Na- is used of motion or position horizontally, as a line stretched, or of crossing a stream. A) Of crossing a stream. nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them (across). 179-11. na na in di yai, he came across. 103-11. na na is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6. na na ya nin deL, they arrived (on the other side). 172-2. na na nin deL, they went over. 267-6. na ni nyai, he crossed. 119-17, 322-10. na nin ya yei, she crossed over. 135-6. na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. B) Of horizontal position. naL tsis, hanging. 204-12. nain a ei, hangs there. 295-3. na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9. na na kin nu WiL a, he made a ridge. 104-3. na nil wes a, run across. 363-14. na nil wil x-t, hanging for a door. 171-1. na nul win dik, they lined up. - 216-17. Na- is used in verbs of derived meaning which do not reveal with which of the above they are connected. A) Intransitive. na ya is dil le nei, they became. 166-13. nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6. nadille, they are. 211-13. na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12. 5a,2 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. na dil le te ne en, which was going to happen. 117-5. na dillu, will be. 243-2. na teLdite tewen, he grew. 96-1. na teLdite tewiii x lun, they had grown. 119-10. nat le liL te, will become. 312-4. na ky-i wiln xa, grows. 364-11. do na xos dil le te, will be no more. 228-4. do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. B) Transitive. nai xoiiLtewe ei, they made him. 196-6. na is tewen, he made. 110-12. na is tewen nei, that grew. 287-7. na is tewin teL, who will make. 321-11. nai ke yiin te, they will grow. 296-4. nauw tewe, I am going to make. 301-1. na yai xoi iL tewe, they make him. 196-3. na ya is tewen, they made. 284-1. na seLtewen, I made. 296-2. na seL tCwifi, I make. 302-11. na seL tcwin te, I will make it. 257-14. No- is employed of the cessation of motion, as in placing something in a position of rest, of reaching the end or limit of something, or of completing a task. A) Of coming to, or bringing something to position of rest. no a din nifn xan, she placed herself. 223-9. no a difn xauw, lay yourself down. 223-9. n6 il l1w, she put. 157-11. noil La, he came running. 360-8. n6 in nauw, she stopped. 158-5. noi Xwe iL LU, they throw down. 195-11. noi dui win taL xs lftui, he had made a track (he had placed down his foot). 292-5. no ya nin deL, they sat down. 280-5. no ya xon niL ten, they left him. 169-7. n6 ya te meL, they dropped them along. 179-11. no wit tuiw wiL te, one shall always be left. 289-12. n3 na i-iw xauw, I leave it. 247-3. 53 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. no nai ya du wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. no na iL ky6s, she put away. 333-7. no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1. no nauw auw, I never leave. 248-1. no auw ne, you must put it down. 210-7. no na ya kin nin an, they left food. 110-9. no na wiL dits tse, had a door shut. 97-2. no na niL ten, he put it. 221-11. no na ne fun, I will leave it. 296-5. no na niin an, he placed. 117-8. nu na nin deL, they lived. 237-1. no na nin deL xS lan, they had sat down he saw. 271-12. no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9. no na XOL tuw, he had her laid. 342-8. nS na d-l win taL, he stepped away. 223-11. no na ta unfi hit, when she turned. 245-10. no na kifn auw ne, you must leave. 353-10. no na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4. no na kin nin fun te, one should leave. 215-8. no na kin nin fun te, you will leave. 351-13. no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. no ne xsun te, I will put. 289-2. no nil lai, he put. 98-2. no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. nS niL tin difn, he put it place. 266-9, 294-10. no niL kait, he pushed them. 139-13. n niL kas, he threw. 185-8. nS niL ky6s, he put it. 208-10. no nin an, he established it. 273-3. no ninfiut, he threw it. 112-3. no nih xan, she put it. 242-7, 287-7. no nin xfun te, who will set. 290-12. no nin xfits, he dropped. 362-9. no nin tan, he put. 210-16. nOn di yan, was left. 118-11. no nfun di ya te, in one place they will stay. 259-17. nO noun dim mil, rope fell back. 151-18. nofi yai, it went down. 348-3. 54 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. non xauw ne, put it. 296-14. non de mil, it fell. 143-8. non de qot ei, it stopped. 287-2. no di! win taL xs lan, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. no ke iiuw qot, I always set up. 247-4. no kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11. B) Of liquids or gases spread over a surface. noi iL kit, (fog) spread out. 321-7. noi wiL kil liL te, it will be foggy. 230-6. noi niL kit, (smoke) hangs. 337-11. noi niI, kit, (smoke) is everywhere. 241-8. noi niL kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10. no wil lin, it was covered (with blood). 115-16. n6 nai niL kit, (smoke) settled. 96-3. nu hwe detTw hwen nei, darkness came. 300-15. nu t6 'x, water staid. 324-3. Compare, nu kin nin yoSw, (dentalia) scattered about. 145-3. c) Of arriving at a limit, of finishing something. n1 il La, he came running. 360-8. no iL x-fts, he chewed off. 288-5. noi nin yan ne, that far they ate. 347-17. n6 in nauw, she stopped. 158-5. no it t, the water comes. 310-7. noi ki yow dini, as far as it goes. 311-6. no win na hwiL te, (thus far) he will go. 230-1. no nail liiw, she left off. 332-10. no na in dufk qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18. no na wit tats, it is cut down. 144-17. no nan dit dje iu, they got back. 301-15. no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught uip with him. 176-11. nu na xsn tsil, they had finished filling the grave. 175-15. no nil lit hit, when he had finished sweating. 210-8. no ni nfuii hit, when he finished. 234-7. no nin nas, he whittled it down. 197-3. no niin de xen, they floated to shore. 216-6. no nfun dil lat, it floated back. 245-13. non dik kil lei, that far he split it. 210-2. 55 6University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. no xo auw hlwil, they kept arriving. 208-1. no x6 ni -n ui, they fell in with them. 179-5. n6 xiuw, floats ashore. 346-5. no din nil tewan, they finished supper. 141-4. no te dutk kait, people began to starve. 191-11. n6 te dftk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18. no kiL dje xa in nauw, she quit fighting. 333-6. no kin nifi yan, he finished. 209-12. no kyfi wil taL, final dancing place. 105-6. Xa- has the general meaning of up. It is found employed of movement up a hillside when the speaker's standpoint is at the top of the hill, the digging of objects out of the ground, and motion out of the top of receptacles or of houses. A) Of motion up along the surface of the ground. xa is yai, he came up. 105-1, 294-7. xa is ya diii, he got up place. 272-2. xa is lai, she brought up. 98-16. xa is xunfi hit, when she had brought up. 99-9. xa is ten, she brought up. 99-2. xa ya kis wen, they carried it up. 164-5. xa na is 16s, she dragged it up. 190-2. xa na is di yai, he came back up. 100-2. xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. xa na is di ya de, if she comes up. 111-6. xa na is diL Lat, she ran up. 135-13. xa sin nauw difi, where the sun rises. 332-5. xa sin deL diii, coming up place. 363-3. xa kis wen, he had carried it (up a tree). 166-4. B) Of digging things from the ground, or of their emergence from the surface of the ground or water. xai 'un te, I will take one out. 135-5. xauw auw, I am going to take it out. 135-7. xa wa auw hwiLte, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. xa wil lai, she dug it out. 242-5. xa wii an, he took out. 100-10. xa na ya wit tewal, they dug up along. 181-7. xa na WiL ten, he dug it out. 221-10. xa na xo iL tuw, she kept lifting him out. 223-15. 56 VoL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. xa na xsnf an, they came up again (from the grave). 360-10. xan xen ne, he came up (after diving). 210-9. xa x5 wil waL, dug-from-the-ground. 138-9. xa te mas, rolled out of the ground. 270-5. xa ke hwe, (she commenced) to dig. 135-2. xa kin de muft, it boiled up. 105-3. xa kyui witc tce liL te, from the ground the wind will blow out. 272-10. c) Of motion out of the top of a house or a receptacle. xa wes a, he peeped out. 176-9. xa wit q6t, he jumped (out of the smoke-hole). 329-13. xa kifi its, (she saw) it shoot up (out of the smoke-hole). 158-7. D) Of growing up from the ground, or of standing in it as a plant. xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. xal a xo liun, had grown up. 121-11. xal tewiin xs lan, growing up he saw. 319-8. xa na kyil x3l da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. xan dik, standing. 276-10. Xe e- in the sense of " away from, " as in blowing and pushing. xe eiLy6l, he blows away. 296-15. xe e ya xi wit meL, they had thrown away part of them- selves. 181-9. xe e WiL waL, she threw away. 189-11. xe e wifn qotc ei tsui, he heard him lope away. 175-8. xe e na iL kis, she pushed it away. 185-3. xeenawilLat, he ran away again. 176-16. xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9. xe e dui waL ei, it disappears over the hill. 208-17. Xot da-, with the general meaning of down, expresses motion down a hill or stream. xot da iL kas, he threw down. 138-8. xot da wil lai, they came down. 215-13. xot da wini yai, he went. 272-3. xot da wiii ya yei, she went down. 99-8. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 5. 57 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6. xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8. xot da na wit xfits, he fell back. 152-3. xot da na kyul we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5. xot dani yai, it went down. 281-1. xot dani xen, they floated down. 216-5. xot dan tee, blows (down). 227-3. xot da ke i yauw, they came down the hill. 310-6. xot dan kyil wes tee, blows (down). 227-7. xot dat kait, they came down. 158-14. Xot de- is used of one person's meeting another on the trail where the movement of only one of the persons is of interest at the moment. Le- is employed when one wishes to say they came toward each other. The first part of the prefix, xo-, seems to be the third person of the pronoun, used as an indirect object. Compare, nit de sin nauw fun, didn't she meet you? 165-2. xot de is yai, he met him. 105-14. xot de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8. Sa- is employed of motion into the mouth, as in eating, drinking or biting. sauw titc din, let me put in my mouth place. 198-10 and note. sa wil lai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10. sa wini xan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10. sa hwil luw, put (me) in your mouth. 276-8. mis sai xsun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. mis sa wifi xOun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. mis sfuin xauw ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. hwis sa kin its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. xs sa wi-n xan, her mouth he put in. 342-7. xs sa kiii its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. kis sa winl ya te, he will go into somebody's mouth. 257-5. Da- refers to a bank, bench, shelf, or something higher than the ground, on which the person or object is at rest or comes to rest. A) Of a person sitting on something above the surface of the ground. dayawillai, he was sitting. 360-6. da ya wil aye, someone sitting. 337-2. 58 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. da ya wes a, he sat down. 138-3. da ya na wes a, sat there. 144-11. da ya na will ai, sitting. 162-2. da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8. da nin sa, sit. 107-12. da no nin deL, they sat. 179-2. da no te deL te, everybody will fish. 256-9. da tce it da, he always fished. 237-1. da tein nes dai, he sat. 107-12. da tcin nes dai, she fished. 98-14. B) Of persons or animals stepping, jumping, lighting or tying on something higher than the ground. da unta xfus, fly (on to a tree). 114-2. dawilLat, it jumped on. 113-14. dawiltonei, it jumped. 115-9. da nat xfuts tse, it lit on. 204-8. da n6 di! win taL , he stepped. 120-3. da xS S auw, they jumped. 195-9. da xsnf an nei, they jumped. 347-18. da tee e xfus, used to light. 150-9. da teul wil ton, he jumped. 109-14. da teu wi -n x-ts, he flew up there. 114-1. c) Of objects resting or being placed on something higher than the ground. da e iiuw tulw, I put. 247-7. da e iL te, were on a stick. 186-11. da na wil lai, she put it. 308-2. da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. da nal iulw diln, it dropped place. 338-4. da na XOL ten, he put him. 108-1. da na deL waL, he poured it. 281-17. da siL ten, lying on something. 186-4. da sit tan, sitting there. 246-10. da sit ten, it was lying. 114-16. da sit tfunl, it sits. 246-9. da tell will an, he placed it. 210-6. da tela will en, he put fire on. 119-15. 59 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. D) Of a fixed position in a body of water or on its surface. da il lel, it always swam (in one place). 266-6. da wes lal, it stayed still. 245-1, 314-10. da wes lel, it swam around in one place. 266-5. da wes dil, they waited. 252-7. da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6. da wit dil, live (said of fish). 365-8. da wit diLne en, they used to live (said of fish). 259-4. da na wil laL, it was floating there. 325-3. da nat lale, it floated. 243-13. Unclassified. da e iuiw kel, I held under. 337-14. da yi kifn yan e x6i lun, mouse has chewed up. 153-15. da win san sil len, he was weak. 346-6. da nai ke xon tewai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. da kifn yun te, to chew off. 151-9. da kyiu wes tce, the wind blew on it. 348-3. da ky-l wifn xa ei, (a plant) stood. 242-3. Da d-, with various meanings, a common significance being unknown. A) Of the removing or taking away of persons or objects. da na di! wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. da di! wil ten, he has been carried off. 150-10. da tce xs diL ten, she has taken him away. 159-5. da tcit du WiL kyos, he has taken away. 207-11. B) Of running. da na xs di! wini an, they ran back. 181-6. da din Ia, run. 176-6. da tcit di!wil Lat, he ran. 164-2. da tcit dui win Lat, he started to run. 176-11. c) Of placing things at right angles to each other, or of point- ing at something. dana diL a, shoot. 329-11. da na da WiL a, he set another on it. 197-4. da na diiWiLa, he shot. 329-12. da na dii wini a ei, it stood up. 203-10. da na dii wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. da dii wes ate ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to it. 271-10. 60 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. D) Of the blowing of the wind. da na kit dii wit tee iL te, the wind blew gently. 273-1. da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. da kit di! wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4. De d- is employed of motion toward or of position in fire. The second syllable, which is completed according to the sound which follows it, may be separated from the first syllable. de na de iiw mil, I put (in the fire). 247-9. de na dui wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. de na dii win mu te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. de xot diL waL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8. de de iL kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13. de de im mil, he pushed them into the fire. 165-6. de dii au hwiL de, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. de duwillai, he put on the fire. 266-11. de dfi wil la te, he will put in the fire 255-15. de dui wim meL, he threw in the tire. 165-10. de dii wifl an, he put in incense. 266-16. de dii win tan, he put them in. 150-4. de dfiiw tufi, (let) me put them in the fire. 150-4. de ki dil lite te, to urinate on the fires. 151-10. Dii- occurs in a few verbs with the meaning of off, from off. dii wiui xu'ts, it came off. 157-7. teit dfiwil Lat, he jumped off. 107-11. teit dii WL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11. teit diiwiLtseL, he pounded it off. 281-16. teit dii wim mite, he pulled it off. 293-16, 287-2. Dje- expresses the separation of a mass, as the splitting of wood. djewiLtseL, he pounded it (open). 108-11 dje WiL kil, he tore away. 176-9. dje win tan, spread open. 289-14. dje naWiLtuiw, he opened it. 109-2. djefnyai, it opened. 108-11. djet waL, it opened. 281-17. Ta- is employed of motion toward and away from a body of water, with special regard to its surface. 61 2University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. A) Of motion away from and out of water. tayaishlwal, they caught. 328-4. ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. ta na is di yai, he came out of it (the canoe) again. 314-6. ta na is tan, she took it out of the water. 325-4. ta na is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17. ta nauw tui hwiL te, I will take out. 267-1 8. ta na x6 auw, they jumped out. 165-6. ta tcis wen, he carried it out. 120-10. ta kit den tce, the wind blows out the water. 365-12. B) Of motion toward, into, or over water. ta wes a, will project (of a mountain). 255-2. ta nai kyui wes sin tce te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. tafn eL, sticking out (roots of a tree). 341-15. c) Of the coming and going of boats. ta wil lai, it had started. 362-10. ta wil la yei, they went. 362-12. ta wiL kait, he started across. 315-1. tafi xen nei, (canoe) went away. 222-9. ta des la, (a boat) has come. 199-3. ta des lat, came. 105-2. ta des deL xo lfin, had come ashore. 101-2. D) Of drinking. tai win nfun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7. tai din niun, let us drink water. 179-3. tauw din nfun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7. ta nai win nun de, if he drinks. 337-16. ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18. tan din nan, you drank. 337-12. Ta- is used with verbs meaning to desert, to leave a place permanently. tas ya hwu n, one ought to go away. 215-8. tasyai, have left. 271-2. tas ya ye xoI lun, they had gone. 267-14. One word with a prefix ta- shows no connection in mean- ing with either of the above classes, ta nai xos do wei, they cut him all to pieces 106-14, 108-2. 62 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Te-, unlike ta-, refers only to motion into water and under its surface. te iL auw hwei, in the water crawl. 311-7. te wa uft te, in water I will throw. 111-17. te weL qotc te, I will throw in (the water). 112-4. te wil tsit, sank (of boats). 153-17. te wifn eL, stand out. 283-14. te wit q6t te sil len nei, in the water it seemed about to tumble. 286-13. tenawesa, into the water run out. 365-1. te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. te na de il ya, in the water they stand. 310-4. te no dui win taL, in the water they stepped. 120-3. te tcul wi-n an, he put it in water. 157-8, 342-6. te tcui win tan, he put in the water. 101-14. te ke i yauw hwei, go in. 311-2. te ke its te, I will shoot in (water). 112-9. te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. te kiL qotc, he threw it in. 112-6. te kini its, he shot it in. 112-10. Tsifn- means away from in expressions of fleeing. tsl yuin te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11. tsl yiuin tes dil deL, we went (away from them). 200-1. tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10. tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11. Tce- has the general meaning of "out of," and is employed of motion out of a house, or out of a small receptacle, but also of less definitely enclosed spaces, as brushy places or the bed of a stream. It is the correlative of ye-. A) Of motion out of a house. tce e auw, he took out. 333-2. tce il qol e xs lan, it had crawled out. 185-11. tce in Lat, she ran out. 185-5. tce in nauw wei, she used to go out. 136-14. tce in diL miii, them to come out for. 102-9. tce na in dl yai, he went out. 153-11. tce na ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3. tce na miL, throw them out. 301-13. 63 4University of Cal'ifornia Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tee na nim meL, he had them thrown out. 301-14. tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13. tee ne ya te, I will go out. 332-8. tee ne yai, I have gone out. 99-14. tee niL kait, he put out. 153-9. tee nifn yai, he went out. 97-16. tee nin ya ne, you must go out. 242-1. teein ya hwiL te, you will go. 356-8. tee te deL, they went out. 141-5. tee xs niL ten, they took him out. 278-4. tee kin nini yan, they came out. 98-2. B) Of motion out of a small receptacle. tee il luvw, he used to take out (of a basket). 230-11. tee na nil lai, he drew out (from his throat). 119-2. tee na niL kait dei, he poked out (of a hollow stump). 174-9. tee na niin an, he took out (from an elder stick). 119-3. tee na xon niL ten, he took out (from a sack). 153-7. tee nil lai, he pulled out (from his arm). 143-5. tee niL ten, he took out (from a hollow tree). 282-2. tee nifn an, he took out (from a quiver). 119-15. tee ninl y6s, he pulled out (from his quiver). 118-10. tee nin tan, he took out (frbm a quiver). 97-4, 329-10. c) Of motion into a more open space, as from the brush into a glade, or to the river shore. tee il Lat, he jumped out. 106-2. tee in nauw din, where he comes out. 195-3. tee in de git, they ran down. 153416. tee min nin y6t dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. tee nauw, smoke coming out. 170-7. tee nail Lat, she came there. 135-9. tee na in di ya hit, when she went down (to the ocean). 325-8. tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9. tee nifi yai, she came down to the beach. 245-15. tee nii nyai, (he came out (of the brush). 175-14. tee nin ya te ne en, he was going to come out. 162-12. tee nin kuftc, he threw out. 144-1. 64 VOL- 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. tee nin kuitc ei, he threw over the line. 143-15. tee teil ton, he jumped out. 163-16. D) Of motion out of the bed of a stream into the one into which it empties, or into the ocean. tceyanIeL, (cafnons) ran out. 336-2. tce wes lin te, will run out. 254-17. tee wil lin din, at the mouth of the creek. 175-10. tee niL men nei, he made it swim out. 265-10. E) Of pullting out a knot. tee iL to, he pulled out the knot. 332-12. tee niL tsit, he untied the strap. 106-2. Unclassified. tee niL tik, he pinched out. 143-14. tee nim mas, (fire) rolled out. 197-5. tee te xan, he took out. 111-5. Ke- seems to refer to motion or position against or along a vertical surface. A) Of motion against or along a vertical surface. keisyai, he climbed up. 137-17. ke is ya yei, she climbed up. 137-12. keisLat, she ran up. 158-8. ke win xits, he fell over (perhaps against his load). 105-17. keniLtewit, he lifted it up (against). 163-1. ke sifn qotc ei, you climbed up the tree. 175-1. kes Lat dei, he climbed up he saw. 174-7. B) Of position against a vertical surface. ke ya nin eL, leaning up. 99-6. ke na ne iL a, she leaned it up. 290-1. ke na nin a, leaning up. 99-5. ke ne iL a, she leaned it up. 290-9. ke nin eL, leaning up. 235-9. c) Of cooking, probably leaning against something before the fire. ke ya WiL na, they cooked it. 266-10. ke WiL na, she cooked them. 99-9. ke na WiL na, he cooked it. 260-6. ke naawiL na diii, he cooked them place. 255-11. 65 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. PREFIXES OF PURSUIT. There are three prefixes which indicate the pursuit or search for a person or a thing, or, in a secondary sense, the attempt to. do a thing. Wu1n- is used of looking for a thing the position of which is unknown, as in hunting game. It also means to attempt some- thing by persistent effort. A) Of pursuing or seeking something. wun na is ya, they hunt. 319-3. wtn nais deL, they started (to catch it). 101-17. wiin nai diL xs sin xo lan, hunting had been he saw. 140-11. wuin na wa ne en, going after wood used to. 157-10. wun na diLte, he will hunt. 311-14. B) Of persistent effort. wun na i ya, he worked on it. 226-2. wun na is ya, he started to make. 362-14. wun na is ya, he is trying to do. 116-15. wun na is ya xo lufii, he had fixed. 170-10. wiin no xsn niL tin te, he is going to get him to do. 141-13. c) Of shooting. wun noL kai, shoot. 144-14. wun no neL kai te, I will shoot. 144-16. D) Of animals feeding. wuin na xo il yi, come to eat it. 356-12. wun na xos yud, went to eat. 364-8. Na- is employed when there is a track to be followed. It is likely connected with the iterative particle na- again, since the meaning may be that of going over the trail again. naiLtsan, he found signs. 185-11. naiLkit dei, he caught it. 152-6. nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. na ya XUL tsan, he found them. 267-15. na ya xs teL xa, they tracked him. 170-3. na na ya x6n niLxa ei, they fouind his tracks. 170-4. Xa- implies the going after with the intention of getting a thing one has never before possessed. xai nit te, she looked for it. 243-4. xauw te, let me look for it. 104-16. 66 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. xa ne it te, she looked for it. 306-13. xa na teni en, she looked for them. 300-14. xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10. xa nil win te, she looked for it. 111-3, 293-9. xan te, look for it. 243-3. ADVERBIAL PREFIXES OF MAN NER. Iteration. Na- expresses the undoing of anything or the retracing of one 's steps, as well as the repeating of an act. It is often em- ployed where in English the repetition is taken for granted, as in the customary acts of daily life-eating, drinking, sleeping, etc. Sometimes the prefix requires d or t preceding the root (class iii, p. 35), and in other cases it is used without either. No corresponding difference of meaning has been discovered, but the verbs have been separately listed. A) With the meaning of undoing the thing which has been done, or of going back over the road traveled. ye na wil 16s, she dragged it in. 190-2. ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2. ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16. yo xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. me nai yi yauw, they eat it down. 356-13. me na ya is deL, they started back. 208-16. me na niL tCwit, he pushed it back. 163-1. me na nil la yei, they arrived. 116-8. na in deL, they got back. 181-8, 177-2. nai xon nil wiL hw6n, it cured him. 121-13. nai diL, let us go home. 175-16. na yai xoi iL tcw6 ig, they brush him together. 196-3. na na in dil, they came back. 182-6. na na is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6. na na in deL, they went over. 267-6. na n6 diL, go away. 266-15. na nun ya, go back. 187-6. nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5. na te in dil, they went home. 333-13. na teuiw iin iL te, I will look back from. 230-7. 67 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. na te los, she dragged back. 190-1. na tes deL, they started back. 176-17, 329-18. na tin dauw, you better go back. 329-3. na tin diL tsiu, he heard them coming home. 329-5. na kyu we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. xa na is los, she dragged it up. 190-2. xa na x6ii an, they came up again. 360-10. xe e nawil Lat, he ran away again. 176-16. da na xs dui wini an, they ran back. 181-6. da na di wil Lat, he ran back. 97-12. ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. ta na is ten nei, he had taken it out. 217-17. tannax6auw, they jumped out. 165-6. te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. tce na ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3. tce na miL, throw them out. 301-13. tee na nil lai, he drew out. 119-2. tee na nil kait dei, he poked out. 174-9. tee na nim meL, he had them thrown out. 301-14. tee na nii an, he took out. 119-3. tee na nin deL, they went back. 267-9. tee na nin tan, he took out. 97-13. tee na xon neL tini, I brought it down. 273-7. tee na xon niL ten, he took out. 153-7. kyu wa na iL tuw, he who gives back. 241-4. With d or t preceding the root. a na dit du WiL kan, he jumped out one side. 108-15. in ta na wit yai, he turned back. 102-12, 104-2. in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4. ya nat dje ii, they came back. 301-15. ye na it dauw, he went back in. 288-6. ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15. ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. Le na kil dui hw6t, it grew back on. 164-1. Le nundii waL, it shut. 108-16. me na is di yai, he climbed. 103-12. na at lu e xs lan, it had gone back. 234-11. na il diL Lat, he came running back. 176-16. 68 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. na iL dit ten, he brought it back. 283-4. na in di yai, he got back. 121-16, 98-6. na in dik git, they came back. 299-9. nauw di yai, I have come (back). 145-10. na wit daL, he is coming back. 152-7. na wit dal lit, when he came back. 116-4. na na in di yai, he came back across. 103-11. na na wit xfits, he flew back down. 114-2. na na it wulw, he used to carry it back. 237-8. na ne it dauw, they used to come back. 137-1, 196-5. na ne it git, they came back. 299-12. na nit dauw x6 lunfi, he had come back. 267-7. na no di ya, let it come back. 233-5. nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7, 235-1. na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. na te it dauw, she always went home. 237-6. na teL dit dauw, she ran back. 157-6. na tes di yai, he went back. 97-17, 104-3. na tin di ya ne, go home. 337-18. nit ta na wit yai, he turned back. 270-11. no na it dje u, they came back. 299-10. no nan dit dje ut, they got back. 301-15. no nun dil lat, it got back. 246-2. no nfin dim mil, it fell back. 151-18. nfldiLLat, he ran back. 115-16. nun di ya te, it will come back. 307-9. nutn duk qotc tsul, he heard him lope back. 175-9. xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9. xa na is di yai, he came back up. 100-2. xa na is di ya hit, when he came back up. 210-12. xa na is di ya de, if she comes up. 111-6. xa na ya wit tewal, they dug up along. 181-7. X6L me nufn dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6. xot da na wit x-fts, he fell back. 152-3. da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2. da na di! wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. do na in di yai, he did not come back. 306-2. 69 0University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. do he in na na is dfuk ka, he did not get up. 112-15. ta na is di yai, he came out of it again. 314-6. te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. tce na in di yai, he went out. 153-11, 102-13. tce na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. B) With the meaning of again, indicating that the act has been done before, but not necessarily at a time immediately preceding. aLme naniL tCwit, with it she pushed herself. 135-11. a nai di yau, (we) do this. 361-9. a nai dut win wat, he shook himself. 115-7. a nauw late, I was intending to do. 260-3. a na nul we sin te te, you will look. 357-5. a na hwiL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. a na xs wil lau, ready for a fight. 162-10. a na dis loi, he girded himself. 221-5. a na dis tewen, he made himself. 101-14. a nit dit ten, we did. 217-7. a na tcil lau, he did. 106-8. a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. a na kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. a da na wiin a te, for himself he will get. 338-9. ya na is kil, he split it. 142-3, 210-2. ya nauw tilw, I will pick up. 286-9. ya na wil lai, she picked it up. 307-6. ya na wiln ai, she sat down. 136-6. ya na wini a ye, he sitting down. 120-5. ya na wiln en, he carried. 172-1. ya na win tan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13. ya na tfuk kai tcis tewen, he made come between. 144-2. ya na ke ui wfiw, he used to pack up. 237-7. yana kill en, he packed up. 238-3. ya na kyu WiL tsil liL te, they may split. 109-8. ye nai diL, let us go in. 210-13. ye na wil Lat, he came in. 329-9. ye nawiLten, she put it in. 136-5. ye na WiL kait, she landed. 135-12. 70 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the HIppa Language. ye nal Lat, ran in. 329-8. ye na xi wil t, dressed in. 328-8. ye na XOL waL, he threw him. 106-13. ye nun dauw, come in. 98-17. yo naL tsis de, if he knows. 348-6. yo naL tsit te, he will know. 295-13. Le nai yiin dil la te, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. Le nail luw, she started the fire. 153-1. Le na is loi, he tied together. 210-5. Le na ya kyui wil lau, they gathered up. 171-12. Le na wil la, a fire. 170-9. Lena I11w, he built a fire. 235-14. Le na neL no, he stood up. 235-12. Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. Le na nil la xs lan, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4. Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2. Le na niL ten, he took it all the way round. 282-10, 293-10. Le na niin deL, they went clear round. 102-1. Le na kil la ne, gather together. 192-8. me nai 1itv te, I will watch. 217-13. me na iL kya, she wore for a dress. 332-10. me nauw luw te, I will watch. 267-17. me na WiL na ei, he steamed them. 342-12. me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11. me na kis loi, he bound it up. 145-11. me na kyiu WiL tu, they sang again. 238-15. mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12. na a ya dis tsel, they warmed themselves. 170-11. na iuiw loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11. nai xe neilw te, he will talk. 295-13. nai Xoi iL tewe ei, they make him. 196-6. nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. na is dau we a xs lIu^n-, it had melted away. 236-1. na is tewen, he made. 110-12. na is tewin teL, he will make. 321-11. nai ke yOun te, they will grow. 296-4. nauw tewe, I am going to make. 301-1. 71 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARaH. ETH. na yai XOi iL tewe, they make him. 196-3. na ya is tewen, they made. 284-1. nayaneLen, they looked. 105-8. na ya nil liw ne en, which had been lost. 144-7. na ya XOL tsan, he found them. 967-15. na ya del tse, they lived as before. 172-5. na yates ifi x, she looked. 300-17. na wil lit, he nearly burned. 330-1. na wil lit dei, he burned up. 120-8. na wil lit te, will be burned. 151-5. na win Lit, she burned. 311-12. na win kufts, he became cold. 330-4. na wit dil liL te, we will visit continually. 177-2. nal hwin te, will melt away. 273-6. naL yeuiw, rest. 280-5. na na i-lw me, I bathe it. 247-1. na nai ya te, I am going to live. 218-2. na nai me, I bathed. 311-8. na na im me ei, he always bathed. 311-8. na na is ya e xo lan, she could walk. 276-11. na na ya xon niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. na na lat de, it was floating. 244-9. na naL its, running around. 295-10. na nani ya, studied again. 103-2. na nan dil liL te, they wili live. 343-13. na na sinl ya te, you will be. 353-8. na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2. na na du wa al, rose up. 103-13. na na di! wiln a, it stands. 364-14. na na di! wifl eL, they stuck up. 106-14. na na kin nul WiL a, he made a ridge. 104-3. na na kis wel, he arranged again. 106-7. na na kis le, he felt around. 106-5. na ne iiw hwon, he gets well. 196-4. na ne iL en, she looked at. 245-14. na ne wit dil il iL te, he will look at. 216-18. na neL en, he looked back at. 103-14. na neL ill hit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. 72 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. na nu wifn hw6n te, it will be good weather. 273-5. na hw6L tsan, you see me. 230-5. na xoi kyft winf an, he went to sleep. 121-9. na x6 ft hwe, he will call. 283-11. na xo wes tsan, he was found. 230-3. na xo WiL tfun te, it will be wet. 273-6. na xo wiL tsai ei, it was dried up. 111-14. na xo WiL tsai ye, creeks would dry up. 111-12. na xon mil x-i luw, they were getting ready. 116-4. na xo de il en, he watched him. 202-5. na XOL tufnt, let it get soft. 233-6. na x6t dui wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. na seL te, we will visit. 174-2. na seL tewen, I made. 296-2. na seL tCwifi, I make. 302-11. na seL tewin te, I am doing it again. 254-4. na del tewan, eating. 321-6. na dil tewufif, eating. 176-9. na dui wil ye, they danced again. 215-13. na dii wil tewan, it was supper time. 141-1. na duiw in, let me watch. 259-14. nate-n en, he looked. 97-18. na tefn ini hit, when he looked. 96-11. natein in te, you will look. 356-5. na kin neL den, she made it blaze. 288-11. na kis L6n, she made baskets. 189-5. na kit te it Lw, she always made baskets. 157-3. na kit te it dai ye, it bossoms again. 364-3. na kit te Ijn, she wove another round. 305-7. na kit te L6n, she began to make baskets again. 325-9. na kyui wiln yfun te, you will eat. 356-3. na kyiu wifi xa, it grows. 364-11. na dit te yai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. no na iiuw xauw, I will leave it. 247-3. no na il liw, she left off. 332-10. no na iL kyos, she put away. 333-7. no nai niL kit, it settled. 96-3. n6 nai nifi an, he left. 355-10. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3,6. 73 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1. n6 nauw auw, I never leave. 248-1. no na ya kin nini an, they left food. 110-9. n6 na na fuii, I might leave. 223-3. no na niL ten, he put it. 221-11. no na ne uini, I will leave. 296-5. no na ni-n an, he placed. 117-8. no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1, 241-5. no na nin deL xs lan, they had sat down he saw. 271-12. no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9. no na xsn tsiu, they had finished fill the grave. 175-15. no na XOL ti!W, he had her laid. 342-8. n6 na di! win taL, he stepped away. 223-11. nu na ta 'un hit, when she turned. 245-10. nu na kiln auw ne, you must leave. 353-10. nu na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4. no na kin nifi fun te, one should leave. 215-8. no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. nui wa na ne la te, I will loan you. 356-7. nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3. xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9. xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. xa na WiL ten, he dug it out. 221-10. xa na x6 iL tuW, she kept lifting him out. 223-15. xa na tefi en, she looked for them. 300-14. xa na kyfi xsl da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. xax a na nil wis te te, it will be lighter. 357-6. xe e na iL kis, she pushed it away. 185-3. xe e na wil Lat, he ran away again. 176-16. xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9. xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6. xoi na xo wil yan, he came to his senses. 118-16. xoi nal weL, he stayed over night. 121-16. xoi na teLweL, they camped. 116-7. xonl a na dui wil lau, he dressed himself. 139-14. xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8. sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6. sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5. 74 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. da nai WiL kil iL te, fog will stay. 273-2. da nai ke xon tewai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. da na wil lai, she put it. 308-2. dana wil laL, it was floating there. 325-3. da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. da na XOL ten, he put him. 108-1. dana deLwaL, he poured it. 281-17. da na dfLa, he can shoot. 145-1. da na d-dwiLa, he set another on it. 197-4. da na di WiL a, he shot. 329-12. dana du wii a ei, it stood up. 203-10. danakinne-dweL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5. de na de iudw mil, I put. 247-9. de na dui wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. de na dui winl fin te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. do na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19. doLe na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14. do min na na luw, he never thought of. 341-5. do na iL tsan, she did not find again. 243-16. do na iL tsfun de, they won't find again. 321-10. do nais tewii, (nobody) could make. 322-8. d6nayaiL tsis, they never saw. 191-5. da na du WiL a ei, he hit. 145-2. do na ya XOL tsit, they did not know him. 166-15. do na ya XOL tsan nei, they did not see him. 152-6. do na hwi wes tsfii hwifiu, must not be seen again. 217-18. do na xo wes tsan, he was not longer seen. 226-5. dS naX6L tsu'nOxx6li n, you won't see him any more. 306-6. do na sil kas, was left. 192-16. d6 tcS x6 na wil lan, (one of them) went away. 343-8. dje na WiL tiw, he opened it. 109-2. ta nai kyii wes sin tce te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. te na wes a, into the water ran out. 365-1. tsim ma na xo win sen, the noise stopped. 238-14. tee na il lifi xs lan, used to run. 117-18. tee nail Lat, she came there. 135-9. ke na WiL na, he cooked it. 260-6. 75 University of Caltfornia Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. ke na ne iL a, she leaned it up. 290-1. ke na nifn a, leaning up. 99-5. kin na is lal, he dreamed. 191-6. kin nauw laL, I dreamed. 191-8. With d or t preceding the root. B) With the meaning of again, indicating that the act has been done before, but not necessarily at a time immediately pre- cedingq. a nauw di yau, I did it. 282-5. a na ya dil lau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. a na dli yau, it did that. 244-11. a na dil lau, he made himself. 152-11. a na dil le, fix yourself. 170-1. a nun dli yau, do that way. 275-1. ya na it xfus, it kept flying up. 113-1. ya na wit q6t, he jumped. 329-15. ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. ye na wil de t6n, she jumped in. 135-11. Le na in di yai, he completed the circuit. 220-8. Le na it dauw, he used to make the rounds. 336-7. Le nauw dil la, I have a fire. 351-6. Le na de eL, they were jointed. 347-4. na ya is dil le nei, they became. 166-13. na ya nui wes dil lai, they took the bet. 142-17. na wit dil liL te, we will visit continually. 177-2. na na is dits tse, he turned around. 314-6. na na wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3. na na kit de los, he had fixed the load. 162-10. na ne wes dil lai, he won. 211-6. na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. na dil le te ne en, it was going to happen. 117-5. na dil l,il it will be. 243-2. na teL ditc tewen, he grew. 96-1. na teL dite tewiii xo lIu, they had grown. 119-7. nat le liL te, it will become. 312-4. no nai ya dul wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. no na in dfuk q6t, he reached by jumping. 329-18. no na wiL dits tse, he had a door shut. 97-2. 76 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. no na wit tats, it is cut down. 144-17. xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9. xoi na se il de qol, on her it kept crawling. 185-2. da nat xufts tse, it lit on it. 204-8. da na kit dui wit tce iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. do na x6s dil le te, it will be no more. 228-4. do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. d6 na ted en, she did not look around. 136-6. ta nai win n'un de,1 if he drinks. 337-16. ta nai win niun te,1 he will drink. 337-18. IDENTITY. Xa- is employed when it is wished to refer to any act previ- ously described as being repeated by the same, or a different person. xa ai ya XOL in" X, they did that with him. 211-5. xa a iL in te, that will be done. 203-8. xa a in nil, he always did that. 139-9, 141-9. xa a it yau, she did that. 98-8. xa a it ya xo lan, the same he found he was. 346-7. xa auw di ya te, what I am going to do. 202-8. xa a yait ini "X, they did that. 105-10. xa a wil leL te, that way they will do. 242-17, 255-17. xa a win ne liL te, that will be done. 229-10. xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9. xa a na teil lau, that he did. 260-9. xa a xo lau, he did the same thing. 278-12. xa a xoi il lu, always he did that. 237-9. xa a xs le ne, he should do that. 163-2. xa a x6L tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2. xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5. xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14. xa a di yau, the way he does. 337-17. xa a di yau ei, it did that. 289-16. xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16. xa a til tefx, that strong. 294-3. The third syllable, -win-, stands for -wit- because of the following n. 77 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. xa a tifn wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11. xa a tifn win te, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2. xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8. xa a teil lau, the same thing he did. 211-1. xa a tcit yau, that he did. 280-12. xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. xa a kyiu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. xau'l le, do that. 165-19. xa di ya te, it will do that. 254-10. do xa auw ne xs xs lini, I won't do that. 230-15. do xa auw ten, I never do that. 109-4. doxafundiyau, you don't do that. 343-13. DISTRIBUTION. Te- means either that the act took place here and there in space, or continuously over space; or that one person after an- other did the act. This particle must be followed in the definite past, present, and future tenses by -s-. A) Of traveling, or carrying something. ya teLkait, they went on (by boat). 159-14. ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. ya tes yai, he went away. 360-4. nate de q6t, he tumbled. 114-15. na xo tes an, they ran around. 341-4. na te in dil, they go home. 333-13. na te it dauw, she always went home. 237-6. na te los, she dragged it back. 190-1. na te dil lat, it floated up. 245-16. na teL men, he made it swim. 266-1. na teLdit dauw, he ran. 100-13, 157-6. na teL ten, he took along. 282-3. na tes deL, they started back. 329-18. na tes di yai, he went back. 97-17, 137-13. na tes di ya yei, he arrived. 104-3. na tin dauw, you better go back. 329-3. na tin di ya ne, go home. 337-18. na tin diL tsu, he heard them coming home. 329-5. niL te se ya te, I will go with you. 187-4. 78 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Languiage. nit to diL, come. 113-16. hwiL teL dauw, (I wish) would travel with me. 114-11. hwiL te siin ya te, with me you may go. 187-7. XOL ya tes yai, with them he went. 208-15. XOL tes lat, it floated with him. 315-2. XOL tes deL, with him they went. 110-7. XOL tcit tes deL, they ran after them. 153-16. xs te e auw, which runs along. 363-14. do he min teL dauw, he did not run for it. 112-13. do tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3. te in nauw, (dawn) comes. 310-7. te in nauw hwei, they went along. 334-4. te in dil, they flew along. 317-3. te it t&w, it always floated. te WiL auw hwil, it crawls. 311-4. teL ate, a pack-train came. 200-1, 200-9. te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. te se yai, I went away. 353-6. te se ya te, I am going away. 229-9. te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15. te SOL tin te, you -will take (my child). 222-7. tes la, he is drowning. 210-11. tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15, 245-8. tes deL ei, (all) flew away. 159-12. tes deL te, they will come. 252-3. te de q6t, it tumbled. 286-12. til lIu, they came. 254-12. tifi xauw ne, you take along. 246-13. tsl yun te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11. tsinftetesdildeL, we ran away. 198-10. tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11. tce xs teL ten, he took him along. 210-15. tcintellai, they brought (deerskins). 230-15. teit te il qol le xo lan, it had crawled along he saw. 185-12. tcit te in nauw, he used to come along. 162-3. tcit te in nauw xo lan, he had traveled he saw. 186-8. tcit te in dil, they traveled. 190-15. tcit te it tew-l, he always cried. 186-8. 79 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. teit teL men, he made it swim. 265-9. teit teL dauw, she ran up. 152-15. tcit teL ten, he took along. 152-9. teit teL kait, he started in a boat. 104-6. tcit teL kyos, he took it a]ong. 204-6. teit teL q6l, he crawled. 347-8. teit tes yai, he started. 96-10. teit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13. teit tes ya ye xo lan, he had traveled he saw. 186-1. tcit tes la, he is drowning. 210-11. teit tes lai, they started by boat. 215-10. teit tes xan, he took along. 342-2. teit tes deL, they went. 170-15. tcit tes deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9. tcit testfun de, if he takes along. 317-13. tcit tin diL, they are coming. 198-2. teit tu win na hwiL de, it will pass there. 272-8. kit te I yauw, they come to feed. 310-10. kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. kit teL tits, he walked with (for a cane). 317-7, 152-12. kit ti yauw, they came. 98-3. B) Of doing something as one travels along. ya x6 teL xa, he tracked them. 267-15. ya te it tcwil, they cried along. 179-12. na ya xs teL xa, they tracked him. 170-3. teit te it tewiU, he always cried. 186-8. teit te we iii il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. teit teL xa, he tracked it. 185-12. tco xot dit teL en, he watched along. 97-10. kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5. kit teL tsas, he whipped. 317-9. kit te hwil, he called along. 98-4. kit te seL tsas te, I will whip (as I walk). 317-8. kya teL tewe, she heard cry. 135-9. kya teL tCWUl we tsud, cry he heard. 204-9, 281-11. kya til wil tewel, he heard crying along. 135-10. 80 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. c) Of actions which by their nature require repeated move- ments, or considerable duration for their accomplishment. ya teL wis, they were afraid (they dodged). 179-10. yi kit te its, he can shoot. 144-12. nain teLdik, he pecked. 113-14. na xo teL tCw6 ig, he swept. 210-12. na x6 tes an, they ran around. 341-4. nate wits tse, the door was open. 118-5. na te dit tse yei, he opened it. 100-10. na te tse, he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9. na te tse yei, he opened the door. 97-10. na kit te it L6w, she always made baskets. 157-3. na kit te L6n, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9. nit te sil lal le, you would go to sleep. 203-1. XOL xfit tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3. XOL xfit tes nuin te, it would move in her. 341-2. XOL xfut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move used to be. 342-4. XOL te il lit, he smoked himself. xs dit teL xfuts, she felt it bite. 111-2. do a du wun tel wis he, don't be frightened. 356-2. do nit dje tel tsit ne, don't get excited. 170-18. do he te il lit, it would not burn. 166-9. do he tel lit, it would not burn. 363-1. te se tewit te, I am going to measure it. 116-12. te stiw ifi, I am going to look. 171-2. te duik kait dei, they were sliding together. 294-16. tce xs teL waL, he pulled him. 106-17. tcit te y6s, she stretched. 158-13. tcit teL Lu, he rubbed it. 278-10. tcit teL taL, dancing. 362-4. tcit tes lai, he drew a bow. 144-15. tcit te te wen, she waved fire. 242-12. tcit te te lai, she rubbed. 307-3. teit te te tewit, he completed the measure. 226-4. tcit te tcit, he almost died. 111-16. tcit te tewit, he measured it. 116-13. kit te it LIow, one who always made baskets. 324-5. 81 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. kit te yow, water flowed out. 100-11. kit te siln kfttc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. kit te tel lai, he rubbed. 347-14. kit ti y6w, she made it flow. 158-12. kit tilw hwaL, I hook. 107-5. kit tfuk kfutc te, shinny will be played. 210-14. D) Of a process requiring considerable time. a til te6x teL tewen, he is growing strong. 294-17. yateLtewen, they grew. 265-1. na teL dite tewen, he grew. 96-1. na teL ditc tewen ne duln, she grew time. 325-6. na teL dite tewilln xs Ilun, they had grown. 119-10. XoL teL tewen, it grew with him. 137-18. do he teL tewen, it had not grown. 96-7. te il tewen ne d'un, the time when it grew. 275-2. te le ne xs lan, it had become. 187-5. teL tewen, it grew. 96-3, 97-6. teL tewen xs lan, it had grown he saw. 97-18. teL tewin de, when it grows. 267-5. te sil tewen ne du ni, ever since you grew time. 337-13. tes tewin ne en tcin, where I was brought up. 117-13. te di yiinte, they will live to old age. 227-7. tiltewen, it grows. 296-12. til tewen ne en, used to grow. 233-1. t6ltcwen, let it grow. 265-6. tcitteLtcwinhwii in, he may grow. 348-6. E) Of separate acts repeated in time or space. ya te mite, they pulled off. 179-10. ya te xan, he picked up. 109-16. ye teit teL kait, one after the other he stuck in. 322-2. na dit teL waL, he threw them. 109-16. n6 ya te meL, they dropped them along. 179-11. tee te xan, he took out baskets of food. 111-5. teitteen, he looked. 165-19. teit te te meL, he scattered them. 101-4. teit te tot, he drank (repeated draughts). 112-15. teit te tewai, she buiried in several places. 192-12. 82 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. F) Of acts done by several persons in succession. ya te yfuii-n xs Iiun, they had eaten. 100-17. ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9. na dit te yai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. xa te dim mil, chips flew off. 113-13. xoi na teL weL, they camped. 116-7. xoi teL weL, they spent the night. 198-12, 361-16. da no teL te, everybody will fish. 256-9. tet meL, (sand) scattered. 117-16. tce te deL, they went out. 141-5. tcin te deL, they got there. 138-5, 198-3. tcit teL tewen, one after the other grew. 207-1. tcit te dim mil, they fell one after the other. 208-6. G) Of things begun. n6 te dO.k kait, people began to starve. 191-11. no te duik kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18. tcis se teL wen e xo lan, he had killed he saw. 186-7. tco ya te xait, they began to buy. 200-8. kit tea kfitc, they begin to play. 142-16. kit te hwe, he began to dig. 100-8. H) With verbs of looking. It is not certain to which of the above classes they belong. na teuw in iL te, I will look back from. 230-7. na tefn en, he looked. 97-18. na teni iin iL ta, he looked back places. 103-13. na tefn iii hit, when he looked. 96-11. na tefi in te, you will look. 356-5. do te en, I don't look. 351-8. tei en, I looked. 238-4. tefn in te, you will look. 140-7. tcit te en, he looked. 165-19. tcittesen, he looked. 104-4. tcit tes en ne en, he used to look. 104-8. tcit te te en, he looked around. 109-12, 166-2. K-, ky-, found in a large number of verbs as a prefix or infix, is weak in form, the syllable being completed according to the sounds following it. No satisfactory meaning or force for this prefix has appeared. It is probable that it supplies an 83 4University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. indefinite object for verbs of eating, and perhaps some others. Because of a remark of Father Morice,1 verbs in which the prefix might refer to breaking, cutting or tearing have been listed separately. Words definitely changing their meaning because of the pres- ence or absence of the prefix seem to be few. No na kin niin 'un te, "one should leave," carries the meaning of leaving permanently as a present; while no na niin fun te, would mean to leave some- thing of one's own which one expects to repossess. Na kis deL, "they came around, " indicates that the persons in question wandered among the houses of the village; na is deL, would have been employed if they had come back to a definite place. Kyiiw xauw, means, let me fish, but iuiw xauw, let me catch it. Many of the verbs listed below seem to indicate an indefiniteness of place, duration or number of the acts or states. A) Probably employed with transitive verbs which have no expressed object. yik kyut wii yan, he ate. 319-7. yik ky-i wiii yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3. makiLkit, she fed the little one. 192-1. makylw kit, I better feed them. 192-1. na kiin yfun, come eat. 153-9, 192-7. na kyu wifn yun te, you will eat. 356-3. da kin yun te, to chew off. 151-9. dokeyan, I don't eat. 351-7. do kit tl yauw, they never went out to feed. 97-11. dokyan, she didn't eat. 157-2. dokyutwityan, without eating. 226-4. ke 1 yan, he used to eat. 237-6. kei yunfi, I might eat. 98-13. kei yfun te, I am going to eat. 97-15. ke UfL "x, she chewed. 276-3. ke yuOn, he had eaten. 332-6. kifi fUL "X, you chew. 275-2. kiniyunfi, eat it. 166-6. kin nin yan nei, they came out to feed. 180-13. kyoyfiui, you eat. 192-2. 'Work cited, p. 200. 84 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. kyil wini yan, he went to eating. 98-18. kyul wi nyu-nil, you ate along. 121-1. kyul wit di yiin te, we shall eat. 190-5. kyiu hwunii il, I ate along. 120-16. B) Possibly having some connection with breaking. ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. ya na kyu WiL tsil ]iL te, they may split. 109-8. yi kis muit ei, it broke. 289-15. wa kin nil lit xs lan, they were burned through. 119-3. wa kin nin seL so lan, it was heated through he saw. 329-16. min no ya kin tats te ne en, they were going to cut open. 278-5. minn ki-n kil, he opened. 113-5. min no ky6L dik, pick open. 112-17. na kis yow hwei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. nyi nkiL UL, they were cutting them. 101-2. nin kyv WiL aL, he cut it. 266-10. xa ke hwe, (she went) to dig. 135-2. xa kin de mht, it boiled up. 105-3. do -n kyuiw tuiw, I am splitting. 108-9. do he xa kini yow, it did not come out. 105-5. tce kin ni nhwe, he had finished digging. 100-9. kiL tfw hwa, you are splitting? 108-7. kit diin hwe teL di-n, where he would dig out. 100-1. kit dini kil ei, it broke out. 102-2. kit di! wi nkil, the bank slid out. 252-4. kit te yow, it flowed out. 100-11. kit te hwe, he began to dig. 100-8. kit te tats, he cut them. 101-1, 98-16. kit ti y6w, (he caused) it to flow. 158-12. kyui wa is tewit, he broke off. 317-6, 289-7. c) Of unknown meaning, but perhaps adding indefiniteness to the verb's application as to time, place, or object. ai kiL in te, when it happens. 217-6. ai kit iin x6 sin, it did that. 223-4. ai kyiiw en, I will do. 230-16. ai kyul wil lel liL te, they will do. 230-8. 85 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. a na kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. a diL ya kiL qotc, he threw himself with it. 202-3. a diL no ke iL q6w, he used to throw himself with. 202-4. akillau, they did. 266-13. a kiL en, what they do. 322-1. a kit tis sefx, smartest. 321-11. akyole, you do. 198-2. yai kyul wil tats, blanket of strips. 207-5. ya ya kinl en, they packed up. 164-4. ya na ke ui wiuw, he used to pack up. 237-7. ya na kil lai, he took in his hand. 337-7. ya na kiin en, he packed up. 238-3. ya ke wel, carrying loads. 110-3. ya ke w-&w hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. ya kiL tsis, (he made) it sprinkle. 338-2. ya kiii wiuw, carry it. 105-18. ya kifi wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4. ya kyul wil kyan ne xs lan, they found they were preg- nant. 278-3. yakyiuwindits, they made rope. 151-11. ye kiL wis, he bored a hole. 197-3. yekiLtaL, they began to dance. 179-2. ye kiL tseL, she passed in the water. 111-9. ye kiii en, he brought in. 192-3. ye kin nen diin, light shone in. 308-3. ye kyul wes tce, the wind blew in. 270-4. ye kyfi wes tce te, the smoke will blow in. 301-8. yi kit ta a te, she will sing. 104-2. yi kit te its, he can shoot. 144-12. yi kit tiu hwal, he hooks. 107-6. yi kyul wit tsos sil, they were sucking. 325-5. y6 xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. wun no kin nil lai, she put her hand on. 246-10. Le ya ki xo lau, he gathered the people. 151-7. Le na ya kyfi wil lau, they gather up (bones). 171-12. Le na kil la ne, gather up (your things). 192-8. Le na kil dui hw6t, it grew back on. 164-1. Le ki xs la, gather people. 151-5. 86 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Le kin niL yets te, to tie together. 151-10. me ya kyil WiL tel, everybody sang. 234-1. me na kis loi, he bound it up. 145-11, 348-13. me na kyul WiL tu, they sang again. 238-15. miL wa ya kin dil lai, they traded with them. 200-4. miL xot da kiL waL, with she dropped down. 189-11. min na na kit del kai, sitting with one leg each side. 163-7. min noi kiL dik, he pecked open. 113-15. min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4. mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12. nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2. nai ke yun te, they will grow. 296-4. nai kyul wifi xa, (a pine) stands. 347-11. na na kin niu WiL a, he made the ridge. 104-3. na na kis wel, he arranged again. 106-7. na na kis le, he felt around. 106-5. na na kit de los, he had fixed the load. 162-10. na xoi kyul wiln an, he went to sleep. 121-7. na ka xfts din na ts-d, someone moving he heard. 165-18. na kin neL den, she made a blaze. 288-11. na kis its, they shot at a mark. 266-13. na kis le, he felt. 107-15. na kis L6n, she made baskets. 189-5. na kis deL, they came around. 200-2. na kis qot, he pushed a stick. 145-12, 348-14. na kis qot te, he is going to poke. 192-9. na kit te it LJw, she always made baskets. 157-3. na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3. na kit te Lan, she wove another round. 305-7, 325-9. na kyul we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. na kyul wil tik, he was tied with a string. 351-10. na kyil wil wel, she kept them shut up. 97-11. na kyil wiln a tsiu, singing he heard. 186-12. na kyil wiln xa, it grows. 364-11. nik kyo wufnt, go to sleep. 294-5. nik kyil willn nuin te, you will go to sleep. 252-11. noi ki y6w diln, as far as it goes. 311-6. no na ya kin niln an, they left food. 110-9. 87 8University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. no na kijn auw ne, you must leave. 353-10. no na kin niL kis, he put his hand. 221-4. no na kin niin fun te, one should leave. 215-8. no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. no ke iuiw qot, I always set up. 247-4. no kiL dje xa in nauw, she quit fighting. 333-6. no kin nin yan, he finished. 209-12. no kin nin y6w, were scattered about. 145-3. n6 kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11. n6 kyfi wil taL, final dancing place. 105-6. hwis sa kifi its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. hwik kyo wuini, I am going to sleep. 121-6. xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. xa a kyui wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. xa ya kis wen, they carried it up. 164-5. xa na ky-a x6l da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. xa kifi its, (she saw) it shoot up. 158-7. xa kis wen, he had carried it. 166-4. xa kyul witc tce liL te, the wind will blow out from the ground. 272-10. xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9. xoi kyiu win an, he went to sleep. 121-7. x6 wiun na kis le, he felt of him. 153-5. XoL ya kit wful, with him he seesawed. 107-10. XoL n6 kin nil lit, he finished sweating. 209-13. x6 sa kin its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. xot da na kyui we sin tce te, you will blow down. 227-5. xot da ke ! yauw, they came down the hill. 310-6. xot da kyui wes tee, it blows down. 227-7. xo kyul wiin nan, he went to sleep. 203-1. da nai ke xon tewai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. da na kin neiuw eL, crosswise I lay them. 247-5. da na kit dui wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. da kiL kis, he put his hand. 140-3. da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. da kit dui wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4. da kyfi wes tee, the wind blew on it. 348-3. 88 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hatpa Language. da kyit wifn xa ei, it stood. 242-3. de kit dil lite te, to urinate on the fires. 151-10. do kiL tewit, he never pushes it. 106-12. ta nai kyiu wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. ta kit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12. te ke l yauw hwei, go in. 311-2. te ke its te, I will shoot in. 112-9. te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. te kiLq6tc, he threw it in. 112-6. tee kin nini yan, they came out. 98-2. tee kyui wes tee, it blew out. 324-8. ke it L, she used to make baskets. 189-1. ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4. ke wiin xfits, he fell over. 105-17. kin na is lal, she dreamed. 191-6. kin nautwlaL, I dreamed. 191-8. kin ne so yiin te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. kin nini en, he brought it. 97-14. kin nifn iin hit, when she came with the load. 238-1. kin no de eL, they stick. 363-15. kis le te, they will catch many. 257-10. kis xfuti, a tree standing. 113-7. kis tseL tse, pounding they heard. 170-6. kit tai yiL tsit, they were soaking acorns. kit ta ya WiL tsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4. kit taL tsit Xs sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9, 209-3. kit tea kfitc, they begin to play. 142-16. kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5. kit te I yauw, they came to feed. 310-10. kit te it L6w, who always made baskets. 324-5. kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. kit teLtsas, he whipped. 317-9. kit teL tits, he used for a cane. 317-7. kit te hwil, he called along. 98-4. kit te seL tsas te, I will whip. 317-8. kit te sini kfttc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. kit te tel lai, he rubbed. 347-14. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3,7. 89 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. kit ti yauw, they came. 98-3. kit ti y6w, he caused to flow. 158-12. kit tifn en ne, carry them. 237-3. kit tPw hwaL, a hook. 107-5. kit tufk kuftc te, shinny will be played. 210-14. kya dane, they picked. 138-7. kya da ne xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. kya teL tewe, she heard it cry. 135-9. kya teL tew& we tsii, it cry he heard. 204-9, 281-11. kya tu wil tewel, he was crying along. 135-10. kyo ya wiin hwal, they fished. 328-3. kyoL kis x6 sin x6 lan, spearing salmon they had been he saw. 140-11. kyS hwalle, somebody hooking. 106-15. ky6diiwiLts6tstse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. kyo dil len, he might be cold. 169-5. ky6 diL ts6ts ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7. kyu wa na iL tulW, he who gives back. 241-4. kyfi wen nuiw, it thundered. 144-5. kyii. wes tce ei, it blew she saw. 324-9. kyul wil medj, he boiled. 166-5. kyu wil tel, it was pavec. 140-6. kyul win nai da, to hunt they traveled. 190-15. kyii wini nfan xs lan, he went to sleep. 347-1. kyfi will xa, she left standing (a tree). 289-8. kyiu win dil, there was a ringing noise. 96-2. kyfi win diL tsil, a jingling noise he heard. 293-3, 152-1. kyiu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8. kyu winl ket, it creaked. 114-17. kyil wit nL, it was blazing. 109-11. kyiu wit dai ye iL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4. kyiu wit tce il, it blew along. 324-7. kyui wit tcw6k kai, are strung on a line. 165-8. kyulw tewit, let me push it. 106-11. kyuni xow tu, I am begging. 152-13. A- introduces verbs of saying, thinking, doing, and appear- ing. It seems to have no definite meaning. It is omitted in verbs of saying and thinking whenever the direct object directly pre- 90 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Langutage. cedes the verb. It may possibly be an indefinite object for the verb, and therefore not be needed when a definite object is expressed. A) With verbs of thinking and saying. ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1. ainesen, I thought. 187-3. ai nin sin ne, you must think. 208-17. ai nuiw sini, I thought so. 353-3. ai XoL ne, he kept telling him. 208-13. ai XOL den ne, she used to tell her. 135-3. a yai XoL di! wen ne, they said. 165-2. a yai di! wen ne, they said. 165-7. a yaL de iiw ne, I told them. 301-1. a yaL tcit den ne, he told them. 109-18. a yan, said that. 116-17. a ya dui win nel, they were saying. 153-14. aL tcit den ne, he talked to them. 111-6, 111-6. a na hwiL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. a no h6L tcit den ne, he said of us. 302-3. an tsi, he heard cry. 281-13. a hwiL tcin ne, he will say of me. 363-16. a hwiL teit den hwuin, he must tell me. 314-11. a hwiL teit dii win neL, they told me. 355-11. a XOL tcit den ne, he said to him. 97-7. a XoL tcit den tsu, he heard say. 141-8. a den ne, he said. 97-15. a den de, if he sings. 236-2. a den tsi, she heard cry. 171-3. a dui win nel lil, he said. 235-4. a tco in ne, he kept thinking. 139-4, 137-4. a tcon des ne, he thought. 96-7, 97-5, 6. xa a XOL tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2. xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5. do ai nin si nx, you don't think. 337-9. do a huviL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12. do a dui win ne he, don't say that. 175-1. 91 University of California Publications. [Am.. ARCH. ETH. B) With verbs of doing or happening.' a en nil, it does it. 275-5. ai late, they will catch. 253-10. a iL en ka, way they do it. 227-2. a iL in ne en, used to chase. 322-5. a iL in te, they will do. 266-13. a in nud, he did. 288-9. a in nu miL, when the sun was (here). 332-4. ai xoi il le, they do with him. 196-7. a it yau x6 lfun, tired he was. 346-10. a it ya de, if he does. 348-7. ai kiL in te, when it happens. 217-6. ai kit ifi x6 sinl, (bears) did that. 223-4. ai ky-iw en, I will do. 230-16. ai kyiu wil lel liL te, they will do. 230-8. au wil lau, it was made of. 108-2. au wil la ne en iuk, he used to do way. 106-8. au win neL te, it will be. 105-12. au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9. auwlau, I have done. 260-3. auw la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8. auw di ya, I might manage it. 101-11. auw di yau, I did. 325-17, 276-5. auw di ya te, am I going to do this. 257-14. auw tin ne en, I used to do. 341-7. a ya in nu, they used to have sports. 305-2. a ya x6 la, (I wish) could befall them. 321-9. a ya ten, they did. 305-5. a ya tin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1. a ya tcil lau, they fixed. 172-4. a ya tco ne, let thenm do that. 365-16. a wil la, I wish would happen. 150-11. a win neL te, it will be. 289-11. a win nu, one should do. 99-11. a la te, what are you going to do? 102-15. ale ne, you must do it. 100-18, 101-3. l 1 Some verbs show specialized meanings but are plainly derived from verbs of doing, as is shown by the roots they contain. 92 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. a nai di yau, do this. 361-9. a nauwv la te, I was intending to do. 260-3. a nauw di yau, I did it. 282-5, 325-12. a na ya dil lau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. a na xs wil lau, ready for a fight. 162-10. a na di yau, it did that. 244-11. a na dit ten, we did. 217-7. a na tcil lau, he did. 106-8. a na teil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. a nfun di yau, do that way. 275-1. a hwo la, you have treated me. 166-12. a x6 wit la, it would happen to him. 223-1. a xs la de, if it happens. 308-1, 5. a xs dil la, we could do with him. 116-16. a di yau wei, it is coming (will happen). 104-14. a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11. a ten, did it. a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5. a tin wes te, had done. 325-10. a tin te, (Indians) will do. 215-9. a tcil lau, he did it. 112-5. a kil lau, they did. 266-13. a kiL en, what they do. 322-1. akyole, you do. 198-2. a kyu wil lel liL te, it will do. 236-3. ma a kiL en ne en, their doings. 361-11. xa ai ya XOL iii Ax, they did that with him. 211-5. xa ai lau, it broke. 290-1. xa a iL in te, that will be done. 203-8. xa a in nil, he always did that. 139-9, 141-9. xa a it yau, he did that. 98-8. xa a it ya xo lan, the same he found he was. 346-7. xa auw di ya te, I am going to do what. 202-8. xa a ya iL ifi 0X, they did that. 105-10. xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17. xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9. 93 4University of California Publications. [Am. ARCE. ETH. xa a na teil lau, that he did. 260-9. xa a x6 lau, he did the same thing. 278-12. xa a xoi il lIi, always he did that. 237-9. xa a xs le ne, he should do that. 163-2. xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14. xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16. xa a tin wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11. xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14, 189-2. xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8. xa a teil lau, the same thing he did. 211-1. xa a tcit yau, that he did. 280-12. xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. xa a kyfi wil leL te, will do that. 211-18. da xs a di ya xs lan, was dead they found out. 175-11. da xs a ten, who die. 346-4. da xs fuin a di ya te, they will die. 217-16. dx xa auw ten, I don't do that. 109-4. dx xa iin di yau, you don't do that. 343-13. do da xs a ti n, would never die. 221-13. c) With verbs of appearing. a in te, how he appeared. 209-5. a na nul we sin te te, you will look. 357-5. a na kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. a ne e te, he looked that way. 321-7. a nfi wes te, he looked. 143-14, 182-2. a tcin te detc, he is 351-2. a kit tis seox, smartest. 321-11. Xo- prefixed to a verbal root forms a word, usually unlimited as to person and number. Several of these are used as auxil- iaries and suffixes. xo wiL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 225-7. x6 wifn kfuts, it was cold. 169-3. xo wit tse, it was crowded. 238-9. x6 len, she has. 333-9. x6 lifi, (I wish) was. 340-7. x3 luii, he saw. 144-4, 361-16. x6 lfun teL, that will do it. 328-9, 209-12. X6 Lit, a noise. 241-2. 94 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. xos kufts miL, on account of the cold. 271-11. do x6 len, there was none. 159-3, 106-6, 159-2. do x6 lin, it is gone. 141-8. d6 x6s le, there was none. 98-7, 322-5. CONJUGATIONS. When the Hupa verbs are classified according to the syllable immediately preceding the root in the definite tenses, they fall into four conjugations. There are only three of these syllables which characterize the conjugations, the lack of the definite tenses being the peculiarity of the fourth conjugation. By far the greater number of verbs have a syllable preceding the root in the definite tenses, which contains w- as its initial sound. The form of the remainder of the syllable depends, first, upon the number and person of the particular form appearing; and, second, upon the class (or voice) in which the verb happens to be. The sound w- is alone the constant characteristic of the conjugation. In the Hupa language this w- seems to have no definite meaning of its own. Its occurrence depends largely or wholly upon the prefixes which introduce the verb. From other Athapascan languages and dialects, it seems probable that its use originally signified the beginning of an act or state. This view is borne out by a study of the prefixes which require its use in Hupa, and by the fact that certain things, to the Hupa mind without origin, do not take verbs with w-. One may say of a pond of water which has been caused by rain, win xa, "water lies there"; but of the ocean, or a natural lake, nani xa. In a precisely parallel manner, the second conjugation has n- as the initial sound of the inflected syllable in the definite tenses. It occurs in a few cases without a prefix, where the meaning shows that the completion of the act is in the mind of the speaker, e.g., nin ya de, "if he comes, " 334-10. Its use, however, in most verbs, is governed by the adverbial prefixes which precede it. These for the most part are consistent with the meaning of completion, as no-, meaning the placing of some- thing in a position of rest, or the cessation of motion. Without exact parallelism of forms, the third conjugation is made up of verbs having s as the characteristic of the inflected 95 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. syllable. In meaning, verbs of this conjugation are in contrast with the two preceding conjugations, in that the act or state is conceived as existing over considerable extent of time or space. Xa is yai, "he came up the hill"; xa is xan, "he brought water up the hill"; xawinyai, "he came out of the smoke- hole"; xa winf xan, "he took water out of a well." In some cases where there is chance for confusion -s is found in all the forms of the verb, to make it clear that the longer or more con- tinued act is the one meant. After the verbs belonging to the three preceding conjugations have been eliminated there remains a considerable number which differ in form from the others in that they have none of the definite tenses, but usually form a past from the indefinite pres- ent by a change in the length or the form of the root syllable. As regards the meaning of the verbs of this fourth conjugation, they may be said to constitute a class, rather indefinite in its boundary lines, which includes verbs of general rather than specific meaning. Among these are the verbs of doing, speaking, hearing, seeing, dying, and many others. The first and third conjugations are subdivided according to the phonetic changes suffered after various prefixes. CLASS I. Conjugation 1A. Tce xauw, he is catching. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. iiuw xauw it de xauw 2. iii xauw i xauw 3. tce xauw ya xauw 3a. yexauw yaixauw Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xs lin iuw xauw do x6 liii it de xauw 2. in xauw o xauw 3. tee xauw ya xauw 3a. ye xauw yai xauw 96 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. imn xauw tco xauw yo xauw Singular. 1. e iliw xauw 2. e in ixauw 3. tceeexauw 3a. ye e xauw Singular. 1. we xufn 2. wifnixun 3. tcfi wiln xiu-n 3a. yl wifi xfiuni Singular. 1. wexan 2. win xan 3. tcui wiin xan 3a. yfiwiinxan Imperative. Plural. o xauw ya tco xauw yai yo xauw Customary. Plural. e it de xauw e 6 xauw ya e xauw yai e xauw Present Definite. Plural. wit de xsun w5 xuini ya wi -n xuin yai wi in xsun Past Definite. Plural. wit de xan wo xan ya wiin xan yai winm xan THE SIGNS OF PERSON AND NUMBER. Since the verb whose conjugation is given above has no prefix, the present tense shows only the root with the signs of person and number preceding. The customary tense has the same form as the present except the tense sign -e-, which precedes the signs of person in the first and second person singular and plural, but stands between the sign and the root in the third person. First Person.-The sign of the first person singular appears as iuw-. The first sound, represented by i, is one of the weakest of the Hupa vowels, and often appears a-s the support of consonants which, in other cases, are attached to the preceding or succeeding syllables. The second sound, represented by ui, is a glide formed by the passage of the vocal organs from the position of i to that of the following sound. It is close in 97 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. quality and quite short in duration. The final sound is made by unvoiced breath passing through the mouth, which is in the position of w. This is evidently related to the pronoun of the first person singular, hwe. The other dialects of the Pacific Division of the Athapascan languages have -ic- or -is- for the sign of the first person singular of the present tense. The corresponding pronoun in those dialects is cl or ce.' First Person Plural. In the plural of the first person it de- is found as the sign. The constant portion of this sign appears to be that represented by d. Its vowel, or vowel plus a conso- nant, seems to depend on the following sound, as so often hap- pens in the Hupa language. When the following syllable begins with a consonant, the syllable ends with the same or a closely related consonant. The vowel is usually i, but in the case of post-palatal k, fu is frequently employed, as it might also be in the present case. Some speakers say it dfux xauw. The first syllable of this sign, it, seems to consist of the weak vowel i, which, not being able to stand in an open syllable, has taken over the corresponding surd from the following sonant, d. That this is the truth would appear from the fact that in case of a preceding prefix the syllable disappears, the vowel apparently contracting with it. There is no apparent connection between this sign and the pronoun of the first person plural, ne he. Second Person Singular.-For the sign of the second person singular iii- appears. As will be seen later, this becomes in- before dentals and im- before m, the only labial. When the sign follows a prefix ending in a vowel, -n appears as the final sound of the prefix. This sign, -ni or in-, is perhaps connected with the personal pronoun of the second person singular, nifi. Second Person Plural.-In this case the vowel 6- stands alone, forming the initial syllable. It is of normal length but somewhat more open than the more frequent sound, and aspir- ated. While it does not approach the sound of the so-called short o in English, it impresses the ear as dull in quality. It may or may not be related genetically with the vowel of the personal pronoun of the second person plural, no hin. 1 This phonetic change of c to hw and uiw is regular between the other dialects of this group and Hupa. 98 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Third Person Singular.-Two forms occur in Hupa for the third person of pronouns. The first form given is that used in speaking of adult members of the Hupa people. The second form is used when speaking of Hupa children, and sometimes of aged people; of members of other tribes and races; and of animals. The first form begins with tc-, which are constant. Before vowels the syllable usually ends in e. Before consonants it takes over the consonant, or its surd in the case of a sonant. The vowel in that case is i, or before k, u. In the present case the vowel is distinguished with difficulty, being either e, as is written here, or 'u. It is equally hard to determine whether the x belongs to both syllables or only to the last. There is no personal pronoun from which this sign could have been derived. The fact that it applies only to a certain class would point to a demonstrative origin. The second form has y for its initial sound, and makes the same combinations with the following sounds that tc do in the first form, except that before vowels it has i for its vowel, instead of e. It may well be connected with the demonstrative pronoun yo. Third Person Plural.-As in the singular, two forms appear. The first, ya-, is everywhere the sign of the third person plural in the verb, and is also the sign of the plural in the demonstra- tive pronoun, as has been shown above. The second form is yai-. The diphthong in this case has the clear, prominent sound of as its last element. Imperative. The first and second persons singular and plural of the pres- ent may be used of future intended action. The first person may mean either that the speaker is actually doing the thing or only that he announces his intention or desire to immediately begin doing it. The second person singular and plural may not only mean that the person spoken to is doing the thing, usually quite unnecessary information, or they may convey the command or exhortation to do it. In the place of the third person of the present a different form is used which expresses the desire or command that a third person do the contemplated thing. For adult Hupa the form is 99 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tco-, which characterizes both singular and plural, but with a preceding syllable, ya-, in the plural. For all others the form is either yo- or o-. This third person with 6, alone or in combination, may be connected with a future tense found in Navaho which also has an 6. Definite T'enses. In the definite tenses, if it is assumed that the tense-mode sign is w-, nothing is found different from the person and number signs already discussed except the first person singular and the third person singular and plural. First Person Singular.-Proceeding on the assumption that w- is the full sign of tense and mode, the personal sign is e, the vowel of the first syllable. This conclusion is borne out by all the evidence at hand, not only in regard to the Hupa lan- guage, but by other Athapascan languages as well. This vowel is of normal length and but slightly dulled as compared with the usual open e. It is sometimes heard approaching close e, but on longer acquaintance is easily distinguished from it, except when it is followed by y. There seems to be nothing elsewhere in the language, either in the pronoun or verb, with which to connect it. Third Person Singular and Plural.-The sign of the third person precedes instead of following the tense sign. The vowel -a in the forms of the singular is due to the following w. If the assumption that w- is the tense sign holds good, ini of the middle syllable remains unexplained. Intransitive verb, with a different root in the plural. (Irreg- ular.) Ye tcin nauw, he goes in. Present Indefinite. Singular. Dual. Plural. 1. ye iiuw hwauw ye e diL ye yai diL 2. ye in yauw ye o diL 3. ye tcin nauw ye tcin diL ye ya in diL 3a. ye in nauw ye in diL ye yun diL 100 VOL. 31 Godd,ard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Singular. 1. do xo liin ye iuiw hwauw 2. ye ifi yauw 3. ye tein nauw 3a. ye in nauw Impotential. Dual. do xo liin ye e dil ye 6 dil ye tein dil ye in dil Singular. 1. ye iuw hwa 2. ye iii yauw 3. yetcoya 3a. ye o ya Singular. 1. ye e iiw hwauw 2. ye e iin yauw 3. ye tee in nauw 3a. ye e in nauw Singular. 1. ye we ya 2. ye win ya 3. ye tei win ya 3a. ye wi-n ya Singular. 1. ye we yai 2. ye win yai 3. ye tcd win yai 3a. ye wiln yai Imperative. Dual. yeediL (yeeL) ye 6 diL ye tcon diL ye on diL Customary. Dual. ye e e dil ye 5 5 dil ye tee in dil ye e in dil Present Definite. Dual. ye we deL (ye weL) ye wo deL ye tciu win deL ye win deL Past Definite. Dual. ye we deL ye wo deL ye tocu win deL ye win deL Plural. ye ya tcon diL ye ya on diL Plural. ye ya e dil ye ya in dil ye ya in dil Plural. ye yai deL ye ya win deL ye yan deL Plural. ye yai deL ye ya win deL ye yan deL Intransitive verbs like the one given above have the same signs to indicate the person and number as the transitive, with the exception of the first person dual. Instead of itde, e is found. This is to be compared, perhaps, with the sign of the first person singular of the definite tenses. The number is espe- Plural. ye yai dil ya ya in dil ye yun dii 101 1University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. cially marked by a root entirely different from that in the singu- lar. These verbs with different roots in the singular and plural, and these only, have a separate form for the third person dual. The form is the same as that for the singular except for the root. The third person plural does not have the sign of the third person found in the dual and singular, but has the regular sign of the plural, ya. The verb conjugated above is somewhat irregular. In the indefinite tenses the root changes its form in the singular for each person. It seems probable that this is a phonetic change, and that the root is -yauw, modified in the first person by the sign for that person, hw. In the definite tenses where this is not found the root has its regular form. If this surmise is correct, the second person needs no explanation and the third person has been infected by n, which appears also in the third person plural. The presence of this n in the plural and dual is the second irregularity to be noticed. It occurs in almost all circumstances with this root. To this subdivision of the conjugation belong verbs without a pre9fix and those having for prefixes ye-, Le-, da-, and te-. With these prefixes no contractions take place. ye yoL, cust. 3 sing., she blew in. 302-8. ye ini yauw, imp. 2 sing., go in. 305-9. ye in tUL ne, imp. 2 sing., you must step in. 209-2. ye we ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going into it. 314-3. ye wifi ya, pres. 3a sing., one come in. 305-8. ye wifi ya ye xoI lfiui, pres. def. 3 sing., he had gone in. 118-5. ye win deL te, fut. def. 3 dual, they will go in. 255-3. ye nai diL, imp. 1 dual, let us go in. 210-13. ye na wil 16s, past def. 3 sing., she dragged it in. 190-2. ye na wo deL te, fut. def. 2 plu., you will travel in. 361-1.2. ye nun dauw, imp. 2 sing., come in. 98-17, 192-7. ye tce il lilw, cust. 3 sing., he used to take in. 288-2. ye tcin nauw, pres. 3 sing., they will come in. 231-6. ye tcui wim meL, past def. 3 sing., they put in. 200-5. ye tcui wifi ya, pres. def. 3 sing., they came in. 231-8. ye tcul wifi yai, past def. 3 sing., he went in. 97-3, 231-5. 102 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hiupa Language. ye tcu wifn ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she went in. 246-5. ye teil wiii xan, past def. 3 sing., she brought in. 209-10. ye tcuwin deL, past def. 3 dual, they went in. 278-4. yetclwintan, past def. 3 sing. he put in. 96-13. yi de tul wi-n yai, past def. 3 sing., north he was lost. 342-9. yulwilnyan, past def. 3a sing., she ate it. 319-5. yiu wifn yfun hwfun te, fut. def. 3a sing., one must eat. 233-2 yuiwinyufnte, fut. def. 3a sing., how are they going to eat them? 100-14. winl yen nei, past def. 3a sing. he was able to stand. 220-11 winl xa, past def. 3a sing., water lay. 101-13, 141-1. wiln xa te, fut. def. 3a sing., water will stay. 112-9. win tetc, pres. def. 3a dual, dogs lay there. 322-4. win tewil, past def. 2 sing., you have cried. 337-14. Le ye tecu wiln ye-uw, past def. 3 sing., he jammed in. 143-10. Liin win ten nei, past def. 3 sing., she called him. 139-9. LU win ten, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9. datcduwilnan, past def. 3 sing., he placed it. 210-6. da tc wifi en, past def. 3 sing., he put fire on it. 119-15. da tcdu willn xfts, past def. 3 sing., he flew up there. 114-1. da 'ul xus, imp. 2 sing., fly. 114-2. da e iuw tllw, cust. 1 sing., I put. 247-7. dae iuw kel, cust. 1 sing., I held under. 337-14. d6 tdll wili xan, past def. 3 sing., he does not catch any. 257-9. d6 tdcu will xuia te, fut. def. 3 sing., he does not catch. 256-6. te wa ut te, fut. def. 1 sing., in the water I will throw. 111-17. tewill eL, past def. 3a plu., they stand out. 283-14. te tdul will an, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 342-6. te tcdu win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put in the water. 101-14 tul wiln yai, past def. 3 sing., he was lost. 122-1. tce will yeulw, past def. 3 sing., she rubbing (rubbed) them. 301-5. tcu win aL, past def. 3 sing., he chewed. 121-12, 330-4. 103 104 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. tel wini yan ne, past def. 3 sing., he has eaten. 311-11. te-l winl yen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 109-11, 203-5. teilwiinyufifsillente, fut. def. 3 sing., he eats it seems. 233-3. teu wifn yfun teL de, fut. def. 3 sing., he would eat. 267-17. tel wini fnas, past def. 3 sing., he scraped the bark off. 347-12. tcul win da, past def. 3 sing., he stayed. 97-3, 165-13. teil win tsit, past def. 3 sing., he pounded. 114-4, 319-8. tcil win tewen, past def. 3 sing., he defecated. 110-6. tcil win tew i, past def. 3 sing., he cried. 150-7, 336-8. Conjugation 1B. Ya mas, he is rolling over. Singular. 1. yauuw mas 2. yfum mas 3. yamas 3a. y&mas Singular. 1. do xo lii yauw mas 2. yum mas 3. 3a. Present Indefinite. Plural. ya dim mas ya mas ya ya mas ya ya mas Impotential. Plural. d6 xo lifi ya mas yal mas Singular. 2. yufm-mas 3. ya tc6 mas 3a. ya a mas 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. ya i*iw mas ya im mas ya im mas yal im mas ya dim mas ya inas ya ya mas ya yai mas Imperative. Plural. ya mas ya ya tc6 mnas ya ya 6 mas Customary. Plural. ya it dim mas ya o mas ya ya im mas ya yal im mas VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yai mas ya wit dim mas 2. ya wim mas ya w6 mas 3. ya wim mas ya ya wim mas 3a. ya wim mas ya ya wim mas Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yai mas ya wit dim mas 2. ya wim mas ya wo mas 3. ya wim mas ya ya wim mas 3a. ya wim mas ya ya wim mas Indefinite Tenses. First Person Singular.-The regular sign contracts with the prefix ya-, resulting in yauw. In this case the glide ii unites with a to form the diphthong au, which is frequent in Hupa. Second Person Singular.-The ending of the first syllable, m, is a regular change for n before m of the following syllable. The change of vowel from a to 'u presents some difficulty. The most plausible explanation is, perhaps, that a and 'u, e and i are related as strong and weak vowels, as will be seen in the consideration of the forms of the roots. Because the syllable ya has been forced to take on n or m to show the person, it perhaps weakens its vowel to maintain its former weight. One would gladly add something as to accent to help out a weak cause, but the always weak stress is on the first syllable throughout the singular. Second Person Plural.-Here again contraction has taken place. The o has united with the prefix, producing a syllable, ending with an aspiration, of greater length and duller quality as compared with that in the third person singular. Third Person Singular.-No sign for this person occurs. as is usually the case when the verb has a prefix. In the form applic- able to adult Hupa the vowel is sharp and hard in quality, at the apex of the vowel triangle or tending toward the so-called short AM. AECH. ETH. 3,8. 105 University of California Publications. [AMs. ARCH. ETH. a of English, while the vowel of the second person plural inclines slightly toward o. It is followed by a partial glottal stop. The second form applicable to children and others has a longer vowel of somewhat flatter quality. Definite Tenses. The only occasion of remark is in the first person singular where the middle syllable disappears, contraction apparently tak- ing place. The result is yai-, due most likely to the e, which is the sign of the first person singular in the definite tenses. As will be observed from the preceding example, certain con- ditions allow contractions to take place, forming sub-classes in the conjugation. Verbs belonging to this form of the conjugation have their roots beginning with m, or 1, or with the following weak syllables standing before the inflected syllable; ne or nul, de or dui, and ke or kyud. Many or all of the verbs with the weak sylla- bles also appear at times with the forms of subdivision D. anaidiuwi-nwat, past def. 3a sing., he shook himself. 115-7. ya im mil, cust. 3a sing., it kicked up its legs. 290-2. ya yai wim meL tsii, pres. def. 3a plu., he heard them kick up their legs. 342-14. ya wim mas, past def. 3 sing., he rolled over. 112-15. ya wim meL, past def. 3 sing., he took them up. 142-4. ya x6 win tewai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4. ya kyu win dits, past def. 3 plu., they made rope. 151-11. me il loi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. me luw, pres. 3 sing., it watching. 204-6. me lui te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch. 292-9. me nai l-w te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch. 217-13. me d-i win tewen, past def. 3 sing., he was hungry for. 99-1. me diw tewiii, pres. 1 sing., I want. 254-12. nai me, pres. def. 1 sing., I swim in. 311-11. nai kyu wii xa, past def. 3a sing., it stands. 347-11. nauw me, pres. 1 sing., let me swim. 97-15. na wim me, past def. 3 sing., he swam. 209-13. 106 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the HIupa Language. na nai me, past def. 1 sing., I bathed. 311-8. na na im me ei, cust. 3 sing., she always bathed. 311-8. na na ya wil lai, past def. 3 p]u., they turned down their heads. 139-1. na na di! wifn a, pres. def. 3a sing., it stands. 364-14. na na dui wifn eL, past def, 3a plu., they stuck up. 106-14. na nil win dik, past def. 3 sing., they formed a line. 216-17 naxoikyiiwi-nan, past def. 3a sing., he went to sleep. 121-9. na de tewit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 277-1. na dui wifi a, past def. 3a sing., it stood up. 158-6. na di! wini ate, fut. def. 3a sing., it will stick up. 204-2. na di! wini eL, past def. 3 pin., they stuck up. 106-3. na dii win tewit, past def. 3 sing., he let go. 272-18, 106-17. na kyi wifi a ts, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard. 186-12. na kyii win yun te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will eat. 356-3. na ky-winixa, pres. def. 3a sing., it grows. 364-11. nik kyo wfin, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it make you sleep). 294-5. nik kyii wini fiun te, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep. 252-11. noidiiwintaL X1unO, pres. def. 3a sing., he had made a track. 292-5. no na di win taL, past def. 3 sing., he stepped away. 223-11. n6diiwintaLLx6lan, pres. def. 3 sing., he had made a track he saw. 185-12. hwikky6wuOni, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it put me to sleep). 121-6. xa nii win te, past def. 3 sing., she looked for it. 111-3. xoi kyui wifn an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 121-7. XOL dana dui wiln a ei, past def. 3 sing., with him it stuck up. 203-5. xon a na di wil lau, past def. 3 sing., they painted them- selves. 215-11. xo kyi wifif an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 203-1. da ya di wif an, past def. 3 plu., they took away. 171-14. 107 1University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. dana yai dui winf an, past def. 3a plu., they brought it back. 365-15. da na xs dui wifn an, past def. 3 plu., they ran back. 181-6. da na na dii win a ei, past def. 3a sing., it stood up. 203-10. da no di! win taL, past def. 3 sing., he stepped. 120-3. da tcit dii winLat, past def. 3 sing., he started to run. 176-11. da ky win xa ei, past def. 3a sing., it stood. 242-3. dewimminte, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be filled (full). 253-11. de na de iuw mil, cust. 1 sing<, I put in the fire. 247-9. de na dui wil la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 255-15. de na di wil un te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 258-2. de de im mil, cust. 3 sing., he pushed them into the fire. 165-6. dediiwillai, past def. 3 sing., he put on the fire. 266-11. de dii wil la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will put in the fire. 255-15. de dii wim meL, past def. 3 sing., he threw in the fire. 165-10. de dii will an, past def. 3 sing., he put in incense. 266-16. de dui win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put them in. 150-4. de duiw tfunl, pres. 1 sing., let me put them in the fire. 150-4. d6 me diiw tewiln, pres. 1 sing., I do not want. 97-8. d6 kyii we hwan, past def. 1 sing., I don't eat. 355-15. dii will xfuts, past def. 3a sing., it came off. 157-7. dii win teat, past def. 3a sing., it got sick. 241-9. di win tca te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will get sick. 242-15. d will k'un te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will lean up on edge. 343-13. te no dii win taL, past def. 3 sing., in the water he stepped. 120-3. t6 on nii win tewit ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., water she was to bring. 111-3. t6 6n tcwit, pres. 3 sing., water to bring. 110-16. 108 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. teit dui wim mitc, past def. 3 sing., she broke it off. 287-2. tcit dui wim mite hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she broke it off. 287-4. tcitduiwinteate, fut. def. 3 sing., she was going to be sick. 286-7. teit dii win tewit te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will shoot. 151-16. kifi yunii, imp. 2 sing., eat it. 166-6. kit du wii kil, past -def. 3 sing., the bank slid out. 252-4. kyoyawinfhwal, past def. 3 plu., they fished. 328-3. kyoyfifi, imp. 2 plu., eat. 192-2. ky6hwalle, pres. 3 sing., somebody hooking. 106-15. kyuiwiniyan, past def. 3 sing., he went to eating. 98-18. kyui wiii nan xo lan, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 347-1. kyu win xa, past def. 3 sing., she left standing. 289-8. kyui win dil, past def. 3a sing., there was a ringing noise. 96-2. kyii win diL tsii, pres. def. 3 sing., a jingling noise. 293-3. kyuiwinditste, fut. def. 3 sing., to make rope. 151-6, 8. kyiiwifnket, past def. 3a sing., it creaked. 114-17, 140-3. kyfiw tewit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. Conjugation lc. Na Lit, he is burning it. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. nauW Lit na diL Lit 2. nfUn Lit na Lit 3. na Lit na ya iL Lit 3a. nai Lit na yai Lit Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xo lin nauw Lit do xo lin nia diL Lit 2. nun Lit na Lit 3. na Lit na ya iL Lit 3a. nai Lit na yai Lit 109 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Imperative. Singtular. Plural. 2. nun Lit na Lit 3. na tco Lit na ya tco Lit 3a. nai 6 Lit na yai 6 Lit Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. na iuw Lit na it diL Lit 2. na in Lit na o Lit 3. na iL Lit na ya iL Lit 3a. nai iL Lit na yai iL Lit Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. nai Lit na wit diL Lit 2. nan Lit na wo Lit 3. na win Lit na ya win Lit 3a. nai win Lit na yai win Lit Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. nai Lit na wit diL Lit 2. nan Lit na wo Lit 3. na win Lit na ya win Lit 3a. nai win Lit na yai win Lit Certain prefixes permit the same contractions that appear in the last case, and in addition allow contraction in the second person singular of the definite tenses. The middle syllable dis- appears, leaving n, the sign of the second person singular, as the final sound of the first syllable. The following prefixes char- acterize verbs of this class: ya-, me-, na-, xa-, sa-, and ke-. a da na wifn a te, fut. def. 3 sing., for himself he will get. 338-9. ya a a, cust. 3 sing., he sat. 150-8. ya a wilw, cust. 3 sing., he always takes on his back. 195-6. ya wini a, pres. def. 3 sing., sitting. 162-11. ya wifi an, past def. 3 sing., he picked up (stone). 342-1. ya wini a hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he sat. 174-6. ya winl en, past def. 3 sing., he carried. 210-4. 110 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. ya wini eL, pres. def. 3 dual, they were sitting there. 181-8. ya win xan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 337-6. ya wintan, past def. 3 sing., he took. 108-18. ya win tiun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he picked it up. 202-6. ya win kuftc, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 143-15. yan a, pres. def. 3 sing., why do you sit there. 171-3. ya na wifn ai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 136-6. ya na wifn aye, pres. def. 3 sing., he sitting down. 120-5. ya na wifn en, past def. 3 sing., he carried. 172-1. ya na win tan, past def. 3 sing., he picked it up. 112-11. me it tan, cust. 3 sing., he stuck to it. 202-3. me win tan ne, past def. 3 sing., he stuck to it. 202-7. mis sai xfun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will put in its mouth. 243-16. mis sa wini xOun te, fut. def. 3 sing., in his mouth she will put. 243-10. mis sOuin xauw ne, imp. 2 sing., its mouth put it in. 246-14. na win yen, past def. 3 sing., he stood. 106-3. na win Lit, past def. 3 sing., she burned it. 311-12. na wini kuits, past def. 3 sing., he became cold. 330-4. na nai ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to live. 218-2. na na wiln an, past def. 3 sing., he had taken down. 176-10. na na wifi un xs la;n, pres. def. 3 sing., he had taken down. 176-17. na na win tan, past def. 3 sing., he took down. 97-16. na diL, pres. 3 dual, they living. 321-3. xai iin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will take out. 135-5. xauw auw, pres. 1 sing., I am going to take out. 135-7. xa wiin an, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 100-10, 135-8. xc e wiin q6tc ei tsil, past def. 3 sing., he heard him lope away. 175-8. xot da wini yai, past def. 3 sing., he went down. 272-3. sawinlxan, past def. 3 sing., he put it into her mouth. 278-10. da ya wifn ai, past def. 3 sing., he was sitting. 360-6. da ya win a ye, pres. def. 3 sing., someone was sitting. 337-2. ill University of California Publ-cations. [AM. ARCH. ETH. da ya na wvii ai, past def. 3 sing., he was sitting. 162-2. da na win tan, past def. 3 sing., he put it down. 97-13. do xa auw, pres. 3 sing., one doesn't dig. 135-3. do x5 lin nfutn yai, impot. 2 sing., you may not live. 257-9. do sai xauw, pres. 3a sing., one can't swallow. 141-2. ke wini xftts, past def. 3 sing., he fell over. 105-17. kis sa wiin ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will go into some- body's mouth. 257-5. Conjugation lD. Kit tfus, he cuts open. Singular. 1. kyulw t-us 2. kin t"us 3. kit tus 3a. yi kit tfus Singular. 1. do x6 liin kyuiw tfus 2. kin tfus 3. kit tfus 3a. yi kit tus Singular. 2. kin t"us 3. ky t-us 3a. yi kyo tfus Singular. 1. keiulwtfus 2. ke in t'us 3. ke it tus 3a. ylkeittfus Present Indefinite. Plural. kit dit t'us kyo t-us ya kit tu^s yai kit t-us Impotential. Plural. do x6 liii kit dit tufs kyo tus ya kit t-us yai kit t'us Imperative. Plural. kyo t-us ya kyo tius yai ky6t Us C-ustomary. Plural. ke it dit tus ke otuHs ya ke it tfus yai ke it tfis 112 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. ke tats kyul wit dit tats 2. kyul win tats kyiu wo tats 3. kin tats ya kin tats 3a. yikintats yai kin tats Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. ke tats kyui wit dit tats 2. kyiu win tats kyui wo tats 3. kin tats ya kin tats 3a. yi kin tats yai kin tats Certain prefixed and inserted syllables with weak vowels have in the present the signs of person and number of sub-class A, jointed to the consonant of the syllable. In the definite tenses contraction takes place in the first person singular and in the third person singular and plural. The second person singular does not contract, the weak syllable taking the vowel ui from the following w. This subgroup is characterized by syllables standing before the inflected syllable, which have d, or k, ky for their initial letters and are completed as is usual with weak syllables. There seems to be no way of distinguishing these verbs from those given under B above, except that those in this class always have some prefix preceding the weak syllable, while those in B may have such prefixes or may lack them. ya ya kini en, past def. 3 plu., they packed up. 164-4. ya na ke ui wiuw, cust. 3 sing., he used to pack up. 237-7. ya na kil lai, past def. 3 sing., he took in his hand. 337-7. ya na kini en, past def. 3 sing., he packed up. 238-3. ya ke wilw hwei, cust. 3 sing., he used to carry it away. 162-4. ya kini wulw, imp. 2 sing., carry it. 105-18. ya kiin wen ne, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it off. 163-4. ye kini en, past def. 3 sing., he brought in. 192-3. ye kin nen den, past def. 3 sing., light shone in. 305-6. 113 1University of California Putblications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. min no kinf kil, past def. 3 sing., he opened it. 113-5. nai ke its, pres. 3 sing., to shoot at a mark. 305-2. hwis sa kini its, imp. 2 sing., my mouth shoot in. 118-13. xa kifn its, pres. def. 3 sing., it shoot up. 158-7. x6 sa kin its, past def. 3 sing., in his mouth he shot. 118-14. dakifiyuinte, fut. def. 3 sing., to chew off (bowstrings). 151-9. te ke its te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot in. 112-9. tekiinits, past def. 3 sing., he shot in. 112-10. kit din kil ei, past def. 3 sing., it broke out. 102-2. Conjugation 1E. Tco xai, he is buying. 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. 6fiw xai On xai tco xai yS xai Singular. 1. d5 x6 liiin 51w xait 2. oii ait 3. tc Sxait 3a. yo xait Singular. 2. 6onxai 3. tcS 6xai 3a. yo S xai Singular. 1. 6 ifwxait 2. 6 in xait 3. tco e xait 3a. yo e xait Present Indefinite. Plural. 6 de xai oS xai tco ya xai yo ya xai Impotential. Plural. dS xS lifi 6 de xait 6 xait tco ya xait yo ya xait Imperative. Plural. 6 xai tco ya 6 xai yo ya o xai Customary. Plural. o it de xait 556 xait tco ya xait yo ya xait 114 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. oi xai o wit de xai 2. on xai o wo xai 3. tcon- xai tco yani xai 3a. y6i xai yo yan xai Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. oi xait o wit de xait 2. oin xait o wo xait 3. tecoi xait tco yanl xait 3a. yoii xait yo yani xait A few verbs with a prefix 5- show peculiarities. In the third person of all the tense-modes te before the prefix 6, with which they form a syllable, occur not only where they might be expected in the singular, but in the plural as well. Even in the singular one would expect to find them after, not before, the prefix. In the definite tenses contraction takes place throughout the singular and in the third person plural. The conjugation sign w appears only in the first and second persons of the plural. ya xon its, past def. 3 sing., he shot. 166-8. yo e its, cust. 3a sing., he shot at it. 157-11. yon tan, past def. 3a sing., he kept. 96-8. yS xai (na na kis deL), pres. 3a sing., to buy they came back. 200-7. y6xaixSwinsen, pres. 3a sing., they all began to buy. 200-3. dooiluinte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will quit. 255-5. do yo lufn te, fut. def. 3a sing., they will quit. 231-1. do tco wil lan, past def. 3 sing., she will quit. 157-10, 242-13 d tco wil lfin, pres. 3 sing., he stopped. 234-2. do tco xs wil lan, past def. 3 sing., he left (him). 343-9. do tco x6 na wil lan, past def. 3 sing., he went away. 343-8. tco yani its, past def. 3 sing., they began to shoot. 144-12. tco nan tan, past def. 3 sing., he held it. 314-9. tco xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3. 115 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. Conjugation 2. No uft, he is throwing down a blanket. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. 2. 3. 3a. now fit noi fut Singular. 1. do x6 lif now fut 2. nofnu ft 3. nouft 3a. noi fut Singular. 2. nofifit 3. no tc uft 3a. noyo uft Singular. 1. n itaw fit 2. noiniiut 3. noeuft 3a. noie uft Singular. 1. nonafit 2. no ni nuft 3. noi nmuit 3a. noi nii ut Singular. 1. nona'ut 2. nonianut 3a. noi nin fut no de fit no ya fit no yai fut Impotential. Plural. do xO lifi no de fut no ya fut noyai'ut Imperative. Plural. n6 fit no ya tc uft no yai yo fit Customary. Plural. no it de fut no ya e uft n3 yai e uft Present Definite. Plural. non da fit n5 n5 fiut no ya nifi fit n6 yai nim fit Past Definite. Plural. non da fit n6 n5 fit no ya nin fit no yal ni ft 116 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Intransitive with root changing for the plural. Tee nauw, he goes out. Singular. 1. tee hwauw 2. teefn yauw 3. tee nauw 3a. tee nauw Singular. 1. do xS liin tee hwauw 2. teefn yauw 3. tee nauw 3a. tee nauuw Singular. 1. tee hwa 2. teeln yauw 3. tee tco ya 3a. tee 6 ya Singular. 1. tee i-iw hlwauw 2. tee iin yauw 3. tee in nauw 3a. tee in nauw Singular. 1. tee ne ya 2. tee nin ya 3. tee nin ya 3a. tcifi ya Singular. 1. tee ne yai 2. tee niin yai 3. tee nin yai 3a. tei-n yai Present Indefinite. Dual. tee neL tee no diL tee in dii. tein diL Impotential. Dual. do xo lifi tee ne dil tee no dil tee in dil tein dil Imperative. Dual. tee neL tee no diL (te, diL) tee tecn diiL tee on diL Customary. Dual. tee e dil tee o dil tee in dil tee in dil Present Definite. Dual. tee ne deL tee nS deL tee nin deL tein deL Past Definite. Dual. tee ne deL tee nS deL tee nin deL tein deL Plural. tee ya neL tee ya in diTL tee yun diL Plural. tee ya ne dil tee ya in dil tee yfun dil Plural. tee ya nei. tee ya tcon diL tee ya Sn diL Plural. tee ya e dil tee ya in dil tee ya in dil Plural. tee ya ne deL tee ya nin deL tee yun deL Plural. tee ya ne deL tee ya nin deL tee yun deL 117 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. The verbs of this conjugation have the same sign for person and number which have been noted in Conjugation 1. The only difference in form between the two conjugations is the initial n instead of w in the definite tenses. a dit tcin no nil la de, pres. 3 sing., she put with herself. 302-10. ya nifi yai, past def. 3 sing., he went (between two). 138-15 ya nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-9. ya nin deL hit., pres. 3 dual, when they came. 170-16. wai e xfus sei, cust. 3 sing., he threw at her. 333-1. wa im mil, cust. 3 sing., he always distributes them. 195-8. wa kin nil lit xs lan, pres. def. 3 sing., they were (had) burned through. 119-3. wa kin nin seL x6 lan, pres. def. 3 sing., it was heated through he saw. 329-16. wun no kin nil lai, past def. 3 sing., she put her hand on. 246-10. Le il loi, cust. 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12. Le nai yfun dil late, fut. def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. Le na il lulw, cust. 3 sing., she started the fire. 153-1. Lenalfiw, pres. 3 sing., he built (builds) a fire. 235-14. Lena nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he built a fire. 120-10. Le na nil la xs lan, pres. def. 3 sing., a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. Le na nil late, fut. def. 2 sing,, you will build a fire. 356-4. Le na nil la te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will build a fire. 258-2. Le na nin deL ei, past. def. 3 dual, they went clear round. 102-1. me il loi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. me na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 215-11. me ne men, past def. 3 sing., him he landed. 162-9, 163-11. me nil la yei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 216-13. me no nifi an, past def. 3 sing., he put inside. 328-13. mil loi ne, imp. 2 sing., you must feather. 207-4. ml nil la yei, past def. 3a sing., the waves came ashore. 362-4. na ya nil lIiw ne en, pres. def. 3 plu., which had been lost. 144-7. 118 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. na ya xon nil lai ei, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 179-8. na na ya nin deL, past def. 3 plu., they arrived (across). 172-2. na na nini an, past def. 3 sing., he won back. 144-9. na nii yai, past def. 3 sing., he crossed. 119-17, 322-10. na nin ya yei, past def. 3 sing., she crossed over. 135-6. na no diL, imp. 2 plu., go away (across?). 266-15. nei ya, pres. def. 1 sing., I might go. 203-15. nei yai, past def. 1 sing., I came. 174-13. nei ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go. 151-7. nim meL dini, pres. def. 2 sing., the you bring place. 210-7. nifn yauw, imp. 2 sing., go. 354-3. nifi ya ye te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will come. 307-12. nifn ya de, pres. def. 3a sing., if they come. 334-10. nini ya te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will reach. 151-15. nin xfuts, past def. 3a sing., it flew. 113-17. no a din nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself. 223-9. no a diin xauw, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9. no il l1lw, cust. 3 sing., she put. 157-11. noi nin yan ne, past def. 3a sing., that far they ate. 347-17 no it t6, cust. 3a sing., the water comes. 310-7. no i wuiw, cust. 3 sing., he put down. 237-5. no ya nin deL, past def. 3 plu., they sat down. 280-5. no na iiiw xauw, cust. 1 sing., I leave it. 247-3. no nail 1u-w, cust. 3 sing., she left off. 332-10. n6 nai nin an, past def. 3a sing., he left. 355-10. n6nauwauw, pres. 1 sing., I (never) leave. 248-1. non auw ne, imp. 2 sing., you must put it down. 210-7. no nauw nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they came to marry. 208-11. no na ya kin nin an, past def. 3 plu., they left food. 110-9. no na ne fii, pres. def. 1 sing., I will leave. 223-3, 296-5. no na nin an, past def. 3 sing., he placed it. 117-8. n6 na nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they lived. 237-1, 241-5. no na nin deL xo lan, pres. def. 3 dual, they had sat down he saw. 271-12. n6 na nin tse, past def. 3 sing., he shut a door. 96-9. 119 1University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. no na kiln auw ne, imp. 2 sing., you must leave. 353-10. no na kin nifi un te, fut. def. 3 sing., one should leave. 215-8. no na kin nin 'un te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will leave. 351- 13, 357-2. no nakin(nin)tan, past def. 3 sing., he set the wedge again. 109-1. n6 ne xfun te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will put. 289-2. n6 nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he put. 98-2. no nil la yei, past def. 3 sing., they put them. 300-13. no nil lit hit, pres. def. 3a sing., when he finished sweat- ing. 210-8. no nin an, past def. 3 sing., he established it. 273-3. no nin 'un hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he finished. 234-7. no nin has, past def. 3 sing., he whittled it down. 197-3. no niri -t, past def. 3 sing., he threw it. 112-3. no nin xan, past def. 3 sing., she put it. 242-7. n6 nii xan nei, past def. 3 sing., she put. 287-7. no nin xsun te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will set it. 290-12. no nih xufts, past def. 3 sing., he dropped. 362-9. no nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 210-16. nof xauw ne, imp. 2 sing., put it. 296-14. noD x nih, fih pres. def. 3 sing., they fell in with thern. 179-5. no xulw, pres. 3a sing., floats ashore. 346-5. no to6'x, pres. 3a sing., water staid. 324-3. no ke iuuw qot, cust. 1 sing., I always set up. 247-4. no kin nih yan, past def. 3 sing., he finished. 209-12. no kin nih yow, past def. 3 sing., scattered about. 145-3. no kin nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he set the wedge. 108-11. nil wa na ne la te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7. nu wa nel late, fut. def. 1 sing., I will give it to you. 353-7 nftv auw, pres. 1 sing., I am going to leave. 157-8. xowaya (n)in tan, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 144-14 X6L no il lit, cust. 3a sing., it quit burning. 336-4. XOL no nil lit, past def. 3a sing., it finished burning. 364-7. XOL no kin nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating. 209-13. 120 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. da no nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they sat. 179-2. dit tse no nil lai, past def. 3 sing., they headed the canoe. 216-4. dit tse no nil la xs luna, pres. def. 3 sing., was pointed. 222-4 d6 Le na ne la, pres. def. 1 sing., I do not build a fire. 355-14. do no auw, pres. 3 sing., he never put down. 259-6. d6 he tee niii yai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come out. 162-13. do tee auw, pres. 3 sing., he never took out. 230-12. do tee in nauw, cust. 3 sing., she never came out. 305-3. do tce nin yai, past def. 3 sing., she never went out. 158-3. do tee nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they did not come out. 102-11. tee e auw, cust. 3 sing., he took out. 333-2. tee il lilw, cust. 3 sing., he used to take out. 230-11. tee miniin yot dei, past def. 3 sing., he drove out a deer. 217-16. tee nauw, pres. 3a sing., smoke coming out. 170-7. tee na il liii xo lan, cust. 3 sing., blood used to run out. 117-18. tee na ya Xon miL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3. tee na miL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 301-13. tee na nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he drew out. 119-2. tee na nim meL, past def. 3 sing., he had them thrown out. 301-14. tee na nifi an, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 119-3. tee na nin deL, past def. 3 dual, they went back. 267-9. tee na nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-13. tee ne ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go out. 332-8. tee ne yai, past def. 1 sing., I have gone out. 99-14. tee nil lai, past def. 3 sing., he pulled out. 143-5. tee nil lete, fut. def. 3 sing., they will dive out. 252-9. tee nim mas, past def. 3 sing., it rolled out. 197-5. tee nin an, past def. 3 sing., he took it out. 119-15. tee nin yai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 97-16. tee ninya ne, pres. def. 2 sing., you must go out. 242-1. tee nii ya te ne en, fut. def. 3 sing., he was going to come out. 162-12. Am. ARCH. ETH. 3, 8. 121 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tce nin y6s, past def. 3 sing., he pulled out. 118-10, 142-2. tee nin deL hit, pres. 3 dual, when they came out. 175-11. tee nin tan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 97-4. tce nin kuftc, past def. 3 sing., he threw out. 144-1. tee kin nin yan, past def. 3 sing., they came out. 98-2. tee kin nin hwe, past def. 3 sing., he had finished digging. 100-9. tee kin nin hwe ei, past def. 3 sing., he finished digging. 100-8. tein nim meL, past def. 3 sing., he carried home. 363-1. tein nii en, past def. 3 sing., she brought. 137-15. tein nif ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he came. 97-1. tein nin ya win te, pres. def. 3 sing., he always came. 231-9 tein nin ya ne en, pres: def. 3 sing., he used to come. 306-7 tein nin win dete, pres. 3 sing., if he will bring. 137-5. kin nin en, past def. 3 sing., he brought it. 97-14. kin nin iii hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she came with the load. 238-1. Conjugation 3A. Teil loi, he is tying. Singular. 1. iuiwloi 2. illoi 3. teil loi 3a. yilloi Singular. 1. d6 x6 lifi i-iw loi 2. il loi 3. teil loi 3a. yil loi Singular. 2. il loi 3. tc6loi Y 3a. y6loi Present Indefinite. Plural. it dil loi o loi ya loi yai loi Impotential. Plural. d6 x6 lifi it dil loi 6 loi ya loi yai loi Imperative. Plural. 6 loi ya tc6 loi ya y6 loi 122 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Customary. Plural. e it dil loi e loi ya il loi yai il loi Present Definite. Plural. sit dil ]oi s6 loi ya is loi yai is Ioi Past Definite. Singular. 1. seloi 2. silloi 3. teis loi 3a. yisloi Na Le, he is painti Singular. 1. nauwLe 2. nfun Le 3. naLe 3a. naiie Singular. 1. do xo lin nauw LU 2. nfun LiU 3. naLui 3a. nai Li Plural. sit dil loi so loi ya is loi yai is loi With a prefix. ing. Present Indefinite. Plural. na diL Le na Le na ya Le na yai Le Impotential. Plural. do x6 lini na diL LUi na LU nayaLu na yai LU Singular. e iitw loi e il loi tce il loi ye il loi 1. 2. 3. 3a. 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. se loi sil loi teis loi yis loi 123 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. nAunLe naaLe 3. na tco Le na ya tco Le 3a. na yo Le na ya y6 Le Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. na iuwt L na it diL LU 2. na in LU na 6 LU 3. na iL LU na yaiL LUi 3a. nai iL Ll na yai iL LtU Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. na seLe nas diL Le 2. na sin Le na so Le 3. nais Le na ya isLe 3a. nais Le na yais te Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. na se Lt nas diL LU 2. na sin LU na so LU 3. nais LU na yaiis LU 3a. nais LU na yais LU Intransitive with the root changing for the plural. Na wa, he is about. Singular. 1. nauw hwa 2. nun- ya 3. na wa 3a. na wa Singular. 1. do xo liii nauwv hwai 2. nfun yai 3. na wai 3a. na wai Present Indefinite. Dual. naicdiL (naiL) na diL na dii, na diL Impotential. Dual. do xo liii nai dil na dil na dil na dil Plural. na yai diL na ya diL na ya diL Plural. na yai dil na ya dil na ya dil 124 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Imperative. Dual. na diL na tco diL na S diL Plural. na ya tco diL na ya o diL Singular. 1. na ilw hwa 2. na ii ya 3. naiya 3a. na 1 ya Singular. 1. na se ya 2. na siii ya 3. na is ya 3a. nas ya Singular. 1. naseya 2. na sin ya 3. naisya 3a. nas ya Customary. Dual. na e dil na o dil na it dil na it dil Present Definite. Dual. na se deL nasodeL na is deL nas deL Past Definite. Dual. na se deL na so deL na is deL nas deL This conjugation differs in form from the first and second in having in the definite tenses s, instead of the w of the first, and the n of the second, as the initial of the syllable preceding the root. The difference in meaning is that this conjugation mentions the act or state as persisting in time or space and says nothing of its beginning or its end. Except that in the second person singular of this particular example where n, the sign of that person, has been assimilated to the following 1, the signs of person and number are exactly the same as those shown by the first conjugation. It will be noticed that the third person of the definite tenses does not have the n which appears in the first and second conjugation but which does not seem to be a personal sign. Singular. 2. nufn ya 3. na tco ya 3a. na 6 ya Plural. na ya e dil na ya it dil na ya it dil Plural. na ya se deL na ya is deL na yas deL Plural. na ya se deL na ya is deL na yas deL 125 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETHr In the second example given above, na Le, "he is painting." the prefix na- is present. It will be noted that the contractions and changes in the present are the same in all respects as those in the first conjugation with similar prefixes. In the definite tenses it will be seen that the form which applies to adult Hupa in the third person has three syllables: first, the prefix; second, s, the conjugation sign, with the weak vowel, i; third, the root. According to what the lHupa style "the old-fashioned way of talking," one would say na tcis Lu. On the analogy of this, na yis LU would be the second form. Its contraction should give nais LU, which occurs in this case. The dropping of tc in the first form may be due to analogy with the first and second conjugations, which do not employ this sign after such prefixes. The other dialects of this group, it may be remarked, have only one form for the third person singular, and that is the prefix with s as its final sound. aL yates an, past def. 3 plu., with them they took. 361-1. a nil we sin te te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will look. 357-5. a na dis loi, past def. 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5. a nul wes te, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 143-14, 182-2. in na x6s an, past def. 3 dual, they jumped up. 169-11. in nas Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran up. 295-5. in na tcis Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9. is lun te, fut. def. 3 sing., birth will be given. 103-4. ya is len, past def. 3 plu., they both became. 187-13. ya is len ei, past def. 3 plu., they became. 110-1. ya is loi, past def. 3 plu., they wrapped. 179-7. ya wes a, past def. 3 sing., she sat up. 301-2. ya na wes a, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 165-17. ya nes tetc, past def. 3 plu., they went to bed. 169-7. ya x6s meL, past def. 3 sing., he whipped him. 164-3. ya xos qot, past def. 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2. ya xs qot, pres. 3 plu., they stick them. 180-12. ya tes yai, past def. 3 sing., he went away. 360-4. ya wes a, past def. 3a sing., it was in. 153-10. ye kyul wes tee, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew in. 270-4. ye kyfl wes tce te, fut. def. 3 sing., the smoke will blow. 301-8. 126 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. yis dik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked. 113-13. yit da wes le te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will get enough. 267-4. yo xai na na kis deL, past def. 3 plu., to buy they came back. 200-7. yu wun na na is dim mit, past def. 3 sing., she turned over. 117-4. yui wfun na x6s yud, past def. 3a sing., they ate it. 347-15. wun na l ya, cust. 3 sing., he worked on it. 226-2. wun na is ya, past def. 3 sing., he started to make. 362-14. wun na is ya xs iun, pres. def. 3 sing., he had fixed. 170-10. wun na is deL, past def. 3 dual, they started. 101-17. wun nai diL x6 sin xs lan, pres. 3 plu., hunting they had been he saw. 140-11. wun na diL te, fut. 3 plu., they will hunt. 311-14. Le il loi, cust. 3 sing., he ties together. 334-12. Lena is loi, past def. 3 sing., he tied together. 210-5. me e na nes dai, past def. 3 sing., hidden he sat watching. 293-1. me il loi, cust. 3 sing., he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. me is La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16. me na is te ei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-8. me na ya is deL, past def. 3 plu., they started back. 208-16 me na kis loi, past def. 3 sing., he bound it up. 145-11. me nin tsis deL, past def. 3 plu., in it they danced. 216-5. me sit dite tetc, pres. def. 1 dual, in we would be fying. 190-4. me dzes la, past def. 3 sing., she hated him. 189-6. mil loi ne, imp. 2 sing., you must feather arrows. 207-4. mi no tes in, pres. def. 3 sing., he is looking under his arm. 113-1. na ifiw loi hit, cust. 1 sing., I tie them up. 247-11. na ii!w Lu, cust. 1 sing., I paint. 247-12. na is ya, pres. def. 3 sing., he walked around. 157-9. na is ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he goes. 307-13. na is dau we a x6 lun, past def. 3 sing., it had melted away. 236-1. na is deL, past def. 3 dual., they had traveled. 181-14. naisdiLLat, past def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6. 127 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH- ETH. na is din nan, past def. 3 sing., he turned. na is te, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4. na is tsiu, past def. 3 sing., he rolled about. 119-4. na ya nil wes dil lai, past def. 3 plu., they took the bet. 142-17. na ya tes iin Ox, pres. def. 3 sing., she looked. 300-17. na l, pres. 3 sing., which live. 100-7. na na is ya e x6 lan, pres. def. 3 sing., she could walk. 276-11. na na is ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he went back over. 117-6. na na is dit tse, past def. 3 sing., he turned around. 314-6. na na sifi ya te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will be. 353-8. na nas deL te, fut. def. 3a plu., they will become. 228-2. na na kis wel, past def. 3 sing., he arranged again. 106-7. na na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt around. 106-5. na na kis le hit, pres. 3 sing., when he had felt. 106-6. na ne sin dai, past def. 2 sing., you sat down. 351-1. na nes dai, past def. 3 sing., she sat down. 136-2. na nes da x6 liuni, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 270-10. na niu wes a, past def. 3 sing., ridge ran across. 363-14. na xo tes an, past def. 3 dual, they ran around. 341-4. na sini ya te., fut. def. 2 sing., you will travel. 356-2. nas ya yei, past def. 3a sing., it commenced to walk. 136-9. nas deL, past def. 3a dual, they began to walk. 180-16. nas deL te, fut. def. 3a dual, they will stay. 253-4. na tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they started back. 176-17. na tse, pres. 3 sing., it rolling around. 157-4. na kis y6w hwei, past def. 3a sing., it flowed in a circle. 100-11. na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt. 107-15. na kis L6n, past def. 3 sing., she made baskets. 189-5. na kis deL, past def. 3 plu., they came around. 200-2. na kis qot, past def. 3 sing., he pushed a stick. 145-12. na kis q6t te, fut. def. 3 sing., he is going to poke. 192-9. ne e ne se date, fut. def. 1 sing., I will hide from you. 328-6. ne it tetc, cust. 3 dual, they always lay. 333-12. niL te se ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go with you. 187-4. 128 VOL- 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. nin is deL, past def. 3 dual, they danced. 104-14. nin tsis deL, past def. 3 dual, they danced. 215-12. kis date, fut. def. 3a sing., it would melt away. 259-9. hwiL te sifn ya te, fut. def. 2 sing., with me you may go. 187-7. xai x6s ten nei, past def. 3a sing., it took her up. 239-1. xa is yai, past def. 3 sing., he came up. 105-1. xa is ya dini, pres. def. 3 sing., he got up place. 272-2. xa is lai, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 98-16. xa is xiun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she had brought them up. 99-9. xa is ten, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2. xa kis wen, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it. 166-4. xa na is 16s, past def. 3 sing., she dragged it up. 190-2. xa kis wen, past def. 3 sing., he had carried it. 166-4. x6 wfun na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5. X6L ya tes yai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went. 208-15 XOL Xuft tes nan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her. 341-3. XOL xuft tes nfun te, fut. def. 3 sing., it would move in her. 341-2. XOL tes lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-2. XiL tes deL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7. X6L tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., with her he lay. 223-13. xon na is din niiun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned around. 278-12. xotdanawesintcete, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow down. 227-6. xot da na kyui we sin tce te, fut. def. 2 sing., you will blow down. 227-5. xot de is yai, past def. 3 sing., he met him. 105-14. xot de ya is deL, past def. 3 plu., they met them. 110-8. da ne se date, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go fishing. 256-8. da tcin nes dai, past def. 3 sing., she fished. 98-14. da kit di! wes tce, past def. 3 sing., the wind blew. 324-4. d6 he nas deL 0x, past def. 3a plu., they could not walk about. 322-7. d6hekiLtcinnesten, past def. 3 sing., he did not have intercourse. 104-7. 129 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETE. do tcit tes ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he did not feel like going on. 281-3. tayaishwal, past def. 3 plu., they caught. 328-4. ta na is tan, past def. 3 sing., she took it out of the water. 325-4. ta nai kyul we sin tee te, fut. def. 2 sing., blow out to sea with you. 228-5. ta des la, pres. def. 3a sing., it has come. 199-3. ta des lat, past def. 3 sing., it came. 105-2. ta des deL xs lunii, pres. def. 3a plu., they had come ashore. 101-2. ta tcis wen, past def. 3 sing., he carried out. 120-10. te se yai, past def. 1 sing., I went away. 353-6. te se ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going away. 229-9. te se late, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to take them. 253-15. te se tewit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to measure. 116-12. tes la, pres. def. 3 sing., he is drowning. 210-11. tes lat dei, past def. 3a sing., it floated. 244-15. tes deL ei, past def. 3a plu., they flew away. 159-12. tes deL te, fut. def. 3a plu., they will come. 252-3. ts yn te il dil, cust. 3 plu., they always ran off. 333-11. tsis loi, past def. 3 sing., he made bundles. 142-3. tein nes dai, past def. 3 sing., he sat down. 96-11. tcin nes date., fut. def. 3 sing., she will sit. 290-14. teis lan, past def. 3 sing., he was born. 96-2. teis len, past def. 3 sing., he became. 106-17. tcis loi, past def. 3 sing., he played. 144-4. teit tes en, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 104-4. tcit tes en ne en, past def. 3 sing., he used to look. 104-8. teit tes iin, pres. def. 3 sing., one doesn't look up. 237-9. teit tes yai, past def. 3 sing., he started. 96-10. tcit tes ya ye xs lan, pres. def. 3 sing., he had traveled he saw. 186-1. tcit tes la, pres. def. 3 sing., he is drowning. 210-11. tcit tes lai, past def. 3 sing., they started by boat. 215-10. tcit tes lai, past def. 3 sing., he drew it. 144-15. 130 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. tcittesxan, past def. 3 sing., he took along. 342-2. teit tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they went. 170-15. tcit tes deL te, fut. def. 3 dual, he was to travel with. 174-9 teit tes trun de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he takes along. 317-13. teit tin diL, pres. 3 plu., they are coming. 198-2. ke is yai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed up. 137-17. ke is ya yei, past def. 3 sing., she climbed up. 137-12. ke is Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8. ke sifi qotc ei, past def. 2 sing., you climbed up the tree. 175-1. kes Lat dei, past def. 3a sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7 kiLne se tin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will have intercourse with a woman. 104-7. kin na is lal, past def. 3 sing., he dreamed. 191-6. kin nauw laL, pres. 1 sing., I dreamed. 191-8. kin ne so yfun te, fut. def. 2 plu., may you grow to be men. 238-13. kis le te, fut. def. 3 sing., they will catch many. 257-10. kyfl wa is tewit, past def. 3 sing., he broke off. 317-6. Conjugation 3B. Tcit tit tiuL, he is stepping along. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. tUW tUL tit dit tII 2. tin tiUL to tiUL 3. tcit tit tUlL ya tit tiUL 3a. yit tit tiUL yai tit tAUL Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xs lifn t-iw till do xs liii tit dit tul 2. tin tul t6 tiul 3. tcit tit t "ul ya tit t ul 3a. yit tit t'ul yai tit t ul 131 1University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Singular. 2. tin tfUL 3. tcit to t'UL 3a. ytttUL Singular. 1. te iiTitul 2. teintful 3. teit te it tul 3a. yit te it t'ul Singular. 1. te se taL 2. te sin taL 3. tcit te taL 3a. yit te taL Singular. 1. tesetaL 2. tesintaL 3. tcit te taL 3a. yit te taL Imperative. Plural. to tiUL ya to tUL yai to tUL Customary. Plural. te it dit tful te o tufl ya te it t -ul yai te it tful Present Definite. Plural. tes dit taL te so taL ya te taL yai te taL Past Definite. Plural. tes dit taL te s6 taL ya te taL yai te taL This form B differs from A, given above, only in the loss of s in the syllable preceding the root. This same prefix te-, denot- ing distribution over space, retains the s in tcit tes yai and tcit tes deL listed above. The reason for its loss in the following verbs is not evident. In some cases, at least, the act is considered as taking place at several separate definite places in succession. ya te it tewfi, cust. 3 plu., they cried along. 179-12. ya te mitc, past def. 3 plu., they pulled off. 179-10. ya te xan, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 109-16. ye x6 yun x ilun, pres. def. 3 plu., they had eaten. 100-17. yexotaan, past def. 3 plu., they ran in. 238-9. ye tcit te deL, past def. 3 dual, they went into. 142-9. 132 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. me sit te deL, past def. 3 plu., they went along up. 198-13. na dit te meL, past def. 3a plu., they fell. 245-11. na te 16s, past def. 3 sing., she dragged back. 190-1. na te tse, past def. 3 sing., he opened the door. 118-2, 158-9 na kit te it Low, cust. 3 sing., she always made baskets. 157-3. na kit te Lftn, past def. 3 sing., she wove another round. 305-7. n6 ya te meL, past def. 3 plu., they dropped them along. 179-11. xa te mas, past def. 3 sing., it rolled out of the ground. 270-5. x6 wa ya te lai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8. da n6 te deL te, fut. def. 3 plu., everybody will fish. 256-9. te se tewit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to measure it. 116-12. tce te deL, past def. 3 plu., they went out. 141-5. tee te xan, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 111-5. tcin te en, past def. 3 sing., he looked. 165-19. tein tel lai, past def. 3 plu., they brought. 230-15. tcin te deL, past def. 3 plu., they got there. 138-5. tcit te it tewil, cust. 3 sing., he always cried. 186-8. tcit te yos, past def. 3 sing., she stretched it. 158-13. tcit te teen, past def. 3 sing., he looked around. 109-12. tcit te te wen, past def. 3 sing., she waved. 242-12. teit te te lai, past def. 3 sing., she rubbed. 307-3. tcit te te tewit, past def. 3 sing., he completed the ineas- ure. 226-4. tcit te te meL, past def. 3 sing., he scattered theni 101-3. tcit te tot, past def. 3 sing., he drank. 112-15. tcittetcit, past def. 3 sing., he was almost dead. 111-16. teit te tewai, past def. 3 sing., she buried in several places. 192-12. tcit te tewit, past def. 3 sing., he measured it. 116-13. tc6 ya te xait, past def. 3 plu., they began to buy. 200-8. ke it L, cust. 3 sing., she used to make baskets. 189-1. kit tea kfutc., past def. 3 sing., they began to play. 142-16. kit te e au, cust. 3 sing., he sang along. 315-5. 133 1University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETr. kit te it LaW, cust. 3 sing., one who always made baskets. 324-5. kit te yan nei, past def. 3 sing., they fed about. 98-4. kit te y6w, past def. 3 sing., it flowed out. 100-11. kitte hwe, past def. 3 sing., he began to dig. 100-8. kittehwil, past def. 3 sing., he called along. 98-4. kit te sini kuftc teL, fut. def. 2 sing., you will play shinny. 142-12. kit te tats, past def. 3 sing., he cut them. 101-1. kit te te lai, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed. 347-14. kit ti yauw, past def. 3 sing., they came out. 98-3. Conjugation 4. Tcit tcit, he is dying. Singular. 1. iutw tcit 2. intcit 3. tcit tcit 3a. tcit (yit tcit) Singular. 1. do 2x0 Ii n iuffw tcit 2. in tcit 3. tcit tcit 3a. yit tcit Singular. 2. intcit 3. tcotcit 3a. otcit Singular. 1. e iiw teit 2. e in tcit 3. tce it tcit 3a. ye it tcit Present. Plural. it dit tcit o tcit ya tcit yai tcit Impotential. Plural. do x6 liin it dit tcit o tcit ya tcit yai tcit Imperative. Plural. i tcit ya tco tcit ya o tcit Customary. Plural. e it dit tcit e 6 tcit ya it tcit yai it teit 134 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Ilupa Language. Past. The past is identical in form with the present given above. Na a, he has it. Singular. 1. nauwa 2. nuin a 3. naa 3a. naia 1. 2. 3. Singular. d6 x6 lii nauw ai nun ai na ai 3a. With a prefix. Present. Plural. na da a na a na ya a na yai a Impotential. Plural. do x6 lin nai ai Singular. 2. nfuna 3. na tco a 3a. nayoa na da ai na ai na ya ai na yai ai Imperative. Plural. na a na ya tco a na ya yo a Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. na ilw a na it da a 2. naifna naoa 3. naaa nayaaa 3a. nai a a na yai a a Past. Singular. Plural. 1. nauw ai na da ai 2. nun ai na ai 3. na ai na ya ai 3a. nai ai na yai ai Verbs of this conjugation differ from those in the preceding conjugations in that they have no definite tenses. They do have a past tense which differs from the present only in the form of 135 1University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. the root. As will be seen from the preceding examples, the signs of person and number are the same as for the other conjugations, and the same contractions occur with the prefixes. a en nui, cust. 3a sing., it does it. 275-5. ai ye tcis lin x6 lan, pres. 3 sing., he was tired. 346-9. ai late, fut. 3a sing., they will catch. 253-10. a in niu, past 3 sing., he did. 288-9. a in nu miL, past 3 sing., when the sun was there. 332-4. a in te, past 3 sing., how he appeared. 209-5. ai xoi il le, cust. 3 sing., they do with him. 196-7. a it yau xs lfu ni, past 3 sing., tired he was. 346-10. a it ya de, pres. 3 sing., if he does. 348-7. ai kit iii xs sin, pres. 3a sing., (bears) did that. 223-4. ai kyuuw en, fut. 1 sing., I will do. 230-1 6. auw law, past 1 sing., I have done. 260-3, 302-10. auw late, fut. 1 sing., what shall I do with it? 293-8. auw dl ya, pres. 1 sing., I might manage it. 101-11. auw dl yau, past 1 sing., I did. 325-17. auw dl ya te, fut. 1 sing., (what) am I going to do. 257-14 auw tin ne en, pres. 1 sing., I used to do. 341-7. a ya in nil, cust. 3 plu., they used to have sports. 305-2. a ya ten, past 3 plu., they did. 305-5. a ya tin ne en, pres. 3 plu., they used to do that. 306-1. a ya teil lau, past 3 plu., they fixed. 172-4. a late, fut. 2 plu., are you going to do. 102-15. a le ne, imp. 2 plu., you must do it. 100-18, 101-3. a nai dl yau, past 1 plu., we do this. 361-9. a nauw la te, fut. 1 sing., I was intending to do. 260-3. a nauw dl yau, past 1 sing., I did it. 282-5. 325-12. a na ya dil lau, past 3 plu., they fixed themselves. 170-1. a na dl yau, past 3a sing., it did that. 244-11. a na dil lau, past 3 sing., he made himself. 152-11. a na dil le, imp. 2 sing., plu., fix yourself. 170-1. a na dit ten, past 1 dual, we did. 217-7. a nateil lau, past 3 sing., he did. 106-8. anateillate, fut. 3 sing., he will do. 258-4. a nun dl yau, past 2 sing., you did that way. 275-1, 326-6. a hw6 la, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12. 136 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. a xo la de, pres. 3a sing., if it happens. 308-1, 5. a xo dil la, pres. 1 plu., we could do with him. 116-16. a di ya, pres. 3a sing., it has happened. 361-6. a di yau wei, past 3a sing., something is coming. 104-14. a di ya te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 260-18. a di ya teL, fut. 3a sing., it would do. 234-11. a ten, past 3 sing., he did it. 98-9. a ten, past 3a sing., it did it. 120-9. a tin wes te, pres. 3a sing., it had done. 325-10. a tin te, fut. 3 sing., (Indians) will do. 215-9. a teil lau, past 3 sing., he did it. 112-5. a kil lau, past 3 sing., they did. 266-13, 322-1. a kyo le, imp. 2 plu., you do. 198-2. e e a, cust. 3a sing., it always lay. 292-2. e il lu cust. 3a sing., (in composition). 223-14, 248-1. iiuw tcit te, fut. 1 sing., I will die. 346-13. il le ne, imp. 2 sing., become. 109-6. iii hwiL, imp. 2 sing., you call. 355-6. 5 le, imp. 2 plu., become. 110-7. le, imp. 3 sing., let it become. 340-8, 362-7. Sle ne, imp. 2 plu., become. 109-18. ful le, imp. 2 sing., take it over. 220-13. ul le ne, imp. 2 sing., do it. 176-7. un di yau, past 2 sing., you did. 257-8, 337-9. un di ya te, fut. 2 sing., will you do. 266-4. un te, pres. 3a sing., there is. 209-15. un te, pres. 3 sing., used to be seen. 235-18. yan a, pres. 3 sing., he sitting. 110-14. yan ai, past 3 sing., they were sitting. 329-3. ya sil lai, past 3 plu., they were there. 180-3. mal yeulw ai il lu, cust. 3a sing., she took care of it. 136-7. mal yeulw a teil lau, past 3 sing., she took care of it. 157-6. me sa lun, pres. 3a sing., was in it. 243-15. nani a ei, past 3a sing., it hangs there. 295-3. nafn ya, pres. 3a sing., it rains. 229-3. nafn yai, past 3a sing., it rained. 144-5. nani xa, pres. 3a sing., it has come to be. 310-1. na sa an, past 3a sing., it was. 360-8. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 10. 137 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. na sa un te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 226-9. na dil le, pres. 3 sing., they are. 211-13. na dil le ne, imp. 2 plu., you may become. 166-12. na dil le te, fut. 3 sing., they will become again. 116-12. na dil le te, fut. 3 sing., it was going to happen. 117-5. na dilii, past (fut.) 3 sing., it will be. 243-2. niai eL, pres. 3a plu., that is. 228-2. xa ai lau, past 3a sing., it broke. 290-1. xa a in nil, cust. 3 sing., he always did that. 139-9. xa a in nil, cust. 3a sing., that happened. 340-5. xa a it yau, past 3 sing., he did that. 98-8. xa a it ya x6 Ian, pres. 3 sing., the same he found he was. 346-7. xa auw di ya te, fut. 1 sing., I am going to do what. 202-8. xa a na it yau, past 3 sing., he did that way. 255-9. xa a na tcil lau, past 3 sing., that he did. 260-9. xa a xo lau, past 3a sing., he did the same thing.' 278-12. xa a x6 le ne, pres. 3a sing., he should do that.' 163-2. xa a di yau, past 3a sing., it acted the same way. 244-14. xa a di ya teL, fut. 3a sing., that way it will be. 341-16. xa a tin wes te, pres. 3a sing., the same thing it always did. 325-1. xa a tin win te, pres. 3 sing., she always did that. 136-14. xa a tin te, fut. 3a sing., that way will do it. 229-8. xa a teil lau, past 3 sing., same thing he did. 211-1. xa a tcit yau, past 3 sing., that he did. 280-12. xa ul le, imp. 2 sing., do that. 165-19. xa di ya te, fut. 3a sing., it will do that. 254-10. x6 lifi, absolute form, (I wish) it was. 340-7. Xs Iun, absolute form, he found. 361-16. x liun teL, absolute fut., he will be the one. 209-12. xs tein na sil lai, past. 3a plu., she was dressed in. 164-9. xs tcin sil la ne en, pres. 3a plu., on her used to be. 153-4. xwa e il le, cust. 3a sing., he had enough. 332-6. sa un, pres. 3a sing., standing. 110-13. sa un te, fut. 3a sing., it will be. 226-10. 1These two verbs were probably inexactly translated in Hupa Texts. They are evidently impersonal, "it happened" and "it should be done." 138 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the IHupa Language. sa an ne, pres. 3a sing., (house) standing.1 164-15. sa xan ne, past 3a sing., in the distance was. 112-13. sil len, past. 3a sing., it seemed. 246-2. sil lin te, fut. 3a sing., that is going to be. 287-5. sit da, pres. 3a sing., (he saw several boys) sitting there. 164-16. sit dai, past 3a sing., (two) lived there. 278-1. sit ten, past 3a sing., she was lying. 145-8. sit tetc lx, pres. 3a plu. (dual), they lay there. 322-6. sit tini, pres. 3a sing., she was lying. 117-2. sux xunf, pres. 3a sing., lying in a basket. 171-7. da xo a di ya xo lan, past 3a sing., he was dead they found out. 175-11. da xo a ten, past 3 sing., who die. 346-4. da x6 luii a di ya te, fut. 3a sing., they will die. 217-16. da xs ui a teit yau, past 3 sing., that he was dead. 226-5. da xwed uni ufl lau, past 2 sing., what are you doing. 163-3. da xwed dali a di yau, past 3a sing., what is it going to do. 270-6. da xwed din na auw tin, pres. 1 sing., what am I doing. 163-4. da sit tan, past 3a sing., it was sitting there. 246-10. da sit tuni, pres. 3a sing., there it sits. 246-9. da sit ten, past 3a sing., it was lying. 114-16. d me sa fun, pres. 3a sing., nothing was in it. 243-9. do he teit teit, past 3 sing., he did not die. 164-1. do xa auw ten, past 1 sing., I never do that. 109-4. d6 xa ufn di yau, past 2 sing., you don't do that. 343-13. do x6 len, absolute, (eyes) were lacking. 106-6. do xo lifi, absolute, (sweathouse wood) is gone. 141-8. do xo liin it dau, impot. 3a sing., they won't melt away. 254-7. do xo liin nin xa ten tcil lI, impot. 3 sing., it won't be rich man he will become. 338-7. do xo lifi se dai, impot. 1 sing., I can't stay. 360-11. 'The situation of this form in the sentence after nfi kya requires the present. The vowel of the root (second syllable) is that of the past be- cause of the following ne, which indicates the house is in sight. 139 140 l University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. do xs lifn da xs a ten, impot. 3 sing., they won't die. 253-7. do x6s le, absolute, there were none. 96-7, 98-7, 322-5. duiw di ya, pres. 1 sing., I am in the condition. 355-10. teil le, pres. 3 sing., (I wish) would be. 340-10. tcit dei, past 3a sing., it died. 266-8. tcit teit x6 lan, pres. 3 sing., he died. 347-3. tcit tcit dei, past 3 sing., he died. 164-4. CLASS II. Conjugation 1A. Ye tciL da, he is carrying in a large object. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. ye iiw da ye it dil da 2. yeiLda yeoLda 3. ye tCiL da ye ya iL da 3a. ye yiL da ye yai iL da S Singular. 1. di xs lifi ye lUw da 2. ye iL da 3. ye tCiL da 3a. ye yiL da Singular. 2. yeiLda 3. ye tc6L da 3a. yey5Lda Singular. 1. ye e ifiw da 2. yeeiLda 3. ye tce iL da 3a. yeyeiLda Impotential. Plural. do x6 lifn ye it dil da ye oL da ye ya iL da ye yai iL da Imperative. Plural. ye oL da ye ya tcoL da ye yai yoL da Customary. Plural. ye e it dil da ye e oL da ye ya iL da ye yai iL da VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. ye weL da ye wit dil da 2. ye WiL da ye WOL da 3. ye tcu WiL da ye ya WiL da 3a. ye yut WiL da ye yai WiL da Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. ye weL da ye wit dil da 2. ye WiL da ye WOL da 3. ye tCUi WiL da ye ya WiL da 3a. ye yu WiL da ye yai WiL da Class II differs from Class I, in form, in having the sound L as the final sound of the syllable immediately preceding the root. Some changes in the signs of the persons and numbers are occa- sioned by this invasion. Indefinite Tenses. It seems probable that L cannot stand after the sound w of the first person singular, therefore the form is the same as in Class I. In the first person plural of all the conjugations of this class, Lt apparently becomes voiced and appears as 1. The disappearance, in the second person singular, of n is probably due to L being added to the syllable. That -n norm- ally belongs here, as well as in all other second person singulars, is shown by its presence in Tolowa, where the syllable appears as -gUfnL-, g and u, respectively, being the equivalents of Hupa w and i. The second person plural adds L without any other change. In the third person singular L unites with the weak vowel of the sign, forming tCiL- and yiL-, respectively. In accordance with the genius of the Hupa language, in the third person plural, L, not finding available support, has formed a new syllable, with the aid of i. Definite Tenses. The introduction of L furnishes but little difficulty. It appears in these tenses in the first person singular as well as else- where. In the third person singular and plural it completes the syllable of which the conjugation sign w is the beginning. The 141 142 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. question arises, whether, if the L displaces the n in the second person singular, as has been mentioned above, it has not in the third person forced out the n which appears in Class I. The Tolowa, which always has -gufnL- in the second person singular, has sometimes -gUL- and sometimes -gufnL- in the third person. yeyu wiLkitdete, fut. def. 3a sing., it will go there. 301-9. ye tce iL kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw in. 288-7. ye tcu wiL da, past def. 3 sing., she carried in. 191-13. ye tcu wiL taL ei, past def. 3 sing., they landed. 362-5. ye tcu WiL ten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 289-17. ye tcu wiL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he took him in. 222-8. ye tcu WiL tin de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they will take them in. 302-7. ye tcu WiL to, past def. 3 sing., he slipped them. 329-1. yin ne tcul WiL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., he put him in the ground. 215-3. yin ne tCi WiL tinf, pres. def. 3 sing., in the ground they have put. 221-3. YO OL tuw, imp. 2 plu., put in. 362-6. w6I dintani, fut. def. 2 plu., you will get used to it. 180-9. do teu WiL den, past def. 3 sing., he got lonesome. 220-4, 306-10. te weL qotc te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will throw in. 112-4. te WiL auw hwil, past def. 3a sing., it crawls. 311-4. tCu wiL tel, past def. 3 sing., he was bringing. 329-6. teu wiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 152-9. tcel WiL kil, past def. 3 sing., he split with his hands. 210-1 tCeu WiL kyos il, past def. 3 sing., he taking it along. 208-9. Conjugation 1B. Me kiL te, he is singing. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. me kyfw te me kit dil te 2. me kiL te me ky6L te 3. me kiL te me ya kiL te 3a. mi kiL te me yai kiL te VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Singular. 1. do xo lifn me kyuiw t 2. me kiL tul 3. mekiLtu 3a. ml kiL til Singular. 2. mekiLte 3. me kyoL te 3a. ml kyoL te Singular. 1. me ke iiiw t 2. mekeiLtt 3. me ke iL tu 3a. mike iLtt Singular. 1. mekeLte 2. me kyfi WiL te 3. me kyu WiL te 3a. mi kyf WiL te Singular. 1. me keL tt 2. me kyu WiL tu 3. me ky WiL til 3a. mi kyl WiL ti Impotential. Plural. au do x 1ifn me kit dil tu me ky6L tu me ya kiL tu me yai kiL tu Imperative. Plural. me ky6L te me ya ky6L te me yai ky6L te Customary. Plural. me ke it dil tuf me kyo OL tu me ya ke iL tu me yai ke iL tUl Present Definite. Plural. me kyul wit dil te me kyu WOL te me ya kyu WiL te me yai kyiu WiL te Past Definite. Plural. me kyu wit dil tu mekyiiw6Lti1 me ya kyu WiL tU me yai kyu WiL tu a na dit dfiwiLkan, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out one side. 108-15. ya na kyu WiL tsil liL te, fut. def. 3 plu., they may split. 109-8. ya kiL tsis, pres. 3 sing., he made it sprinkle. 338-2. ye nawiLmen, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-2. wftn diwiL tCeft, past def. 3 sing., he took. 96-12. me ya kyu wiL tel, pres. def. 3 plu., they sang. 234-1. 143 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. me na kyui WiL til, past def. 3 sing., he sang again. 238-15. me d-i WiL a, past def. 3 sing., she put the ends in the fire. 242-11. meky-dwiLtel, pres. def. 3 sing., that singing. 235-4. me kyu WiLtuP, past def. 3 sing., he sang. 234-6. na a diTi witL, imp. 2 sing., hurry. 354-3. nai xon nui WiL hv6n, past def. 3a sing., it cured him. 121-13. na na kin nil WiT a, past def. 3 sing., he made a ridge. 104-3 na xo Wii me, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12. na x6 WiL tfun te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be wet. 273-6. na xo WiL tsai ei, past def. 3a sing., it was dried up. 111-14 na X6L tun, imp. 3a sing., let it get soft. 233-6. na do wet din tse, pres. 1 sing., I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2. nin kyil WiL aL, past def. 3 sing., he cut it. 266-10. XI Wil tsai ye de, pres. def. 3 sing., until it becomes dry. 255-7. XO WiL tsai ye te, fut. def. 3a sing., it becomes shallow. 259-16. X6 WiL teweL te, fut. 3 sing., he fixes the place. XoL yai din ne wiL a, past def. 3a plu., they learned (how to shoot). 180-13. danadiLa, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 329-11. danad6L.a, imp. 3 sing., he can shoot. 145-1. danaduiwiLa, past def. 3 sing., he set another on it. 197-4. da na di WiL a, past def. 3 sing., he shot. 329-12. dana dii wiL a ei, past def. 3 sing., he hit. 145-2. da tcit dii wiL ky6s, past def. 3 sing., he has taken away. 207-11. de de iL kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13. do he X6L din nii WiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know how. 175-4. tcit de iL ne, cust. 3 sing., he played on it. 99-12. tcit di! WiL waL ei, past def. 3 sing., she knocked off. 159-11. 144 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. teit diiWiLwis, past def. 3 sing., he rolled it between his hands. 197-4. teit dui WiL tseL, past def. 3 sing., he pounded it off. 281-16. tco6xWiLtCwelliLte, fut. def. 3 sing., he will fix the dance place. 211-16. tc5 di! WiL URt, past def. 3 sing., she asked them. 301-17. ky6dfiwiLts6tstse, past def. 3 sing., a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. kyo diL tsots ne, imp. 2 sing., mnake a kissing noise. 111-7. Conjugation lc. Ya iL WUT,, he threw into the air. Singular. 1. yauw wUL 2. yuL W UL 3. ya iL WUL 3a. yaiLwfUL Singular. 1. do x liii yauw wu"] 2. yuL wiul 3. yaiL wil 3a. yaiLLwul Singular. 2. yuL WUL 3. ya tCoL WAUL 3a. yaioLwWUL Singular. 1. ya iiiv wil 2. yaiLwiul 3. yaiL wil 3a. yaiiLw ul Present Indefinite. Plural. ya dil wUL yaL WUL ya ya iL W UL ya yait WUL Impotential. Plural. do x6 linf ya dil wul yaL wul ya ya iL wul ya yaiL wulU Imperative. Plural. yaL WUL ya ya tCoL WiUL ya yai OL WUL Customary. Plural. ya it dil wiul ya OL w lU ya ya iL wul ya yai iL wful 145 1University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yaiL waL ya wit dil waL 2. yaL waL ya WoL waL 3. yaWiL waL ya yaWiLwaL 3a. yai WiL waL ya yai WiL waL Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yaiL waL ya wit dil waL 2. yaL waL ya WOL waL 3. ya WiL waL ya ya WiL waL 3a. yai WiL waL ya yai WiL waL ya iL wful, cust. 3 sing., he always clubs them. 196-1. yauw tilw, pres. 1 sing., let me pick it up. 286-11. yawiLwaL,- past def. 3 sing., he threw. 362-8. ya WiL ten nei, past def. 3 sing., she picked up. 287-3. ya WiL kas, past def. 3 sing., he threw up. 96-3. ya WiL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he picked up. 293-6. ya nauw tulw, pres. 1 sing., I will pick up. 286-9. ye na Wi ten, past def. 3 sing., she put it in. 136-5. ye nawiLkait, past def. 3 sing., she landed. 135-12. wai iL tiuw, cust. 3 sing., he always gave. 136-12. Le nai wiL dil la din-, pres. def. 3a sing., build a fire place 351-5. me na WiL na ei, past def. 3 sing., he steamed them. 342-12. me na WiL kyo, past def. 3 sing., she was that big. 341-4. nai WiL xaL te, fut. def. 3a sing., night will pass. 242-17. na na WiL kyos, past def. 3 sing., he took it down. 204-4. no nawiLdits tse, past def. 3 sing., he had a door shut. 97-2. hw6 iLkas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10. xa na WiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he dug it out. 221-10. xe e iL y6l, cust. 3 sing., he blows away. 296-15. xe ewiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., she threw away. 189-11. xe e naiL kis, cust. 3 sing., she pushed it away. 185-3. xot da iL kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw down. 138-8. da nai wih kil liL te, fut. def. 3a sing., fog will stay. 273-2. 146 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. dje WiL tseL, past def. 3 sing., he pounded it. 108-11. dje WiL kil, past def. 3 sing., he tore away. 176-9. djenawiLt-tw, past def. 3 sing., he opened it. 109-2. taWiLkait, past def. 3 sing., he started across. 315-1. tewin daiWiLten, past def. 3a sing., he spoiled. 221-13. tewin da WiL ten, past def. 3 sing., he spoiled. 222-5. ke yawiLna, past def. 3 plu., they cooked. 266-10. ke WiL na, past def. 3 sing., she cooked them. 99-9. keWiLtan, past def. 3 sing., he put (pitch). 150-12. ke na WiL na, past def. 3 sing., he cooked it. 260-6. kyul wa na iL tuw, cust. 3 sing., he who gives back. 241-4. kit ta yawiL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they soaked the meal. 180-4. Conjugation 1D. Ye kiL wis, he is boring a hole. Present Definite. Singular. 1. yekyulwwis 2. ye kiL wis 3. ye kiL wis 3a. ye yi kiL wis Plural. ye kit dil wis ye ky6L wis ye ya kiL WiS ye yai kiL WiS Impotential. 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. do x6 lifi ye kyuiw wis ye kiL WiS ye kiL wis ye yi kiL WiS Singular. 2. ye kiL wis 3. yeky6Lwis 3a. ye yi ky6L wis Plural. do xo lini ye kit dil wis ye ky6L wis ye ya kiL WiS ye yai kiL WiS Imperative. Plural. ye ky6L WiS ye ya ky.L WiS ye yai ky.L WiS 147 48niversity of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Singular. 1. ye ke iiiw wis 2. ye keiL wis 3. ye keiL wis 3a. ye yi ke iL WiS Singular. 1. ye keL wis 2. ye kyu WiL wis 3. ye kiL wis 3a. ye yi kiL wis Singular. 1. ye keL wis 2. ye kyiuWiL WiS 3. ye kiL wis 3a. ye yi kiL WiS Customary. Plural. ye ke it dil wis ye ke OL WiS ye ya ke iL WiS ye yai ke iL WiS Present Definite. Plural. ye kyui wit dil wis ye kyii WOL WiS ye ya kiL wis ye yai kiL WiS Past Definite. Plural. ye kyui wit dil wis ye kyui WOL WiS ye ya kiL wis ye yai kiL WiS a diL ya kiL qotc, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with it. 202-3. a diL ya kiL qotc hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he threw himself with it. 202-7. a diL no ke iL qow, cust. 3 sing., he used to throw to with himself. 202-4. ya XOL ten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4. ye na X6L waL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13. ye kiL wis, past def. 3 sing., he bored a hole. 197-3. ye kiL taL, past def. 3 dual, they began to dance. 179-2. ye kiL tseL, past def. 3 sing., she passed the water in. 111-9. yin ne ya X6L taL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he tramped them. 361-10. ma kiL kit, past def. 3 sing., she fed the little one. 192-1. ma kyiuw kit, pres. 1 sing., I better feed them. 192-1. miL xot da kiL waL, past def. 3 sing., with she dropped down. 189-11. min noi kiL dik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked open. 113-15. 148 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the IHupa Language. na a diL WU^L, imp. 2 sing., hurry. 354-3. nai xoi iL tau, cust. 3a sing., it flew around her. 338-8. na yai Xoi iL tcw6 ig, cust. 3a plu., they brush him to- gether. 196-3. na deLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 114-5. nm yfun kiL 'UL, pres. def. 3 plu., they were cutting. 101-2. no na XL tuw, past def. 3 sing., he had her laid. 342-8. hw6iLkas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10. xa na xSiL tUV, cust. 3 sing., she kept lifting him out. 223-15. xot da na ya XoL xa, past def. 3 plu., down they tracked him. 1 70-3. xwa ya kiL kit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11. danaXtLten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1. da na deL waIb, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17. da kiLkis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 140-3. de xot diL waL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him in the fire. 120-8. de de iL kas, cust. 3 sing., he threw into the fire. 238-13. do na ya X5L tsit, past def. 3 plu., they did not know him. 166-15. db kiL tCwit, pres. 3 sing., no one ever pushes it. 106-12. te kiL qotc, past def. 3. sing., he threw it in. 112-6. kiL t-uw hwa funl, pres. 2 sing. (interrogative) you are splitting? 108-7. kiL tflw tse, pres. def. 3 sing., someone splitting logs. 108-5 kiL tewit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14. kyulw tewit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. Conjugation 2. Me it Xe, he is finishing. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. mfiw xe me dil xe 2. miL xe meL xe 3. meiLXe meyaiLxe 3a. ml iL xe me yaiLxe 149 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. do xo liin miiw xfi mitL Xi me iL xii ml iLt Xl Singular. 2. miLxe 3. me tc6L xe 3a. me ytL xe Singular. 1. me iiw xi 2. meiLtXi 3. meiLxii 3a. ml iL Xi Singular. 1. me neLxe 2. me niL Xe 3. me niL xe 3a. ml niL xe Impotential. Plural. do o liin me dil x-i meL Xu me yaiLt Xii me yaiL Xii Imperative. Plural. meL xe me ya tCoL Xe me ya yot xe Customary. Plural. me it dil xii meOL Xtx me yaiL xii me yai iL xu Present Definite. Plural. min dil xe me noL xe me ya nit xe me yai niL xe Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. me neL xe min dil xe 2. me niL xe me ntL xe 3. me nixL e me ya niL xe 3a. ml niL xe me yai niL xe aLmenaaniLtewit, past def. 3 sing., with it she pushed herself. 135-11. iLkainitLtewit, past def. 3 sing., he pressed down on it. 143-2. yaniLkaitdei, past def. 3 plu., they got there. 159-15. wunn6Lkai, imp. 2 sing., shoot. 144-14. wun n6neL kai te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will shoot. 144-16. 150 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hu-pa Language. wun no xon nil tin te, fut. def. 3 sing., he is going to get him to do. 141-13. Le na niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he carried it all around. 282-10. Le kin niL yets te, fut. def. 3 sing., to tie together. 151-10. me na niL tewit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-13. me neL xe teL, fut. def. 1 sing., I am finishing it. 261-3. me niL xe, past def. 3 sing., he finished it. 296-8. me niL tewit, past def. 3 sing., he pushed it. 106-2. me X6 niL tewit, past def. 3a sing., something pushed him. 109-13. me tee ya niL to, past def. 3 plu., they skinned him. 328-5. miL Xoi niL xe, past def. 3a sing., it went on him. 308-8. miL tewit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 105-18. na na ya xon niL xa ei, past def. 3 plu., they found his tracks. 170-4. na niL deL, past def. 3 sing., he struck. 120-4. na niL kis, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-1. niLkainaiLtewit, past def. 3 sing., toward the ground he pressed. 210-17. noi iL kit, cust. 3a sing., spread out. 321-7. no iL xuts, past def. 3 sing., he chewed off. 288-5. noiniLkit, past def. 3a sing., smoke stayed in one place. 220-3. noiniLkitnewan, pres. 3a sing., like fog it appeared. 210-10. noi xwe iL LU, cust. 3a sing., they throw down. 195-11. n6 ya xon niL ten, past def. 3 plu., they left him. 169-7. no na iL kyos, cust. 3 sing., she put away. 333-7. n6 nai niL kit, past def. 3a sing., it settled. 96-3. no na niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 221-11. no na xon niL tin ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he caught up with him. 176-11. no na kin niL kis, past def. 3 sing., he put his hand. 221-4. no niL tin din, pres. def. 3 sing., he put it place. 266-9. no niL kait, past def. 3 sing., he pushed them. 139-13. no niL kas, past def. 3 sing., he threw. 185-8. no niL ky6s, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 208-10. 151 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. nu wa me neL tewit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-6. hwulwamiLtewit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7. xoi kya niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took it from him. 222-7. x6 wa me neL tewit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I would loan him. 356-17. XOL tee ni tsit, past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it. 108-1. d6 wfun n6 iL kait, cust. 3 sing., he did not shoot. 144-13. do ma a din iL tewit, cust. 3 sing., she did not move. 341-1. d6 ma a din nit tewit, past def. 3 sing., she could not walk. 276-3. do no niL tin te sil len, fut. def. 3 sing., he did not want to leave it. 293-8. tee iL to, cust. 3 sing., he pulled out the knot. 332-12. tee na niL kait dei, past def. 3 sing., he poked out. 174-9. teenax6nnetftin, pres. def. 1 sing., I brought it down. 273-7. tee na xon niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 153-7. tee niL men nei, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim out. 265-10. tee niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took out. 282-2. tee niL tik, past def. 3 sing., he pinched out. 143-14. tee niL tsit, past def. 3 sing., he untied the strap. 106-2. tce niL kait, past def. 3 sing., he put out. 153-9. tee xo niL ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4. ke na ne iL a, eust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-1. ke ne iL a, cust. 3 sing., she leaned it up. 290-9. ke niL tewit, past def. 3 sing., he lifted it up. 163-1. kiL tewit, imp. 2 sing., push it. 162-14. kyilw tewit, pres. 1 sing., let me push it. 106-11. Conjugation 3A. NaiL Xut, he is tearing down. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. nauw xfut na dil xfit 2. nfUL xutt naL Xft 3. naiLtxft nayaiL tXt 3a. nai iL Xflt na yai iL xut 152 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hutpa Language. 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. do xo liii nauw x-ft nuL Xut na iL xut nai iL xlt Singular. 2. nfULxXtt 3. na tctL Xft 3a. na 6LxXtt Singular. 1. nailiw xut 2. naiLXfit 3. naiLxfut 3a. naiiLxXft Singular. 1. na seL txt 2. na SiL Xft 3. naisxfUt 3a. nais xftt Singular. 1. na seL Xft 2. nasiLxutt 3. naisxfit 3a. naisxfit Impotential. Plural. do x6 liin na dil xfit naL Xfit na ya iL xft na yai iL Xft Imperative. Plural. naL xut na ya tCoL xfut na yai tL Xfit Customary. Plural. na it dil xfut na 6L xfit na ya iL xfut na yai iL Xfit Present Definite. Plural. nas dil x'ut na SOt Xft na ya is x-ft na yais xftt Past Definite. Plural. nas dil xfit na so xut na ya is xfit na yais xfit The form with L is similar to that of the first and second conjugations. It will be noticed that the L disappears in the third person singular and plural of the definite tenses after s which it would be compelled to follow in the same syllable. a na dis tewen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14. Am. ARCH. ETH. 3, 11. 153 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. a da yis tewin te, fut. def. 3a sing., he makes for himself. 338-6. a dis tewen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6. a dis tewin te, fut. def. 3 sing., he might make. 363-5. iilw tewe, pres. 1 sing., let me make. 278-7. iL tewe, imp. 2 sing., make it. 278-8. yai x6s tewiw, past def. 3 sing., they smelled of him. 165-3 ya na is kil, past def. 3 sing., he split it. 142-3, 210-2. Wuih Lo teis tewen, past def. 3 sing., about it he laughed. 151-15. me na is te ei, past def. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-10. na iL its, pres. 3a sing., it is running around. 294-4. na iL its "x, pres. 3 sing., he ran around. 185-10. na iL te Cx, pres. 3 sing., she carried it. 290-6. na is its, past def. 3 sing., different places she ran. 185-6. na is men nei, past def. 3. sing., he made it swim. 266-1. na is xfut, past def. 3 sing., he tore down. 104-8. na is te, past def. 3 sing., he carried it around. 282-4. na is tewen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 110-12. na is tewen nei, past def. 3 sing., that grew. 287-7. na is tewin teL, fut. def. 3 sing., he will make. 321-11. nauw tewe, pres. 1 sing., I am going to make. 301-1. na yai xoi iL tewe, cust. 3a plu., they make him. 196-3. na ya is xfut, past def. 3 plu., they tore down. 267-8. na ya is tewen, past def. 3 plu., they made. 284-1. na seL tewen, past def. 1 sing., I made. 296-2. na seL tewifi, pres. def. 1 sing., I make. 302-11. na seL tCwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will make it. 257-14. nas its ei, past def. 3a sing., it ran around. 294-3. noi na seL tewin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will bury it. 282-6. hwiL tewe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3. xai x6s ten nei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up. 239-1. xa is ten, past def. 3 sing., she brought up. 99-2. ya is tewen, past def. 3 plu., they made up (a load). 171-17. seL waL te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to shake a stick. 238-7. seL tewifi, pres. def. 1 sing., I will make. 290-8. 154 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. 155 seLtewin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will make it. 152-3. do nais tewini, pres. def. 3a sing., nobody could make. 322-8. ta na is waL ei, past def. 3 sing., he threw it out of the water. 217-17. tanaistennei, past def. 3 sing., he had taken it out. 217-17. tanaix6sd6wei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him all to pieces. 108-2. te SOL tin te, fut. def. 2 plu., you will take. 222-7. tceiLwal, cust. 3 sing., they dance. 239-3. tCiL waL win te, pres. 3 sing., they always dance. 239-2. tcistewen, past def. 3 sing., she did it. 157-10. tcis tewin te, fut. def. 3 sing., to make. 98-1. tco 6xs tewen, past def. 3 sing., he made. 114-8. Conjugation 3B. Tcis siL we, he is killing. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. siuw we sit dil we 2. SiL we SOL we 3. tcis SiL we ya SiL we 3a. yis SiL we yai SiL we Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do xs lifn silw we do xs liin sit dil we 2. SiL we SOL we 3. tciS SiL we ya SiL we 3a. yis SiL we yai SiL we Imperative. Singular. Plural. 2. SiLwe SOLwe 3. tco SOL we ya SOL we 3a. yo SOL we yai SOL we University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Singular. 1. se iiwwe 2. seiLwe 3. tcis se iL we 3a. yis se iL we Singular. 1. seseLwin 2. sesiLwifn 3. tcis seL wiln 3a. yis seL wifn Singular. 1. se seL wen 2. sesiLwen 3. tcis seL wen 3a. yis seL wen Customary. Plural. se it dil we So OL we ye se iL we yai se iL we Present Definite. Plural. ses dil wiji se SoL win ya seL wiin yai seL win Past Definite. Plural. ses dil wen se SOL wen ya seL wen yai seL wen Verbs of this group in the third person singular and plural of the defiite tenses, instead of dropping the class sign L, drop the conjugation sign s. The s which appears in the example above belongs to the prefix. Most of these verbs are similar to those which occur without the s even in the first class where i. would not stand after it. a til teox teL tCwen, past def. 3 sing., he is growing strong. 294-17. ya xo seL Wen, past def. 3 plu., they killed him. 171-12. ya xo SiL we, pres. 3 sing., they might kill him. 278-5. ya xo teL xa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked him. 267-15. ya teL tewen, past def. 3 plu., they grew. 265-1. ya teL kait, past def. 3 plu., they went on. 159-14. ya teL wis, past def. 3 plu., they were afraid (they dodged). 179-10. yetcitteLkait, past def. 3 sing., one after the other he stuck in. 322-2. yis se iL we, cust. 3a sing., he killed. 136-13. 156 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. yis se teL wen nei, past def. 3 sing., he commenced to kill. 136-10. nain teLdik, past def. 3a sing., he pecked. 113-14. nai deLd6, past def. 3 sing., he cut him. 164-3. na ya xo teL xa, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-3. na xs teL tcw6 ig, past def. 3 sing., he swept. 210-12. na deL waL, past def. 3 sing., he put it. 114-5. na dit teLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw them. 109-16, 192-12. na teL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 266-1. na teLdit dauw, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 100-13. na teL dite tewen, past def. 3 sing., he grew. 96-1. na teLdit tewifni x lan, pres. def. 3 sing., he had grown. 120-12. na teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took it along. 282-3. ne se seLwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill you. 151-2. xoi na teLweL, past def. 3 sing., they camped. 116-7. xoi teL weL, past def. 3a sing., they spent the night. 198-12. x6 lOun ne seL win, pres. def. 3a sing., it has worn you out. 105-16. XOL teL tewen, past def. 3a sing., it grew with him. 137-18 xo se seL win te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11, 163-10. xo sulw we, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8. xs dit teL Xftts, past def. 3 sing., she felt it bite. 111-2. se seLwin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill it. 162-7. da na deL waL, past def. 3 sing., he poured it. 281-17. d6 he min teLdauw, past def. 3 sing., he did not run for it. 112-13. do he teL tewen, past def. 3a sing., it had not grown. 96-7. do x6 lin no SiL we, impot. 2 sinlg., you can't kill us. 165-7. teL atc, past def. 3a sing., a pack-train came. 200-1. teL atc ei, past def. 3a sing., they went with a pack-train. 200-9. teL tewen, past def. 3a sing., it grew. 96-3. teL tcwif so lull, pres. def. 3a sing., it had grown. 306-17. teL tewinte, fut. def. 3a sing., when it grows. 267-5. 157 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. te SoL tin te, fut. def. 2 plu., you will take. 222-7. tsis SiL we, pres. 3 sing., he killed one. 319-4. tce xo seL wen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11. teexoteLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17. tee xo teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15. teex xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watching her. 137-10. tee seL wen, past def. 3 sing., he killed it. 136-11. teis se iL we ei, cust. 3 sing., she had killed. 333-5. tcis seL win detc, pres. def. 3 sing., if he kills. 139-5. tcis seL win te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will kill. 311-16. tcis se teL wen e x6 lan, past def. 3 sing., he had killed he saw. 186-7. tCissiLwe, pres. 3 sing., he killed. 106-4. teit teL LU, past def., 3 sing., he rubbed it. 278-10. teit teL men, past def. 3 sing., he made it swim. 265-9. teit teL xa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked it. 185-12. tcit teL dauw, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 152-15. tcitteLtaL, past def. 3 sing., dancing. 362-4. teit teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took along. 152-9. teit teL tewen, past def. 3 sing., one after the other grew. 207-1. tcit teL tewifn hwfu A, pres. def. 3 sing., he may grow. 348-6 teit teL kait, past def. 3 sing., he started in a boat. 104-6. teit teL ky6s, past def. 3 sing., he took it along. 204-6. tcit teL q6l, past def. 3 sing., he crawled. 347-8. tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along. 97-10. kit teL tsas, past def. 3 sing., he whipped. 317-9. kit teL tits, past def. 3 sing., he used for a cane. 317-7, 152-12. kit te seL tsas te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will whip. 317-8. kya teL tewe, pres. def. 3 sing., she heard it cry. 135-9. kya teL tewil we tsui, past def. 3 sing., he heard it cry. 204-9, 281-11. 158 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hutpa Language. Conjugation 4. Na iL tsfifi, he has just found. Singular. 1. nauw tsfun 2. lnULtsSuini 3. naiLtsuiin 3a. naiLtsu'in Singular. 1. do x6 liin 2. 3. 3a. nauw tsis nuL tsis naiL tsis naiL tSiS Singular. 2. uitL tsis 3. na tc6L tsiS 3a. naoLtsis Singular. 1. na iUiw tsis 2. naaiL tsis 3. naiL tSiS 3a. naiiL tsis 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. nauw tsan nuL tsan na iL tsan naiL tsan Present. Plural. na dil tsfuin naL tsfun na yaiLttsufn na yaiL tsuffn Impotential. Plural. do x6 liin na dil tsis naL tsis na ya iL tsis na yaiL tsis Imperative. Plural. naL tsis na ya tCoL tsis na ya OL tsis Customary. Plural. na it dil tsis na OL tSiS na ya iL tSiS na yai iL tSiS Past. Plural. na dil tsan naL tsan na ya iL tsan na yaiL tsan Two roots, possibly related, appear in the example given above. a iL en ka, past 3 sing., the way they do it. 227-2. 159 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. aiL inne.en, pres. 3 sing., they used to chase. 322-5. a iL in te, fut. 3 sing., they will do. 266-13. ai kiL in te, fut. 3 sing., when it happens. 217-6. a de iL kit, past 3 sing., he took with himself. 270-7. a de XOL kit, past 3 sing., she caught against herself. 223-14. a diL kiL, imp. 2 sing., take it with you. 356-16. a do ifiw tsan, past 1 sing., I didn't find it. 243-16. a dilw kit, past 1 sing., to myself I held. 353-6. a kiL en, what they do. 322-1. ifiw tsan, past 1 sing., I found. 286-6. ijiw tsfiii, pres. 1 sing., (I wish) I could see. 336-9. iuw tsfin te, fut. 1 sing., where am I going to find? 244-7. OLtsai ne, imp. 2 plu., dry them. 101-4. ya iL kit te, fut. 3 plu., they were going to catch. 102-2. ya XOL tsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16. yo XOL tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4. ma a kiL en ne en, pres. 3 sing., their doings. 361-11. na iL tsan, past 3 sing., he found signs. 185-11. na iL kit dei, past 3 sing., he caught it. 152-6. nai XOL tsan ne te, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13. na yaX6Ltsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15. na hw6L tsan, past 2 plu., you found me. 230-5. xa ai ya XOL ini Ox, pres. 3a plu., they did that with him. 211-5. xa a iL in te, fut. 3 sing., that will be done. 203-8. xa a ya iL if iX, pres. 3 plu., they did that. 105-10. xa a kiL in te, fut. 3 sing., that way they will do. 211-15. x6w tsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9. xow tsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3. xwa iL kit, past 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11. SiL t ifi eX, pres. 3a sing., it lay. 266-8. siLky6s, pres. 3a sing., it lies. 207-6. do na ya XoL tsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him. 152-6. d6 tciL tsan, past 3 sing., he found nothing. 317-10. d6iLts ute xillfiui, fut. 2 sing., you can't find it any- where. 246-6. 1603 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. d6 ya iL tsan, past 3 plu., they did not see. 98-7. do ya X6L tsan, past 3 sing., he did not see (them). 238-14. do yiL tsis, past 3a sing., it saw (nobody). 117-15, 141-9. do na iL tsan, past 3 sing., she did not find again. 243-16. do na iL tsfun de, pres. 3 sing., they won't find again. 321-10. do na ya IL tsis, past 3 plu., they never saw. 191-5. do na XOL tsfiui "x Xs lun, pres. 2 plu., you won't see him any more. 306-6. do he ya iL kit, past 3 plu., they did not catch. 102-3. d6 he tciL tsan, past 3 sing., nothing he saw. 363-4. do x6 liin teiL tsis, impot. 3 sing., he will not see. 317-13. do xo lin naL tsis, impot. 2 plu., never you will see. 361-11. d6 teiL tsan, past 3 sing., she could not find. 159-4. d6 tCiL tsis, past 3 sing., she did not see. 286-3. d6 tc6 XOL tsis, past 3 sing., he saw no one. 238-8. tceXoLkit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 143-9. tCiL tsan, past 3 sing., she gave birth (found). 189-7. tciL tsan nei, past 3 sing., she saw. 242-4. tciL kit, past 3 sing., he took hold. 106-16. tCe X6L kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2. teu hwiL kin ne en, past 3 sing., he nearly caught me. 176-14. CLASS III. Conjugation 1. Ya de qot, he is dodging. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. yauw de qot ya dufk qot yiin de qot ya de qot 1. ya de qot ya ya de qot ya dfik qot ya ya dfk qot Impotential. Singular. Plural. do xs lini yauw de qot do xs li-n ya dufk qot yuin de qot ya de qot ya de qot ya ya de qot ya dtuk q6t ya ya dfik qot 1 2 3 3a 1 2 3 3a 161 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Singular. 2. yun de qot 3. ya tco de qot 3a. ya o de qot Singular. 1. ya iiw de qot 2. ya in de qot 3. ya it qot 3a. yaitqot 1. 2. 3. 3a. 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. yauw de qot yan de qot ya wit qot yat qot Singular. yauw de qot yan de qot ya wit qot yat q6t Imperative. Plural. ya de qot ya ya tco de qot ya ya o de qot Customary. Plural. ya it de qot ya o de qot ya ya it qot ya ya it qot Present Definite. Plural. ya wit de qot ya wo de qot ya ya wit qot ya yat qot Past Definite. Plural. ya wit de qot ya wo de qot ya ya wit qot ya yat qot The verbs which belong to this class, as has been said above, are of two kinds; those which have roots which do not occur without the preceding dental, which characterizes the class; and those which take the dental because of the preceding prefix na- with the iterative force. The conjugations of this class are peculiar in that they have the sign of the first person singular -uw in the definite tenses instead of e which occurs in these tenses in the preceding classes, and also in the third person of several tenses where the syllable de becomes a t which is appended to the preceding syllable instead of standing alone. The first person plural lacks its characteristic syllable beginning with d. 162 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. in ta na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he turned back. 102-12. in ta na wit ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., he would turn back. 187-4. ya it qot, cust. 3a sing., it always dodged. 286-11. ya wit xufs sil lei, past def. 3a sing., it flew up. 294-15. ya wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-15. ya na it xfus, cust. 3 sing., it kept flying up. 113-1. ya na wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-15. ya nat xftts ei, past def. 3a sing., he flew away. 113-10. ya nat dje u, past def. 3a sing., they came back up. 301-15 yat mil lei, past def. 3a plu., they fell back. 165-11. yat qot, past def. 3a sing., it dodged. 286-10. ye wit dje i, past def. 3 sing., they went in. 299-14. ye wit kait, past def. 3a sing., they went in. 140-1. ye wit kai te, fut. def. 3a sing., a boat will come. 209-3. ye wit kait dinA, past def. 3a sing., the landing place. 140-2 ye wit qot, - past def. 3a sing., it fell. 136-3. ye na it dauw, cust. 3 sing., he went back in. 288-6. ye na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he went in. 98-15. ye na wit ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he went in. 118-6. ye na wit ya te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will go in. 311-15. yi kyui wit ts6s sil, past def. 3a sing., they were sucking. 325-5. y6 di! witXfil liLte, fut. def. 3a sing., they will ask for. 296-3. nai wit i-n il, past def. 3a sing., she looked. 243-5. na 6 dulw de xiit, pres. 1 sing., I ask you for it. 296-10. na ya wit dil, past def. 3 plu., they went along. 172-1. na wit XUs iL, pres. def. 3 sing., he is falling. 152-5. naawit xus sil, pres. def. 3 sing., he flew along back. 204-7. nawitdal, past def. 3 sing., he went. 223-12. na wit dal lit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he was coming along. 100-17. na wit dal hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he came back. 223-7 na wit daL, pres. def. 3 sing., he was coming back. 152-7. na wit qot, past def. 3 sing., he tumbled. 118-17. na na it dauw, cust. 3a sing., it had gone down. 104-10. na na wit yai, past def. 3 sing., he came down. 138-15. 163 4 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. na na wit xuts, past def. 3 sing., he flew back down. 114-2. na na wit diL te, fut. def. 3 plu., people will live again. 236-3. na nat yai, past def. 3a sing., the sun had gone down. 202-9. nin sil wit deL, past def. 3 plu., they danced. 366-1. hwananawitdaLdini, pres. def. 3 sing., in the evening (when the sun had gone down). hwe de ai ye nat yai, past def. 3a sing., my head it came to. 356-15. xa wit q6t, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 329-13. xe e ya xs wit meL, past def. 3 plu., they had thrown away part of themselves. 181-9. XOL teci wit dil, past def. 3 plu., those following him. 208-1 xot da na wit xfuts, past def. 3 sing., he fell back. 152-3. da wit qot tsu, pres. 3a sing., it tumbling about she heard. 136-3. da na di! wit ya yei, past def. 3 sing., it went back. 234-4. da nat la le, pres. def. 3a sing., it floating. 243-13. da nat x-fts tse, past def. 3a sing., it lit on. 204-8. da na kit di! wit tce iL te, fut. def. 3 siIng., the wind will blow gently. 273-1. doyenawityai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come in. 238-12. djetwaL, past def. 3a sing., it opened. 281-17. tai win nfun iL de,' pres. def. 3 sing., if he drinks water. 338-7. tai din nifi, pres. 1 plu., let us drink water. 179-3. tauw din nun te, fut. 1 sing., I am going to have a drink. 111-13. ta win nan,' past def. 3 sing., he drank it. 337-7. ta nai win niin de,' pres. def. 3 sing., if he drinks. 337-16. ta nai win nin te,' fut. def. 3 sing., he will drink. 337-18. tandinnan, past def. 2 sing., you drank. 337-12. tewitqotte, fut. def. 3a sing., in the water it seemed about to tumble. 286-13. 'These words change t to n before the root. 164 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. tcui wit til, past def. 3 sing., she was holding up. 246-12. ke it mil lei, cust. 3 plu., they drop. 180-14. kyiu wit tee il, past def. 3 sing., it blew along. 324-7. Conjugation 2. Na nit auw, he is bringing back. Present Indefinite. Singular. 1. nauw de auw 2. nan de auw 3. nanitauw 3a. nai nit auw Singular. 1. do sx lin 2. 3. 3a. Plural. na ne de auw na no de auw na ya nit auw na yai nit auw Impotential. Plural. nauw de auw do xo lifi na ne de auw nan de auw na no de auw, na nit auw na ya nit auw nai nit auw na yai nit auw Imperative. Singular. 2. nan de auw 3. nanodeauw 3a. nai no de auw 1. 2. 3. 3a. 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. na ne i-lw de auw na ne in de auw na ne it de auw nai ne it de auw Singular. nauw de ufn- nan de 'un- na in de -un nai nin de 'uni Plural. na no de auw na ya no de auw na yai no de auw Customary. Plural. na ne e de auw na no o de auw na ya ne it auw na yai ne it auw Present Definite. Plural. na ne de 'un na no de funi na ya in de fun na yai nin de 'u-n 165 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. nauw dean na ne de an 2. nan de an na no de an 3. na in dean na ya in de an 3a. nai nin de an na yai nin de an That the verbs listed below correspond to those constituting the second conjugation in the first two classes is evident; first from the prefixes which occur with them, second on account of the meaning which indicates the completion of the act, and third from the fact that the n which characterizes the second conju- gation appears in most cases but not in the form and position obtaining in the preceding classes. In the third person of the past definite, for instance, na nin de an, or na nit an, would be the form expected from analogy with conjugation first of this class and the second conjugation of the other classes. That the form na in de an is the one which occurs in all cases seems to be due to some phonetic causes not now apparent. yul w'un dim mil lei, past def. 3a sing., it went through 211-5. wuTn dim mil, pres. 3a sing., it going through. 144-3. wui dim mil lei, past def. 3 sing., it went through. 144-2. Le nai yfun dil la te, fut. def. 1 plu., we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. Le na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he completed the circuit. 220-8. Lenaindlyate, fut. def. 3 sing., he got nearly around. 220-6. Le na it dauw, cust. 3 sing., he used to make rounds. 336-7 Le nauw dil la, pres. 1 sing., I have a fire. 351-6. Le nun du waL, past def. 3a sing., it shut. 108-16. Lin dGk kait de, past def. 3a sing., they slid together. 295-2. me nundi yai, past def. 3a sing., years. 145-7. na in de an, past def. 3 sing., he brought. 365-17. na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he got back. 121-16. na in di ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he came back. 98-6. 166 VoL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. na in di ya di n, pres. def. 3 sing., he got back place. 142-5. na in dik git, past def. 3a sing., they came back. 299-9. nauw di yai, past def. 1 sing., I have come. 145-10. na ne it wulw, cust. 3 sing., he used to carry it back. 237-8. na ne it dauw, cust. 3 sing., he used to come back. 137-1. na ne it git, cust. 3 sing., they came back. 233-5. na no di ya, imp. 3 sing., let it come back. 233-5. na tin di ya ne, imp. 2 sing., go home. 337-18. no na in di tsfl, past def. 3 sing., he rolled. 121-8. no na in duk q6t, past def. 3 sing., he reached by jump- ing. 329-18. nonaitdjeui, cust. 3 sing., they came back. 299-10. no na it tse, cust. 3 sing., she always shut the door. 158-1. no nan dit dje ui, past def. 3 sing., they got back. 301-15. un de xen, past def. 3 sing., they floated to shore. 216-6. non di yan, past def. 3a sing., one was left. 118-11. n6 in di ya te, fut. def. 3a sing., in one place they will stay. 259-17. no nun dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it got back. 246-2. no nun dim mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell back. 151-18. non de mil, past def. 3a sing., it fell. 143-8. non de qot ei, past def. 3a sing., it stopped. 287-2. non dik kil lei, past def. 3 sing., that far he split it. 210-2. nOn di ya te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will come back. 307-9. nun duik q6tc tsu, pres. def. 3a sing., he heard him lope back. 175-9. X6L Le nin dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-5. x6L Le nun dui wab ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it shut. 109-5. XOLme nundillatdi, past def. 3a sing., with him it floated back. 315-6. d6naindiyai, past def. 3 sing., he did not come back. 306-2. tee in de git, past def. 3a sing., they ran down. 153-16. tee na in di yai, past def. 3 sing., he went out. 153-11. tee na in di ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when she went down. 325-8. 167 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tcin dfik kait dei, past def. 3a sing., they came down to. 158-16. tein dfuk qot ei, past def. 3a sing., it tumbled. 135-12. Conjugation 3. Na de qot, he is tumbling about. Singular. 1. nauw de q6t 2. nufn de qot 3. na de qot 3a. na duk qot Singular. 1. do x( lini nauw de 2. nia de q 3. na de qot 3a. nadufkq Singular. 2. nun de qot 3. na tco de qot 3a. na 6 de qot Singular. 1. na iulw de qot 2. na in de qot 3. na it qot 3a. na it qot Singular. 1. nas duk qot 2. na sin de qot 3. naisdeqot 3a. nas dfik qt Present Indefinite. Plural. na dfuk qot na de qot na ya de qot na ya d'uk qot Impotential. Plural. qot do x liin na dfuk qot Lot na de qot na ya de qot Lot na ya dftk qot Imperative. Plural. na de q6t na ya tco de qot na ya o de qot Customary. Plural. na it de qot na o de qot na ya it qot na ya it qot Present Definite. Plural. na se de qot na so de qot na ya is de qot na yas de qot 168 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. nas dfuk qot na se de qot 2. na sin de q6t na so de qot 3. na is de qot na ya is de qot 3a. nas dfuk qot na yas de q6t The noteworthy fact in the preceding paradigm is the lack, in the first person singular of the definite tenses, of either of the usual signs for that person and number. If the sign has been that usual in the definite tenses e, there is no apparent reason for its disappearance; but if it was uw, as is found in the other conjugations of this class, two spirants would stand to- gether, presenting a difficult combination even for an Athapascan tongue. in na iilw dfuk kai, cust. 1 sing., I always get up. 241-1. in na is dfuk ka, past def. 3 sing., she got up. 110-14. in nas duk ka ei, past def. 3a sing., it got up. 114-16. ininasdfukkahit, pres. 3a sing., when he got up. 115-8. yf wfin na na is dim mit, past def. 3a sing., she turned over. 117-4. menaisdiyai, past def. 3 sing., he climbed. 103-12. min na na se it dauw, cust. 3 sing., he always went around. 346-3. na is diL Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran. 185-6. na is din nan, past def. 3 sing., he turned. 278-11. na ya is dil len ei, past def. 3 plu., they became. 166-13. na ya nil wes dil lai, past def. 3 plu., they took the bet. 142-17. na na is dits tse, past def. 3 sing., he turned it around. 314-6. na ne wes dil lai, past def. 3 sing., he won. 211-6. na des dfik qot, past def. 3 sing., he rolled around. 175-12, 222-9. na tes di yai, past def. 3 sing., he went home. 97-17. na tes di ya yei, past def. 3 sing., he arrived. 104-3. na tes di ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go back. 117-14. xa na is di yai, past def. 3 sing., he came back up. 100-2. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3,12. 169 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. xa na is di ya hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he came up. 210-12. xa na is di ya de, pres. def. 3 sing., if she comes up. 111-6. xa na is diL Lat, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13. xon na is din nun hit, pres. def. 3 sing., when he turned around. 278-12. do na x6s dil le te, fut. def. 3 sing., it will be no more. 228-4 do nas dil len nei, past def. 3 sing., it did not happen. 117-5. ta na is di yai, past def. 3 sing., he came out of it again. 314-6. tsis di yan, past def. 3 sing., he was old. 169-2. tcis di yan ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she may live to be old. 325-13. CLASS IV. Conjugation 1. Na il yeuiw, he is resting. Singular. nauw yeuiw nu'l yeuiw na il yeiuw nal yeulw Singular. do x6 linm nauw yei nul yeau na il yeui nal ye -uw Singular. nfil yeiuw na tcol yeuiw na 6l yeiiw Present Indefinite. Plural. na dil yeuiw naL yeuw na ya il yeulw na yal yeiuw Impotential. Plural. iiw do x6 liii na dil yeiiw naL yeiiw w na ya il yeiuw na yal yeulw Imperative. Plural. naL yeuTw na ya tcol ye-lw na ya 61 yeuiw 1. 2. 3. 3a. 1. 2. 3. 3a. 2. 3. 3a. 170 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Singular. 1. na iilw yeulw 2. nail yeuuw 3. na il yeiiw 3a. nailyeulw Singular. 1. nauw yeiiw 2. nal yeutw 3. na wil yeulw 3a. nal yeiuw Singular. 1. nauw yeiuw 2. nal yeiuw 3. na wil yeilw 3a. nalyeflw Customary. Plural. na it dil ye-lw na OL yeu-w na ya il yeuiw na ya il yeilw Present Definite. Plural. na wit dil yeuiw na WOL yeutw na ya wil ye-lw na yal yeitw Past Definite. Plural. na wit dil yeuiw na WOL yeuw na ya wil ye&aw na yal yeuiw The forms of the verbs composing Class IV are perfect ana- logs of those in Class II, the voiced 1 appearing in the place of the surd L, except in the second person plural throughout, where L is found instead of 1. This exception is no doubt due to the strongly aspirated o which, as the sign of this person and number, stands before the L and in the same syllable with it. In almost every case, the roots occurring in the verbs of this class do not appear in other classes but seem to demand the pre- ceding 1. Since this 1 stands immediately before the root, phonetic reasons were sought for the occurrence of this class. No facts appear to justify such a conclusion, and analogy with the passive forms point to morphological causes. ya wil ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 165-9. yal ton ei, past def. 3a sing., it jumped off. 163-18. ya kyu wil kyan ne x6 lan, past def. 3 plu., they found they were pregnant. 278-3. 171 1University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETE. ye e il ton xo lan, cust. 3a sing., (birds) used to jump in. 117-17. ye nawil Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran in. 136-1, 169-9. ye na wil de ton, past def. 3 sing., she jumped in. 135-11. ye nal Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran in. 329-8. yenuiwil gillil, past def. 3 sing., it kept getting afraid of. 235-4. yin nel git, past def. 3a sing., he was afraid. 114-16. yin ne nal Lat, past def. 3a sing., in the ground it ran. 221-12. wun na xo il yud, cust. 3a sing., they come to eat it. 356-12. wuit na ya xs wil yan, past def. 3 plu., they watched him. 267-10. Lii xi wil ten, past def. 3 sing., he addressed her. 98-10. Lu win ten, past def. 3 sing., she addressed her. 181-9. me ya dui wil wauw, past def. 3 plu., they began to talk about it. 265-1. min na il dal, cust. 3 sing., she ran around. 153-2. na il tsit, cust. 3 sing., it falls. 275-3. na il tsit te, fut. 3 sing., would drop. 104-11. na wil yeilw, past def. 3 sing., he rested. 119-14. na wil dit tal, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 221-7. nal iiuw te, fut. 3a sing., it will drop. 115-13. nal hwin te, fut. 3a sing., it will melt away. 273-6. nal dit dal, past def. 3 sing., (he saw) it coming along. 115-15. nal tsit, past def. 3a sing., it fell down. 145-2. naL ye-dW, imp. 2 plu., rest. 280-5. na na wil La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran down. 221-17. na nal de iuiw, pres. def. 3a sing., (water) dripping off. 337-5. na nal dit tsit dini, pres. def. 3a sing., where it fell. 96-4. na xo wil tsit x6 lfin, pres. def. 3 sing., it fell. 306-15. na xo de il en, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5. na dui wil dit ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped off. 107-14. na di! wil ye, past def. 3 sing., they danced again. 215-13. na tcil yeiiw sa an dini, pres. 3 sing., the resting place. 363-3. 172 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. na tcil yeutw diii, pres. 3 sing., resting place. 347-3. ne iiiw git tse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5. nOil diL Lat, past def. 3a sing., he ran back. 115-16. xe e na wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran away again. 176-16 xs wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 199-4. XOL wil dal, past def. 3a sing., with him it came along. 115-1. XoLta nawil Lat, past def. 3 sing., with him she went. 223-14. dawil Lat, past def. 3a sing., it jumped on. 113-14. da wil ton ei, past def. 3a sing., it jumped. 115-9. dana di!wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran back. 97-12. 98-15. da de il ya, cust. 3 sing., they stand around. 195-7. da tcit di wil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he ran. 164-2. datcu wil ton, past def. 3 sing., he jumped. 109-14. do nil git he ne, imp. 2 sing., don't be afraid. 170-15. do xwe xs yun te, fut. def. 3 sing., he will be crazy. 307-10 tewiltsit, past def. 3a sing., it sank. 153-17. te nal dit do te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will draw back. 273-5. te na de il ya, cust. 3 sing., in the water they stand. 310-4. tceil La de, pres. 3 sing., he is running along. 220-13. tein nel git, past def. 3 sing., she was afraid of. 192-2. teit dil ye, pres. 3 sing., to dance. 117-8. tcit dil ye cx, pres. 3 sing., they danced. 216-7. teit dil ye te, fut. 3 sing., there will be a dance. 203-8. teit dil wauw tsud, pres. 3 sing., talking he heard. 170-16. tcit dui wil ye ei, past def. 3 sing., they danced. 216-16. tcit dii wil ye] iL de, pres. def. 3 sing., if they dance. 117-10 tcit dii wil ye iL te, fut. def. 3 sing., they will dance. 117-9 tcit dii wil ye lii. te, fut. def. 3 sing., there will be a dance. 230-5. teit diiwil Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped off. 107-11. tcui wil daL tsI, pres. def. 3 sing., he heard him coming. 176-11. kya tui wil tewel, past def. 3 sing., he crying along. 135-10 173 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Verbs belonging to Class IV, Conjugation 2. min nail dal, cust. 3 sing., around she ran. 153-2. no il La, pres. 3 sing., he came running (she heard). 360-8 no din nil tewan, past def. 3 sing., they finished supper. 141-4. tee il Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 106-2. teeilq1lexSlan, past def. 3 sing., it had crawled out. 185-11. tee na il Lat, past def. 3 sing., she came there. 135-9. tee teil t6n, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out. 163-16. tein nil qol ei, past def. 3 sing., he crawled. 347-9. Conjugation 3. Na dil ifn, he is watching for it. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. na diuw ini na dit dil iin 2. na dil in na d5L in 3. na dil in na ya dil in 3a. nai dil ifn na yai dil iin 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. di zxr lin na d&w en na dil en na dil en nai dil en Singular. 2. na dil ii 3. na dol in 3a. nai dol in Singular. 1. na de i-iwl en 2. nadeilen 3. na de il en 3a. nai de il en Impotential. Plural. do x2 lifn nadit dil en na d3L en na ya dil en na yai dil en Imperative. Plural. na doL iin na ya dol ifn na yai d6l iii Customary. Plural. na de it dil en na dCl OL en na ya de il en na yai de il en 174 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. na du wes in na du wes dil in 2. na du we sil in na dfl we SL in 3. na di wes in na ya di wes iin 3a. nai du wes ini na yai dui wes iin Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. na di wes en na du wes dil en 2. na du we sil en na di we SOL en 3. na du wes en na ya di wes en 3a. nai dui wes en na yai dii wes en As in the third conjugation of the preceding class the first person singular of the definite tenses has a form without the usual signs found in that person and number. A nfi wes te, past def. 3a sing., he looked. 143-14. iiw yo, pres. 1 sing., I like. 230-16. in nas Lat, past def. 3a sing., it ran up. 295-5. in na tcis Lat, past def. 3 sing., he jumped up. 171-9. ye nes git, past def. 3a sing., it (was) frightened. 215-4. ye nes git te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 236-2. yit dui wes yo te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will like. 311-10. yui wfin na x6s yui, past def. 3a sing., they ate. 347-15. wes sil yo ne en, pres. def. 2 sing., you used to like. 307-16. wun na xo il yui, cust. 3 sing., they come to eat it. 356-12. wuin na x6s y-u, past def. 3a sing., it went to eat. 364-8. me is La dei, past def. 3 sing., he ran up. 217-16. me ya dzes la, past def. 3 plu., they did not like him. 182-4. me dzes la, past def. 3 sing., she hated it. 189-6. mi nes git, past def. 3a sing., it was afraid. 295-4. ml nes git te, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 296-5. ml nes git teL, fut. def. 3a sing., it will be afraid. 295-7. na xot dui wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch her. 137-3. nas qol, past def. 3a sing., it crawled around. 294-1. 175 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. ne i1w git tse, pres. 1 sing., I feel afraid. 176-5. nes noi, past def. 3a sing., that stand. 220-3. hai da teu wes yo, past def. 3 sing., more yet he likes. 340-13. xa na is diL Lat, past def. 3 sing., she had run up. 135-13. xoi na se il de qol, cust. 3a sing., on her it kept crawling. 185-2. xoi nes git, past def. 3 sing., he was afraid. 113-11. x6 wuft xo wes yufn te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch her. 137-7. xs wfit teGU X0 wes yan, past def. 3 sing., he watched her. 137-8. x6iL xas tewen nei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up. 137-18. do a wfun tel wis he, imp. 2 sing., don't be frightened. 356-2. do wes yo, pres. def. 1 sing., I don't like. 233-6. do nas do, pres. 3a sing., they won't dodge. 258-13. do nit dje tel tsit ne, imp. 2 sing., don't get excited. 170-18. do tcil wes yo, past def. 3 sing., he did not like. 96-7. te sil tewen ne d'unl , past def. 2 sing., ever since you grew time. 337-13. tes tewin ne en tein, pres. def. 1 sing., where I was brought up. 117-13. til tsit tx, pres. 3a sing., it will always be. 325-13. til tewen, pres. 3a sing., it grows. 296-12. til tewin ne en, pres. 3a sing., it used to grow. 233-1, 5. t6l tewen, imp. 3a sing., let it grow. 265-6. tsi yfun te il dil, cust. 3 plu., they always ran off. 333-11. tee il yo, cust. 3 sing., he liked it. 202-5. tei wes yo te, fut. def. 3 sing., he shall like. 307-11. tell wes waL, past def. 3 sing., he lay. 112-16. ke is Lat, past def. 3 sing., she ran up. 158-8. kes Lat dei, past def. 3a sing., he climbed up he saw. 174-7 176 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. OBJECTIVE CONJUGATION. First Person Singutlar. Ya hwiL tudw, he is picking me up. Singular. 1. 2. yahwiLttiW 3. ya hwiL tuw 3a. yai hwit tiuW 2. 3. 3a. Singular. ya hwiL tuw ya hw6L tutw yai hw6L tuw Singular. 1. 2. ya hwe iL tfw 3. ya hwe iL ttiW 3a. yai hwe iL t[iw 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. ya hwiu WiL tifn ya hwiL tifn yai hlwiL tin Singular. Present Indefinite. Plural. ya hw6L tuw ya ya hwiL tuUw ya yai hwiL tulw Imperative. Plural. ya hw6iL tuw ya ya hw6L tdW, ya yai hwtL tuw Customary. Plural. ya hwo OL ttw ya ya hwe iL tUUW ya yai hwe iL tUW Present Definite. Plural. ya hwui WOL tiin ya ya hlwiL tifn ya ya hwiL tiln Past Definite. Plural. 1. - 2. ya hwi WiL ten ya hwut WUL ten 3. ya hwiL ten ya ya hlWiL ten 3a. yai hwiL ten ya yai hlwiL ten As will be seen from the preceding example, the direct object of the verb is expressed by the insertion of the personal pronoun 177 1University of California Publications. [AM. ARCE. ETH. in its weak form. Its behavior is not different in any way from that of other weak syllables which may be inserted.1 The position of the inserted objective is after the adverbial prefix and im- mediately before the signs of person and number with which, in fact, it often forms a syllable. Verbs having the first person singular as the direct object. a hwo la, pres. 2 plu., you have treated me. 166-12. na hw6L tsan, past 2 plu., you see me. 230-5. hwiL tewe, imp. 2 sing., make me. 114-3. hwik ky6 owifi, imp. 3a sing., I am going to sleep (let it sleep me). 121-6. tce hwis sul WiL weL de, pres. 3 sing., if he kills me. 114-3. teu hwiL kin ne en, pres. 3 sing, he nearly caught me. 176-14. tcii hw6 wiL XulliL te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will ask me for it. 311-17. tcii hwo hwe iL te, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-10. tell hwoin hwe e te, fut. 3 sing., they will call me. 272-12. Verbs having the first person singular as the indirect object. a na hwiL tcit den te, fut. 3 sing., of me he will say. 363-18. a hwiL tcin ne, pres. 3 sing., why does she always tell me? 135-4, 363-16. a hWiL tcit dii win neL, past 3 sing., they told me. 355-11. a hwiL tcit den hwOin, pres. 3 sing., he must tell me. 314-11. hwe na tc6L xe, imp. 3 sing., let him catch up with me. 187-2. hwiL teL dauw, pres. 3a sing., it would travel with me. 114-11. hwiLtesi-nyate, fut. def. 2 sing., with me you may go. 187-7. hwiL tcit den te, fut. 3 sing., they will talk to me. 322-15. hwin na wil luw te, fut. 2 sing., you will think about me. 307-18. hwo a nfuin auw, imp. 2 sing., give me. 329-14. Compare, class ii, conjugation ld supra p. 147. 178 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. hw6 iL kas, imp. 2 sing., throw me. 153-10. hwii wa meL tewit te, fut. def. 2 sing., loan me. 296-11. hlwi wa miL tewit, imp. 2 sing., loan me. 326-7. hwui wfun tulw, imp. 2 sing., hand me. 278-7. do a hwiL teit den de, pres. 3 sing., if he does not tell me. 257-12. Second Person Singular. Yin ne tCiL tuw, he is picking you up. Present Indefinite. S3ingular. 1. yun nuw tiw 2. 3. yfun ne tCiL tuiw 3a. yAun niL tP1w Singular. 2. 3. yun ne tCoL tuW 3a. yiinn oL tIw Singular. 1. yuin ne iiw tUiw 2. 3. yfunnetceiLtiiW 3a. ymun ne iL tiuW Singular. 1. yun neL tijn 2. 3. y'un ne tCiL tiii 3a. yiin niL tifn Plural. yun nit dil tiiw ya yfin ne tCiL tuw yai yfun niL tuw Imperative. Plural. ya yun ne teoL tuw yai yinnoL tu,W Customary. Plural. yun ne it dil tfiw ya yun ne iL tutw ya yun ne iL tUiW Present Definite. Plural. yun nu wit dil tini ya yun ne teiL tiii yai yufn niL ti;i 179 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yfun neL ten yfun nil wit dil ten 2. 3. yfun ne tCiL ten ya yiun ne tCiL ten 3a. yunlniL ten yai yfun niL ten For some reason which does not appear, the objective pro- noun of the second person, unlike those of the other persons, precedes instead of follows the sign of the third person singular of the verb. Coming throughout immediately after the prefix ya-, the inserted objective has changed that prefix to yufn-. This is probably due to a shifting of accent. Verbs having the second person singular as the direct object. nit tcul win yiun de, 3 sing., if she eats you. 266-7. nik kyo wufnt, imp. 3 sing., go to sleep (let it sleep you). 294-5. nik kyiu wiin fniun te, fut. def. 3 sing., you will go to sleep. 252-11. xo lun ne seL win, pres. 3 sing., it has worn you out. 105-16. Verbs having the second person singular as the indirect ob- ject. un niL d-lw ne, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 351-8. un niL den ne, past def. 3 sing., I told you. 163-8. ne e ne se date, fut. def. 1 sing., I will hide from you. 328-6. niL hwe lik te, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 151-3. niL x6w lik, pres. 1 sing., I am telling you. 360-8. niL x6t yin te, fut. 3a sing., it will be easy for you to get. 357-7. niL xwe likte, fut. 1 sing., I will tell you. 355-4. niL te se ya te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will go with you. 187-4. nailwameaneLtewitte, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-6. nil wa na ne la te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will loan you. 356-7. niluwanellate, fut. def. 1 sing., I will give it to you. 353-7. 180 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hitpa Language. Third Person Singular. Ya XOL tVw, he is picking him up. Present Indefinite. Singular. ya x6w tiuw ya XOL tuw ya XOL tuw yai XOL tuw Plural. ya x6t dil tiiw ya XOL tulW ya ya XOL tuW ya yai XOL tutW Singular. 2. yaxoLtuW 3. ya xOL tuw 3a. yai X6L tu&W Singular. 1. ya xoi iuw tuiw 2. ya xoi iL tiW 3. ya xoi iL tUW 3a. yaiXoiiLtiiw Imperative. Plural. ya XOL tuw ya ya XOL tuW ya yai XOL tuw Customary. Plural. ya x6 it dil tiiw ya xo OL tuw ya ya xoi iL tuw ya yai xoi iL tUW Present Definite. Singular. 1. ya xweL tin 2. ya X6 WiL tini 3. ya X6L tifn 3a. yai XoL tiin 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. ya XweL ten ya xiWiLten ya x6L ten yai X6L ten Plural. ya x6 wit dil tifn ya X6 WOL tin ya ya XOL tin ya yai XOL tin Past Definite. Plural. ya xc wit dil ten ya X6 WOL ten ya ya XOL ten ya yai XOL ten 181 1. 2. 3. 3a. 1University of California Publications. [AM. ARcH. ETH. Verbs having the third person singular as direct object. yai xoi l yan, cust. 3a. plu., they always eat him. 195-10. yai x6s tewilw, past def. 3a. plu., they smelled of him. 165-3. ya xo WiL xaiL, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-5. ya xs win tewai, past def. 3 plu., they buried him. 172-4. ya XOL ten, past def. 3 sing., he has taken him. 151-4. ya XOL tsan, past 3 plu., they saw him. 101-16. ya x6n neL en, past def. 3 plu., they looked at him. 278-3. ya x6 seL wen, past def., 3 plu., they killed him. 171-12. ya x6 SiL we, pres. 3 plu., they might kill him. 278-5. ya x6s meL, past def. 3 sing., he whipped him. 164-3. ye na XoL waL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him. 106-13. ye xo ne iL ye, cust. 3a sing., they always eat him up. 195-10. y6 XOL tsan nei, past 3a sing., it saw him. 204-4. na x3 wifn hwaL, past def. 3 sing., he hooked him. 107-6. MiL na Xs WiL we, past def., 3a sing., he felt sleepy (sleep fought with him). 121-5. miL xoi niL xe, past def. 3 sing., it went on him. 308-8. nai xoi iL tau, cust. 3 sing., it flew around her. 333-8. nai Xoi iL tewe ei, cust. 3a sing., they make him. 196-6. nai XOL tsan ne te, fut. 3a sing., it will find him. 307-13. nai xon nu WiL hw6on, past def. 3a sing., it cured him. 121-13. na yai Xoi iL tewe, cust. 3a plu., they make him. 196-3. na yai xoi iL tcw6 ig, cust. 3a plu., they brush him to- gether. 196-3. na ya x6 teL xa, past def. 3 plu., they tracked him. 170-3. na na ya xon niL xa ei, past def. 3 plu., they found his tracks. 170-4. na xoi kyu win an, past def. 3 sing., he went to sleep. 121-7. na x6 wiL me, past def. 3 sing., he bathed him. 187-12. na x6 de il en, cust. 3 sing., he watched him. 202-5. na xot dud wes in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I am going to watch her. 137-3. 182 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. 183 no na XOL tuw, pres. 3 sing., he had laid her. 342-8. noi na Xon niL tin ne en, pres. def. 3 sing., he caught up with him. 176-11. xa ai ya XOL ini X, pres. 3 plu., they did that with him. 211-5. xai x6s ten nei, past def. 3a sing., they took her up. 239-1. x6w tsan, past 1 sing., I saw him. 351-9. x3i tsis, past 1 sing., I saw him. 353-3. xs neL in teL, fut. def. 1 sing., I can't look at him. 138-12. xsn neL in te, fut. def. 1 sing., I can look at him. 138-14. x6n tewit, past def. 3a sing., it caught him. 346-10. xo se seL win te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will kill him. 150-11. xs siiw we, pres. 1 sing., let me kill him. 159-8. xot dana ya X6L xa, past def. 3 plu., down they tracked him. 170-3. x6 kyu wi ifian, past def. 3a sing., he went to sleep. 203-1. danaXfLten, past def. 3 sing., he put him. 108-1. da tce xo diL ten, past def. 3 sing., she has taken him away. 159-5. dexotdiLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he threw him in the fire. 120-8. do y'ux xs il lan, cust. 3a sing., they quit him. 196-2. d6 na ya X6L tsan nei, past 3 plu., they did not see him. 152-6. do na ya XiL tsit, past def. 3 plu., they did not know him. 166-15. d6na X6L tsufn xlin, pres. 2 plu., you won't see him any longer (more). 306-6. do he ya xon neL en, past. def. 3 plu., they could not look at him. 139-1. d6x6lin-x6nnedilen, impot. 1 plu., we can't look at him. 139-3. do tco X6L tSiS, past 3 sing., he saw nobody. 238-8. tanai xsd6wei, past def. 3a sing., it cut him to pieces. 108-2. University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH- ETH. tce na x6n niL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took (him) out. 153-7. tee XoL kit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 143-9. tee xo niL ten, past def. 3 sing., they took him out. 278-4. tee x6n des ne, past 3 sing., he found him out. 207-11. teexoseLwen, past def. 3 sing., he killed her. 164-11. tcexoteLwaL, past def. 3 sing., he pulled him. 106-17. tee xo teL ten, past def. 3 sing., he took him along. 210-15. teex xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched her. 137-10. tc6XoLkit, past 3 sing., he caught him. 151-2. tc6 xo ne im mil, cust. 3 sing., he threw them at her. 332-12. tco x6n neL en, past def. 3 sing., he looked at him. 109-1. tco xon ne itc tewa ei, cust. 3 sing., he threw at her. 333-3. tco x6n niL Xuts, past def. 3 sing., he threw after him. 159-9. tco xon des ne, past def. 3 sing., he thought of him. 257-1. tc x6n des ne hwfifi, pres. 3 sing., he shall know. 319-13. tco xon des ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will think of. 325-14. tc xon tan, past def. 3 sing., he held her. 153-3. tc6 x6s tewen, past def. 3 sing., he made him. 114-8. tco xot dit teL en, past def. 3 sing., he watched along. 97-10. Verbs having the third person singular as indirect object. ai XoL ne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 208-13. ai XoL de in ne, cust. 3 sing., he used to tell her. 135-3. a yai XOL da wen ne, past def. 3 plu., they said. 165-2. a XoL teit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said to him. 97-7. a XoL tcit den tsfi, pres. 3 sing., he heard say. 141-8. ya XOL teit den ne, past def. 3 plu., they said to him. 102-15. xa a XOL tein ne, pres. 3 sing., he is telling him. 150-2. 184 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Htupa Language. 185 xoi ye xoi l yan, cust. 3 sing., she suspected her. 158-3. 158-3. xo waiLda, past def. 3 sing., she handed him. 181-13. x6 wa ya in tan, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 144-14. xs wa me neL tcWit te, fut. def. 1 sing., I would loan him. 356-17. x6 wa teini xan, past def. 3 sing., to her she gave. 246-12. xo wfun na kis le, past def. 3 sing., he felt of him. 153-5. xo wfut xo wes yfin te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will watch her. 137-7. xs wfut teul xs wes yan, past def. 3 sing., he watched her. 137-8. XoLyakitwfil, past def. 3 sing., with him he seesawed. 107-10. XOL wil dal, past 3a sing., with him came along. 115-1. XOL Le nufin dil lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-5. XOL Le un du waL ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it shut. 109-5. XOL me nun dil lat dei, past def. 3a sing., with him it floated back. 315-6. XoL neiw te, pres. 1 sing., let me lie with her. 223-12. XOL no il lit, past def. 3a sing., it was done smoking with him. X3L nu nil lit, past def. 3 sing., it finished burning (with him). 364-7. XOL nu kin nil lit, past def. 3 sing., he finished sweating. 209-13. XoLxastcwennei, past def. 3a sing., it grew up (with him). 137-18. XOL xft tes nan, past def. 3a sing., it moved in her. 341-3. XoLxuittesnufnte, fut. def. 3a sing., would move in her. 341-2. XOL da na du win a ei, past def. 3a sing., with him it stuck up. 203-5. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 13. 6 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. XOL den ne e te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will call him. 137-6, 139-5. XoLtanawilLat, past def.-3 sing., with him she went. 223-14. XOLteillit, cust. 3 sing., he smoked himself. XOL teL tcwen, past def. 3a sing., it grew with him. 137-18. XoL tes lat, past def. 3a sing., it floated with him. 315-2. XOL tes deL, past def. 3 dual, with him they went. 110-7. XOL tee niL tsit, past def. 3 sing., with him he untied it. 108-1. XoL tCiL kit, past def. 3 sing., with him he caught it. 107-10. XOL tcin nes ten, past def. 3 sing., with her he lay. 223-13. XOL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 105-18. XOL tcit dul win neL, pres. 3 sing., he kept saying. 141-12. XOL tcfl wit dil, past 3 sing., following him. 208-1. XoL tC-i x6 wil lik, past def. 3 sing., he told him. 141-13. XoL kiL dje xa in nauw hwei, cust. 3 plu., they all fought with her. 333-4. xwa iL kit, past def. 3 sing., she gave him. 98-11. xwa ya iL kit, past def. 3 plu., they gave him. 110-5. xwa wil xan, past def. 3a sing., he liked them. 110-5. do he X6L din nul WiL a, past def. 3 sing., he did not know how. 175-4. d6X6LdinnuiwiLa, past def. 3 sing., he did not know how. 176-6. First Person Plural. Yi-in nStcillf1w, he is picking us up. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1.- 2. yufn no hol liuw yfun no h6 Iluw 3. yiin no teil 1-1w ya yfin no tcil luw 3a. yuAn no hil 11w yai yufn n6 hil luw 186 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. 2. 3. 3a. 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. yuna no hol luw yun no tco 1Uw yun no li 11iw Singular. yuia0n-nhe il 111w yun no tee il l1w yun no he il 111w Singular. 1. 2. yun no wil la 3. yu_n n teil la 3a. yu no hil la . Singular. 1. - 2. yiinano wil lai 3. yuin nu teil lai 3a. ytia no hil lai Imperative. Plural. yufn no ho 1uw ya yun no tco 1luw yai yuin no ho 1uw Customary. Plural. yun no he 61 111w yayyunno tceillu1w yai yfun no he il l1w Present Definite. Plural. yun nao wo la ya yun no teil la yai yfun no hil la Past Definite. Plural. yun no wo lal ya yun no teil lai yai yfun no hil lai When the object changes to the plural, the root of the verb is replaced by one applicable to a plural object. It happens that -ten the root of the singular, requires L and therefore places the verbs formed from it in the second class, while -lai of the plural object does not require L and its verbs belong to the first class. The inserted form of this pronoun is noh with the second syllable variously completed, or in some cases disappearing. It follows the analogy of the second person singular both as to its position in the third person singular of the verb, and as to its effect on the form of the preceding prefix. 187 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. Verbs having the first person plural as direct object. do x6 liin no SiL we, impot. 2 sing., you can't kill us. 165-7. Verbs having the first person plural as indirect object. a no hoL tcit den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said of us. 302-3. no hL teit den ne, past def. 3 sing., they told us. 302-4. Second Person Plural. Yfun n6 teil 111w, he is picking you (plural) up. Present Indefinite. Singular. 1. y'un nan hwluw I 2. 3. yfun no teil luw 3a. yn n hil lw Singular. 2. 3. yun nn6tc61lw 3a. yun n6 ho l11u Singular. 1. y'un no he i11w 1Uw 2. 3. yfun no tee il l1w 3a. y'un no he il 111w Singular. 1. y un no he la 2. 3. yfun no teil la 3a. yfun no hil la Plural. yiin no hit dil luw ya yun no teil 1luw yai yufn no hil i1w Imperative. Plural. ya yun no tco 111w yai yun no ho l1w Customary. Plural. yun no he it dil 1luw ya y-in no tee il luw yai yufn no he il 111w Present Definite. Plural. yun no wit dil la ya yun no teil la yai yun no hil la 188 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Past Definite. Singular. 1. yuia nn he lai 2. 3. y'un no teil lai 3a. yun no hil lai Plural. yun no wit dil lai ya yun no teil lai yai y'un no hil lai These forms differ from those of the first person plural of the objective only in the forms which can logically occur. In the case of the first person, forms of the first person of the verb are barred; while in the case of the second person, the second person of the verb would not be used. In the third person of the verb it mnust be determined from the context whether the object is of the first or second person. T'hird Person Plural. Ya ya xol 1-1w, he is picking them up. Present Indefinite. Singular. 1. (ya)ya xow lflw 2. (ya)ya xol luw 3. (ya)ya xol lfw 3a. (ya) yai xol luw Singular. 2. (ya)yaxoll1uw 3. (ya)ya xol luw 3a. (ya)yai xol lI1w Singular. 1. (ya)ya xoi i-1w l11w 2. (ya) ya xoi il 1-dw 3. (ya) ya xoi il luw 3a. (ya)yai xoi il 111w Plural. (ya)ya xst dil luw (ya)ya xo 1Mmw (ya) ya xol luw (ya) yai xol luw Imperative. Plural. (ya)ya xo 11iw (ya) ya xol luw (ya) yai xol 11iw Customary. Plural. (ya) ya xoi it dil 111w (ya)ya xo lu1w (ya) ya xoi il 111w (ya)yai xoi il 111w 189 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. (ya)ya xwel la (ya)ya x6 wit dil la 2. (ya)yax6willa (ya)ya xwola 3. (ya)ya x6l la (ya)ya xsl la 3a. (ya)yai xsl la (ya)yaixsla Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. (ya)ya xwel lai (ya)ya x6 wit dil lai 2. (ya)ya xs wil lai (ya)ya xs wo lai 3. (ya)ya xsl lai (ya) ya xs x6l lai 3a. (ya)yai x5] lai (ya)yai x6l lai Since the form of the root indicates that the object is more than one, the forms without the first ya- are dual as regards the object and those with both are plural. Verbs having the third person plural for direct object. ya x6s qot, past def. 3 plu., they stuck them. 181-2. ya x6 teL xa, past def. 3 sing., he tracked them. 267-15. ya xS q6t, pres. 3 plu., they stick them. 180-12. ye ya xs lai, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 179-12. yin ne ya XOL taL, past def. 3 sing., in the ground he tramped them. 361-10. na ya XoL tsan, past 3 sing., he found them. 267-15. na ya xsn nil lai ei, past def. 3 plu., they took them. 179-8. na ya x6s dftk q6t de, pres def. 1 plu., if we stuck them. 180-15. do ya X6L tsan, past 3 sing., he did not see them. 238-14. tce na ya xon miL, imp. 2 plu., throw them out. 302-3. Verbs having the third person plural as indirect object. xs wa ya tel lai, past def. 3 plu., they gave them. 198-8. XOL yai din ne WiL a, past def. 3 sing., they learned. 180-13. XOL yaL de wim mini iL., pres. def. 3a plu., they ffiled with them. 153-17. 190 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. XOL ya x6i il Ilk, cust. 3 sing., he told them. 180-10. XOL ya x6 wil lik, past def. 3 plu., they told them. 180-12. XOL ya tes yai, past def. 3 sing., with them he went. 208-15. X6Ltcit tes deL, past def. 3 dual, they ran after them. 153-16. xwa ya kiLkit, past def. 3 sing., she fed them. 192-11. Reflexive. Ye a diL to, he is putting himself into. Singular. ye a diqw to ye a diL to ye a diL to ye ai diL t Present Indefinite. Plural. ye a dit dil to ye a d6L to ye a ya diL to ye a yai diL t Impotential. Singular. 1. do 2x0 li-n ye a duiw to 2. yeadiLtt 3. ye a diL to 3a. ye ai diL t 2. 3. 3a. Singular. ye a diL t ye a dL to ye ai d6L to Singular. 1. yeadeifwt5 2. yeadeiLto 3. yeadeAiL 3a. ye ai de iL t Plural. d6 x6 iii ye a dit dilto ye a doL to ye a ya diL t ye a yai diL to Imperative. Plural. ye a doL to ye a ya d5L to ye a yai d5L to Customary. Plural. ye a de it dil to ye a do OL to ye a ya de iL to ye a yai de iL to 1. 2. 3. 3a. 191 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Singular. 1. yeadeLt5 2. ye a di WiL to 3. yeadiLt5 3a. yeai diLt3 Present Definite. Plural. ye a di! wit dil to ye a dii WoL to ye a ya diL to ye a yai diL to Past Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. yea deL to ye a di wit dil t 2. ye a du WiL to ye a dui WOL t 3. yea diLt5 yeayadiLt3 3a. ye ai dii to ye a yai diL to It will be noted that the form of the reflexive ment is the same for all persons in both numbers. The following verbs have the direct reflexive form. a na dil lau, past 3 sing., he made himself. 152-11. a na dil le, imp. 2 sing., fix yourself. 170-1. a na dis loi, past def. 3 sing., he girded himself. 221-5. a na dis tewen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 101-14. a nai dui win wat, past def. 3a sing., he shook himself. 115-7. a na ya dil lau, past def. 3 plu., they fixed themselves. 170-1. a na dit dii WiL kan, past def. 3 sing., he jumped out one side. 108-15. adistewen, past def. 3 sing., he made himself. 102-6. a dis tewin te, fut. def. 3 sing., he might make (for him- self). 363-5. a dfux xfun de, pres. 3 sing., when she is hungry. 256-3. ye a diL t, past def. 3 sing., he put on. 328-12. no a din nif xan, past def. 3 sing., she placed herself. 223-9. no a diii xauw, imp. 2 sing., lay yourself down. 223-9. doma a diniL tCwit, past def. 3 sing., she did not move. 341-1. do ma a din niL tewit, past def. 3 sing., she couldn 't walk. 276-3. inserted ele- 192 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Verbs having the reflexive pronoun for indirect object. a da yis tewin te, fut. def. 3a sing., he makes for him- self. 338-6. a dana wii a te, fut. def. 3 sing., for himself he will get. 338-9. adeiLkit, past 3 sing., he took with himself. 270-7. a de XOL kit, past 3 sing., she caught against herself. 223-14. a diL ya kiL q6tc, past def. 3 sing., he threw himself with it. 202-3. a diL ya kiL qotc hit, pres. 3 sing., when he threw him- self with it. 202-7. adiLn6keiLq6w, cust. 3 sing., to he used to throw with himself. 202-4. a dit tein no nil la de, pres. def. 3 sing., puts with herself. 302-10. aditteinnfulliiw, imp. 2 sing., on yourself put it. 175-3. a di wa niin da wite tewil liL te, fut. 3 sing., she will rub herself. a dui wuiii ya teL wis, past def. 3 plu., for themselves they were afraid. 179-10. a dui wun din tewin ne, imp. 2 sing., yourself bathe. 353-7. a dui wun do tewit te, fut. 2 plu., bathe yourselves. 322-11. a d- wiun di! win tewit, past def. 3 sing., he rubbed him- self. 319-9. adiiwkit, past 1 sing., to myself I held. 353-6. doadudwunatelwishe, imp. 2 plu., don't be frightened. 356-2. CONJUGATION OF THE PASSIVE VOICE. Ya xs wil tini, he is carried off. Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do sx lini ya hwel dit tiw do xo liii yun no hit liw 2. yun nel dit tiiw yiin no ho lIw 3. ya xsl dit tiiw ya ya xst liw 3a. yul dit tiiw ya yat lIw 193 1University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Singular. 2. y-uiln n6l dit tiiw 3. ya x6l dit tuuw 3a. ya 61 dit tuw Singular. 1. ya hwe il dit tu1w 2. yfun ne il dit t11w 3. ya xoi il dit tu1w 3a. ya e il dit tu1w Singular. 1. ya hw11 wil tiff 2. yfun nu wil tifn 3. ya x6 wil tifn 3a. yal ti-n Singular. 1. ya hwu1 wil ten 2. yfun nu wil ten 3. ya x6 wil ten 3a. yal ten Imperative. Plural. ytn no MlI dil 1WM ya ya xSl dil luw ya ya 61 dil luw Customary. Plural. yun no he it luw yuin no he it luw ya ya xoi it 11w ya ya it luw Present Definite. Plural. yuin no wit la yun no wit la ya ya x6 wit la ya yat la Past Definite. Plural. yun no wit lai yun no wit lai ya ya x6 wit lai ya yat lai Past Persistent. Singular. Plural. 1. ya hwu1 wes dit ten yutn no wes dil lai 2. yftn nu wes dit ten yun no wes dil lai 3. ya x6 wes dit ten ya ya x6 wes dil lai 3a. ya wes dit ten ya ya wes dil lai In the passive voice occurs a combination of classes and conjugations. In this case the root of the singular, -ten which requires L and places its verbs in the second class in the active voice, on becoming passive passes to the fourth class. The root of the plural, not requiring L in the active, passes to the third class on becoming passive. 194 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. The definite tenses have w, the characteristic of the first con- jugation. There is also a form which indicates that the act which was suffered resulted in a permanent state. These forms which have been called past persistent resemble the third con- jugation in having s, the characteristic of that conjugation.! What the forms of the present indefinite would be, were they logically possible, is shown by the forms of the impotential and imperative. The following passives have the forms of Class III. wittewa, pres., buried. 192-17. wit tewa ta, pres. 3 sing., they are buried places. 180-11. na wes len ei, past persistent, it falls. 104-1. na wes mats, past persistent, it was coiled. 151-19. na wes deL, past persistent, it encircles. 364-15. n6 na wit tats, past def., it is cut down. 114-17. da x6 dii wes en, past persistent, one could see. 242-13. do o na wes en ei, past persistent, it could not be seen. 151-19. dona hwi wes tstui hwfuni, 1 sing., I must not be seen again. 217-18. do na xs wes tsan, past persistent 3 sing., he was not longer seen. 226-5. do kyul wit yan, past def. 3 sing., without eating. 226-4. kyti wit tew6k kei, past def. 3 sing., they are strung on a line. 165-8. The following passives have the forms of Class IV. yai kyil wil tats, past def., a blanket made of strips. 207-5. willoi, past def., bundles. 210-3. wiltewen, past def., was made of. 164-13, 203-11. (d1 hwo)wil tcwen, past def., something was made (a grave). 221-10. wil kan nei, past def., a fire is burning. 151-4. 'Compare the forms given for the third conjugation, class iv. 195 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. Le na wil la, past def., a fire. 170-9. na wil tik, past def., a string tied. 353-4. na wil lit, past def., he nearly burned. 330-1. na wil lit dei, past def., he burned up. 120-8. na wil lit te, fut. def., it will burn. 151-5. na nil wil xfut, past def., hanging for a door. 171-1. na dui wil tewan, past def., it was supper time. 141-1. na kyui wil tik, past def., was tied with a string. 351-10. no wil lin, past def., covered. 115-16. n6 kyii wil taL, past def., the final dancing place. 105-6. hwel weL te, fut. def. 1 sing., I will spend the night. 348-2. hwin nil wil ten, past def. 1 sing., I was brought here. 180-7. xoi yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along. 179-12. xoiyalweL, past def., they camped. 175-6. xoi na yal wil lil, past def. 3 plu., they camped along. 181-6. xoi nal weL, past def., he stayed over night. 121-4. xwel weL, past def. 3 sing., he had spent the night. dadiuwilten, past def. 3 sing., he has been carried off. 150-10. do wil tsan, past def., he was not seen. 341-9. do x lifi hwil wil, impot. 1 sing., I will not stay over night. 176-1. ky-iwiltel, past def., it was paved. 140-6. IRREGULAR VERBS. An, he says. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. a diiw ne a dit din ne 2. aden ad6n 3. an a yan 3a. an ayan 196 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Impotential. Singular. 1. d6 x6 li-n a duiw ne 2. 3. 3a. a den ne a ne a ne Singular. 2 a den 3. adon 3a. adon Singular. 1. adeuiiwne 2. adeenne 3. a de inne 3a. a de in ne Singular. 1. 2. 3. 3a. a den a dui wen a den a dui wen Singular. 1. adenne 2. adiiwene 3. adenne 3a. aduiwenne Imperative. Plural. a don a ya don a ya don Customary. Plural. a de it din ne a de o ne a ya de in ne a ya de in ne Present Definite. Plural. a dui wit din a dui wo ne a ya den a ya dci wen Past Definite. Plural. a da wit din ne a dii wo ne a ya den ne a ya di! wen ne The peculiarity of the verb meaning to say or to speak is in the form of the root. That the root should have a short form for the present definite and indefinite and imperative is to be 197 Plural. do x6 lifi a dit din ne a do ne a ya ne a ya ne University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. expected but that it does not form a syllable in its shortened form is unusual.1 ayaiduiwenne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 165-7. a yan, pres. 3 plu., they said that. 116-17. a ya dui win nel, past (progressive) 3 plu., they were say- ing. 153-14. an tsiu, pres. 3a sing., he heard it cry. 281-13. a den ne, past def. 3 sing., he said. 97-15, 321-5. a den de, pres. def. 3 sing., if he sings. 236-2. a den tsiu, pres. def. 3 sing., singing he heard. 186-12. ya dui wen ne, past def. 3a plu., they said. 109-17. xa a den ne, past def. 3 sing., he called the same. 105-5. de in ne, cust. 3 sing., he used to imitate. 182-1. din ne, past def. 3a sing., it was playing. 99-17. do a du win ne he, don't say that. 175-1. do ne ne, imp. 3a sing., let it play. 100-3. du wen ne, past def. 3a sing., it sounded. 108-16, 189-13. duiwinne, it played. 100-5. A tco n, he thinks. Present Indefinite. Singular. Plural. 1. ai niuw sim- ai nit dis sila 2. a inin si ai no sifn 3. a tcon a ya tcon 3a. a yon a ya yon Impotential. Singular. Plural. 1. do x3 liii ai n-iw sin do x6 lifn ai nit dis sin 2. ai nin sin ai no sin 3. a tc ne a ya tco ne 3a. a yo ne a ya yo ne ' Other forms have been given in the lists under objective conjugations and under the root -ne. When some definite thing which has been said is quoted, the forms of the verb are somewhat different, especially in the third person where in the present instead of an, tcin is found; and for the definite present and past instead of a den and a den ne, the forms tcit den and tcit den ne occur. The difference in the forms consists in the use of tc, the sign of the third person, in one case and its omission in the other. 198 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Singular. 2. ai nin sift 3. atco une 3a. ayo une Singular. 1. ai ne ilUw sen 2. aineinsen 3. a teS in ne 3a. ayoinne Singular. 1. ai ne sii 2. ai nil win sifi 3. a tcon des ne 3a. a yon des ne 1. 2. 3. 3a. Singular. ai ne sen ai nil win sen a tc6n des ne a yon des ne Imperative. Plural. ai no sinm a ya tc5 6 ne a ya yo 6 ne Customary. Plural. ai ne it dis sen ai ne 6 sen a ya teS in ne a ya yo in ne Present Definite. Plural. ai nil wit dis sifn ai niu wo sinm a ya t c6n des ne a ya yon des ne Past Definite. Plural. ai nul wit dis sen ai nil wo sen a ya tcon des ne a ya yon des ne. The verb which means to think is still more unusual in its forms than is the verb to say. The first and second persons have the root forms -si-n and -sen; the third person the forms -n and -ne. ai yon des ne te, fut. def. 3a sing., she will think about. 104-1. ai ne sen, past def. 1 sing., I thought. 187-3. ai nin sin ne, imp. 2 sing., you must think. 208-17. ai niuw sint, pres. 1 sing., I think so. 353-3. a tcS in ne, cust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 139-4. a tecn des ne, past def. 3 sing., he thought. 96-7. ya tcSn des ne, past def. 3 plu., they thought. 265-2. 199 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. nin sin, pres. 2 sing., you think. 337-12. hwfunnesiji, pres. 2 sing., don't you remember. 163-8. do ai nin sifi lx, pres. 2 sing., you don't think. 337-9. tc6 in ne, cust. 3 sing., he kept thinking. 113-2, 311-8. te6 x6n des ne, past def. 3 sing., he thought of him. 257-1. teo x6n des ne te, fut. def. 3 sing., she will think of him. 325-14. CONJUGATION OF ADJECTIVES. Nit das, it is heavy. Present Definite. Singular. Plural. 1. nulw das nit dit das 2. nin das no das 3. tein das ya in das 3a. nit das ya nit das Imperative. Singular. Plural. 1. iuiw das it dit das 2. indas odas 3. teo das ya tc6 das 3a. y6 das ya yo das Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. e iuw das e it dit das 2. e in das e 6 das 3. tce it das ya it das 3a. eitdas yaeitdas Past. Singular. Plural. 1. wuw das, or we das wit dit das 2. win das wo das 3. te-i win das ya win das 3a. win das yan das 200 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the lupa Language. The conjugation of nit das is almost identical with class i conjugation 1 of the verb. The most noticeable feature of the adjectives is the presence of a prefix in the present, the form more frequently employed. These prefixes which consist of a single letter appear to classify the adjectives with which they are employed. In this case, n, seems to be used with adjectives expressing qualities which are inseparable from the existence of the object, such as, shape, size, and weight. Among these are: niuw nes, I am tall; tce nes, he is tall; nes, it is tall, or tall. nilw hw6fi, I am good; tcin nil hw6n, he is good; nui hw6n, it is good. nilw teL, I am broad; tcin teL, he is broad; nit teL, it is flat. nuiwtcwiln, I am dirty; tcintewiii, he is dirty; nitetewifi; it is dirty. niuw kya 6, I am large; tcin kya 6, he is large; nik kya 6, it is large. a nauL ky6, (comparative form) so large it had swollen. 121-10. wiln kya 6, past 3 sing., she got big. 189-5. meL kyo wei, (comparative form) it was big enough. 136-9. me na WiL ky6, (comparative form) she was that big. 341-4. nai xon nil WiL hw6n. it cured him. 121-13. na ne iiw hw6n, cust. 3 sing., he gets well. 196-4. na ni wiln hw6n te, fut. 3a sing., it will be good weather. 273-5. nil wiln hw6n, past 3 sing., it is good. 260-13. nu will hw6n te, fut. 3 sing., it will be good. 258-16. nu hwofll x, adverb, good. 236-3. nil hw6on hit, pres. 3a sing., beautiful. 341-15. x6 lin nil hw6n teL, fut.3a sing., will it be good? 295-9. tcil will kya 6 we x6 lan, past def. 3 sing., large he had become he saw. 186-6. nite tewin, pres. 3a sing., dirty things. 247-15. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3,14 201 2 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. With prefix L-. Lutk kau, fat. Present. Singular. Plural. 1. LUW kau Lit duk kau 2. Lin kau Lo kau 3. tcit Lutk kau ya Luk kau 3a. Litk kau ya Luk kau Impotential. Singular. 1. do xS liin Luw kau, I shall never be fat. (As in the present.) Imperative. Singular. Plural. 1. ijiw ka1 it dil ka 2. ilka Stka 3. tcol ka ya tcl ka 3a. 61 ka ya 61 ka Customary. Singular. Plural. 1. e iilw kau2 e it dil kau 2. eilkau e6Lkau 3. tee il kau ya il kau 3a. e il kau ya il kau Past. Singular. Plural. 1. wuw kau wit dil kau 2. wil kau W6Lkau 3. tell wil kau ya wil kau 3a. wil kau yal kau Adjectives having L for their prefix in the present have 1 before the root in the imperative, customary, and past. They resemble in form the verbs of the fourth class (the passive of the second class). 1 Let me get fat. 2 I get fat at times. 202 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. The adjectives which have this prefix seem to express the less constant qualities, such as, color and condition of flesh. yauLkai, louse grey. 111-1. Lit tS6, green stuff. 342-5. Lit tso witc, blue beads. 199-7. niLtsai, dry meat. 97-7. Besides these are adjectives with a prefix which instead of being confined to the present is retained in all the forms. With the prefix te-, perhaps that indicating distribution when used with verbs, tcit til te, he is strong, is conjugated as are the verbs of class iv, conjugation 3; while tcittittcit, he is tired, fol- lows the verbs of class i, conjugation 3b. With the prefix tc6-, is the adjective tcodai, he is poor (lean), which belongs with verbs of class i, conjugation le. ROOTS. The term root has been applied to that part of the verb which remains when all prefixes, elements indicating person and number, and suffixes, have been discarded. These roots are monosyllabic in form. Only a few of them can be referred to known noun forms. Many of them describe with consider- able exactness the kind of an act or state spoken of. A large number indicate in addition the nature and number of the object affected by the act. It seems probable that some of these so-called roots are still composite. Several double forms, one without a final consonant and the other with one, suggest that, in some cases, these con- sonants are the remains of suffixes. The roots have been listed together with the verbs contain- ing them and classified as to meaning and form. -ai, -a. The root -a seems to carry the force of position. The prefixes indicate the place and particular attitude of the object. The syllable preceding the root states whether position is cus- tomary, without beginning, or assumed at some definite time. The suffixes indicate that the position is predicated of the future as certain or conditional, or states some other tempo-modal fact. Eliminating then these known elements, there remains the force of "has position" to be expressed by this root. 203 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. A) Having the short form. a dana wiii a te, for himself he will get. 338-9. eea, always lay. 292-2. iLwaiwifia, (the trail) forked. 141-16. yaaa, he sat. 150-8. yawesa, she sat up. 301-2. yawifna, he sitting. 162-11. ya Le da a diin,1 the corner. 286-1. yana, he sitting. 110-14. yanawesa, he sat down. 165-17. ya na me da a, (his stomach) loomed up. 121-11. yanameduiwini a, (ashes) piled up. 187-9. ya ta a ei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. yewesa, (his face) was in. 153-10. yi tsiin e e a miL, west the sun was. 333-4. wii a, (house) went. 192-13. me dui WiL a, she. put the ends in the fire. 242-11. naaa , he always has. 257-4. nani a ei, it hangs there. 295-3. na na dui wi-n a, it stands up. 364-14. nan ate, you will have. 357-7. na na kin nil WiL a, he made the ridge. 104-3. na nu wes a, (ridges) run across. 363-14. na da a, it stood. 150-8. nanaduiwaal, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13. (xoi de ai) na da a ne en, he used to listen (his head used to stand up). 340-12. naduiwifna, (smoke) came out. 197-5. (xoi de ai) na dii wiii a de, if they listen. 341-12. nadiiwiniaate, it will stick up. 204-2. (tin) nin a, road was there. 138-1. nu win a te, it will be. xawesa, he peeped out. 176-9. xala xlfn, (grass) had grown up. 121-11. xa na kyi oxl da a, grown over with grass. 165-16. XOL yai din ne WiL a, they learned. 180-13. X3t dana di wii a ei, with him it stuck up. 203-5. 'Several, mutually, at right angles, have position, place. 204 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. da ya wes a, he sat down. 138-3. da ya wifn a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something). 119-16. da ya na wes a, he sat there. 144-11. da na diL a, shoot. 329-11. dana d6L a, he can shoot. 145-1. da na du WiL a, he set another on it. 197-4. da na dul WiL a, he shot. 329-12. da na dul wiii a ei, it stood up. 203-10. da dul wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to it. 271-10. do XOL din niu WiL a, he did not know how. 176-6. dilwesate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1. ta wes a, it will project. 255-2. te na wes a, into the water run out. 365-1. tcul wa al, he carried along. 257-1. ke na neiL a, she leaned it up. 290-1. ke na ni na, it leaning up. 99-5. ke ne iL a, she leaned it up. 290-9. kit tsots yfl wiL a, "tsots" they made noise like. 364-9. B) The following have the same root under the longer form -ai. This change of form seems to be phonetic and due to accent, rather than morphological, the result of contraction with a suffix. The forms of the impotential all have this long form and the verb na a, "he has,"' makes use of the form for its past tense. Nearly all the examples given below occur where the forms with the shorter root would have been expected. yauw hwai, I have been sitting here. 174-12. yani ai, they were sitting. 329-3. ya na wifi ai, he sat down. 136-6. na da ai, it stands. 244-12. xoni ma na da ai, the post back of the fire. 363-9. dayawi-nai, he was sitting. 360-6. dayanaawilnai, he sitting. 162-2. dnauw ai, I do not wear. 247-15. 205 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -au, -a; to sing. This verb is employed of an individual sing- ing a song by himself, such as a love song. Another root, -te, -tl, is used of dance songs. A) The impotenitial, ctstomary, and past definite have the form -au. kit te e au, he sang along. 315-5. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -a. yi kit ta a te, she will sing. 104-2. nakyfiwifnatsfi, singing he heard. 186-12. -aL, -UL; to slit open. The verbs with this root are con- nected with the cutting open of fish and game, especially salmon and deer. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -aL. ninikyfiwiLaL, he cut it. 266-10. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -UL. nl yui kiL UL, they were cutting. 100-17, 101-2. -aL -IUL; to chew. This root may be connected with the last. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -aL. tcu win aL, he chewed. 121-12, 330-4. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -UfL. ke 'UL OX, she chewed.1 276-3. kin UiL OX, you chew. 275-2. -au; meaning unknown. Laxyaxonno au, they fooled him. 166-10. -an, -un, -auw; to transport round objects. Verbs which have reference to the moving of objects are peculiar in Athapascan languages in that, by employing different roots, they classify all 1It must be borne in mind that forms having suffixes are in nearly all cases those of the present definite or present indefinite, although the mean- ing may be that of the past. The objects of verbs of seeing, or hearing are also in the present form in Hupa but require often the past for their translation into English. 206 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. objects according to their size and shape. The following verbs have to do with small round objects such as stones. Verbs re- ferring to houses are also included here. A) The past definite tense has the form -an ya will an, he picked up (stones). 197-1, 342-1. menonifian, he put inside. 328-13. miLx6ssatan, he had been poisoned (with in his mouth it had been put. 121-14. na in dean, he brought. 365-17. nanawilnan, he had taken down. 176-10. na na nin an, he won back. 144-9. nasa an, it was. 360-8. no nai nin an, he left. 355-10. no na ya kin nini an, they left food. 110-9. no na nin an, he placed (a house). 117-8. no nin an, he established it. 273-3. xa will an, he took out. 100-10, 135-8. xo lfun sa an ne, there was much. 165-12. da ya dui will an, they took away. 171-14. da na yai di! will an, they brought it back. 365-15. da na sa an, on was sitting. 237-8. da tcdu wiln an, he placed it. 210-6. de dui wiln an, he put in incense. 260-11, 266-16, 342-5. te tcdu will an, he put it in water. 157-8, 342-6. tce na nin an, he took out. 119-3. tce nin an, he took it out. 119-15. tCiL an, he had. 171-16. B) The present definite tense (and forms with suffixes) has the root in the form -funl. mesa ufi, (nothing) was in it. 243-15. nanawifi fnilxolan, he had taken down. 176-17. na sa un te, it will lie. 226-9. no na ne fuil, I will leave. 223-3, 296-5. no na ta fuil hit, when she turned. 245-10. no na kin nih un te, one should leave. 215-8. no nih fill hit, when he finished (when he put it down). 234-7. 207 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. xaiunte, I will take one out. 135-5. sa un, standing. 110-13. sa un te, it will be. 226-10. da na dui wiin fun te, he will put in the fire. 258-2. do mesa fun, nothing was in it. 243-9. c) Indefinite tenses have the form -auw ya auw hwei, he held it out. 166-5. n3 auw ne en, the fire pit cover. 220-12. n5 nauw auw, I never leave. 248-1. nf auw ne, you must put it down. 210-7. no na kifn auw ne, you must leave. 353-10. niiw auw, am I going to leave. 157-8. hwo a nuun auw, give me. 329-14. xauw auw, I am going to take it out. 135-7. xa wa auw h'wiL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. de di! au (w) hwiLde, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. do no auw, he never put down. 259-6. d:xa auw, one doesn't dig. 135-3. d.i x3 lifi na ta auw, he won't carry. 258-3. do tee auw, he never took out. 230-12. tee e auw, he took out. 333-2. -an, -uin, -auw; to run, to jump. This root is only employed when the subject is in the plural. A) Past definite with the form -an. innaxosan, they jumped up. 169-11. ya xfi an, they jumped. 105-10. yex6taan, they ran in. 153-16, 238-9. nax6tesan, they ran around. 341-4. xanaxofian, they came up again. 360-10. x2taan, they ran down. 198-4. da na x6 du wii an, they ran back. 181-6. daxofian, they jumped on. 165-5, 347-18. B) Present definite with the form -ufii. ye x6fn flu hit, when they ran in. 169-11. c) Indefinite tenses with the form -auw. no x auwt hwil, they kept arriving. 208-1. x6 te e au,% they run along. 363-14. 208 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the HIupa Language. da x5 6 auw, they jump on him. 195-9. ta na x6 auw, they jump out. 165-6. te iL auw hwei, in the water crawl. 311-7. -ate; to move in an undulating line. This root is used of a pack-train and a herd of trotting elk. niL ate, they came (with a pack-train). 200-2. teL ate, a pack-train came. 200-1. teL ate ei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9. -eL; to have position. This root is used when the subject is in the plural under the same circumstances and with the same meaning as -ai, -a, given above. ya wifn eL, they were sitting there. 181-8. Le na de eL, they were joined. 347-4. Le de eL ta, in a corner. 270-5. na na dii wifi eL, they stuck up. 106-14. na d-i wii eL, they stuck up. 106-3. nifn eL, (everything) that is. 228-2. xs de win- eL, they were dead. 181-4. xu en e, they will go. 284-1. da na kin neuiw eL , crosswise I lay them. 247-5. tafn eL, sticking out. 341-15. te wifn eL, they stand out. 283-14. tce yafn eL, they ran out. 336-2. ke ya nifn eL, they were leaning up. 99-6. ke ni-n eL, they were leaning up. 235-9. kin n5 de eL, they stick. 363-15. -en, -in; to look. Verbs with the root -en, -in, express the aet of seeing as voluntary. Involuntary seeing requires the root -tsis. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential take the form -en. ya xon neL en, they looked at him. 278-3. na ya neL en, they looked. 105-8. na ne iL en, she looked at. 245-14. na neL en, he looked back at. 103-14, 362-10. na x6 de il en, he watched him. 202-5. 209 2University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. na ten en, he looked. 97-18. xa na tefi en, she looked for them. 300-14. xs wes en nei, one could see. 120-5. x6n ne i-iw en, I am accustomed to look at. 138-13. da x6 d-i wes en, one could see. 242-13. do o na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19. do yui xsn neL en, tnobody looked at him. 362-7. do na ted en, she did not look around. 136-6. do nel en, she did not look at. 136-7. d6 he ya x6n neL en, ;they could not look at him. 139-1. do xo liHA xan ne dil en, we can't look at him. 139-3. doteen, I don't look. 351-8. tei en, I looked. 238-4. teex xst dit teL en, he watching her. 137-10. tein neLen, he saw. 99-4. tcitteen, he looked. 165-19. tcittesen, he looked. 104-4. teitteteen, he looked around. 109-12, 166-2. tc6 x6n neL en, he looked at him. 109-1. tc6 x6t dit teL en, he watched along. 97-10. B) The present, definite and indefinite, with the imperative employ the form -in. ya tei iii hit, fwlhen they looked. 104-13. min no tes ini, he is looking under his arm. 113-1. nai wit ifi il, she looked. 243-5. na yates iii x, she looked. 300-17. na ne wit dil if iL te, we will look at. 216-18. naneLinhit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. na xst dui wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. na duiw ini, I watch. 259-14. na teuw in iL te, I will look back from. 230-7. na tein iii hit, when he looked. 96-11. na ten iii x6 lan, you looked it was. 238-6. na tefn in te, you will look. 356-5. neiL ifi, I looked at. 175-10. neiLin te, I am going to see. 99-3. niL iii, look. 356-12. nuiw ifi, let me look. 99-4. 210 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. xon neL in te, I can look at him. 138-14. do tcU xon neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at. 138-11. tein in te, you will look. 140-7. te siw ifi, I am going to look. 171-2. tcit te we ii il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. tcit tefn iii hit, when he looked. 119-16. tcit tes ini, one does (not) look. 237-9. -en, -iii; to do, to act, to deport one's self. A) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -en. a iL en ka, the way they do it. 227-2. ai kyilw en, I will do. 230-16. ma a kiL en ne en, their doings. 361-11. mal yeox a iL en, he took care of. 346-4. B) Present and future tenses with the form -ifi. a iL in ne en, (dogs) used to chase. 322-5. a iL in te, they will do. 266-13. ai kiLin te, when it happens. 217-6. ai kit iii x6 sin, (bears) did that. 223-4. xa ai ya XOL in OX, they did that with him. 211-5. xaa iL in te, that will be done. 203-8. xa a ya iL iii 'x, they did that. 105-10. xa a kiL inte, that way they will do. 211-15. -iuwv; to drop, to fall in drops as rain. na il iflw, (tears) dropping. 337-14. na ol (i)iiw, which drops first. 115-12. nal (i)iiw te, (its blood) will drop. 115-13. na nal de iii, (water) dripping off. 337-5. da nal iiti diii, it dropped place. 338-4. -its; to shoot an arrow. yaxoiiits, he shot. 166-8. yi kit te its, he can shoot. 144-12. yoe its, he shot at. 157-11. nai ke its, to shoot at a mark. 305-2. na kis its, they shot at a mark. 266-13. hwis sa kini its, my mouth shoot in. 118-13. 211 2University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. xa kifn its, it shoot up. 158-7. x6 sa kifi its, in his mouth he shot. 118-14. te ke its te, I will shoot in. 112-9. te kifn its, he shot it in. 112-10. te yan its, they began to shoot. 144-12. -its; to wander about, to run around. naiL its, it is running around. 294-4. na iL itS "X, he ran around. 185-10. na is its, different places she ran. 185-6. na naL its, running around. 295-10. nas its ei, it ran around. 294-3. -ut; to move flat flexible objects. This root is one of those which classify the object affected. It is employed of buckskin, cloth, and paper. The root -kyos given below is more frequently used and has the same meaning. no niin fit, he threw it. 112-3. te wa fit te, in the water I will throw. 111-17. -ya; to stand on one's feet (used only in the plural). Com- pare -yen, -yin, below. da de il ya, they stand around. 195-7. te na de il ya, in the water they stand. 310-4. -yai, -ya, -yauw; to go, to come, to travel about. This verb is used only in the singular and for the most part of human beings but sometimes of animals and things. A) The past definite tense employs the form -yai. in ta na wit yai, he turned back. 102-12, 104-2. ya nin yai, he walked. 138-15. yan yai, the sun was up. 308-3. yates yai, he went away. 360-4. (hwe de ai)ye wifn yai, into my head it came (I heard). 246-7. ye na wit yai, he went in. 98-15. (hwe de ai) ye nat yai, my head it came to. 356-15. ye tcul wini yai, he went in. 97-3. yi man tui wifi yai, he was lost across. 97-8. yi de tui wini yai, he was lost north. 342-9. 212 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. Le na in dl yai, he completed the circuit. 220-8. me na is dl yai, he climbed. 103-12. me nuindl yai, years (it came against). 145-7. mifi yai, it was nearly time. 286-6. mit tufk tcul yai, between he got in. 108-15. na in dl yai, he got back. 121-16. nauw dl yai, I have come. 145-10. na na in di yai, he came back across. 103-11. na na wit yai, he came down. 138-15. na nat yai, (the sun) had gone down. 202-9. na nifn yai, he crossed. 119-17. nan yai, it rained. 144-5. na dit te yai, (the ground) opened up. 143-17. na tes dl yai, he went home. 97-17. nei yai, I came. 140-14. nit ta na wit yai, he turned back. 270-11. nn yai, it went down. 348-3. xa is yai, he came up. 105-1. xa na is di yai, he came back up. 100-2. XOL ya tes yai, with them he went. 208-15. xot da wini yai, he went. 272-3. xot dali yai, it went down. 281-1. x6t de is yai, he met him. 105-14. xo tcui wini yai, he came down. 104-12. do ye na wit yai, he did not come in. 238-12. do na in dl yai, he did not come back. 306-2. do he tee nini yai, he did not come out. 162-13. d6 x6 lifi nfuin yai, you may not live. 257-9. do xwe de ai ye nat yai, she never heard. 307-15. do tce nini yai, she never went out. 158-3. dje-nyai, it opened. 108-11. ta na is di yai, he came out of it again. 314-6. tas yai, they have left. 271-2. te se yai, I went away. 353-6. tes yai, (its sound) went along. 348-5. tui wini yai, he was lost. 122-1. tee na in dl yai, he came out again. 102-13. tee nei yai, I have gone out. 99-14. 213 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tee nifi yai, he went out. 97-16. teit tes yai, he started. 96-10. ke is yai, he climbed. 137-17. kiL dje xafn yai, they fought. 165-5, 171-11. B) The present definite, the first and third persons impera- tive and all verbs employing suffixes take the form -ya. in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4. ye we ya te, I will go. 246-4, 314-3. ye wifi ya, (she saw) come in. 305-8. (xoi de ai) ye wiiTn ya, his head it has gone in (he has heard). 355-8. ye wiii ya ye xo lfin, a person had gone in. 118-5 ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. ye na wit ya te, she will go in. 311-15. ye tecu wini ya, they came in. 231-8. ye tcul wii'n ya hit, when she went in. 246-5. win yaL, come on. 170-12. wifn yal x6w, where you came along. 120-14. Le na in di ya te sil len, he got nearly around. 220-6. Li nya te, they will come together. 295-1. na in di ya yei, he came back. 98-6. na na is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6. na nin ya yei, she crossed over. 135-6. na n6 di ya, let it come back. 233-5. na nun ya, go back. 187-6. na se te, (na se ya te), I will go. 137-14. na tes di ya yei, he arrived. 104-3. na tes di ya te, I will go back. 117-14. na tin di ya ne, go home. 337-18. nei ya, I might go. 203-15. ne ya te, I am going. 348-15. niL te se ya te, I will go with you. 187-4. nin ya ye te, it will come. 307-12. nin ya de, if they come. 334-10. nin ya te, it will reach. 151-15. no nun di ya te, in one place they will stay. 259-17. nun di ya te, it will come back. 307-9. 214 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. xa is ya diii, he got up place. 272-2. xa na is dl ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. xo wili yaL, go along. 354-3. xs llun tee nifn ya, he must have arrived. 209-1. x6t da wiln ya yei, she went down. 99-8. da na di! wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. do ne ya hwunta, I can't stay. 348-10. do tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3. tas ya ye xs Illu, they had gone. 267-14. tas ya hwunfi, one ought to go away. 215-8. te se ya te, I am going away. 229-9. tes ya te, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1. tui will ya yei, he got lost. 348-17. tee na in dl ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. tce ne ya te, I will go out. 332-8. tee nif ya ne, you must go out. 242-1. tein nifi ya yei, he came. 97-1. tein nifn ya ne en, he used to come. 306-7. teit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13. tcit tes ya ye xs lan, he was walking along he saw. 185-13. tcit tes ya diii, he started place. 348-9. ke is ya yei, she climdbed up. 137-12. kis sa will ya te, he will go into somebody's mouth. 257-5. c) The indefinite tenses have the form -yauw. ye ifl yauw, they always go in. 305-9. mit tufk iii yauw, get in. 108-9. nin yauw, go. 354-3. xot da ke I yauw, they came down the hill. 310-6. te ke l yauw hwei, they go in. 311-2. tcen ya hwiL te, you will go. 356-8. kit tl yauw, they came. 98-3. The following words have a root agreeing in meaning with -yai and -ya above, but differing in its treatment. All but the impotential have the form -ya, the impotential has the form -yai, and -yauw is not found. 215 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARcH. ETI. a dui wfun x6 kyfun na 1 ya, about herself she thought. 286-5. wun na l ya, he worked on it. 226-2. wun na is ya, he started to make. 362-14. wun na is ya xs lnii, he had fixed. 170-10. wun xoi kyun na i ya, she began to think about it. 276-4. wun xoi kyiin na nani ya, he began to think about it. 294-4, 117-12. (xoi kyiun) me oi ya, we can make them think about. 242-16. (xoi kyufn) me nun dl ya te, his mind will think about. 314-9. (xoi kyufi) miin ya te, his mind will come to. 230-9. na el ya, it used to rain. 229-2. na i ya, he used to go. 135-2. nai ya'diii, where I live. 231-5. na is ya, he walked around. 157-9, 190-13. na is ya te, he goes. 307-13. na win ya yei dini, he had lived time. 336-7. na nai ya te, I am going to live. 218-2. na na is ya e xs lan, she could walk. 276-11. (xoi kyun) na nain ya, he studied again. 103-2. na na sii ya te, you will be. 353-8. naii ya, it rains. 229-3. (xoi kyii) nain ya, he studied. 102-17. na sii ya te, you will travel. 356-2. nas ya yei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. ke ket na l ya, made a creaking noise. 290-9. -yau, -ya; to do, to follow a line of action, or to be in a con- dition or plight. A) The past tense has the form -yau. a it yau xs lui, he was tired. 346-10. auw dl yau, I did. 325-17, 276-5. a nai dl yau, we do this. 361-9. a nauw dl yau, I did it. 325-12, 282-5. a na dl yau, it did that. 244-11. a nun dl yau, it did this. 326-6, 275-1. 216 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. a di yau wei, it is coming. 104-14. un di yau, you did. 257-8, 337-9. xa a it yau, he did that. 98-8. xa a na it yau, he did that way. 255-9. xa a di yau, it did that. 244-14, 337-17. xa a tcit yau, that he did. 280-12. da xs fiun a tcit yau, that he was dead. 226-5. da xwed dafn a di yau, what is it going to do. 270-6. d6 xa fun di yau, you don't do that. 343-13. B) The present tense employs the form -ya. a it ya de, if he does. 348-7. auw di ya, I might manage it. 101-11. auw di ya te, how am I going to do? 257-14, 275-5. a di ya te, it will be. 260-18. a tcit ya, he is doing. 204-14.. un di ya te, what will you do? 266-4. xa di ya te, it will do that. 254-10. xa a it ya xs lan, the same he found he was. 346-7. xa auw di ya te, I am going to do. 202-8. xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16. xoi kyiun tewin daln ya de, if his stomach is spoiled. 348-7. xo lfun a di ya, it has happened. 361-6. xo lan a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11. da x6 a di ya x6 lan, he was dead they found out. 175-11. da xo 'u n a di ya te, they will die. 217-16. duiw di ya, I am in the condition. 355-10. -yan, -yun, -yauw; to eat. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -yan. yai wiii yan, they ate them. 200-8. yai xoi 1 yan, they always eat him. 195-10. yawiinyan, they ate it. 266-12. ye!yan, they eat them. 195-9. yin neL yan nei, it ate it up. 347-18. yik kyut wifi yan, it ate. 319-7. yik kyui wifn yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3. yfu wini yan, she ate it. 319-5. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3,15. 2 i1 7 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. noi nill yan ne, that far they ate. 347-17. n6 kin nifn yan, he finished. 209-12. da yi kill yan e xs lli, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15. dokeyan, I don't eat. 351-7. d6 kyan, she didn't eat. 157-2. do kyu we hw'an, l I don't eat. 355-15. d6 kyti wit yan, without eating. 226-4. tee kin nill yan, they came out to eat. 98-2. tcin neL yan, he ate up. 111-5. tcui will yan ne, he has eaten. 311-11. ke l yan, he used to eat. 237-6. kin nill yan nei, they came to feed. 180-13. kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. kyiu will yan, he ate it. 120-10, 98-18. B) The present tense, definite and indefinite, and the impera- tive have the form -yulnl. ya te ylun x6 olluf, they had eaten. 100-17. yul wili ylun hwfun te, he must eat. 233-2. yul will yfun te, she will eat them. 253-8, 100-14. na kill y'ii, eat again. 192-7, 153-9. na kyui wifi yfin te, you will eat. 356-3. nit tecf wiln yfun de, if she eats you. 266-7. xo yu win yun te, if she eats them. 253-7. da kill ylun te, to chew off. 151-9. teil wi yfuni il he, even if he eat. 233-3. tel will y*tn sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3. tcut will yfun teL de, he would eat. 267-17. kei yunl, I might eat. 98-13. kei yfun te, I am going to eat. 97-15. kill yuinl, eat it. 166-6. kill yuin tsit, eat first. 332-6. kyo yiufl, eat. 192-2. kyul will yfufl il, you ate along. 121-1. kyul wit di yfun te, we shall eat. 190-5. kyui hwufil il, I ate along. 120-16. 1 The syllable -hwan is apparently formed by carrying over the sign of the first person singular -uiw and contracting it with -yan. 218 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. c) The following seem to be from this root. me nai yi yauw, they eat it down. 356-13. me nai yi yauw e x2 lan, it will be eaten down. 356-11. do kit ti yauw, they never went out to feed. 97-11. kit te I yauw, they came to feed. 310-10. -yan, -yunt; to live, to pass through life. This is no doubt a derived meaning, the meaning on which it is based has not been discovered. A) The past tense has the form -yan. xoi na xs wil yan, he came to his senses. 118-16. do xoi nes yan, he did not raise it. 282-4. tsis dl yan, he was old. 169-2. tcis dl yan ne te, she may live to be old. 325-13. B) The present tense has the form -yun. nai ke yufn te, they will grow. 296-4. niL Xst yun te, it will be easy for you to get. 357-7. dx xwe xo wil yfun te, he will be crazy. 307-10. te dl yfun te, he will live to old age. 227-7. kin ne so yun te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. d6 xo dl yfuni hwu0n, there won't be many. 308-6. -yan, -yuii; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion. A) The past, customary, and impotential tenses have the form -yan. wfit na ya x6 wil yan, they watched. 267-10. xoi ye xoi i yan, she suspected her. 158-3. xs wuft tcu xs wes yan, he watched her. 137-8. B) The present has the form -yun. xs wftt xo wes yufn te, I will watch her. 137-7. -ye; to dance. Verbs with this root seem to carry the generic meaning of dancing, while special kinds of dances axe referred to by words with roots specifying the particular acts performed as: tCiL t UL, " he kicks, " tCiL waL, " he shakes a stick." na dui wil ye, they danced again. 215-13. doL ye, dance. 222-13. tcit dil ye, to dance. 117-8. teit dil ye Ox, they danced. 216-7. 219 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tcit di wil ye ei, they danced. 216-16. tcit dui wil ye iL te, they will dance. 117-9. tcit dil ye te, there will be a dance. 203-8. -yeuiw; to rest. na wil yeuiw, he rested. 119-14. naL yeiiw, rest. 280-5. na tcil yeiTtw sa an diii, resting place. 363-3. na tcil yeiiw diin, the resting place. 347-3. -yeiiw; to rub, to knead. Le ye tcui wi-n yeiiw, he jammed in. 143-10. tce win- yefiw, she rubbing them. 301-5. -yen, -yifin;l to stand on one's feet. A) The past definite and the customary have the form -yen. wi yen nei, he was able to stand. 220-11. me tsis yen, who stands in. 195-11. na wiin yen, he stood. 106-3. tce l yen, he always stands. 207-6, 332-9. tcui wii yen, he stood. 109-11, 203-5. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -yii. tce yii hit, when he stands. 258-1. -yets; to entangle, to tie strings together. Le kin niL yets te, (lice) to tie together (the hair). 151-10. -yo; to like, to love, to be pleased with anything. iuw yo, I like. 230-16. yit dui wes yo te, it will like. 311-10. wes sil yo ne en, whom you used to like. 307-16. hai da tcii wes yo, more yet he likes. 340-13. do wes yo, I don't like. 233-6, 231-8. do tcui wes yo, he did not like. 96-7, 231-8. tce il y6, he liked it. 202-5. tcui wes yo te, he shall like. 307-11. 1 There is a glotal stop in this root between the vowels and the nasals which are surds. 220 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. -yow; to flow, to scatter. na kis y6w hwei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. noi ki y6w difn, as far as it goes. 311-6. no kin nin y6w, they were scattered about. 145-3. d6 he xa kin y6w, it did not come out (said of water), 105-5. kit te yow, it flowed out. 100-11. -yol, -yoL; to blow with the breath. A) The past tenses have the form -yol. xe e iL y6l, he blows away. 296-15. B) The present tense has the form -yOL. yetcilyot, she blows in. -y6s; to draw something long out of a narrow space, to stretch. tcenin-yos, he pulled out. 118-10. tcit te yos, she stretched it. 158-13. -y6t; to chase, to bark after. Said of dogs. ye yin ne yot, it drove by barking. 321-5. min no kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13. min noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4. xa in Lin net yot dei, they chased each other. 115-10. tee min nin yot dei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. -wai, -wa; to go, to go about. This root is only used in the third person singular. It corresponds to -ga in the other Athapascan dialects. A) The impotential regularly has the form -wai, and it is found in the example given below where its appearance is un- explained. d6wutn na wai, he never had done. 321-3. B) All but the impotential have the form -wa. wunnawaneen, going after used to. 157-10. naawa, they were there. 209-3. nawaux, he stayed. 166-14. nawaye, he went. 230-2, 231-9. donawa, nobody going about. 166-2. do na wa te, he will not live. 257-11. 221 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -wauw; to talk, to make a noise. This root is usually em- ployed with a plural subject. It is applicable to the noise of animals as well the confused noise of the conversation of people. meyaduiwilwauw, they began to talk about it. 265-1. me dil wauw, they talked about. 340-5. me dil wauw diin, they talk about place. 340-4. me dil wauw ta, they talked about places. 340-12. xoi di! wil wauw, they talked about him. 116-14. dil wauw tsii, he heard croak. 112-12. teit dil wauw tsii, talking they heard. 170-16. -wal, -waL; to shake a dance stick, to dance. A) The past definite, customary and impotential have the form -wal. tce iL wal, they danced. 239-3. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -waL. seL waL te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7. tciL waL OX, they danced. 238-10. tciL waL win te, they always danced. 239-2. -waL, -wufl, -WfUL; to strike, to throw, to scatter. A) The definite tenses employ the form -waL. ya WiL waL, he threw. 362-8. ye na XOL waL, he threw him. 106-13. Le nun dii waL, it shut. 108-16. me wiL waL, he beat on. 315-1. miL x6t da kiL waL, with she dropped down. 189-11. na ya di! wil waL, they were scattered about. 109-13, 192-17, 170-11. naneLwaL, he struck. 163-17. na deL waL, he put it. 114-5. na dit teL waL, she emptied down. 192-12, 109-16. xa xs wil waL, " Dug-from-the-ground. " 138-9. xe e wiL waL, she threw away. 189-11. xe e na kiL waL, he threw her away. 308-9. 222 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the HItpa Language. xe e dui waL ei, (feathers) disappear over the hill. 208-17. XOL Le naun di! waL ei, with him it shut. 109-5. dana deL waL, he poured it. 281-17. de xst diL waL, he threw him in the fire. 120-8. djet waL, it opened. 281-17. ta na is wab ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. teit d-i wiL waL ei, she knocked off. 159-11. tee x6 teL waL, he pulled him. 106-17. teil wes waL, he lay (like a log). 112-16. B) The customary and impotential have the form -wiul. ya iL wuil, she always clubs them. 196-1. c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -WuL. na a diL wfuL, hurry (throw yourself). 354-3. niL yai kyo d-iwiiL, with you let it seesaw. 107-17. -wan, -nan, -wun, -nui; to sleep. This root usually appears in the form of -iTnan or -nun, w following -n of the preceding syllable of the definite tenses being assimilated to it. In the cases in which the initial of the syllable is not recorded, it probably escaped the ear. The verbs making use of this root require that the persons affected appear as the object. The subject of the verbs, never expressed, is probably the mythical miL found in the word miL na X6 wiL we, "he felt sleepy" (sleep fought with him). 121-5. A) The past definite has the forms -wan, -nian. naaxoikyfiwiinan, he went to sleep. 121-9. xoikyilwii an, he went to sleep. 121-7. xs kyui wiin nian, he went to sleep. 203-1. kyii wini nlan xs lan, he went to sleep. 347-1. xoik kyii wiln an, he went to sleep. 113-8. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the forms -wun, -nun. nik kyo wiun, go to sleep. 294-5. nikkyiiwininimunte, you will go to sleep. 252-11. hwik ky6 wuit, I am going to sleep. 121-6. 223 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. -was; to shave off, to whittle. 1 no nini nias, he whittled it down. 197-3. teil wiii nias, he scraped bark off. 347-12. -wat, -wa; to shake itself, said of a dog. a nai di! wiii wat, he shook himself. 115-7. a nai dui wa, he is shaking himself. -webJ, -wil, -wiL; the passing of night. Verbs with this root are often found with a direct personal object, having the mean- ing that the person named or indicated has passed the night in the place or under the circumstances mentioned. When the verbs are employed without an object they indicate the lapse of time. The subject of this verb has not been discovered, but seems to be darkness. A) The definite tenses have the form -web. yide yal weL, they spent a night. 200-9. yit del weL, they spent the night. 280-10. wil weL, (at) dark. 137-15, 142-8. wil weL miL, after night. 238-8. wil weL hit, after night. 300-17. wil web din, at night. 142-9. min nl webLmiL, it was midnight. 293-2. hwel web te, I will spend the night. 348-2. xoi yal web, they camped. 175-6, 200-7. xoi nal weL, he stayed over night. 121-3. xoi na teL weL, they camped. 116-7. xOi teL web, they spent the night. 198-12, 361-16. XOL xwel weL, he stayed over night. 98-12. xwel web, he spent the night. 280-10, 361-15. do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1. B) The customary and impotential have the form -wil. e il wil, all day. 275-2. e il wil, every day. 150-7. e il wil miL, in a day. 336-7. xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12. 1Forms with the initial w of the root appear whenever it is not pre- ceded by n. Such forms do not happen to appear in Hupa Texts. 224 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. xoi yal wil lit ta, they had camped. 181-7. xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6. ded e il lu wil, it begins to be dark. 356-10. do xs linf hwil wil, I will not stay over night. 176-1. c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form -WiL, bu,t they do not occur in Hupa Texts. -wen, -wifi, -we; to kill. This root furnishes the generic verbs for the killing of man or beasts. Other verbs indicate the manner of killing, as shooting or stabbing. A) The past definite has the form -wen. ya xo seL wen, they killed him. 171-12. yis se teL wen nei, he commenced to kill. 136-10. tee xs seLwen, he killed her. 164-11. tee seLwen, he killed. 136-11. tcis se teL wen e xo lan, he had killed he saw. 186-7. B) The present indefinite has the form -win. ne se seL win te, I will kill you. 151-2. hwit tsin tse win tfifi, I have been killed. 119-1. xo lun ne seL win, (the load) has worn you out. 105-16. x6 se seL win te, I will kill him. 150-11, 163-10. se set win te, I will kill it. 162-7. teis seL win dete, if he kills. 139-5. tcis seLwin te, he will kill. 311-16. c) The indefinite tenses have the form -we. ya xSsiLwe, they might kill him. 278-5. yis se iL we, he killed. 136-13. miL na xo WiL we, he felt sleepy (miL fought with him). 121-5. x6 stiw we, let me kill him. 159-8. xo dje yut WiL we, she loved him (her heart fought for him). 157-12. do xo lii no SiL we, you can't kill us. 165-7. tsis SiL we, he killed one. 319-4. tee hwis su WiL weL de, if he kills me. 114-3. teis seiLwe ei, she had killed. 333-5. tCis siLwe, he killed. 106-4. 225 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. -wen (-en), -wifn (-in-), -wu*, -we, -wel, -weL; to carry on the back, with or without a burden basket. A) The past definite requires the form -wen (-en). yayakifnen, they packed up. 164-4. yawilnen, she carried. 210-4. yanawillen, she carried. 172-1. ya na kiln en, he packed up. 238-3. ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4. ye kinl en, he brought in. 192-3. xa ya kis wen, they carried it up. 164-5. xa kis wen, he had carried it. 166-4. ta tcis wen, he carried out. 120-10. tcin nill en, she brought. 137-15. kin nill en, he brought it. 97-14. B) The present definite has the form -wiln (-inl). tcin nin win detc, if he will bring. 137-5. c) The present tense indefinite, customary, and impotential have the form -wfIw. yaawutw, he always takes on his back. 195-6. ya na ke ud wlwu, he used to pack up. 237-7. ya ke w-tw hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. ya kiln wilw, carry it. 105-18. na ne it wulw, he used to carry it back. 237-8. neiftwwwiw din, I bring place. 137-5. no -a wilw, he put down. 237-5. da yit de wftw hwei, he always carries it off. 162-7. tcin ne ut wutw, she always brought back. 137-1, 195-7. tcin nui wfiu7 win te, she always brought. 157-2. D) The third person of the timperative and, it would seem from the following example, sometimes the present indefinite has the form -we. na kyut we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. E) The following verbs have the form -we plus the suffix -1, -L. ya ke wel, someone carrying loads. 110-3. na na kis wel, he arranged again. 106-7. tee wel, he was carrying. 106-4. 226 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Mlorphology of the Hupa Language. tce weLne en, they were carrying. 110-9. ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4. -wen, -win, -wuw, -we; to move fire, to wave fire. A) The past definite has the form -wen (-en). da tel win en, he put fire on it (he lit his pipe). 119-15. tcit te te wen, she waved (fire). 242-12. B) The present definite has the form -wi-n (-inl), butt it does not happen to occur in Hupa Texts. c) The customary, impotential and sometimes the present indefinite, and the second person of the imperative have the form -wiuw. None of them occur in Hupa Texts. D) The third person of the imperative and sometimes the present indefinite have the form -we. xsni nauw we, fire I wave. 248-2. -wis; to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body. a duF wun ya teL wis, for themselves they were afraid (they dodged). 179-10. ye kiL wis, he bored a hole (with a drill). 197-3. do a di! vwin tel wis he, don't be frightened. 356-2. teit dui WiL WiS, he rolled between his hands. 197-4. -lai, -la, -liw; to move or transfer a number of objects. By means of a change of the root, as has been said before, the objects moved or transferred are classified according to their shape and size. This statement applies only to single objects. When several objects, of the same class, or of different classes are affected, the root employed is -lai. A) The past definite hcas the form -lai. ya na wil lai, she picked it (a bundle) up. 307-6. ya sil lai, they were there. 180-3. ye ya xo lai, they took them. 179-12. ye teu wil lai, he took them in. 301-7. yin ne ya xsl lai, in the ground they have put them. 360-9. yin ne tcui wil lai, in the ground had been put. 362-16. Le na nil lai, he built a fire. 120-10. 227 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. miLwa ya kin dil lai, we traded with them. 200-4. na ya nil wes dil lai, they took the bet. 142-17. na ya x&n nil lai ei, they took them. 179-8. na na ya wil lai, they turned down (their heads). 139-1. na ne wes dil lai, he won. 211-6. n- nil lai, he put. 98-2, 307-2. xa is lai, she brought up. 98-16. xa wil lai, she dug it out. 242-5. xo wa ya tel lai, they gave them. 198-8. x5 wa teil lai, he gave away. 103-7. xS tein na sil lai, she was dressed in. 164-9. sa wil lai, he put in his mouth. 119-6, 276-10. sil lai, standing. 202-4. dana wil lai, she put it. 308-2. de di! wil lai, he put on the fire. 266-11. do hwil wiun nu wit lai he, don't bring them to me. 230-13. tee na nil lai, he drew out. 119-2. tee nil lai, he pulled out. 143-5. tcin tel lai, they brought. 230-15. B) The present definite has the form -la. a dit tein no nil la de, if she puts with herself. 302-10. ye ya xs la yei, they took them. 179-9. Le nai yiin dil late, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. Le nai WiL dil la diin, they build a fire place. 351-5. Le nauw dil la, I have a fire. 351-6, 355-14. Le na wil la, a fire. 170-9. Le na nil la xs lan, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. Lena nil late, you will build a fire. 356-4. Le na nil la te, he will build a fire. 258-2. ml nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4. nai ya xon nil la yei, they took them. 179-11. no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. sil la, (I wish) would lie. 190-14. sil lane en, used to be (on her). 153-4. de na dui wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. de dui wil late, he will put in the fire. 255-15. doLe na nel la, I do not build a fire. 355-14. te se la te, I am going to take them. 253-15. 228 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. c) The indefinite tenses have the form -luw. a dit tein- nul l1w, on yourself put it. 175-3. ya il luw, he picked up. 292-14. yal1uw, he picked it up. 292-15. yei il 11w, waves began. 102-2. ye tee il luw, he used to take. 288-2. Le na il luw, she started the fire. 153-1. Le na lgw, he built a fire. 235-14. na ya nil 1luw ne en, which had been lost. 144-7. niL tcin nu il 1luw, he put together. 334-12. no il l1w, she put. 157-11. nu nail 1uw, she left off. 332-10. sa hwil 111w, put in your mouth. 276-8. tee il 111w, he used to take out. 230-11. tein ne il 111w, they always brought. 230-10. -lai, -la, -l1w; to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to hand something to someone. A) The past definite has the form -lai. ya na kil lai, he took in his hand. 337-7. wun no kin nil lai, she put her hand on. 246-10. mit de na kil lai, he touched it. 176-12. kit te tel lai, he rubbed. 347-14. B) The present definite has the form -la. te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. -lai, -la, -111w; to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. Some, at least, of the Hupa conceive of a canoe as a giant hand which carries people. Whether this root is connected with or is de- rived from the root which precedes in form, it is connected with it in the thought of the Hupa. A) The past definite has the form -lai. me na nil lai, they landed. 215-11. me nillayei, they landed. 216-13. xot da wil lai, they started in boats. 362-1, 215-13. xot da na wil lai, they started by boat. 116-8. dit tse no nil lai, they headed the canoe. 216-4. ta wil lai, it had started. 362-10. teit tes lai, they started by boat. 215-10. 229 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. B) The present definite has the form -la. dits tse no nil la x6 Ififi, it was pointed. 222-4. tei wil la le, they were going along. 222-1. It is probable that the following are connected with one of the preceding. kiL dje xai wil lai, they (dogs) commenced to fight. 115-10, 17. kiL dje xai y6 I-1w, let them fight. 115-2. kiL dje xai wil la te, they will fight. 115-4. -lau, -la, -hl, -le; to do something, to treat somebody or something in a certain way, to arrange according to a plan or purpose. The phonetic connection between the first two and last two forms of the root is unexplained. It may be possible that two like forms with related meanings have become merged. A) The past tense has the form -lau. auw lau, I made. 302-10, 260-3. au wil lau, it- was made of. 108-2. a ya teil lau, they fixed. 172-4. a na ya dil lau, they fixed themselves. 170-1. a na x6 wil lau, he was ready for a fight. 162-10. a na dil lau, he made himself. 152-11. a na tcil lau, he did. 106-8, 145-11. a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. a tcil lau, he did it. 112-5, 157-6. a kil lau, they did. 266-13, 322-1. ul lau, what did you do? 163-3. Le ya ki x6 lau, he gathered the people. 151-7. Le na ya kyil wil lau, they gathered up. 171-12. miin xo an na xs wil lau, for him ready to fight. 163-13. xaailau, it broke. 290-1. xa a na tcil lau, that he did. 260-9. xa a xo lau, he did the same thing. 278-12. xa a tcil lau, he did the same thing. 211-1. xofn a na dui wil lau, he dressed himself. 139-14. x6fi a dui wil lau, she marked herself. 311-12, 215-11. da an na dil lau, he untied himself. 120-2. da an na teil lau, he tore down. 102-11. 230 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hitpa Language. B) The present definite, and in some cases at least, the present indefinite and imperative have the form -la. ailate, they will catch. 253-10. auw la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8. au wil la ne en uk, he used to do way. 106-8. a ya x6 la, something could befall them. 321-9. a wil la, (I wish) it would happen. 150-11. a late, what are you going to do? 102-15. a nauw late, I was intending to do. 260-3. a na teil la te, he will do. 258-4. a hw6 la, you have treated me. 166-12. a xS wit la, something would happen to him. 223-1. a x6 lade, if it happens. 308-1, 5. a x6 late, they will do. 306-12. a xs dil la, we could do with him. 116-16. a teil late, he will treat. 255-10. Le na kil lane, gather together (things). 192-8. Le ki x6 la, gather people. 151-5. c) The customary and impotential have the form -l. mal yeiuw ai il 1u, she took care of it. 136-7. xa a xoi il lui, always he did that. 237-9. D) A present indefinite tense with imperative forms occurs with -le. ai xoi il le, they do with him. 196-7. ai kyul wil lel liL te, they will do. 230-8. a wil leL te, he will do. 253-12. a le ne, you must do it. 100-18. a na dil le, fix yourself. 170-1. akyole, you do. 198-2. a kyui wil lel liL te, it will do. 236-3. 0l le, take it over. 220-13. ullene, do it. 176-7. xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17. xa a xs le ne, he should do that. 163-2. xa a kyui wil leLte, he will do that. 211-18. ua01le, do that. 165-19, 138-8. 231 2University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. -lal, -laL; to dream, to sleep. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -lal. nit te sil lal le, (I wish) you would go to sleep. 203-1. kin na is lal, he dreamed. 191-6. B) The present tense has the form -laL. kin nauw laL, I dreamed. 191-8. -lan, -l'un; with the negative prefix, to quit, to leave, to desist. A) Thue past definite, customary, and impotentiat have the form -lan. do y-lx xs il lan, they always quit. 196-2. do tco wil lan, she quit. 157-10, 242-13. do tco wil lan, he left. 343-9. do tco xo na wil lan, he went away. 343-8. B) The present definite has the form -lun. do oi lun te, I will quit. 255-5. do yo lun te, they will quit. 231-1. do yilx xo il lun, they quit him. 196-7. do tco wil lffi, he stopped. 234-2. -lan, -lun; to be born. A) The past tense has the form -lan. tcis lan, he was born. 96-2. B) The present tense has the form -luni. islWunte, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4. -lat, -la; to float. This root is used of inanimate objects including dead bodies. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -lat. na lat dei, it was floating. 243-17. na na lat de, it was floating. 244-9. nate dil lat, it floated up. 245-16. no nin dil lat, it got back. 246-2. xawillat, it floated on the water. 266-8. XOL Le nun dil lat, it floated with him. 315-5. 232 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. XOLme nundiLatdei, with him it floated back. 315-6. x6Ltes lat, it floated with him. 315-2. ta des lat, it came. 105-2. te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -la. na la, it floating. 243-8. na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12. da wes lal, it floated. 314-10. da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6. da na wil laL, it was floating there. 325-3. na nat la le, it floating. 243-13. ta des la, (a boat) has come. 199-3. tes la, he is drowning (floating as dead). 210-11. tcit tes la, he is drowning. 210-11. -le; to feel with the hands. nanakisle, he felt around. 106-5. na na kis le hit, when he had felt. 106-6. na kis le, he felt. 107-15. x6V wiin na kis le, he felt of him. 153-5. -lel; to carry more than one animal or child in the hands. When only one is so carried the root employed is -tel evidently an extended form of -te. It may be that -lel is likewise formed from -lai. ya xs wil lel lei, they took them along. 179-9. -lel; to bother. do xs liii tewiii yo wil lel, they won't bother it. 267-4. -len, -lini, -lu, -le; to become, to be transformed, to be. Verbs with this root often indicate acts without any apparent agency. A) The past definite has the form -len. ya is len, both became. 187-13. yaislenei, they became. 110-1. ya sil len, they had become. 182-6. Lisil len, they made bets. 142-16. Am. ARCH. ETH. 3,16. 233 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. na ya is dil len nei, they became. 166-13. nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7. nas dil len ne xo Inifi, it had gone back. 235-1. x6len, she has. 333-9. sil len, he got there. 346-6. sil len, it seems. 241-8. sil len ne en, it came. 241-9. sil len nei, it became. 115-1, 182-4. sil len ne xo Iunfi, it had become. 97-4. do ya xo len, they were lacking. 105-15. d6 ya xo len ne, it was gone. 111-11. do na xs len nei, he was gone. 119-17. do nas dil len nei, it did not happen. 117-5. do xo len, there was none. 159-3. d6 xo len ne, it was gone. 243-11, 159-2, 185-5. te le ne xs lan, it had become. 187-5. tin nauw tsis len, he came to have. 348-16. tsis ]en, he became. 186-10, 136-15, 229-2. (do) tee xs len ne, he was gone. 163-6. tcis len, he came to be. 106-17, 114-7. kyo dil len, he might be cold. 169-5. B) The present definite has the form -lifi. nas dillin te, that was to be. 283-6. sil lin te, you are going to be. 343-5. sil lin te, it is going to be. 287-5. sil lin teL difi, it is going to be place. 104-16. xS liii, it was. 340-7. d6x6liii, it is gone. 141-8. tsis lin te, it would become. tsis lin ne te, he will become. 338-10. c) The customary, impotential, and a sporadic future have the form -lu. na at lu e xso lan, it had gone back. 234-11. na dil lil, it will be. 243-2. hw~ e il lil, it becomes mine. 248-1. xo dje e it din te e il lu, he became unconscious. 223-14. do xo liii nifi xa ten tcil lu, it won't be rich man he will become. 338-7. 234 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. do xs lifn tse liin teil lu, he won't have blood on him. 334-11. D) The present indefinite and imperative of alt verbs con- taining this root, and all the tenses of some other verbs have the form -le il le ne, become. 109-6. 6 le, let him become. 110-7, 340-8, 362-7. 6 le ne, become. 109-18. na dil le, they are. 211-13. na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12. na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. na dil le te ne en, was going to happen. 117-5. nat le liL te, it will become. 312-4. no x6s le e, he is lost. 185-8. nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3. x6 xutn x6s le, she got married. 189-9. xwa e il le, he had enough. 332-6. xwa wes le de, if he gets enough. 255-16. do yi da il le, they do not get enough. 196-7. d6 yi da le, it never satisfies them. 195-9. do xo wil lel liL te, it will be no more. 217-15. d6 x6s le, was not. 259-3, 96-7, 322-5. do na x6s dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4. teil le, it would be. 340-10. te-i wil leL te, he will become. 114-4. kis le te, they will catch many. 257-10. -len, -lini; to flow, to run; said of any liquid. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -len. na wes len ei, it falls. 104-1. ne il len, it always flows. 336-5. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -lifi. ye nin dii lifi ye, they had washed ashore. 267-12. nau wil lifi, to run. 108-19. nil in tsud, he heard a creek. 111-13. 235 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. no wil lini, it was covered. 115-16. tee wes lin te, it will flow out. 254-17. tee wil lin diin, at the mouth of the creek. 175-10. tee na il li-n xo lan, it used to run. 117-18. -lit; to burn. This root is used only of the fire as acting. The root employed in verbs meaning to cause to burn is -Lit, evidently related to this. wa kin nil lit xs lan, they were burned through. 119-3. miL tel lit te he, even if he sweats himself. 337-16. nawillit, he nearly burned. 330-1. na wil lit dei, he burned up. 120-8. na wil lit te, it will be burned. 151-5. no nil lit hit, when he finished sweating (when the fire had ceased burning). 210-8. X6L no il lit, it was done smoking with him. 336-4. XSLn6 nil lit, it finished burning. 364-7. XoLn ukin nil lit, he finished sweating. 209-13. X6L te il lit, he smoked himself. xs tel lit, he smoked himself. 210-7. d6 he te il lit, it would not burn. 166-9. do he tel lit, it would not burn. -lite; to urinate. de ki dil lite te, (frog) to urinate on the fires. 151-10. -lik; to relate, to tell something. na x6w lik miii, to tell you. 226-6. niL Xoilik te, I will tell you. 351-11. niL xsw lik, I am telling you. 360-8. niL xwe lik te, I will tell you. 355-4. xo wil lik te, he will tell. 203-14. X6L ya xs il lik, he told them. 180-10. XOL ya xo wil lik, they told them. 180-12. X6L teuxS wil lik, he told him. 141-13. teS xS wil lik, she began to tell them. 181-15. -loi, to tie, to wrap around. anadisloi, he girded himself. 221-5. yaisloi, they wrapped. 179-7. 236 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. wil loi, bundles. 210-3. Le il loi, he ties together. 334-12. Le na is loi, he tied together. 210-5. me il loi, he used to tie on feathers. 288-3. me na kis loi, he bound it up. 145-11, 348-13. mil loi ne, you must feather (arrows). 207-4. na iiw loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11. tsis loi, he made bundles. 142-3, 210-3, 293-6. tcis loi, he played (he tied with). 144-4. -los, to drag, to pull along. ye na wil 1s, she dragged it in. 190-2. na na kit de ls, he had fixed the load. 162-10. nate 16s, she dragged back. 190-1. xa na is los, she dragged it up. 192-2. -li, -le; to kill, to make an attack, to form a war party. A)The past definite, customary, and the impotential have the form -lii. Lediuwillii, he had killed several. 165-15. xoi du wil lii, they attacked them. 152-13. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -le. xoi de il le tsii, they heard the party war. 332-4. di! wil le te, a company will come to kill. 332-3. di! wil le teL, a party is coming to kill. 334-6. -lu, -le; to dive, to swim under water. a) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -lu. naalu, which live (said of fish). 100-7. do til lu, they never come. 252-3. til l, they come. 254-12. B) The present and imperative have the form -le. da il lel, it always swam. 266-6. da wes lel, it swam around in one place. 266-5. tce nil le te, they will dive out. 252-9. -luw, to watch, to stand guard over. ye liw, it watching. 203-13. 237 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. me 1luw, watching. 204-6. me 111w Ox, he watched it. 205-2. me I1iw te, I am going to watch. 292-9. me nai 11uw te, I will watch. 217-13, 258-10. me nauw luw te, I will watch. 267-17. m11w 111w te, I will watch them. 258-15, 218-3. -Lat, -La; to run, to jump. The verbs which have this root are confined to the singular number and indicate rapid motion by human beings. A) The past definite, cttstomary, and impotential have the form -Lat. in nas Lat, it ran up. 295-5. in natcis Lat, he jumped up. 171-9. ye nawil Lat, she ran in. 136-1. ye nal Lat, he ran in. 329-8. yin ne nal Lat, in the ground it ran. 221-12. na il diL Lat, he came running back. 176-16. na is diL Lat, she ran. 185-6. nfldiL Iat, he ran back. 115-16. xa na is diL Lat, she had run up. 135-13. xe e naawil Lat, he ran away again. 176-16. xs wil Lat, he ran. 199-4. XoL ta na wil Lat, with him she went. 223-14. dawil Lat, he jumped on. 113-14. dana d1iwil Lat, he ran back. 97-12, 98-15. da tcit du wil Lat, he ran. 164-2. tceil Lat, he jumped out. 106-2. tce inLat, she ran out. 185-5. tce na il Lat, she came there. 135-9. tcit d1iwil Lat, he jumped off. 107-11. keis Lat, she ran up. 158-8. kes Lat dei, he climbed up he saw. 174-7. B) The presenmt, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -La. me is La dei, he ran up. 217-16. na nawil La dei, he ran down. 221-17. n6il La, he came running. 360-8. 238 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. da din La, run. 176-6. tce il Lade, he is running along. 220-13. tciiW La, let me run out. 171-9. -Lit; to cause to burn. This root is confined to the transitive use. Compare -lit above for the root used in corresponding in- transitive and passive verbs. na win Lit, she burned it. - 311-12. -LU, -Le; to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid, dough- like material. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -LU. na iiiw Lu, I paint. 247-12. nade L, she marked across. 311-13. noi xwe iL LU, they throw down (blood). 195-11. tCit teL LUi, he rubbed it. 278-10. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -Le which does not occur in lupa Texts. -L6n, -L6, -L6w, -Loi; to make baskets, to twine in basket- making. This root is very likely related to L6, "grass," from the materials of which baskets are made. A) The definite tenses have the form -L6n. na kis L6n, she made baskets. 189-5. na kit te Lan, she wove another round. 305-7. na kit te L6n, she began to make baskets again. 325-9. B) The indefinite tenses have the forms -L and Lmw. which do not seem to differ in meaning or use. na kit te it L6w, she always made baskets. 157-3. ke it L, she used to make baskets. 189-1. ke it Lw, she made baskets. 305-4. kit te it Low, who always made baskets. 324-5. c) The impotential and nouns from this root have the form -Loi. 4 kit Loi, a basket. 103-7. 239 University of California Publications. [AM. AtcH. ETH. -mas, to roll, to rotate. ya wim mas, he rolled over. 112-15. xa te mas, (frost) rolled out of the ground. 270-5. tee nim mas, it rolled out. 197-5. -mats, to coil. This root is evidently connected with the pre- ceding. na wes mats, it was coiled. 151-19. -me, to swim, to bathe (transitive or intransitive). nai me, I swim in. 311-11. nauwv me, let me swim. 97-15. na wim me, he swam. 209-13. na wim me, she bathed. 307-2. na na iuiw me, I bathe it. 247-1. na nai me, I bathed. 311-8. na na im me ei, he always bathed. 311-8. -men, to cause to swim. ye na wiL men, he made it swim in. 266-2. me nim men, he landed him. 162-9. na iL dim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. na is men nei, he made it swim. 266-1. na tet men, he made it swim. 266-1. tce niL men nei, he made it swim out. 265-10. teit teL men, he made it swim. 265-9. -meIL, -mil, -miL; to strike, to throw, to drop. Verbs having this root are always used with a plural object. When the object is singular, -waL, -w, -wfiL is employed. A) The definite tenses have the form -meL. ya yai wim meL tsii, he heard them kick up their legs. 342-14. yawim meL, he took up. 142-4. yax6smeL, he whipped him (the whip was of several strands). 164-3. ye teil wim meL, they put them in. 200-5. 240 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. na dit te meL, they fell. 245-11. nim meL diii, the place you bring them. 210-7. n6 ya te meL, they dropped them along. 179-11. xe e ya xs wit meL, they had thrown away part of them- selves. 181-9. de di! wim meL, he threw in the fire. 165-10. tet meL, scattered. 117-16. tce na nim meL, he had them thrown out. 301-14. tcin ne meL, he carried it home. 363-1. tcit te te meL, he scattered them. 101-3. B) The customary and impotential have the form -mil. yai im mil, it kicked up. 290-2. ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. ya de mil, the balls used in playing shinny. 143-5. yat mil lei, they fell back. 165-11. yiu wcun dim mil lei, they went through. 211-5. wa im mil, he always distributes them. 195-8. wundim mil, the going through. 144-3. wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. no niin dim mil, it fell back. 151-18. n6n de mil, they fell. 143-8. xa te dim mil, chips flew off. 113-13. de na de i-lw mil, I put. 247-9. de de im mil, he pushed them into the fire. 165-6. tcit te dim mil, they fell one after another. 208-6. tco x6 ne im mil, he threw at her. 332-12. ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -miL. tee na miL, throw them out. 301-13. tce ne ya xon miL, throw them out. 302-3. -men, -miii; to fill up, to make full. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -men. de wim men, it was filled. 191-5. 241 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -mini. XOL yaL de wim miii il, they filled with them. 153-17. de wim min te, they will be filled. 253-11. -medj, to boil, to cook, by boiling. kyul wil medj, boiled. 166-5. -mitc, to break off, to pull off. ya te mite, they pulled off. 179-10. teit di! wim mite, she broke it off. 287-2, 293-16. tcit di! wim mite hit, when she broke it off. 287-4. -muit, to break out, as a spring of water; to break open. yi kis mfut ei, (a basket) broke. 289-15. xa kin de mut, it boiled up. 105-3. -na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by placing above boiling water. me wit dil na te, we shall steam it. 241-11. me na WiL na ei, he steamed them. 342-12. ke ya WiL na, they cooked it. 266-10. ke wiL na, she cooked them. 99-9. ke na wiL na, he cooked it. 260-6. kiL na, cook them. 237-2. -na, to move ( ?). Perhaps the verbs given below are to be con- nected with the root next considered. na xts din na tsu, someone moving she heard. 191-12 na ka xas din na tsiu, someone moving she heard. 165-18. -na, -nauw; to go, or to come. This root is confined to the third person singular of the verbs in which it occurs. The first person of these verbs has a root -hwa, -hwauw, and the second person one -ya, -yauw. It is likely that this root as well as that found in the first person is a modified form of the root -yai, -ya resulting from a preceding n. es tcin nauuw, swimming deer (they come into the es, fishdam). 162-1. ya win na WiL de, if it raises up. 117-10. ya nauwdifi, the going up place. 195-6. 242 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. ye tcin na-uw, they will come in. 231-6. Lein nauw, they came together. 305-2. meui na hwiL de, if their time comes. 229-9. me win na hwiL te, (her mind) will go against. 325-14. na wit dits tin nauw, whirlpool. 120-3. ne in nauw, he used to come in. 305-1. nit de sin nauc fun, didn't you meet her? (didn't sl meet you?). 165-2. n6 in nauw, she stopped. 158-5. no win na hwiL te, he will go. 230-1. Compare, no kiL dje xa in nauw, she quit fighting. 333- nul win na hwil, he went. 282-10. xa sin nauw diii, where the sun rises. 332-5. do ye in nauw, no one ever comes in. 329-4. do mit tis in nauw, it never over it reached. 314-2. do tce in nauw, she never used to come out. 305-3. d6 tin nauw x6 lui, he had not gone along. 174-5. te in nauuw, he comes. 310-7. tul win na hwiL de, if it comes. 105-12. tul win na huwiL te, it will go. 229-13. tce innauw wei, he used to go out. 136-14. tee nauw, it coming out. 170-7. -6. tein ne in nauw, she always comes. 101-7. tein nin nauw hwei, she comes. 101-6. tcit te in nauw, he used to come along. 162-3, 186-8. teit tul win na hwiL de, it will pass here. 272-8. kiL dje xa in nauw te, there is going to be a fight. 333-13. -nan, -nui; to drink. A) The past definite, cutstomary, and impotential have the form -nan. ta win nan, he drank it. 337-7. tan din nan, you drank. 337-12. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -nun. tai win nun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7. tai din nun, let us drink. 179-3. 243 he 24niversity of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. ta nai win nfun de, if he drinks. 337-16. ta nai win niin te, he will drink. 337-18. tauw din nfun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. -nan, -nauii; to turn, to move. Verbs having this root are used of the turning about of a person and of the movements of the foetus. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -nan. na is din nan, he turned. 278-11. XOL xfut tes nan, it moved in her. 341-3. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -nuni. XOL Xfut tes niun te, it would move in her. 341-2. XOL Xfut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4. xon na is din niuni hit, when he turned around. 278-12. -ne, -n; to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound, to play an instrument. A) The past definite, customary, impotential have the form -ne. ai XOL ne, he kept telling him. 208-13. ai XOL de in ne, she used to tell her. 135-3. a yai XOL dul wen ne, they said. 165-2. a yai di! wen ne, they said. 165-7. a yaL de iuiw ne, I told them. 301-1. a yaL teit den ne, he told them. 109-18. a ya diu win nel, they were saying. 153-14. aL teit den ne, he talked to. 100-3. a n6 h6L teit den ne, he said of us. 302-3. a hwiL tein ne, he will say of me. 363-16. a hwiL tein ne, why does she always tell me. 135-4. a hwiL teit dui win neL, they told me. 355-11. a XOL teit den ne, he said to him. 97-7. a den ne, he said. 97-15. a den ne, it made the noise. 321-5. a den ne, she sang. 333-14. a di! win nel lil, he said. 235-4. 244 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. a dui win net de, if anybody says. 267-5. uin niL duiw ne, I am telling you. 356-1. un niL den ne, I told you. 163-8. yaL tcit den ne, she told them. 299-6. ya X6L tcit den ne, they said to him. 102-15. ya dui wen ne, they said. 109-17. ya dii win neL, they said. 361-8. no h6L tcit den ne, they told us. 302-4. xa a X6L tcin ne, he was telling him that. 150-2. xa a den ne, he called the same. 105-5. X6L den ne e te, I will call him. 139-45. x3L tcit den ne, he said. 105-18. XOL tcit dui win neL, he kept saying. 141-12. de in ne, he used to imitate. 182-1. din ne, it was playing. 99-17. do a dui win ne he, don't say that. 175-1. do ne ne, let it play. 100-3. diuwenne, it sounded. 108-16, 189-13. dii wen ne e tsfi, it sounded he heard. 144-3. dii win ne, it played. 100-5. tcit de iL ne, he played on. 99-12. tcit den ne, he said. 106-9. B) The present definite and the present indefinite except sometimes the first person singular have the form -n. ai we tcin, I hear it said. 360-1. ayan, they said that. 116-17. a na hwiL teit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. an tsui, he heard it cry. 281-13. a hwiL teit den hw-uii, he must tell me. 314-11. a X6L tcit den tsii, he heard say. 141-8. a den de, if he sings. 236-2. a den tsii, singing he heard. 186-12. yei tcin, they say. 275-1. hwiL tcit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15. da hwiL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12. tcin, they say. 135-1. teit den de, if he says. 111-7. 245 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -neuiw, -ne yeuw; to talk, to speak. This root seems to be an extended form of the last. Verbs employing it have reference to the speaking of a certain lan- guage, or the delivery of a discourse or at least a number of sentences. Those with the form -ne refer to the utterance of some single definite phrase, while verbs with the root -lik are employed of the relation of some incident or circumstance. A) All parts of the verbs containing this root have the form -neuiw with the exception of the first person singular and the imperative forms. yit de din nifn xutn neulw, the Tolowa language. 110-11. wa nun xs win ne hwiL te, they will talk about. 272-17. wun xai nefiw te, he will talk about. 260-12. wfuii xui win ne hwiL te, they will talk about. mux xun neuiw hwe ne en, their talk used to be. 306-4. nai xe neuiw te, few will talk. 295-13. n6 wiun nfun xfun neuw te, they will talk about us. 267-18. d6 he tce xai neliw, he did not say anything. 113-12. do xon no xsun nefiw, they never talk into her. 334-2. tiji xe nejiw, who spoke the curse. 223-8. tee xai neiw, he spoke. 105-1. tee xa in neaw, he always said the same thing. 283-13. tee xs win ne hwiL te, she shall talk. 289-12. tee xAnnew, he commenced to talk. 272-6. B) The first person singular and the imperative have the form -ne yeuiw. xun ne yeuw ne, he must talk. 227-4. xun ne yeiuw de, if I talk. 217-15. xun ne yefiw te, I will talk. 217-11. xun nin yeuw, you speak. 153-7. With the preceding, is probably connected: kyii wen nutw, it thundered. 144-5. -ne, -sen, -sini; to think, to know. A) The third person of all tenses has the form -ne. ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1. a tco in ne, he kept thinking. 139-4. 2fl6 VoL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. atcondesne, he thought. 96-7. ya tcon des ne, they thought. 265-2. do tco xs xo ne, without the knowledge of. 204-6. tee xsn des ne, he found him out. 207-11. tco in ne, he kept thinking. 113-2, 311-8. tc6 win neLte, she will think about. 312-3. tc6 x6n des ne, he thought of him. 257-1. tco x6n des ne hwinh, he shall know. 319-13. tco x6n des ne te, she will think of him. 325-14. B) The first and second persons of all tenses have the form -sen, -sin. ainesen, I thought. 187-3. ai niin sin ne, you must think. 208-17. ai nw si, I thought so. 353-3. nin siii, you think. 337-12. hwfun ne sini, don't you remember. 163-8. do ai nin sifi ax, you don't think. 337-9. -ne, to gather nuts from the ground, to pick up. kya da ne, they picked. 138-7. kya dane xo win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. -nel, neL; to play (said of children). miL na we nel le x lfin, he had been playing with. 292-11. na in nel le xs lan, he played he saw. 186-1. na we nel le xs Iuf, he had been playing. 292-13. -noi, -no; to place on end, to be in a vertical position. This root is confined to the plural; for the singular, -ai, -a would be expected. Le na neL no, he stood up. 235-12. nes noi, (mountains) which stand. 220-3. -noL, to blaze. kyil witDuL, a fire blazing. 109-11. -nil, -ne; to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way. A) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -nu. a en nui, it does it. 275-5. a in nil, he did. 288-9. 247, University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. a in nu miL, when the sun was here. 332-4. a ya in nul, they used to have sports. 305-2. a win nu, one should do. 99-11. xa a in nul, he always did that. 139-9. xa a in nfl, that happened. 340-5. B) The present and imperative have the form -ne. a ya tco ne, let them do that. 365-16. a win ne liL te, it will be. 311-17. au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9. au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9. a win neLte, it will be. 289-11. au win neL te, it will be. 105-12. xa a win ne liL te, that will be done. 229-10. xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. tee in ne, it helps him she. 196-1. do xa auuw ne xo xo lin1, I won't do that. 230-15. -nflw; to hear. Usually a periphrastic expression, it goes into his head is used for the hearing of anything. tee in nflw, he heard about it. 204-13. Compare, ke wen nflw, it thundered. 144-5. -hwai, -hwa, -hwauw; to walk, to go, to come. This root is found only in the first person of certain verbs. It is probably a modified form of the root -yai, -ya, -yauw. A) The impotential regularly hos the form -hwai. (It is not usual for negatives to take such a form.) do na hwai, I have never been. 336-11. B) The present and imperative have the form -hwa (-hwal with progressive suffix). wiflw hwal, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16. na hwa, I will walk. 164-6, 175-7. c) The form -hwauw may occur in the present or customary. nfl hwauw, I come. 351-1. -hwal, -hwaL; to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook. A) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -hwal. yi kit tuf hwal, nobody hooks. 107-6. na x6i wini hwal, he hooked him. 107-6. 248 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. ta ya is hlwal, they caught. 328-4. kyo ya wiin hwal, they fished. 328-3. kyo hwal le, somebody hooking. 106-15. B) The present and imperative have the form -hwaL. kit tuiw hwaL, let me hook. 107-5. -hwe, to dig. xa ke hwe, to dig. 135-2. tce kin niii hwe, he had finished digging. 100-9. kit difi hwe teLdiii, he would dig out. 100-1. kit te hwe, he began to dig. 100-8. -hwe, -hwil, -hwiL; to call by name, to name. This root is identical with the noun xs hwe, "his name. " A) All tenses without the progressive suffix have the form -hwe. na x6 il hwe, he will call. 283-11. tee xo hwe, he talked. 283-13. te hweiLte, they will call. 272-11. tcu hwni hwe e te, they will call me. 272-12. te hw6 hweiLte, they will call. 272-10. tei x6 ii hwe, he will call. 283-11. B) The past, customary, and impotential having the pro- gressive suffix take the form -hwil. kit te hwil, he called along. 98-4. a) The present and imperative having the progressive stffix take the form -hwiL. ifi hwiL, you call. 355-6. hwiL tsiu, he heard someone calling. 360-7. -hwen, -hwiii; to melt (said of frost). nal hwin te, it will melt away. 273-6. -hw6t; exact meaning unknown. Le na kil dui hw6t, it grew back on. 164-1. -xa, -XuI, -xaiL;1 to track, to follow tracks. 1 The vowel in this root is very hard to determine because of the pre- ceding rough x. In Hupa Texts it has been uniformly written a, but judging from the fact that the Customary and Impotential have been found to contain the vowel ui it is probable that in the other tenses the vowel is e rather than a. Compare -xe, -xli; to finish, to overtake, p. 252 bqlow. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3,17 249 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. ya xo teL xa, he tracked them. 267-15. na ya xo teL xa, they tracked him. 170-3. na na ya xsn niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. xot da na ya XOL xa, down they tracked him. 170-3. tcit teL xa, he tracked it. 185-12. ya xo WiL xaiL, going along they tracked him. 170-5. -xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid). wifn xa, (a lake) lay. 101-13. winl xa te, (water) will stay. 112-9. na a xa, (droolings) fill it. 310-8, 311-5. nafi xa, (bodies of water) were. 252-1, 310-1. nafi xa tcifi, (lake) lies toward. 364-10. -xa, -xal, -xaL, -xun; to dawn. It is probable that this root has a more definite meaning. The subject of the verbs is no doubt the mythical dawn maiden. ye iL xa, mornings. 290-6. ye it xa miL, at break of day. 356-14. yu WiL xal, mornings. 260-6. nai WiL xaL te, night will pass. 242-17. Compare, nais xufn te, there will be sunshine. 228-1. -xa, -xan, -xun; to stand (said of a tree). nai kyii wii xa, (a pine) stands. 347-11. na kyii wif xa, (medicine) grows. 364-11. da kyul wifi xa ei, (something) stood. 242-3. kyul wifn xa, she left standing (a shrub). 289-8. kis xuii, (a tree) standing. 113-7. kis x un difi, standing place. 137-17. -xan, -xun; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste. xwa wil xan, he liked them. 110-5. Compare, kiL La xsun, deer (said to mean "with it is sweet"). -xaan, xun, -xauw; to move in a basket or other vessel any liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up. This is one of the roots which classify the object affected according to its size and shape by being limited in that regard as to its application. 250 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. A) The past definite has the form -xan. ya wiin xan, he picked it up. 337-6. ya te xan, he picked up. 109-16. ye teu wiii an, she brought in. 209-10. no a din nii-n xan,l she placed herself. 223-9. no ninf xan, she put it. 242-7. xs wa tcif xan, to her she gave. 246-12. x6 sa wiin xan, he put it in her mouth. 342-7. sa winf xan, he put it into her mouth. 278-10. sa xan ne, (a lake) in the distance was. 112-13. do tcui wifn xan, he does not catch any. 257-9. tee te xan, he took out. 111-5. teit tes xan, he took along. 342-2. B) The present definite has the form -xun. mis sai xsun te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. mis sa wini xfun te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. n6 ne xfun te, I will put. 289-2. n6 niin xUn te, if he puts. 296-6. xa is xfun hit, when she had brought them up. 99-9. xs lurni se xuni, must be there. 112-12. sUx xsun, lying in a basket. 171-7. do teci wiii xun te, he does not catch. 256-6. tsis sufx xufn, lying there. 223-11. c) The indefinite tenses have the form -xauw. ya wl xauw hwiL te, he will take it up. 295-17. mis sfuin xauw ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. n6 a diin xauw, lay yourself down. 223-9. no na iliw xauw, I leave it. 247-3. nofi xauw ne, put it. 296-14. d6 sai xauw, one cana't swallow. 141-2. tiin xauw ne, you take it along. 246-13. tee e xauw, he always caught. 191-2. -xait, -xai; to buy. A) The past definite, ciustomary, and impotential have the form -xait. tc6yatexait, they bought. 198-6, 200-8. 1This word means to place one's self (a woman) in position for inter- course and probably is a figurative use of this root. 251 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -xai. yo xai na na kis deL, to buy they came back. 200-7. yo xai xs win sen, they all began to buy. 200-3. -xe, -xiu; to finish, to overtake. me neL xe teL, I am about to finish. 261-3. miL Xoi nitL xe, it went on him. 308-8. me neL xe, I finish. 260-15. me niL xe, he finished it. 296-8. hwe na tctL xe, let him catch up with me. 187-2. -xen, -xiaw; to float, used only of plural objects. A) The past definite tense has the form -xen. no n un de xen, they floated to the shore. 216-6. xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9. xot dain xen, they floated down. 216-5. tain xen nei, (canoe) went away. 222-9. B) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im- perative have the form -xUw. n xUqw, it floats ashore. 346-5. -xut, to hang. na nil wil xut, hanging for a door. 171-1. -xut, to tear down. na is xult, he tore down. 104-8. na ya is xftt, they tore down. 267-8. Compare, na iin xut, it dropped down. 115-14. -xut, -xul; to ask, to question. na o duiw de xfut, I ask you for it. 296-10. tco dui WiL Xut, she asked them. 301-17. tc5 di! wiLt pt, he questioned it. 266-3. yo dui wit xful liL te, they will ask for. 296-3. tcii hwo WiL xfil liL te, she will ask for. 311-17. -xuts, to bite, to chew. no iL xuts, he chewed off. 288-5. xo dit teL Xu^ts, she felt it bite. 111-2. -xuts, -xus; to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw. 252 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. A) The definite tenses have the form -xfits. ya wui xuts sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13. ya nat xftts ei, he flew away. 113-10. yan x-fts ei, he flew up. 271-2. na na wit x fts, he nearly flew back down. 114-2. nifu xfits, he flew. 113-17. n aninh xfts, something fell. 246-11, 362-9. xot da na wit x-fts, he fell back. 152-3. da nat xftts tse, it lit on. 204-8. da te-l wini xfuts, he flew up there. 114-1. dii wifi uts, it came off. 157-7. tc6XOn niLxufts, she threw after him. 159-9. ke wifi xts, he fell over. 105-17. B) The parts of the verb other than the present and past definite have the form -xus. yaex xus xlan, they fell over. 117-17. ya wit xfis sil lei, he flew up. 294-15. ya na it xfis, he kept flying up. 113-1. wai e xfus sei, he threw at her. 333-1. na wit xfsS iL, he is falling. 152-5. na wit xu^s sil, he flew along back. 204-7. na xus, which fly. 114-9. da uini xfus, fly. 114-2. da tee e xsus it used to light. 150-9. do he ya xs tcin te e a xfus, it did not to them reach. 166-8. tee x-us, it flew up. 112-16. tee a xUs, it flew. 244-1. -sel, -seL; to be or to become warm, A) The past has the form -sel. naayadissel, they warmed themselves. 170-11. B) The present tense has the form -seL. wa kin nin seL x6i lan, it was heated through he saw. 329-16. -sit; to awake. tee in sit, he woke up. 121-8. 253 University of California Putblications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tee in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8. tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4. -da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor; when said of the mind, dje, to be sorry. tco 6 da, let it be sorry. 351-9, 356-1. tcon da te, it will be sorry. 353-7. -da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal). ye tcu WiL da, she carried in. 191-13. x6 waiLda, she handed her. 181-13. -dai, to bloom, to blossom. na kit te it dai ye, it blossoms again. 364-3. kyui wit dai ye iL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4. -dai, -da; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game. A) The past definite and the impotential have the form -dai. ma tsis dai, chief (the principal one who stays). 329-9. me e na nes dai, hidden he sat watching. 293-1. na ne sin dai, you sat down. 351-1. na nes dai, she sat down. 136-2. na se daifuk, the way I sat. 290-15. sit dai, he lived. 278-1. da tcin nes dai, he sat. 107-12. da tcin nes dai, she fished. 98-14. do xs liii se dai, I can't stay. 360-11. tcin nes dai, he sat. 101-15. B) The present, definite and indefinite, customary, and im- perative have the form -da. e it da, it lies there. 247-8. ya sit da diii, they were staying place. 299-12. na nes da x6 iM, he was sitting. 270-10. ne e ne se da te, I will hide from you. 328-6. sin dani, you stay. 328-6. sit da, he was staying there. 164-16. s-&w da ne en diin, I used to live place. 272-12. dane se date, I will go fishing. 256-8. da tee it da, he always fished. 237-1. do win da, all do not stop. 260-19. 254 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. tsis da yei, he lives. 159-16. tsis dane en, he used to stay. 271-5. tsis da difi, he used to stay place. 220-9. tsis date, he will stay. 211-7. tce it da, she used to live. 286-2. tein nes date, she will sit. 290-14. teul win da, he stayed. 97-3. kyiu win nai da, to hunt (they travelled). 190-15. -dau, -da; to melt away, to disappear. A) The past and the impotential have the form -dau. na is dau we a xs luii, it had melted away. 236-1. do xs liii it dau, they won't melt away. 254-7, 256-14. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -da. nit dje kis date, (I wish) your mind would melt away. 259-9. -dal, -daL, -dauw; to pass along, to go, to come. A) The past tense has the form -dal. wil dal lei, it coming along. 174-7. min na il dal, she ran around. 153-2. na wil dit dal, he ran. 221-7. na wit dal, he went. 223-12. na wit dal hit, when he came. 223-7. nal dit dal, it coming along. 115-15. XOL wil dal, with him came along. 115-1. B) The present has the form -daL. hwa na na wit daL dini, in the evening. 99-13. mux xun nauw daL te, having gratified myself I will go back. 223-13. na nauw daL diii, he was coming back. 152-7. na nauw daL diii, sun gone down time. 322-9. tcul wil daL tsu, he heard him coming. 176-11. 255 6University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. c) The imperative, customary, and impotential have the form -dauw. ye na it dauw, whenever he went back in. 288-6, 336-6. ye nuin dauw, come in. 98-17, 192-7. Lena it dauw, he used to make the rounds. 336-7. hwiLteLdauw, (I wish) it would travel with me. 114-11. min na na se it dauwn, around he always went. 346-3. na na e dauw, (sun) goes down. 364-4. na na it dauw, (sun) gone down. 104-10. na ne it dauw, he used to come back. 137-1. na nit dauw x lfiun, he had come back. 267-7. na te it dauw, she always went home. 237-6. na teLdit dauw, she ran back. 157-6. na tin dauw, you better go back. 329-3. do he min teL dauw , he did not run for it. 112-13. tcit tei dauw, she ran up. 152-15. -deL, -dil, -diL; to go, to come, to travel. Verbs having this root are restricted to the plural. The singular is expressed by the root -yai, -ya, -yauw. A) The definite tenses have the form -deL. ya nin deL, they went. 170-9. ye win deL te, they will go in. 255-3. ye na wo deL te, you will travel in. 361-12. ye nan deL, they came back in. 301-16. ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. ye tcit te deL, they went into. 142-9. ye tcul win deL, they went in. 278-4. wun na is deL, they started. 101-17. Le na nin deL ei, they went clear round. 102-1. me na ya is deL, they started back. 208-16. me nin tsis deL, in it they danced. 216-5. me sit te deL, they moved up. 216-15. na in deL, they got back. 181-8. na is deL, they had traveled. 181-15. na wes deL, it encircles (they encircle). 364-15. na na ya nin deL, they arrived. 172-2. 256 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. na na nin deL, they went over. 267-6. na nan deL, they became. 96-6. na nan deL xs lan, they had become. 119-12. na nan deL de, when they come to be. 319-3. na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2. naniLdeL, he struck. 120-4. nan deL, it snowed. 169-2. nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5. na seb te (na se deL te), we will visit. 174-2. nas seL, they began to walk. 180-16. nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4. nas deL te, they will stay. 253-4. na tes deL, they started back. 176-17. na tes deL, they started home. 329-18. na kis deL, they came around, 200-2. nin is deL, they danced. 104-14. nin tsis deL, they danced. 215-12. nin sil wit deL, they dance. 366-1. n6 ya nin deL, they sat down. 280-5. no nauw nin deL, they came to marry. 208-11. no na nin deL, they lived. 237-1. xa sin deL diii, the coming up place. 363-3. XOL tes deL, with him they went. 110-7. XOL tcit tes deL, they ran after them. 153-16. x6it de ya is deL, they met them. 110-8. da n6 nin deL, they sat. 179-2. da no te deL te, everybody fished. 256-9. d6 he nas deL fix, they could not walk about. 322-7. do tee nin deL, they did not come out. 102-11. ta des deL xs lfiin, they had come ashore. 101-2. tes deL ei, they flew away. 159-12. tes deL te, they will come. 252-3. tsi yfin tes dil deL, we went away. 200-1. tsin te tes dil deL, we ran away. 198-10. tee na nin deL,, they went back. 267-9. tee nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11. tce te deL, they went out. 141-5. 257 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. tcin te deL, they got there. 138-5. teit tes deL, they went. 170-15. tcit tes deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9. B) The customary, impotential, and past of the fourth con- jugation have the form -dil. ya wit dil, they are traveling. 110-8. wit dil, (ells) coming. 253-2. muk kuit nai dil, we walk on (the earth). 340-11. na it dil, who go around. 305-9. na ya wit dil, they went along. 172-1. na wit dil liL te, we will visit. 177-2. na na in dil, they came back. 182-6. na nan dil liL te, they will live. 343-13. na dil, they were living. 100-7. na te in dil, they go home. 333-13. nin sin dil, they danced. 105-7. XoL tc& wit dil, those following him. 208-1. xui in dil, they will pass. 283-15. da wes dil, they waited. 252-7. da wit dil, they live. 365-8. do ye in dil, they never come. 305-10. do xs lifn tin dil, they won't go. 253-3. do tee in dil, they never went out. 101-10. te in dil, they flew along. 317-3. tsi yuin te il dil, they always ran off. 333-11. teit te in dil, they traveled. 190-15. tcut wit dil, they came along. 101-16. tei wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8. c) The present indefinite and the imperative have the form -diL. yai diL, let us go. 142-14. ye nai diL, let us go in. 210-13. wei diL, we will go. 207-7. wil diL ei, it shook. 142-6. wun nai diL Xo sin Xo Ian, hunting had been he saw. 104-11. wun na diL te, they will hunt. 311-14. 258 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hlupa Langjuage. Le neL te, (Le ne diL te), let us meet. 174-3. nai diL, let us go. 175-16. na na wit diL te, the people will live again. 236-3. na na diL, come down. 166-7. na niL ne, they must live. 317-1. na no diL, go away. 266-15. na diL, who are living. 321-3. na diL Ox, they will live. 255-8. na diL ne en, that used to live. 204-15. na diL dini, he lived place. 100-6. na diL te, they will travel. 107-7. na tin diL tsud, he heard them coming home. 329-5. na kit diL Xs lan, he had been playing he saw. 140-10. nin sin diL OX, they danced. 105-9. nin so diL, make a dance. 104-14. nit t6 diL, come. 113-16. da wit diL ne en, they used to live. 259-4. do nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1. tin diL, it is coming. 199-5. tsin tit dil diL, let us run away. 333-11. tee in diL Ox, outside the door. 169-9. tce in diL miin, for them to come out. 102-9. teit tin diL, they are coming. 198-2, 138-4. tcul wit diL ne en, they used to go about. 102-3. -dil, -diL, -deL; to strike ( ?). naniLdeL, he struck. 120-4. -den, -difi; to travel in company. This root is only employed in case of a number of persons who make a journey in company. A) The past has the form -den. sa win den, they all went. 142-15. sa nan den, they traveled. 116-6, 144-10. B) The present definite and indefinite, and the imperative have the form -dini. sa 6 dini, travel. 152-7. sa w6 din te, you will travel. 151-6. sa win difi hit, when they went out. 322-12. sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5. 259 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -den, -difi; to be light, to blaze. It seems possible that the words given below are connected in meaning. The negative with the verb may well have the meaning of gloomy, lonesome, the opposite of sunshine. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -den. yekinnenden, sunshine came in. 305-6. na kin neL den, she made it blaze. 288-11. dea xa win den, the time was near. 226-2. do tcu WiL den, she was lonesome. 306-10, 220-4. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -dini. ye kin nen diii, light shone in. 308-3. woL din tani (-te- with some suffix), you will get used to it. 180-9. na d6 weL din tse, I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2. -dil, -diL; to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -dil. kyul win dil, there was a ringing noise. 96-2. kyul win dil le tsui, they heard it ring. 152-1. B) The present definite and indefinite have the form -diL. kyfi win diL tsiu, a jingling noise. 293-3. -dik, to peck (said of a bird). yisdik, he pecked. 113-13. mim noi kiL dik, he pecked open. 113-15. min no kiL dik te, he was going to pick. 113-3. mim n kyoL dik, pick open. 112-17. nai neL dik, he pecked. 113-9. nain teL dik, he pecked. 113-14. -dik, to stand in a line. na nil win dik, they lined up. 216-17. -dits, to twist into rope or twine. ya kyui win dits, they made rqpe. 151-11. kyul win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8. 260 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. -do, to cut, to slash. nai deL do, he cut him. 164-3. ta nai xos do wei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14. -do, to quiver, to dodge, to draw back. xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9. do nas do, they won't dodge. 258-13. te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. -dje, with verbs referring to the mind. This root is connected with dje in xo dje, his mind, etc. na xo win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11. -djeui, -dje; to fly in a flock. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -dje iu. ya nat dje fi, they came back. 301-15. ye wit dje u1, they came in. 299-14. no na it dje ui, they came back. 299-10. no nan dit dje u, they got back. 301-15. na dite dje -u, they flew together. 299-1. B) The present and imperative have the form -dje. ye 6 ditc dje ne, run in. 299-13. -djin, to come near, to bother something. do me djin, it did not mind. 315-4. do mite djin te, it won't mind. 315-9. taL, -tfUl, -tfUL, -tal; to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot. A) The past definite and present definite have the form -taL. yin ne ya XOL taL, in the ground he tramped them. 361-10. ye kiL taL, they began to dance. 179-2. ye tcu WiL taL ei, they landed. 362-5. noi dut win taL xo lMui, he had made a track. 292-5. no na di! win taL, he stepped away. 223-11. no di! win taL xo lan, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. no ky-i wil taL, the finishing dance. 104-16. da no dui win taL, he stepped. 120-3. 261 2University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. te no dui win taL, in the water he stepped. 120-3. tcit teLtaL, they danced. 362-3. B) The customary and impotential have the form -tful. na ya de it tftl, they used to drag their feet. 207-3. c) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tUfL. ye in tiUL ne, you must step in. 209-2. na natiLdifi, the stepping down place. 207-2. n6 nai ya di! wit tal, he stepped. 207-10. -tan, -tuili, -tiiw; to handle or to move a long object. This is another of the roots which classify the object affected according to the size and shape. For some reason empty baskets are re- ferred to by verbs having this root. A) The past definite has the form -tan. ya win tan, he took. 108-18. ya na win tan, he picked it up. 112-11, 341-13. ye teci win tan, he put in. 96-13. yon tan, he kept. 96-8. Lel tan, were shut (his eyes). 337-8. na na win tan, he took down. 97-16. no na kin tan, he set the wedge again. 109-1. no nin tan, he put. 210-16. no kin nin tan, he set the wedge. 108-11. xa win tan, he drew from. 211-3. x6 wain tan, he gave him. 211-1. x6 wa ya in tan, they gave him. 144-14. xo lan de dui win tan, he has put in the fire. 150-6. da na win tan, he put it down. 97-13. da sit tan, it was sitting there. 246-10. de di! win tan, he put them in. 150-4. dje win tan, it spread open. 289-14. ta na is tan, she took it out of the water. 325-4. ta tce nin tan, he took it out of. 107-6. te tcui win tan, he put in the water. 101-14. tce na nin tan, he took out. 97-13. tce nin tan, he pulled out. 329-10. tco nan tan, he held it. 314-9. tco xsn tan, he held her. 153-3. 262 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the HIupa Language. B) The present definite has the form -tufni. ya win tfun hit, when he picked up. 202-6. me sit tunii, was in it. 243-9. sittun, it was sitting. 337-4. SiLtfun x, it lay. 266-8. da sit tuni, it sits. 246-9. de diiw tfunf, let me put them in the fire. 150-4. d6 de dui wit tun, why don't you cook. 171-3. tcit tes tfun de, if he takes along. 317-13. c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im- perative have the form -tP1w. ya nauw tPw, I will pick up. 286-9. wai iL tuw, he always gave. 136-12. hwiu wfin tuw, hand me. 278-7. da e iuiw tPw, I put. 247-7. do de dit tuiw, one must never put in the fire. 150-2. dje na wiL tiiw, he opened it. 109-2. -tan, -tuni, -tuw; to split. dje win tan, it spread open. 289-14. dje na WiL tPw, he opened it. 109-2. kiL tiiw tse, someone splitting logs he heard. 108-5. kyiiw tiiw, I am splitting. 108-9. -tan, -tu'n; to eat (used only of the third person singular). A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -tan. yai tan, he ate. 109-18. yi tan, they eat. 351-7. he tcit tan, even he ate. 346-5. do xs liin yi tan, she shall not eat. 253-6. teit tan, he ate. 106-5. tcit tan hwOun te, he shall eat. 107-8. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -tuni. tcittn ne en, he used to eat. 346-11. -tan (?),-tunfi; the exact meaning is unknown. na xo WiL tfun te, it will be wet. 273-6. na XOL tiun, let it get soft. 233-6. 263 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -te, to look for, to search after. xai nit te, she looked for it. 243-4. xauw te, let me look for it. 104-16. xa un te, it can be seen. 119-4. xa nee it te, she looked for it. 306-13. xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10. xa nul win te, she looked for it. 111-3, 293-9. xan te, look for it. 243-3. -te, to carry around. This root seems limited to men and animals in the singular and is probably connected with the root -ten, -tin-, -tiuw given below. me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8. na iL te es, she carried it. 290-6. na is te, he carried it around. 282-4. Compare, da e iL te, they were on a stick. 186-11. teu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. -te, to remain in a recumbent position. Oompare, -ten, -tinf, -tiuw; to assume such a position. tee it te, he used to lie. 207-2, 288-7. tcin no te, he might lie. 169-4. -ten, -tini, -tilw; to move or to carry in any way a person, animal or animal product. This is another of the classifying roots applicable only to individual objects of certain character. For a plural object -lai, -la, -luw is employed. A) The past definite has the forn -ten. a dit ta tcud WiL ten, he put him in his sack. 221-6. ya WiL ten nei, she picked him up. 287-3. ya XOL ten, he has taken him. 151-4. ya na WiL ten, she put it in. 136-5. ye tcu WiL ten, she put it in. 289-17. ye tcu WiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8. yin ne tcu wiL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3. Le na niL ten, he took it all the way around. 293-10. na iL dit ten, he brought it back. 283-4. na iL dit ten nei, she took him back. 287-6. na teL ten, he took it along. 282-3. 264 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. no ya xon fiL ten, they left him. 169-7. no na niL ten, he put it. 221-11. no na Xon niL ten, he laid her. 342-10. hwin nil wil ten, I was brought here. 180-7. xai xos ten nei, they took her up. 239-1. xa is ten, she brought up. 99-2. xa na wiL ten, he dug it out. 221-10. xoi kya niL ten, he took it from him. 222-7. dana XoL ten, he put him. 108-1. da SiL ten, lying on something. 186-4. da di! wil ten, he has been carried off. 150-10. da tee xo diL ten, she has taken him away. 159-5. ta na is ten nei, he has taken it out. 217-17. tee na xon niL ten, he took out. 153-7. tee niL ten, he took out. 282-2. tee xo niL ten, they took him out. 278-4. tee xo teL ten, he took him along. 210-15. teit teL ten, he took along. 152-9. tCel wit ten, he put him. 152-9. tewin dai wiL ten, he spoiled. 221-13. ke wui tco X6L ten, somebody hid. 181-12. B) The present definite has the form -tini. ye tCel WiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. yin ne telu WiL tinl, in the ground they have put. 221-3. no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11. no niL tin difi, he put it place. 266-9. do no niL tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8. te SOL tin te, you will take. 222-7. tee na xon neL tinl, I brought it down. 273-7. c) The parts of the verb with the exception of the past and present definite have the form -tliw. yauwt-lw, let me pick it up. 286-11. yooLttw, put in. 362-6. no na X6L tuw, he had her laid. 342-8. xa na xo iL tuw, she kept lifting him out. 223-15. ta nauw tul hwiL te, I will take out. 267 18. kyul wa na iL tulw, he who gives back. 241-4. Compare, tCel wiL tel, he was bringing. 329-6. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 18. 265 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -ten, -tini, -tuiw, -te; to lie down. It seems possible that this root is connected with the preceding. The first, however, char- acterizes transitive verbs and has the sign of verbs of the second class while the verbs given below are intransitive. A) The past definite has the form -ten. XoL tCin nes ten, with her he lay. 223-13. sitten, she was lying. 145-8. da sit ten, (dog) was lying. 114-16. do he kiL tcin nes ten, he did not have intercourse. 104-7. tcin nes ten, he lay. 281-5. B) The present definite has the form -tinf. sit tif, she lying. 117-2. sit tin ne en difi, he used to lie place. 295-2. sit tin te, (if) they lie. 307-11. kiL ne se tin te, I will have intercourse with a woman. 104-7. c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential and the second person of the imperative have the form -tilw. na nil win tul hwiL ne, you must lie. 343-12. tcin ne tulw diii, she goes to bed time. 334-1. D) The first and third persons of the imperative have the form -te. XOL ne-lw te, let me lie with her. 223-12. tein no te, he might lie. 169-4. -tetc, to lie down, to go to bed (used only with a plural sub- ject). For the root applicable to the singular see -ten, -tin, -tiuw and -te. ya nes tetc, they went to bed. 169-7. win tetc, they lay there. 322-4. me sit dit tetc, we would be lying in. 190-4. me tsis tetc, they lie in. 306-8. neittetc, they always lay. 333-12. sit tetc Ox, they lay there. 322-6. tsis tete, they were lying. 190-6. -tits, to use as a cane. The occurrence of this root is of in- terest since it is an added case of a monosyllabic nouna's being used as a root. 266 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. kit teL tits, he used for a cane. 317-7. kit teL tits, he walked with a cane. 152-12. -tik; exact meaning unknown. tce niL tik, he pinched out. 143-14. -to, referring to the movement or position of water. no it to, the water comes. 310-7. n6 to x, water staid. 324-3. -ton, -tni ;1 to jump. ya wil ton, he jumped up. 165-9. yal ton ei, (his neck) jumped off. 163-18. ye e il ton xs lan, birds used to jump in. 117-17. yenawildet6n, in she jumped. 135-11. na di! wil dit ton, he jumped off. 107-14. da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9. da tcul wil ton, he jumped. 109-14. tce tcil ton, he jumped out. 163-16. -tAt, to drink, to suck. This root may be connected with -to, referring to water, but it may also be onomatopoetic. Compare -tsots, to kiss. teit te tot, he drank. 112-15. -tii, to beg. kyfuii xow til, I am begging. 152-13. -tu, -te, -tel; to sing in a ceremony or dance. For the root which is applicable to an individual singing by himself see -au, -a. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -til. me na kyul WiL tu, they sang again. 238-15. me kyu WiL tu, he sang. 234-6. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -te. The verbs given below have this form plus the suffix denoting progression -1, -L. me ya kyui WiL tel, they sang. 234-1. me ky-i WiL tel, someone singing. 235-4. 'There is a glottal stop between the vowel and the nasals which are surds. 267 2University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. -tuk, to count. miL teoL tiuk te, he will count. 259-18. -tau, to hover, to settle, to fly around. nai xoi iL tau, it flew around her. 333-8. na win tau, it will settle down. 273-7. -tan, relating in any way to wax, or substances that are wax-like. me it tan, he stuck to (wax). 202-3. me win tan ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. ke wiL tan, he put on (pitch). 150-12. -tats, -tus; to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. A) The definite present and past have the form -tats. yai kyul wil tats, a blanket of strips. 207-5. min no ya kin tats te ne en, they were going to cut open. 278-5. min no kyul wit dit tats te, we are going to cut open. 102-15. no na wit tats, it is cut down. 144-17. kit te tats, he cut them. 101-1, 98-16. B) The tenses other than the definite present and past have the form -tufs. -te, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature; to be, to exist. a in te, how he appeared. 209-5. a in te, (smart) he is. 141-4. a na nul we sin te te, you will look that way. 357-5. a na kin nit te, it grows. 356-10. a ne e te, he looked that way. 321-7. a nul wes te, he looked (that way). 143-14. a tcin te dete, he must be then. 363-17. un te, there is. 209-15. un te ye, how it looked. 209-6. ufn te ne en, (sickness) used to be seen. 235-18. xa a na kin nit te, it grows up again. 356-14. xax a na nui wis te te, it will be lighter (in weight). 357-6. tin til te-ox 'un te, it looked very strong. 294-2. kin tis se6x fun te, the smart one. 326-1. 268 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. -ten, -tini; to do, to perform an act. A) The past, customary, and impotentiatl have the form -ten. a ya ten, they did. 305-5. a na dit ten, we did. 217-7. a ten, it did it. 120-9. a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5. da x6 a ten, who die. 346-4. d6 xa auw ten, I never do that. 109-4. do xs lifi da xs a ten, they won't die. 253-7. B) The present and imperative have the form -tifi. auw tin ne en, I used to do. 341-7. a ya tin, they do. 198-5. a ya tin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1. a tin wes te, (a basket) had done. 325-10. a tin te, he will do. 215-9. wun n6 Xsn niL tin te, he is going to get him to do. 141-13. na auw tin, (what) am I doing? 163-4. xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14. xa a tin wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11. xa a tin te, that way will do it. 229-8. xa a tin teL, that it will do. 235-1. do da xo a tin, would never die. 221-13. -ten, to address with term of relationship or friendship. It is not unlikely that this root is connected with the last. The first part, Lin, may be some obsolete monosyllabic noun. The mean- ing might be then, to make one Lifi, "a relative. " Lin win ten nei, she called him. 139-9. Lin x6 wil ten, he addressed her. 98-10. LU win ten, she addressed her. 181-9. -ten, to marry (said of a man only). This root occurs only with fut, prefixed, which is a noun in common use meaning "wife." The remarks above connecting the last given root with -ten, -tin, "to do," applies here also. fut ten, he married. 210-11. ut ten tsis lin teini, he married. 145-13. 269 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -tik, to encircle, to tie with a string. min na na wil tik, a string tied around. 353-4. na kyui wil tik, (his head) was tied with a string. 351-10. -to, relating to mutual motions of one or the other of two objects by means of which one is inserted into the other or with- drawn from it. ya a diL to, he put on (as a shirt is put on). 328-12. ye na xs wil to, he was dressed in. 328-8. ye tcu wiL t, he slipped them one into the other 329-1. me tce ya niL to, they skinned him (as a rabbit is skinned). 328-5. tce iL to, he pulled out the knot. 332-12. -tsai, to be or to make dry. OL tsai ne, dry them. 101-4. na Xs WiL tsai ei, it was dried up. 111-14. na xo wiL tsai ye, (I wish) creeks would dry up. 111-12. xo WiL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7. xO WiL tsai ye te, if it becomes shallow. 259-16. -tsan, -tsu'ni; to find, to see. A) The past, customary, and impotential have the form -tsan. a do iulw tsan, I didn't find it. 243-16. iilw tsan, I found (I conceived a child). 286-6. ya XOL tsan, they saw him. 101-16. yo X6L tsan nei, it saw him. 204-4. na iL tsan, he found signs. 185-11. nai X6L tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. na ya X6L tsan, he found them. 267-15. na hw6L tsan, you see me. 230-5. na x6 wes tsan, he was found. 230-3. x6w tsan, I saw him. 351-9. do ya iL tsan, they did not see. 98-7. do ya X6L tsan, he did not see. 238-14. do wil tsan, it was not seen. 341-9. do na iL tsan, she did not find again. 243-16. do na ya XoL tsan nei, they did not see him. 152-6. do na xs wes tsan, he was not longer seen. 226-5. 270 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. do he tCiL tsan, he didn't find her. 340-8. do. tCiL tsan, she could not find. 159-4. tCiL tsan, she gave birth. 189-7. tciL tsan nei, she saw. 242-4. B) The present and imperative have the form -tsufni. iuiw tsunl, (I wish) I could see. 336-9. ifiw tsiun te, (where) am I going to find. 244-7. yiL tsu'n te, she will see. 103-15. do iL tsfun te xs l'un, you can't find it anywhere. 246-6. do na iL tsfun de, they won't find again. 321-10. do na hwut wes tsfuin hwfu n, I must not be seen again. 217-18. d6 na XOL tsufn aX X lifi, you won 't see him any more. 306;6. -tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip. kit teL tsas, he whipped. 317-9. kit te seL tsas te, I will whip. 317-8. -tsat, -tsa; to sit down. A) The customary and impotential have the form -tsat. B) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tsa. da nin tsa, sit. 107-12. -tse, to open or shut a sliding door. na te wits tse, the door was open. 118-5. na te dit tse yei, he opened it. 100-10. nate tse, he opened the door. 118-2. na te tse yei, he opened the door. 97-10. no na it tse, she always shut the door. 158-1. no nau wit tse, the door was shut. 159-2. no na WiL dits tse, he had a door shut. 97-2. no na nin tse, he shut a door. 96-9. -tse, to stay, to live (used only with a plural subject). ya del se ei, they lived. 145-13. ya deL tse, they were living. 135-1. yin ne teiii deL tse, in the ground they are staying. 361-2. na ya del tse, they lived as before. 172-5. 9.M71 2University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. na del tse, they stayed. 102-3. na deL tse, they are living. 217-8. de SOL tse te, you will stay. 152-10. des dil tseni, we better wait. 265-5. -tseL,. -tsil, -tSiL; to pound as with a hammer or maul. It is possible that this root is connected with the noun tse, "a stone," since the hammers were pestle-shaped stones. A) The definite present and past tenses have the form -tseL. djewiLtseb, he pounded it. 108-11. tcit dui WiL tseL, he pounded it off. 281-16. kis tseL tse, he heard pounding. 170-6. Compare ya na kyi WiL tsil liL te,' they may split. 109-8. B) The customary and impotential have the form -tsil. c) The present indefinite and imperative probably have the form -tSiL. -tsis, to be hanging. naL tsis, it is hanging (a blanket). 204-12. na naL tsis, it hung. 207-9. -tsis, to see, to find, to know. yo naL tsis de, who kmows. 348-6. x6w tsis, I saw him. 353-3. do yiL tWis, one never sees. 141-9. do na ya iL tsis, they never saw. 191-5. do 3 lini tCiL tsis, he will not see. 317-13. do so lin naL tsis, never you will see. 361-11. d6tciL tsis, he never found. 336-7. do tco XOL tsis, he saw nobody. 238-8. -tsit, to pound, as in a mortar. ya kylr win tsit, they pounded acorns. 180-4. na kyiT win tsit, she pounded again. 185-4. do nit dje tel tsit ne, don't get excited (not your heart pound). 170-18. tee it tsit, he always pounds. 227-8. tcui win tsit, he pounded. 319-8. kyu win tsit, she was pounding acorns. 185-1. 1 The form -tsil is no doubt due to the suffix. 272 VOL- 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. -tsit, to know a person, or some fact or formula. ow tsil liL te, I will know. 272-7. OL tSit, you know (my formula). 296-13. yo naL tsit te, who will know. 296-7. do na ya XOL tsit, they did not know him. 166-15. tco iL tsit, she found out. 334-5. teoL sil lil, he knew it. 272-14. tcoL tsit, he knew it. 340-6. tco naL tsit, she knew. 191-15. tco naL tsit de, if he knows. 343-6. tco naL tsit te, who shall know. 279-2. -tsit, to fall, to sink. na il tsit, it falls. 275-3. nail tsit te, (birds) would drop down. 104-11. nal tsit, it fell. 306-16. na nal dit tsit dii, where it fell. 96-4. na x6 wil tsit xo luiin, it fell. 306-15. tewil tsit, (canoe) sank. 153-17. Compare, til tsit 0x, it will always be in her hands. 325-13. -tsit, to soak or leach acorn meal. kit tai yiL tsit, they were soaking acorns. kit ta ya WiL tsit, they soaked the meal. 180-4. kit taL tsit X6i sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9. -tsit, to pull out a knot. X6L tce niL tsit, with him he untied it. 108-1. tce niL tsit, he untied the strap. 106-2. -tsit, to wait, to delay an act. doii ka tsit, hold on. 329-14, 222-6. -tsots (-tsos), to make a kissing-like noise, to smack one's lips. This root is probably onomatopoetic. Kissing was not practiced by the Hupa. It seems never to have been done by adults and the kissing of babies was thought unlucky. yi kyiu wit tsWs sil, they were sucking. 325-5. kyo diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7. kyo di WiL tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. 273 Universtty of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. -tsii, -tse, to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -tsii. na is tsud, he rolled about. 119-4. do he kit tciii no na in di tsud, he could not roll over. 121-8. B) The present indefinite and imperative have the form -tse. na tse, rolling around. 157-4, 289-1. na tse difi, (where) he rolled. 119-5. -tcat, -tea; to be sick, to become ill. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -tcat. duiwintcat, it got sick. 241-9. xoi de ai di! win teat, his head ached. 175-15. teit di! win teat, she was sick. 286-7. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -tea. dui win tea te, (babies) will get sick. 242-15. teit dui win tea te, she was going to be sick. 286-7. -tee, to blow (intransitive, said of the wind). ye kyui wes tee, the wind blew in. 270-4. ye kyii wes tee te, the smoke will blow. 301-8. xa kyui wite tee liL te, from the ground the wind will blow out. 272-10. xot da na we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-6. xot da na kyiu we sin tee te, you will blow down. 227-5. xot dan tee, it blows. 227-3. xot da kyii wes tee, it blows. 227-7. da na kit dui wit tee iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. da kit de it tee, it blew. 324-6. da kit dui wes tee, the wind blew. 324-4. da kyui wes tee, the wind blew on it. 348-3. do xot dan tee, it never blows. 227-6. ta nai kyui wes sin tee te, blow out to sea with you. 228-5. ta kit den tee, the wind blows out of the water. 365-12. te kyii wes tee ei, in the water it blew she saw. 324-9. tee kyui wes tee, it blew out. 324-8. kyui wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7. 274 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. -tcit, to die. ijiw tcit te, I will die. 346-13. d6 he tcit tcit, he did not die. 164-1. tcit dei, it died. 266-8. tcit te tcit, he was tired out. 165-6. tcit te tcit, he was almost dead. 111-16. tcit tcit xs lan, he died. 347-3. teit tcit dei, he died. 164-4. do iibv teiTw hwfiun, I won't die. 346-13. -tefit, to strip off, to take bark from a tree. wiin do WiL tcflt, he took (bark from a tree). 96-12. -tewai, -tewa; to handle or move many small pieces, such as the soil; to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. This is one of the roots which limits the verbs employing it to a certain class of objects. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -tewai. ya xs win tewai, they buried him. 172-4. da nai ke x6n tewai, he pawed the dirt. 115-6. tcit te tewai, she buried in several places. 192-12. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -tewa. wit tewa, (salmon) buried. 192-17. wit tewa ta, they are buried places. 180-11. xa na ya wit tewal, they dug up along. 181-7. tco x6n ne itc tewa ei, he threw at her (a handful of twigs). 333-3. -tcwan, -tcwfi; referring to the eating of a meal in company. A) The past definite tense has the form -tewan. na del tewan, eating. 321-6. na dul wil tewan, it was supper time. 141-1. no din nil tewan, they finished supper. 141-4. B) The present, definite and indefinite, have the form -tcwufi. na de il tewfun din-, Tule ranch (where they always take the meal). 328-10. na dil tewiun, (he heard) eating. 176-9. 275 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. -tewen, -tewini, -tewe; (transitive) to make, to arrange, to cause. A) The past definite has the form -tewen. a na dis tewen, he made himself. 101-14. a dis tewen, he made himself. 102-6. ya is tewen, they made up (loads). 171-17. ya WiL dite tewen, they had made. 138-7. ya na tftk kai teis tewen, he made come between. 144-2. ya kiL tsis teis tewen, he made it sprinkle. 338-2. wil tewen, it was made of. 164-13, 203-11, 221-10. wun Un Lo tcis tewen, about it he laughed. 151-15. na is tewen, he made. 110-12. na is tewen, he placed it. 314-7. na ya is tewen, they made. 284-1. na seL tewen, I made. 296-2. do he tewitc tcis tewen, she did not make wood. 157-5. tcis tewen, he made. 336-8. tcis tewen, he begot. 360-6. tc xs tewen, he made (him). 114-8. kit ti yow teis tewen, she made it to flow. 158-12. B) The present definite has the form -tewin. a da yis tewin te, he makes for himself. 338-6. a dis tewin te, he might make. 363-5. na is tewin teL, he will make. 321-11. na seL tcwiil, I make. 302-11. na seL tewin te, I will make it. 257-14. noi na seL tCwin te, I will bury it. 282-6. seL tCwiii, I will make. 290-8. seL tewin te, I will make it. 152-3. do nais tewifi, nobody could make. 322-8. do teis tewifi hwfuii, he must not do. 116-15. tcis tewin te, she was going to make. 306-13. teis tewin te, he was going to cause. 98-1. c) The present indefinite, customary, impotential, and im- perative have the form -tewe. e iuuw tewe, I make. 241-2. iiiw tewe, let me make. 278-7. 276 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. iLtewe, make it. 278-8. yin neL in ya xoi iL tewe, they made them to see. 180-1. nai Xoi iL tewe ei, they make him. 196-6. nauuw tewe, I am going to make. 301-1. na yai xoi iL tewe, they make him. 196-3. hwiL tewe, make me. 114-3. tciL tewe, someone making. 102-13. kin niuw xs i-iw tewe, I notify him. 241-3. D) Having a progressive sufflx. XO WiL teweL te, who fixes the place. 229-13. tco xo WiL tewel liL te, who will fix the dance place. 211-16. -tewen, -tcwifi, -tewe; (intransitive) to grow, to become. A) The past definite has the form -tewen. a til teox teL tewen, he is growing strong. 294-17. ya teL tewen, they grew. 265-1. Le nful ditc tewen ne x6 lfuni, it had grown together. 113-8. na is tewen nei, that grew. 287-7. na teL ditc tewen, he grew. 96-1. XOL xas tewen nei, it grew up. 137-18. XOL teL tewen, it grew with him. 137-18. do he teL tewen, it had not grown. 96-7. te il tewen ne dufin, the time when it grew. 275-2. teL tewen, it grew. 96-3. teL tewen xs lan, it had grown he saw. 97-18. te sil tewen ne dunfi, ever since you grew time. 337-13. til tewen, (which) grows. 296-12. tol tewen, let it grow. 265-6. (The form -tewifi is regular in this place.) tcit teL tewen, one after the other grew. 207-1. B) The present definite has the form -tewifi. Le nal dite tewifn x6 lan difi, it had grown together place. 281-15. na teL ditc tewifix lufn, it had grown. 119-10. xal tewifi x6 lan, growing up he saw. 319-8. teLtewifi Xlufnt, it had grown. 306-17. teLtewinte, when it grows. 267-5. 277 2University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. tes tewin ne en teini, where I was brought up. 117-13. til tewin ne en, it used to grow. 233-1. tee nail tewifn hit, when he came to life again. 347-4. teit teL tewiii hwfifn, he may grow. 348-6. Compare, wuuW tCWiL dfuni, when I was growing. 180-7. -tewen, -tewifI; to smell, to stink, to defecate. A) The past definite has the form -tewen. a x6 wiL tewen, it smells. 301-10. tcft win tewen, he defecated. 110-6. B) The present definite and indefinite have the form -tewifi. aL tCwiil, you smell. 165-4. a xs WiL tCwini, it smells. 301-12. a xs WiL tewin te, it will smell. 302-9. mis sa niL tcwifi, buzzard (its mouth stinks). 112-17. Compare, yai x6s tewwuw, they smelled of him. 165-3. -tewen, -tewini; to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. A) The past definite has the form -tewen. me dui win tcwen, he wanted. 110-16. me dui win tewen, he wanted to have intercourse. 280-6. B) The present, definite and indefinite, have the form -tewifi. me dulw tewifi, I want. 254-12. do me diuw tewini, I do not want. 97-8, 253-5. tse me de tewin, I feel hungry for. 97-7. -tewil; exact meaning unknown. me na tewil liL te, it will settle. 117-11. -tewit, to push, to pull off or break off leaves and twigs, to shoot, to rub one's self in bathing, to bring water. aL me na niL tewit, with it she pushed herself. 135-11. a dui wa nun di! witc tewil liL te, she will rub herself 312-3. a du wfn din tewin ne, yourself bathe. 353-7. a du wun do tewit te, bathe yourself. 322-11. a dui wfun dii win tewit, he rubbed himself. 319-9. iL kai niL tCwit, he pressed down on it. 143-2. 278 VoL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. on tewit, take it. 191-13. yit dite tewit, to shoot. 136-9. me na niL tCwit, he pushed it back. 163-1. me niL tewit, he pushed it. 106-2. me xs niL tCwit, something pushed him. 109-13. miL tewit, push it. 105-18. na de tewit te, I will leave it. 277-1. na dui win tewit, he let go. 106-17, 272-18. na dui win tewit, it was shot. 246-1. niL kai niL tCwit, toward the ground he pressed. 210-17. nul wa me neL tewit te, I will loan you. 356-6. hwfl wa meL tCwit te, lend me. 296-11. hwiu wa miL tCWit, loan me. 326-7. xs wa me neL tCwit te, I would loan him. 356-17. xsn tewit, it caught him. 346-10. do ma a din it tewit, she did not move. 341-1. do kiL tCWit, one never pushes it. 106-12. te se tcwit te, I am going to measure it. 116-12. to on nil win tewit ne en, water she was to bring. 111-3. to on tewin ne en, water going after. 111-2. to on tewit, water to bring. 110-16. tcit dii win tewit te, he will shoot. 151-16. teit te te tewit, he completed the measure. 226-4. tcit te tewit, he measured it. 116-13. tcon tewit, she took it. 181-14. ke niL tewit, he lifted it up. 163-1. kiL tcwit, push it. 162-14. ky-i wa is tewit, he broke off. 317-6. kyidw tewit, let me push it. 106-11. -tcw6 ig, to sweep. na yai xoi it tcw6 ig, they brushed him together. 196-3. na xs teL tCw6 ig, he swept. 210-12. -tcw6k, exact form and meaning unknown. kyfi wit tcw6k kei, they are strung on a line. 165-8. -tcwflw, to smell of. yai x6s tewuiw, they smelled of him. 165-3. 279 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -tewil, tewe; to cry, to weep. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -tCwii. ya win tewil, they cried. 169-12. ya te it tewil, they cried along. 179-12. win tewiU, you have cried. 337-14. dw Wit tCwf we he, don't cry. 169-13. tce ite tcwil, he always cried. 336-4. tcit te it tew-d, he always cried. 186-8. tcfl win tewfl, he cried. 150-7, 336-8. kya teL tCwil, it cried. 342-10. kya teL tewfi we tsui, it cry he heard. 204-9. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -tewe. tcit tewe Ox, he cried. 150-7. kya teL tewe, (she heard) it cry. 135-9. kya tui wil tewel, crying along. 135-10. -git, to be afraid of, to be frightened at.' ye nes git, it frightened (they were afraid of it). 215-4. ye nes git te, it will be afraid. 236-2. ye nil wil gil lil, it kept getting afraid of. 235-4. yin nel git, he was afraid. 114-16. me nes git te, it will be afraid. 296-5. mi nes git, it was afraid. 295-4. ml nes git teL, it will be afraid. 295-7. ne ifiw git tse, I feel afraid. 176-5. do nil git he ne, don't be afraid. 170-15. xoi nes git, he was afraid. 113-11. tcin nel git, she was afraid of. 192-2. -git, to travel in company, as a flock of birds, or a company of warriors. na in dik git, they came back. 299-9. na ne it git, they came back. 299-12. tee in de git, they ran down. 153-16. -kai, -ka; to get up from a reclining or sitting position. A) The cutstomary and impotential have the form -kai. in na i-iw dufk kai, I always get up. 241-1. 280 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hutpa Language. B) The past and present definite, present indefinite and im- perative have the form -ka. in na is dfuk ka, she got up. 110-14. in nas dfuk ka ei, it got up. 114-16. in nas dfuk ka hit, when he got up. 115-8. do he in na na is duik ka, he did not get up. 112-15. Compare, min na na kit del kai, he was sitting with one leg each side. 163-7. -kan, -kftfi; to put on edge, to lean up. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -kan. a na dit du WiL kan, he jumped out one side. 108-15. Compare, dfuk kan, a ridge, and wil ka nei, a fire is burn- ing. 151-4. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -kunfi. wlw k-unliLte, I will lean up. 272-9. du wii kun te, (the earth) will lean up on edge. 343-13. -kas, to throw. ya WiL kas, he threw up. 96-3. ye tee iL kas, he threw. 288-7. wes kas,1 it lay. 96-4. n6 niL kas, he threw. 185-8. hw6 iL kas, throw me. 153-10. xot da iL kas, he threw down. 138-8. de de iL kas, he threw into the fire. 238-13. d6 na sil kas,' nothing left. 192-16. -kait, -kai; to cause to project, to cause to move forward in a straight line, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to shoot. A) The past definite, customary, and impotential have the form -kait. ya niL kait dei, they got there (by water). 159-15. ya teL kait, they went on. 159-14. ye wit kait, he landed. 140-1. 1 These two verbs are passive in form. That which lies, is "that which has been thrown or dropped." AM. ARCH. ETH. 3,19. 281 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. ye naWiLkait, she landed. 135-12. ye teit teL kait, one after the other he stuck (his head) in. 322-2. Lin dfuk kait de, they slid together. 295-2. no nii, kait, he put it. 108-19. do wun no iL kait, he did not shoot. 144-13. ta WiL kait, he started across. 315-1. te dfuk kait dei, they were sliding together. 294-16. tee na niLkait, he poked out. 174-9. tce niL kait, he put out (his head). 153-9. tcin dfuk kait dei, they came down (by water). 158-16. tcit teL kait, he started in a boat. 104-6. B) The present, definite and indefinite, and imperative have the form -kai. ye wit kai te, a boat will come. 209-3. wun not kai, shoot. 144-14. wuin no neL kai te, I will shoot. 144-16. -kait, -kai; to starve, to fall here and there from weakness. no te dufk kait, people began to starve. 191-11. no te dfuk kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18. -kel; to hold in a horizontal position. da e iflw kel, I held under. 337-14. -ket; to creak (probably onomatopoetic). kyu wifn ket, it creaked. 114-17. 140-3. -kil, -kiL; to split, to make an opening in a wall or bank. ya na is kil, he split it. 142-3. min no kini kil, he opened it. 113-5. non dik kil lei, that far he split it. 210-2. d6 hwiLdjefi kil, with me it won't split. 108-9. dje wiL kil, he tore away. 176-9. tei wiL kil, he split with his hands. 210-1. kit diii kil ei, it broke out. 102-2. kit dui wiin kil, the bank slid out. 252-4. -kis, to put one's hand on, to stab, to spear. a di ye no na kin niL kis, under himself he put his hand. 221-4. 282 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. xe e na iL kis, she pushed it away. 1.85-3. da kiL kis, he put his hand. 140-3. na niL kis, he cut him. 164-1. ky3L kis x6 sin x6 lan, spearing salmon had been he saw. 140-11. -kit, to catch with the hands, to take away. a de iL kit, he took with himself. 270-7. a de XOL kit, she caught against herself. 223-14. a diL kit, take it with you. 356-16. a diiw kit, to myself I held. 353-6. ya iL kim min-, to catch. 101-17. ya iL kit te, they were going to catch it. 102-2. na iL kit dei, he caught it. 152-6. XOL tciL kit, with him he caught it. 107-10. do he ya iL kit, they did not catch. 102-3. tce XOL kit, he caught him. 143-9. tCiL kit, he took hold. 106-16. tco XOL kit, he caught him. 151-2. teu hwiL kin ne en, he nearly caught me. 176-14. -kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke). yei wiL kit dei, it rose up (clouds). 104-13. ye yu WiL kit de te, (smoke) will go there. 301-9. nOiiL kit, it spread out. 321-7. noi WiL kil liL te, it will be foggy. 230-6. no nai niL kit, it settled. 96-3. noi niL kit, smoke hangs. 337-11. noi niL kit ne wan, like fog it appeared. 210-10. XOL yai WiL kit dei, the fog took her away. 238-16. da nai WiL kil liL te, fog will stay. 273-2. -kit, to feed, to give food to any one. ma kiL kit, she fed it. 192-1. ma kyuiw kit, I better feed them. 192-1. xwaiLkit, she gave him to eat. 110-14. xwa ya iL kit, they gave him. 110-5. xwa ya kiL kit, she fed them. 192-11. -kuitc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny. ya will kfite, he threw. 143-15. 283 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tee nin kGftc, he threw out. 144-1. tee nifi kfutc ne en, the throw used to be. 143-8. kit tea kfutc, they began to play. 142-16. kit te sifn kfutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. kit tfuk kfutc ei, shinny will be played. 210-14. -kya, to wear a dress. This root is the monosyllabic noun kya, "dress." me na iL kya. she wore for dress. 332-10. -kya, to perceive by any of the senses. un kya, he saw. 96-11, 98-14. do ufnl kya, they did not see. 267-7. -kyas, to break, to cause to break. sik kyas sei, it broke. 210-17, 211-1, 144-15. tcis k (y) as sei, he broke it. 143-3. -ky6s, to handle or to move anything that is flat and flexible, as a skin or piece of cloth. This is one of the roots that shows the character of the object. ya WiL ky6s, he picked up. 293-6. no na iL ky6s, she put away. 333-7. na na WiL ky6s, he took it down. 204-4. n3 niL ky6s, he put it. 208-10. siL kyos, it lies. 207-6. da tcit dui WiL ky6s, he has taken away. 207-11. teit teL ky6s, he took it along. 204-6. tcu WiL ky6s sil, he taking it along. 208-9. -ky6t, -kyo; to flee, to run away. This root is used only in the singular. For the plural -deL, -dil, -diL, are employed. tsin teL ky6t, he ran away. -qal, to walk (confined to the third person singular). de dfuk qal, this one walking along (the sun). 340-1, 343-9. tcfuk qal, walking. 96-10. teufk qal 'lx, he walked. 319-6. tcuk qal le, walking along. 164-8. tcfuk qal lit, as he walked along. 110-2. -qol, to crawl, to creep. nas qol, it crawled around. 294-1. xoi na se il de qol, on her it kept crawling. 185-2 284 VOL- 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. xon nat naLqo-l, around her it was creeping. 185-2. tee il qol e x6 lan, it had crawled out. 185-11. tein nil qol ei, he had crawled. 347-9. teit te il qol le xs lan, it had crawled along he saw. 185-12. tcit teLq6l, he crawled. 347-8. -qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to stick, to poke. ya a qot, they always stuck them. 180-14. ya xos qot, they stuck them. 181-2. ya x6 q6t, they stick them. 180-12. na ya x6s dufk qot de, if we stuck them. 180-15. na kis qot, he pushed a stick. 145-12. na kis q6t te, he is going to poke. 192-9. no ke ifiw qot, I always set up. 247-4. -qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly. ya it qot, it always dodged. 286-11. ya wit q6t, he jumped up. 329-13. ya na wit q6t, he jumped. 329-15. yat qot, it dodged. 286-10. ye wit q6t, it fell. 136-3. na wit qot, he tumbled. 118-17. nas d'uk qot, it tumbled about. 136-4. na des de qot, it tumbled around. 222-9. nate de qot, it tumbled. 114-15. n6 na in dfuk qot, he reached by jumping. 329-18. non de qot ei, it stopped. 287-2. xa wit q6t, he jumped. 329-13. da wit qot tsul, it tumbling she heard. 136-3. te wit qot te, in the water it seemed about to tumble. 286-13. te de qot, it tumbled. 286-12. teifi dfuk qot ei, it tumbled. 135-12. -qotc, -qow; to throw as a spear is thrown, or to fall headlong. A) The past and present definite, and perhaps the present indefinite and imperative, have the form -qotc. a diLya kiLq6tc, he threw himself with it. 202-3. a diL ya kiL qotc hit, when he threw himself with it. 202-7. 285 2University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. te weL qotc te, I will throw in. 112-4. te kiL q6tc, he threw it in. 112-6. B) The customary and impotential, and possibly the present indefinite and imperative, have the form -qow. a diL no ke iL qow, to he used to throw with himself. 202-4. -q6tc, to lope or run like a wolf. nun dufk q6tc tsiu, he heard him lope back. 175-9. xe e wifi qotc ei tsiu, he heard him lope away. 175-8. ke sifn qotc ei, you climbed the tree. 175-1. VARIATIONS OF ROOTS IN FORM AND LENGTH. The greater number of the verbal roots undergo a change of form or length, for the most part connected with the changes of mode or tense. In a few cases there is also a change within the mode or tense for the persons. For number, the change when present, is not an alteration of the root, which is now to be considered, due to phonetic causes such as a change in the place or force of the stress or pitch, or to morphological causes such as worn down suffixes resulting in inflection, but is the substitu- tion in the dual and plural of a root altogether different. Sometimes the changes in the root mark the definite tenses off from the indefinite, in other cases the customary and im- potential are different in the form of the root from the present indefinite and imperative, and in a few cases, the impotential alone has a form longer or different from that found elsewhere in the verb. The indefinite present and imperative are the weakest of all in their roots. Of the definite tenses, the past is usually longer than the present and is characterized by the stronger vowels, a instead of fu and e instead of i. Diphthongization often takes place, ai and au appearing for a. Roots ending in t usually have the t in the past and do not have it in the present. A number of roots, most of them containing the vowel i, do not change in form and many of them do not change in length. Having Four Forms. -wen (-en), past definite; -wini, pres. def.; -wuiw, pres. indef., cust., impot.; -we, 3 imp.: to carry on the back. 286 VOL. 3] Goddard.-MIlorphology of the Hutpa Language. -wen (-en), past def.; -wifn (-ifn), pres. def.; -wutw, pres. indef., cust., impot., 2 imp.; -we, 3 imp.: to move fire, to wave fire. -ten, past def.; -tinf, pres. def.; -tfiw, pres. indef., cust., impot., 2 imp.; -te, 1 and 3 imp.: to lie down. -len, past def.; -lifi, pres. def.; -lu, cust., impot.; -le, pres. indef., imp.: to become, to be, to be transformed. -lau, past; -la, pres. def., sometimes pres. indef. and imp.; -lu, cust., impot.; -le,' sometimes pres. indef. and imp.: to do something, to arrange according to a plan or purpose. Having Three Forms. A) Type, -an, -un-, -auw. -an, past def.; -fiun, pres. def.; -auw, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to transport round objects. -an, past def.; -un, pres. def.; -auw, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to run, to jump (plural subject only). -yan, past def., cust., impot.; -yufni, pres. def. and indef., and imp.; -yauw, a few uncertain forms: to eat. -xan, past def.; -xufni, pres. def.; -xauw, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to move in a basket or other vessel any liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up. -tan, past def.; -tufni, pres. def.; -tflw, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to handle or move a long object. -tan, past def.; -tfuni, pres. def.; -tuw, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to split. B) Type, -en, ini, -u1w. -ten, past def.; -tini, pres. def.; -tuiw, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to move or to carry in any way a person, animal or animal product. 1 The changes in this verb do not seem to be regular. It is possible that two roots have been brought together in the same verb and confused, or that the vowel u of the customary and impotential has produced a present indefinite and imperative in e by analogy with the usual ui and e pairs. 287 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. c) Type, -en, -ini, -e. -wen, past def.; -win, pres. def.; -we, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to kill. -tewen, past def.; -tewinf, pres. def.; -tewe, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to make, to arrange, to cause. -tewen, past def.; -tewiil, pres. def.; -tewe, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to grow, to become. D) Type, -ai, -a, -auiw (-Uiw). -yai, past def.; -ya, pres. def., 1 and 3 imp.; -yauw, pres. indef., cust., impot., 2 imp.: to go, to come, to travel about. -lai, past def.; -la, pres. def.; -luu;, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to move or transfer a number of objects. -lai, past def.; -la, pres. def.; -hiw, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to hand something to some one. -lai, past def.; -la, pres. def.; -l1w, pres. indef., cust., impot., imp.: to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. -hwai, impot.; hwa, pres., imp.; -hwauw, pres., cust.: to walk, to go, to come. E) Type, -aL, -Ufl, -UL. -waL, past def., pres. def.; -wful, cust., impot.; -wfUL, pres. indef., imp.: to strike, to throw, to scatter. -taL, past def., pres. def.; -til, cust., impot.; -tUfL, pres. indef., imp.: to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot. F) Type, -eL, -il, -iL. -weL, past def., pres. def.; -wil, cust., impot.; -WiL, pres. indef., imp.: relating to the passing of night. -meL, past def., pres. def.; -mil, cust., impot.; -miL, pres. indef., imp.: to strike, to throw, to drop. -deL, past def., pres. def.; -dil, cust., impot., past; -diL, pres. indef., imp.: to go, to come, to travel. -deL, past def., pres. def.; -dil, cust., impot.; -diL, pres. in- def., imp.: to strike. 288 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. 289 -tseTL, past def., pres. def.; -tsil, cust., impot.; -tSiL, pres. indef., imp.: to pound as with a hammer or maul. G) Unclassified. -L6n, past. def., pres. def.; -Loi, impot.; -L6 (-LaW), cust., pres. indef., imp.: to make baskets, to twine. -ne, 3rd per. of all tenses; -sen, 1st and 2nd persons past def., cust., impot.; -siii, 1st and 2nd per. pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to think, to know. -hwe, any tense without suffix; -hwil, past def., cust., impot. with progressive suffix; -hwiL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. with the progressive suffix: to call by name, to name. -xa, any tense without suffix; -xal, past def. with progressive suffix; -xaL1, pres. def., past def. with progressive suffix: to dawn. -xa, when of conjugation 1; -xan, past def., cust., impot. (when of conjugation 3); -xfuii, pres. def., pres. indef., imp. (when of conjugation 3); to stand (said of tree). -dal, past; -daL, pres.; -dauw, imp., cust., impot., imp., to pass along, to go, to come. Having Two Forms. A) Type, -an, -ufnl. -yan, past def., cust., impot.; -yun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.; to live, to pass through life. -yan, past def., cust., impot.; -yiuni, pres. indef., pres. def., imp.: to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion. -wan (han), past def., cust., impot.; -wun (nunh), pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to sleep. -lan, past def., cust., impot.; -luni, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: (with negative prefix) to quit, to leave, to desist. -lan, past def., cust., impot.; -lun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to be born. -nan, past def., cust., impot.; -nfuin, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.. to drink. -nan, past def., cust., impot.; -n'unf, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.; to turn, to move. University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -xan, past def., cust., impot.; -xuni, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste. -tan, 3 sing. of past def., cust., impot.; -tfunt, 3 sing. of pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to eat. -tan, past def., cust., impot. (?); -tuin, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: exact meaning unknown. -tan, past def., cust., impot.; -tun, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: relating in any way to wax or wax-like substance. -tsan, past, cust., impot.; -tsiun, pres. imp.: to find, to see. -tewan, past def., cust., impot.; -tewufn, pres. def., pres. indef.; imp.: relating to the eating of a meal in company. -kan, past def., cust., impot.; -kuent, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to put on edge, to lean up. B) Type, -en, -ini. -en, past def., cust., impot.; -in-, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to look. -en, past, cust., impot., fut. (7); -ifi, pres., imp.: to do, to act, to deport one's self. -yen, past def., cust., impot.; -yini, pres. def., pres indef., imp.: to stand on one's feet. -len, past def., cust., impot.; -lini, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to flow, to run; said of any liquid. -men, past def., cust., impot.; -miii, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to fill up, to make full. hwen, past, def., cust., impot.; hwifi, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to melt. -sen, 1st and 2nd per. of past def., cust., impot.; -sinl, 1st and 2nd per. of pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to think, to know. -den, past def., cust., impot.; -diin, pres. def., pres indef., imp.: to travel in company. -den, past def., cust., impot.; -difi, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to be light, to blaze. -ten, past, cust, impot.; tin, pres. imp.: to do, to perform an act. 290 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphotogy of the Hupa Language. -tewen, past def., cust., impot.; -tewinf, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to smell, to stink, to defecate. -tewen, past def., cust., impot.; -tewifi, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. c) Type, -ai,-a. -ai, past, impot.; -a, pres., imp., and sometimes past and cust.; to be in position. -yai, impot.; -ya, past def., cust., pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to move about, to undertake. -wai, 3 impot.; -wa, 3 pres. indef.: to go, to go about. -dai, impot., past def.; -da, past def., cust., pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game. -tewai, past def., impot.; -tewa, cust., pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to handle or move many small pieces, to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. -kai, cust., imp.; -ka, past def., pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to get up from a reclining or sitting position. D) Type, -au, -a. -au, past def., cust., impot.; -a, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to sing. -yau, past, cust., impot.; -ya, pres. imp.: to do, to follow a line of action, to be in a condition or plight. -dau, past, cust., impot.; -da, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to melt away, to disappear. -tau, past def., cust., impot.; -ta, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to hover, to settle, to fly around. E) Type, --u, -e. -li, past def., cust., impot.; -le, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to make an attack, to form a war party. -Wu, past def., cust., impot.; -le, pres def., pres. indef., imp.: to dive, to swim under water. 291 292 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -LU, past def., cust., impot.; -Le, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to handle or to do anything with a semi-liquid, dough-like ma- terial. -nui, past, cust., impot.; -ne, pres. imp.: to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way. -xil, cust., impot.; -xe, past def., pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to track, to finish, to overtake. -dje iu, past def., cust., impot.; -dje, pres. imp.: to fly in a flock, to beg. -tiu, past def., cust., impot.; -te, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to sing in a ceremony or dance. -tsua, past def., cust., impot.; -tse, pres. indef., imp.: to squirm. to writhe, to roll, to tumble. -tewil, past def., cust., impot.; -tewe, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to cry, to weep. F) Type, -at, -a. -wat (-at), past def., cust., impot.; -wa (-a), pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to shake itself, said of a dog. -lat, past def., cust., impot.; -la, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to float. -Lat, past def., cust., impot.; -La, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to run, to jump. -xait, past def., cust., impot., -xai, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to buy. -tsat, cust., impot.; -tsa, pres. indef., imp.: to sit down. -tcat, past def., cust., impot.; -tca, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to be sick, to become ill. -kait, past def., cust., impot.; -kai, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to cause to project, to push, to pole or paddle a canoe, to shoot. -kait, past def., cust., impot.; -kai, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to starve. -kyot, past def., cust., impot.; -kyo, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to flee, to run away. VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hu,pa Language. 293 G) Type, -1, -L. -ii, past def., cust., impot.; -iL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to swim, to dive (plural only). -yol, past def., cust., impot.; -yoL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to blow with the breath. -wal, past def., cust., impot.; waL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to shake a stick, to dance. -lal, past def., cust., impot.; laL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to dream, to sleep. -nel, past def., cust., impot.; -neL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to play. -n6l, past def., cust., impot.; -noL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to blaze. -hwal, past def., cust., impot.; hwaL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to fish for with a hook, to catch with a hook. -hwil, past def., cust., impot.; hwiL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to call by name, to name. -xal, past def., cust., impot.; -xaL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to dawn. -dil, past def., cust., impot.; -diL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow. -tsel, past def., cust., impot.; -tseL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to be or to become warm. -il, past def., cust., impot.; -iL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to swim, to dive (plural only). -q6l, past def., cust., impot.; -qoU, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to crawl, to creep. H) Unclassified. -aL, past def.; -U'L, cust., impot., pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to slit open. -aL, past def., cust,. impot.; -UiL, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to chew. 294 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. -ate, past def., pres. def.; -auw, pres. indef., cust., imp., impot.: to move in an undulating line. -mats, impot.; -mas, past def., pres. def., pres. indef., cust., imp.: to roll, to coil. -na, 3 imp.; -nauw, 3 cust., impot., pres. indef.; to go, or to come. -ne, past- def., cust., impot.; -n, pres. def., pres. indef., imp.: to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound, to play an instrument. -neuiw, except 1 sing. pres. and imp.; -ne, yeilw, 1 sing. pres, 2 imp.: to talk, to speak. -noi (a noun), -no, past def. (?):to place on end, to be in a vertical position. -xen, past def., pres. def. ( x?);-xlw, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp.: to float. -xfits, past def., pres. def.; -xus, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp.: to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw. -tats, past def., pres. def.; tfus, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp.: to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. -qotc, past def., pres. def.; -qow, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp.: to throw as a spear is thrown. -q6tc, past def., pres. def.; -qow, cust., impot., pres. indef., imp.: to lope or run like a wolf. Unvarying in form, but varying in length. -eL, to have position (plural only). -yeuiw, to rest. -yeutw, to rub, to knead. -yets, to tie together, to entangle. -y6w, to flow, to scatter. -y6s, to draw out of a narrow space, to stretch. -was, to shave off, to whittle. -loi, to tie, to wrap around. -16s, to drag, to pull along. -luw, to watch, to stand guard over. VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. -medj (-mete), to boil, to cook by boiling. -dai, to bloom, to blossom. -do, to dodge, to draw back. -tete, to lie down (plural only). -tsai, to be dry, to make dry. -tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip. -tse, to open or shut a sliding door. -tcw6 ig (-tcw6g), to sweep. -tcw6k, exact meaning unknown. -kas, to throw. -kyas, to break. -kyos, to handle or to move anything flat or flexible. Unvarying in form and length. -iuw, to drop. -to shoot an arrow. -its, to wander about. -ut, to move anything flat and flexible. -ya, to stand on one's feet (plural only). -ye, to dance. -yo, to like. -witc, to rock sidewise. -le, to feel with the hands. -lit, to burn. -lite, to urinate. -lik, to relate, to tell something. -lit, to cause to burn. -me, to swim. -men, to swim. -muft, to break out as a spring of water, to break open. -na, to cook by placing above or before a fire. -ne, to gather nuts from the grouind. -hwe, to dig. -xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid). -x-ft, to hang. -xftt, to tear down. -sit, to wake. 295 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor. -da, to carry, to move (said of a person or animal). -dik (-tik), to peck. -dik (-tik), to stand in line. -do, to cut, to slash. -djin, to mind, to be bothered by something. -te, to look for. -te, to carry around. -te, to remain in a recumbent position. -tits, to use as a cane. -tik, exact meaning unknown. -to, referring to the movement or position of water. -tt, to suck, to drink. -tu, to beg. -tulw, to split. -tftk, to count. -te, to have some particular form, appearance, or nature; to be, to exist. -tik, to tie with a string. -to, relating to mutual motions of two objects by means of which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it. -tse, to stay, to live (plural only). -tsis, to be hanging. -tsis, to find. -tsit, to pound as in a mortar. -tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend. -tsit, to fall, to sink. -tsit, to soak acorn meal. -tsit, to pull out a knot. -tsit, to wait, to delay an act. -tce, to blow (said of the wind). -tcit, to die. -tcuft, to strip off, to take bark from a tree. -tewit, to push, to pull off leaves, to shoot, to rub one's self, to bring water. -git, to be afraid of, to be frightened. -git, to travel in company. 296 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. -kis, to put one's hand on, to stab, to spear. -kit, to catch with the hands, to take away. -kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke). -kit, to feed, to give food to any one. -kfitc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny. -kya, to wear a dress. -qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to stick, to poke. -qot, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly. MEANING OF THE ROOTS. In regard to meaning, the roots fall into at least three classes. First, a few monosyllabic nouns, occupying the position in the verb which belongs to the root, name the means employed while the nature of the act is suggested by that part of the verb which precedes the root. Second, a rather large number of roots, while not definitely naming the object, indicate the class to which it be- longs as regards its size, shape, or physical character. Third, most, if not all, of the remaining roots indicate more or less exactly the nature of the act itself. It has been impossible with no knowl- edge of the past history of the Hupa language and but little access to the related languages to define exactly the meaning of many of the roots. Those which show no evidence of belonging to the two preceding classes are assumed for the present to belong to the third. Nouns as roots, expressing the means. -lai, -la, -luiw; to perform some act with the hand, as to rub, to hand something to some one. (While this root may not be morphologically connected with the word meaning hand, the Hupa believe it to be so connected). -L6n, -L6, -Low; to make baskets, to twine in basket-making. (Probably from Lo, "grass,"' one of the materials used in bas- ketry.) -mi+; to turn over, to place one 's self belly up or down. Com- pare, xs mit, her belly. 102-15. -hwal, -hwaL; to fish for with a hook. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 20. 297 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. -hwe, -hlwil, -hwiL; to call by name, to name. From x lhwe, his name. -tits, to use as a cane. Compare, tits, cane. 150-9. -to, referring to the movement of water. -tseL, -tsil, -tSiL; to pound as with a hammer or maul. (This root is said by the Hupa to be connected with tse, a stone, the maul and pestles being of stone). -kya, to wear a dress. Compare, kya, dress. 333-8. Roots which classify the object affected according to size, shape, etc. -an, -un, -auw; to transport round objects. -ut, to move flat, flexible objects. -wen, -wifn, -wilw, -we; to move fire, to wave fire. -lai, -la, -luw; to move or transfer a number of objects. -lel, to carry more than one animal or child in the hands. -LU, -Le, (-Lfrk); to handle or to do anything with semi-liquid dough-like material. -xan, -xun, -xauw; to move in a basket or other vessel any liquid or smally divided substance, to catch with a net, to dip up. -da, to carry or move a person or animal. -tan, -tii, -tuw; to handle or move a long object. -ten, -tin, -tuiw; to move or carry in any way a person, animal, or animal product. -tan, relating in any way to wax or wax-like substances. -tewai, -tewa; to handle or move many small pieces, such as the soil, to dig, to bury, to paw the ground. -kyos, to handle or move anything that is flat and flexible, as a skin or a piece of cloth. Roots indicating the nature of the act. A) Position or posture. -ai, -a; to have position. -eL, to have position. (Plural only). -ya, to stand on one 's feet. (Plural only). -yen, -yiii; to stand on one's feet. -noi, -no; to place on end, to be in a vertical position. -xa, to have position (said of water or a liquid). -xa, -xan, -xun; to stand (said of a tree). 298 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. -xut, to hang (said of a blanket). -dai, -da; to sit, to stay, to remain, to fish, to wait for game. -dik, to stand in line. -te, to remain in a recumbent position. -ten, -tin, -tulw; to lie down. -tetc, to lie down, to remain in a recumbent position. (Plural only). -tse, to stay, to live. (Plural only). -tsis, to be hanging. -kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke). B) Motion or locomotion. 1) Over the surface of the ground. -an,- u,-auw; to run, to jump. (Plural only). -its, to wander about. -ate, to move in an undulating line. -yai, -ya, -yauw; to go, to come, to travel about. -wai, -wa; to go, to go about. (Third person singular only). -Lat, -La; to run, to jump. -na, to move. -na, -nauw; to go, to come. (Third person singular only). -nan, -nun; to turn, to move. -hwai, -hwa, -hwauw; to walk, to go, to come. (First person singular only). -dal, -daL, -dauw; to pass along, to go, to come. -deL, -dil, -diL; to go, to come, to travel. -den, -din; to travel in company. -do, to dodge, to draw back. -ton, -ton; to jump. -tsui, -tse; to squirm, to writhe, to roll, to tumble. -git, to travel in company, as a company of warriors. -kai, -ka; to get up from a reclining or sitting position. -qal, to walk. (Third person singular only). -q6l, -q6L; to crawl, to creep. Compare, qo, worm. -q6t, to dodge, to tumble, to flounder about helplessly. -qotc, to lope or run like a wolf. 2) On the surface of or under water. -lai, -la, -luw; to travel by canoe, to manage a canoe. -lat, -la; to float. 299 3University of Califormia Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -liu, -le; to dive, to swim under water. -me, to swim, to bathe. -men, to cause to swim. -xen, -xulw; to float. 3) Through the air. -xuts, -xfit; to pass through the air, to fly, to fall, to throw. -dje u, -dje; to fly in a flock. -tau, to hover, to settle, to fly around. -tsit, to fall, to sink. c) Acts performed specifically by the hands. -aL, -UL; to slit open. -its, to shoot an arrow. -ye-uw, to rub, to knead. -yos, to draw out of a narrow space to stretch. -wal, -waL; to shake a dance stick, to dance. -waL, -wfl, -WUL; to strike, to throw, to scatter. -was, to shave off, to whittle. -lai, -la, -liw; to perform some act with the hand, to rub, to hand something to some one. -le, to feel with the hands. -los, to drag, to pull along. -loi, to tie, to wrap around. -mas, to roll, to rotate. -meL, -mil, -miL; to strike, to throw, to drop. -ne, to gather nuts from the ground, to pick up. -dits, to twist into rope or twine. -d6, to cut, to slash. -tats, -tufs; to cut a gash, to slit up, to cut open, to dress eels. -tik, to tie with a string. -tsas, to swing a stick about, to whip. -tse, to open or shut a sliding door. -tseL, -tsil, -tSiL; to pound as with a hammer or maul. -tsit, to pound as in a mortar. -tsit, to pull out a knot. -tecft, to strip off, to take bark from a tree. -tewit, to push, to pull off or break off leaves and twigs, to shoot, to rub one's self in bathing. 300 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. -tcw6 ig, to sweep. -kas, to throw. -kait, -kai; to cause to project, to push or paddle a canoe. -kan, -kuiin; to put an edge, to lean up. -kil, to split, to make an opening in a wall or bank. -kis, to put one's hand on, to stab, to spear. -kit. to catch with the hands, to take away. -kit, to feed, to give food to any one. -kfttc, to make the stroke or throw in playing shinny. -qot, to push a pointed instrument into a yielding mass, to stick, to poke. -qotc, -qow; to throw as a spear is thrown. D) Acts performed specifically by the feet. -ye, to dance. -tab, -tufl, -tfUL; to step, to kick, to do anything with the foot. E) Acts of the mind, senses, or vocal organs. -au, -a; to sing. -en, -ini; to look. -yan, -yunff; to spy upon, to watch, to observe with suspicion. -yo. to like, to love, to be pleased with. -wauw, to talk, to make a noise. (Plural only). -lal, -laL; to dream, to sleep. -lik, to relate, to tell something. -ne, -n; to speak, to say something, to sing, to make a sound. -neilv, -ne yeiiw; to talk, to speak. -ne, -sen, -sini; to think, to know. -nftw, to hear. -xa, -xuOR; to be sweet or pleasant to the taste. -djiii, to mind, to be bothered by something. -te, to look for, to search after. -tu, -te; to sing in a ceremony or dance. -tfik, to count. -ten, to address with a term of relationship or friendship. -tsan, -tsuni; to find, to see. -tsis, to find, to know. -tsit, to know a person, or some fact or legend. -tewen, -tewini; to want food or sexual gratification, to desire. 301 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -tcwiiw, to smell of. -git, to be afraid of, to be frightened. -kya, to perceive by any of the senses. F) Relating particularly to the body and its functions. -aL, -UL; to chew. -yan, -yun, -yauw; to eat. -yan, -yun; to live, to pass through life. -yeuiw, to rest. -yol, -yoL; to blow with the breath. -wan (-nian) , -wun (-nun); to sleep. -lal, -laL; to dream, to sleep. -lan, -lun; to be born. -litc, to urinate. -nan, -nun; to drink. -xfits, to bite, to chew. -sit, to awake. -da, to be poor in flesh, to become poor. -tan, -tuftn; to eat. (Third person singular only). -tAt, to drink. -tcat, -tea; to be sick, to become ill. -tcit, to die. -tewen, -tewin; to defecate. -tewU, -tewe; to cry, to weep. -kait, -kai; to starve. G) Complex and general acts of human agency. -en, -ini; to do, to act, to deport one's self. -yau, -ya; to do, to follow a line of action. -wen, -win, -we; to kill. -wen (-en), -wiin (-in), -wulw, -we; to carry on the back. -wis, to twist, to rotate, to dodge by rotating the body. -lau, -la, -lu, -le; to do something, to arrange according to a plan or purpose. -la.n, -lunif; to quit, to leave, to desist. -lu, -le; to make an attack, to form a war party. -Lit, to cause to burn. -men, -min; to fill up, to make full. -medj, to boil, to cook by boiling. 302 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the HIupa Language. -na, to cook by placing above or before a fire, to steam by placing above boiling water. -nan, -nui; to turn, to move. -nel, to play. -nil, -ne; to do, to happen, to behave in a certain way. -hwe, to dig. -xa, -xaiL; to track. -xait, -xai; to buy. -xfi, -xe; to finish, to overtake. -xuit, -xfil; to ask, to question. -tan, -tunii, -tuw; to split. -te, to carry around. -tiu, to beg. -ten, -tinl; to do, to perform an act. -ten, to marry (said of the man only). -to, relating to the mutual motions of two bodies by means of which one is inserted into the other or withdrawn from it. -tsit, to soak or leach acorn meal. -tsit, to delay an act. -tewen, -tewin, -tewe; to make, to arrange, to cause. -kyas, to break, to cause to break. H) Acts confined to animals. -y6t, to chase, to bark after. -wat, -wa; to shake itself (said of a dog). -dik, to peck (said of a bird). -qotc, to lope or run like a wolf. i) Happening by the agency of nature and the elements. -iuw, to drop, to fall. -yow, to flow, to scatter. -weL, -wil, -WiL; the passing of the night. -len, -linf, -lu, -le; to become, to be transformed, to be. -len, -lini; to flow, to run (said of any liquid). -lit, to burn. -mut, to break out, as a spring of water, to break open. -nor, to blaze. -hwen, -hwin; to melt. -xa, -xal, -xaL; to dawn. 303 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCE. ETH. -dai, to bloom, to blossom. -dau, -da; to melt, to disappear. -dil, -diL; to ring, to give a metallic response to a blow. -te, to have some particular form or appearance, or nature; to be, to exist. -tsai, to be, or to make dry. -tsel, -tseL; to be or to become warm. -tce, to blow (said of the wind). -tewen, -tcwiii, -tewe; to grow, to become. -ket, to creak. -kit, to hang, to spread, to settle (said of fog or smoke). -kyas, to break. SUFFIXES. In addition to the changes in form and meaning of the verbs brought about by means of prefixes, the inflection of the syllable preceding the root, and the variations of the root, many limita- tions and extensions of meaning are occasioned by various suf- fixes. The suffixes which are temporal, modal and conjunctional in their character, are employed with the present indefinite and present definite for the most part. These particles are inflectional in their nature since they can be added to any verb giving it a definite change of meaning, but do not have independent exist- ence. TEMPORAL. -,x or -x. This suffix is used with the forms of the present indefinite and indicates that the act or condition was persistent through a limited and definitely stated length of time. yai wa auw WiL OX, it increased in blowing. 324-6. wil weL tsis daux, until night he stayed. 142-8. me 11w Ox, he watched it. 205-2. na iL te 0x, she carried it. 290-6. na iL its cX, he ran around. 185-10. na yates iii Ox, she looked. 300-17. nawaux, he stayed. 166-14. na diL ox, they will live. 255-8. nin sin diL Ox, they dance'd. 105-9. no to cx, water stayed. 324-3. 304 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hiipa Language. xa ai ya XOL in ns, they did that with him. 211-5. xa a ya iL ini OX, they did that. 105-10. SiL tfun 1x, it lay. 266-8. sit tetc 0x, they lay there. 322-6. do ai nin sin llx, you don't think. 337-9. d6 he nas deL tx, they could not walk about. 322-7. til tsit Ox, it will always be. 325-13. tsim ma x6s sinfi x, it was quiet. 322-4. tee in ditL x, outside the door. 169-9. tCiL waLt X, they danced. 238-10. teit dil ye lx, they danced. 216-7. teit tewe 0x, he cried. 150-7. tcuik qal 'x, he walked. 319-6. ke ut OX, she chewed.' 276-3. kiin ut IX, you chew. 275-2. -win te. The suffixing of -win te to the forms of the present indefinite gives meaning to the verb but little different from that of the customary, indicating that the act or condition is continuous or at least takes place whenever cause arises. The customary may mean that the act has been done several times without regard to the regularity of the intervals. xa a tin win te, she always did that. 136-14. do kin naL duin win te, not yet, kin naL d'un. 332-9. tciL waL win te, they always danced. 239-2. tein nifn ya win te, he always came. 231-9. tein nil wilw win te, she always brought. 157-2. kyui wit dai ye iL win te, it always blossoms. 365-4. -wes te. This suffix occurs but twice, being used by the same individual with the meaning of -win te. a tin wes te, it had done. 325-10. xa a tin wes te, the same thing it always did. 325-11. -ne en. This suffix is applied to nouns and verbs alike. It states that the thing, act, or condition has ceased or is about to cease its existence. When used with verbs it is usually appended to the forms of the present indefinite and means that the act or condition was habitual or continuous in the past but has now ceased. 305 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. a iL in ne en, (dogs) used to chase. 322-5. au wil la ne en fuk, he used to do way. 106-8. auw tin ne en, I used to do. 341-7. a ya tin ne en, they used to do that. 306-1. un te ne en, used to be seen. 235-18. ya wiii a ne en diin, he had been sitting place. 163-5. ya tce weL ne en, they were carrying. 110-10. wes sil yo ne en, whom you used to like. 307-16. wuin na wa ne en, going after used to. 157-10. ma a kiL en ne en, their doings. 361-11. minn ya kin tats te ne en, they were going to cut them open. 278-5. mux xun neuiw hwe ne en, their talk used to be. 306-4. na ya nil 1-1w ne en, which had been lost. 144-7. na la ne en, floating used to be. 243-12. (xoi de ai) na da a ne en, he used to listen (his head used to stand up). 340-12. na dil le te ne en, was going to happen. 117-5. na diL ne en, that used to live. 204-15. n6 auw ne en, the fire pit cover. 220-12. no na xon niL tin ne en, he caught up with him. 176-11. XOL Xlt tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4. xs tcin sil la ne en, on her used to be. 153-4. sil la ne en, used to be (on her). 153-4. sil len ne en, it came. 241-9. sit tin ne en diii, he used to lie place. 295-2. silw da ne en di n, I used to live place. 272-12. da wit diL ne en, they used to live. 259-4. do nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1. tes tewin ne en tcini, where I was brought up. 117-13. til tewin ne en, used to grow. 233-1. to 6n nil win tewit ne en, water she was to bring. 111-3. to on tewin ne en, water going after. 111-2. tsis da ne en, he used to stay. 271-5. - tce weL ne en, they were carrying. 110-9. tce nii ya te ne en, he was going to come out. 162-12. tce nii klutc ne en, the throw used to be. 143-8. tcin nii ya ne en, he used to come. 306-7. 306 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hutpa Language. teit tes en ne en, he used to look. 104-8. tcit tfun ne en, he used to eat. 346-11. tcf1 wit diL ne en, they used to go about. 102-3. -te. This suffix is the most commonly employed. It pre- dicts a future act or condition either as the result of the impulse of the agent, or the compelling force of some person or event. It takes the place therefore of English auxillaries, will and shall. It is appended for the most part to the forms of the definite present but changes a preceding -n- to n. A) Suffix immediately following the root. ai yon des ne te, she will think about. 104-1. ai late, they will catch. 253-10. a iL in te, they will do. 266-13. ai kiL in te, when it happens. 217-6. ai kyui wil lel liL te, they will do. 230-8. au win neL te, it will be. 105-12. auw la te, what shall I do with it. 293-8. auw di ya te, how am I going to do? 257-14, 275-5. a wil leL te, he will do. 253-12. a win ne liL te, it will be. 311-17. a la te, what are you going to do? 102-15. a nauw late, I was intending to do. 260-3. a na hwiL tcit den te, of me he will say. 363-18. a na tcil la te, he will do. 258-4. a x6 late, they will do. 306-12. a da na wini a te, for himself he will get. 338-9. a tcil la te, he will treat. 255-10. a kyuiwil lel liL te, it will do. 236-3. in ta na wit ya te, he would turn back. 187-4. isl unte, birth should be. 102-17, 103-4. un di ya te, what will you do? 266-4. ya wv xauw hwiL te, he will take it up. 295-17. ya te seL te, we will go. 145-10. ye we ya te, I will go. 246-4, 314-3. ye win deL te, they will go in. 255-3. ye na wit ya te, she will go in. 311-15. ye na wo deL te, you will travel in. 361-12. 307 University of California Publications. [Am. ARcH. ETH. yit dui wes yo te, it will like. 311-10. yi kit ta a te, she will sing. 104-2. yo di wit XGil liL te, they will ask for. 296-3. yiu win y'un te, she will eat them. 253-8, 100-14. wa nun xo win ne hwiL te, they will talk about. 272-17. wifi xa te, (water) will stay. 112-9. wun nai ditL X sin xo lan, hunting had been he saw. 104-11. wun na diL te, they will hunt. 311-14. wun xai neiiw te, he will talk about. 260-12. wuin xii win ne hwiL te, they will talk about. me win na hlWiL te, (her mind) will go against. 325-14. me wit dil na te, we shall steam it. 241-11. me 11iw te, I am going to watch. 292-9. me nai 111w te, I will watch. 217-13, 258-10. me nauw 111w te, I will watch. 267-17. (xoi kyuni) mini ya te, his mind will come to. 230-9. min no kiL dik te, he was going to pick. 113-3. mis sai xin te, I will put in its mouth. 243-16. mis sa wiii xin te, in his mouth she will put. 243-10. miiw 1-1w te, I will watch them. 258-15, 218-3. mux xuin nauw daL te, having gratified myself I will go back. 223-13. nai WiL xaL te, night will pass. 242-17. nai xe neiiw te, few will talk. 295-13. na is ya te, he goes. 307-13. nai ke yin te, they will grow. 296-4. nawil lit te, it will be burned. 151-5. na wit dil liL te, we will visit. 177-2. nal (i)11w te, (its blood) will drop. 115-13. nal hwin te, it will melt away. 273-6. na nai ya te, I am going to live. 218-2. na na wit diLte, the people will live again. 236-3. na nan dil liL te, they will live. 343-13. na na sini ya te, you will be. 353-8. na nas deL te, they will live. 228-2. nain ate, you will have. 357-7. na xo WiL tun te, it will be wet. 273-6. 308 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Mlorphology of the Hupa Language. na x6t dii wes in te, I am going to watch her. 137-3. na sa un te, it will lie. 226-9. na seL te (na se deL te), we will visit. 174-2. na se te, (na se ya te), I will go. 137-14. na siin ya te, you will travel. 356-2. na dil le te, they will become again. 116-12. nas dil lin te, that was to be. 283-6. na diLte, they will travel. 107-7. na dui wini a te, it will stick up. 204-2. na teuiw in iL te, I will look back from. 230-7. na teii in te, you will look. 356-5. na tes di ya te, I will go back. 117-14. nat le liL te, it will become. 312-4. na kyut wifi a tsil, singing he heard. 186-12. na kyul wifi yun te, you will eat. 356-3. neiLin te, I am going to see. 99-3. ne ya te, I am going. 348-15. ne e ne se da te, I will hide from you. 328-6. ne se seL win te, I will kill you. 151-2. niL Xoilik te, I will tell you. 351-11. niL Xst yun te, it will be easy for you to get. 357-7. niL xwe lik te, I will tell you. 355-4. niL te se ya te, I will go with you. 187-4. nifiyate, it will reach. 151-15. nit dje kis date, (I wish) your mind would melt away. nikkyilwilninunte, you will go to sleep. 252-11. 259-9. no wiun nun xun neliw te, they will talk about us. 267-18. no na kin nifi un te, one should leave. 215-8. no ne xun te, I will put. 289-2. n6 ni xun te, if he puts. 296-6. no nun di ya te, in one place they will stay. 259-17. nfi wifi ate, it will be. nun di ya te, it will come back. 307-9. Le nai yun dil late, we will keep a fire burning. 169-6. Le na in di ya te sil len, he got nearly around. 220-6. Le na nil la te, you will build a fire. 356-4. Le na nil late, he will build a fire. 258-2. 309 3University of Califor nia Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. Le na nin deL ei, they went clear round. 102-1. Le neL te, (Le ne diL te), let us meet. 174-3. Le kin niL yets te, (lice) to tie together (the hair). 151-10. Lin ya te, they will come together. 295-1. hwiL tcit den te, they will talk to me. 322-15. hwit tsin tse win tun, I have been killed. 119-1. xa a iL in te, that will be done. 203-8. xa auw di ya te, I am going to do. 202-8. xa a wil leL te, he will do that way. 255-17. xa a win ne liL te, that will be done. 229-10. xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. xa a kiL in te, that way they will do. 211-15. xa a kyiu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. xai un te, I will take one out. 135-5. xa wa auw hwiL te, she will pick out (the stones). 312-1. xa ne te te, I am going to look for it. 336-10. xa di ya te, it will do that. 254-10. xs yui wifn yun te, if she eats them. 253-7. x6 wil lik te, he will tell. 203-14. x6 wuit xo wes yfun te, I will watch her. 137-7. xon neL in te, I can look at him. 138-14. XOL x'ut tes nun te ne en, in her was about to move. 342-4. XOL k'ut tes nun te, it would move in her. 341-2. xo se seL win te, I will kill him. 150-11, 163-10. xfun ne ye-iw te, I will talk. 217-11. sa On te, it will be. 226-10. sa wo din te, you will travel. 151-6. sa nan din te, they were going away. 116-5. seL waL te, I am going to shake a stick. 238-7. se seL win te, I will kill it. 162-7. sil lin te, you are going to be. 343-5. sil lin te, it is going to be. 287-5. sit tin te, (if) they lie. 307-11. da na di! wifi un te, he will put in the fire. 258-9. da ne se da te, I will go fishing. 256-8. da no te deL te, everybody fished. 256-9. da xs lun a di ya te, they will die. 217-16. 310 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. da dui wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to it. 271-10. dakin-yfunte, to chew off. 151-9. dewimmimate, they will be filled. 253-11. de na dui wil la te, he will put in the fire. 255-15. de dui wil late, he will put in the fire. 255-15. de ki dil lite te, (frog) to urinate on the fires. 151-10. do oi lfun te, I will quit. 255-5. do yol'un te, they will quit. 231-1. do mitc djin te, it won't mind. 315-9. do na wa te, he will not live. 257-11. do na xos dil le te, there will be no more. 228-4. do ne hel weL te, you may stay. 176-1. do nin sin diL te ne en, they would not dance. 366-1. d6 no niL tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8. do xwe xo wil y un te, he will be crazy. 307-10. do tcit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 138-11. d6 tcui win xsfn te, he does not catch. 256-6. do tcui xsn neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at. dii wes ate, (a ridge) will go across. 253-1. dii wil le te, a company will come to kill. 332-3. tauw din nun te, I am going to have a drink. 111-13. ta nai win nun te, he will drink. 337-18. ta nauw tui hwiL te, I will take out. 267 18. te wa fut te, in the water I will throw. 111-17. te nal dit do te, it will draw back. 273-5. tefn in te, you will look. 140-7. te se ya te, I am going away. 229-9. te se late, I am going to take them. 253-15. te SOL tin te, you will take. 222-7. tes ya te, (dawn) is about to come. 241-1. tes deL te, they will come. 252-3. te di yfun te, he will live to old age. 227-7. te ke its te, I will shoot in. 112-9. tui win na hwiL te, it will go. 229-13. 281-3. tsislinte, it would become. 311 University of California Publications. [Ax. ARCH. ETH. tsis date, he will stay. 211-7. tee wes lin te, it will flow out. 254-17. tee ne ya te, I will go out. 332-8. tee nil le te, they will dive out. 252-9. teefn ya hwiL te, you will go. 356-8. tee x6 win ne hlWiL te, she shall talk. 289-12. tein nes date, she will sit. 290-14. tcis seL win te, he will kill. 311-16. tcit dil ye te, there will be a dance. 203-8. tcit dii wil ye iL te, they will dance. 117-9. tcit tan hbwun te, he shall eat. 107-8. tcit tes deL te, he was to travel with. 174-9. tc6 win neL te, she will think about. 312-3. teon date, it will be sorry. 353-7. tc6 hwe it te, they will call. 272-11. tco x6n des ne te, she will think of him. 325-14. teu wes yo te, he shall like. 307-11. tel wifn yun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3. teu huw6 WiL xil liL te, she will ask for. 311-17. tcul hwi hwe iL te, they will call. 272-10. kei yun te, I am going to eat. 97-15. kiL ne se tin te, I will have intercourse with a woman. 104-7. kiL dje xai wil la te, they will fight. 115-4. kiL dje xa in nauw te, there is going to be a fight. 333-13. kin ne so yuin te, may you grow to be men. 238-13. kis le te, they will catch many. 257-10. kis sa wifi ya te, he will go into somebody's mouth. kyu win dits te, to make rope. 151-6, 8. ky-l wit di yun te, we shall eat. 190-5. B) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. These words occur mostly in formulas, the reference being to the distant future. One Hupa informant said they were used of less certain future predictions. ye yul WiL kit de te, it will go there. 301-9. nai XOL tsan ne te, it will find him. 307-13. niin ya ye te, it will come. 307-12. 312 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. XO WiL tsai ye te, it becomes shallow. 259-16. XOL den ne e te, I will call him. 139-45. tsis lin ne te, he will become. 338-10. tcis di yan ne te, she may live to be old. 325-13. tcul hw6ni hwe e te, they will call me. 272-12. -teL. The only difference in meaning between this suffix and the preceding seems to be that -teL is used of events in the nearer future. a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11. me neL xe teL, I am about to finish. 261-3. me tsa xs sin teL xo lufti, hard it will be it seems. 341-11. mlnes git teL, it will be afraid. 295-7. na is tewin teL, he will make. 321-11. no te dfik kai teL, they were about to starve. 191-18. xa a di ya teL, that way it will be. 341-16. x6 lan a di ya teL, it would do. 234-11. xo lui ni hw6n teL, will it be good? 295-9. x lufi xa a tin teL, that will do it. 235-1. so lun teL, he will be the one. 209-12. xo neL in teL, I can't look at him. 138-12. sillinteLdifi, it is going to be place. 104-16. diiwilleteL, a party is coming to kill. 334-6. tcin nii ya teL diii, she was going place. 237-5. tcilwifi ynnteLde, would eat. 267-17. kit diii hwe teL diii, he would dig out. 100-1. kit te sin kfutc teL, you will play shinny. 142-12. TEMPORAL AND MODAL. -ei. In myths and tales, the definite past occurs very fre- quently with an ending -ei which regularly takes over the semi- vowels and often the consonants of the preceding syllable. The younger Hupa, at least, do not seem to be conscious of any change in meaning that may be made by its addition. A com- parison of the instances of its occurrence would indicate a mild emphasis,-that the act, which has several times been ineffectually attempted, has been successfully accomplished or that some- thing which has been several times done is now done for the last time. Am. ARCH. ETH. 3, 21. 313 4 University of California Publications. [AM. ARcH. ETH. a na tcil lau wei, he buried it. 282-12. a di yau wei, it is coming. 104-14. ya is len ei, they became. 110-1. yaWiLten nei, she picked him up. 287-3. ya wit xfus sil lei, he flew up. 294-15. yal t6n ei, (his neck) jumped off. 163-18. ya nat xfuts ei, he flew away. 113-10. ya na kis dim mil lei, she smashed it. 152-16. yani xfits ei, he flew up. 271-2. ya x6 wil lel lei, they took them along. 179-9. ya ta a ei, he commenced to sit up. 136-8. yat mil lei, they fell back. 165-11. ya ke wuie hwei, he used to carry it away. 162-4. ye ya xo la yei, they took them. 179-9. ye tcu WiL taL ei, they landed. 362-5. ye tcn WiL ten nei, he took him in. 222-8. yin neL yan nei, it ate it up. 347-18. yin ne tcl WiL ten nei, he put him in the ground. 215-3. yis se teL wen nei, he commenced to kill. 136-10. yi kis muft ei, (a basket) broke. 289-15. yui w un dim -mil lei, they went through. 211-5. wai e xfis sei, he threw at her. 333-1. wil dal lei, it coming along. 174-7. wil diL ei, it shook. 142-6. wiln yen nei, he was able to stand. 220-11. wun dim mil lei, it went through. 144-2. Lin win ten nei, she called him. 139-9. meis La dei, he ran up. 217-16. me na is te ei, she carried it. 290-8. me naawiLna ei, he steamed them. 342-12. me nil la yei, they landed. 216-13. mim noi kin ne yot dei, they barked. 321-4. min no kin ne yot dei, it barked. 322-13. ml nil la yei, the waves came to the shore. 362-4. nai ya xsn nil la yei, they took them. 179-11. naiLdim men nei, he made it swim back. 266-2. naiL dit ten nei, she took him back. 287-6. na in di ya yei, he came back. 98-6. 314 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. na ya is dil len nei, they became. 166-13. na ya xsn nil lai ei, they took them. 179-8. na wes len ei, it falls. 104-1. na wil lit dei, he burned up. 120-8. na wifn ya yei difi, he had lived time. 336-7. nan a ei, it hangs there. 295-3. na na im me ei, he always bathed. 311-8. na na is ya yei, he went back over. 117-6. na na ya xsn niL xa ei, they found his tracks. 170-4. na nawil La dei, he ran down. 221-17. na niai ya yei, she crossed over. 135-6. nan deL ei, they went back. 182-5. na x6i win dje ei, his mind passed. 340-11. nas its ei, it ran around. 294-3. nas ya yei, it commenced to walk. 136-9. na dil le lei, it went back. 234-2. na tes di ya yei, he arrived. 104-3. na kis y6w hwei, it flowed in a circle. 100-11. no nil la yei, they put them. 300-13. xa en nal dit do wei, it drew back. 105-9. xa in Lin net y6t dei, they chased each other. 115-10. xai x6s ten nei, they took her up. 239-1. xan xen nei, he came up. 210-9. xe e di! waL ei, (feathers) disappear over the hill. 208-17. x6 wes en nei, one could see. 120-5. Xt me nuun dil lat dei, with him it floated back. 315-6. XOL Le nun dui waL ei, with him it shut. 109-5. XOL da na dui wini a ei, with him it stuck up. 203-5. x6tdawiui yayei, she went down. 99-8. sil len nei, it became. 115-1, 182-4. da yit de wiiw hwei, he always carries it off. 162-7. da wil ton ei, he jumped. 115-9. da na dui wifn a ei, it stood up. 203-10. da na dii wit ya yei, it went back. 234-4. da kyii wiii xa ei, (something) stood. 242-3. do o na wes en ei, it could not be seen. 151-19. ta nai xos do wei, it cut him to pieces. 108-2, 106-14. 315 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. ta na is waL ei, he threw it out of the water. 217-17. tani xen nei, (canoe) went away. 222-9. te iL auw hwei, in the water crawl. 311-7. te na wil lat dei, in the water she floated back. 117-4. teL atc ei, they went with a pack-train. 200-9. tes lat dei, it floated. 244-15. tes deL ei, they flew away. 159-12. te ke 1 yauw hwei, they go in. 311-2. tiuwiinyayei, he got lost. 348-17. tsis da yei, he lives. 159-16. tce in nauw wei, he used to go out. 136-14. tceminnifiyotdei, he drove out a deer. 217-16. teinani-nyayei, he came. 97-1. tcinninnauwhwei, she comes. 101-6. tcis se iL we ei, she had killed. 333-5. tcit dut wil ye ei, they danced. 216-16. tcit dflwiLwaL ei, she knocked off. 159-11. tcit tes ya yei, she went. 98-13. ke is ya yei, she climbed up. 137-12. ke it mil lei, they drop. 180-14. kin nin yan nei, they came to feed. 180-13. kit te yan nei, they fed about. 98-4. -il, -iL. The application of the verb may be made continuous over time or space by adding -L, or -iL for the present and -1, or -il for the past. The shorter forms are used after vowels without increasing the number of syllables;. the longer forms add a syl- lable often taking over the consonant which precedes. There are several cases where the ending seems to have been twice added. Other suffixes are found following these. This is frequently the case with -te the future ending. It seems likely that many or all roots which have final 1 are secondary, having been formed by the addition of this suffix. Present. A) Following vowels without increasing the number of syllables. au win neL te, it will be. 105-12. a win neL te, it will be. 289-11. 316 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. a hwiL teit di! win neL, they told me. 355-11. a di! win neL de, if anybody says. 267-5. ya x2 WiL xaiL, going along they tracked him. 170-5. ya dui win neL, they said. 361-8. nai WiL xaL te, night will pass. 242-17. na tCiL tSiL, moving as he sat. 171-6. xa a wil leL, te, he will do that way. 255-17. xa a win neL te, it will be that way. 259-18. xa a kyu wil leL te, he will do that. 211-18. x6 wiLteweLte, who fixes the place. 229-11. XOLtcit di! win neL, he kept saying. 141-12. dana wil laL, it was floating there. 325-3. tcO win neL te, she will think about. 312-3. tcii wil leL te, he will become. 114-4. B) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another syllable. a win ne liL te, it will be. 311-17. a di! wa nfin dui witc tewil liL te, she will rub herself. 312-3. ow tsil liL te, I will know. 272-7. yawi xauw hwiLte, he will take it up. 295-17. yo di! wit x ul liL te, they will ask for. 296-3. wa nuin x6 win ne hwiL te, they will talk about. 272-17. w+hfi xi! win ne hwiL te, they will talk about. na witXus iL, he is falling. 152-5. na wit dil liL te, we will visit. 177-2. na nan dilliLte, they will live. 343-13. na ne wit dil i iL te, we will look at. 216-18. no win na hWiL te, he will go. 230-1. xa a win ne liL te, that will be done. 229-10. xa kyii witc tce liL te, from the ground the wind will blow da na kit dii wit tce iL te, the wind will blow gently. 273-1. de dii au (w) hwiL de, if they put it in the fire. 273-1. do xs wil lel liL te, it will be no more. 217-15. tai win naun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7. ta nauw tii hwiL te, I will take out. 267 18. tee xo win ne hwiL te, she shall talk. 289-12. 317 3University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. tcit tiu win na hwiL de, it will pass here. 272-8. tco hwe iL te, they will call. 272-11. tco X6 WiL tewel liL te, who will fix the dance place. 211-16. tcul hw6 WiL Xful liL te, she will ask for. 311-17. teu hwo hwe iL te, they will call. 272-10. Past. A) Following vowels without increasing the number of syllables. ya ke wel, they carrying loads along. 110-3. yu WiL xal, mornings. 260-6. wiliw hwal, I am coming. 110-4, 120-16. me ya kyu WiL tel, he sang. 234-1. me kyu WiL tel, the singing. 235-4. min na il dal, around she ran. 153-2. na na dfi wa al, (hummocks) rose up. 103-13. na kyul wil wel, he kept them shut up. 97-11. no x6 auw hwil, they kept arriving. 208-1. xa na ya wit tewal, they dug up along. 181-7. da tecl wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. tei wa al, he carried along. 257-1. tcu WiL tel, he was bringing. 329-6. teu wit til, she was holding up. 246-12. kya tul wil tewel, crying along. 135-10. B) Following consonants or semi-vowels and forming another syllable. a di! win nel lil, he said. 235-4. ye nul wil gil lil, it kept getting afraid of. 235-4. yi kyll wit ts6s sil, they were sucking. 325-5. nai wit iin il, she looked. 243-5. na wit xuOs sil, he flew along back. 204-7. xoi yal wil lil, they camped along. 179-12. xoi na yal wil lil, they camped along. 181-6. XOL yaT, de wim minl il, they filled with them. 153-17. tcit te we iin il, he looked about as he went along. 317-4. tC6L sil lil, he knew it. 272-14. tcii wi yuiii il he, even if he eat. 233-3. 318 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. tceu WiL kyos sil, he taking it along. 208-9. kyui wini yu-nil, you ate along. 121-1. kyiu wit tee il, it blew along. 324-7. kyui hwfuni il, I ate along. 120-16. MODAL. -mifi. This suffix, which is not of frequent occurence, in- dicates that the verb which it follows expresses the purpose of some act. ya iL kim miii, to catch. 101-17. ya xo SiL we min-, they might kill him for. 278-5. na x6w lik miii, to tell you. 226-6. tce in diL mini, for them to come out. 102-9. -ne. The more frequent form of the imperative seems to have -ne suffixed to the regular form implying the duty or moral necessity one is under to do the act. It is said to be used of acts which are to be performed in the absence of the one who directs that they be done. ai nii sin ne, you must think. 208-17. a le ne, you must do it. 100-18. a di wuin din tewin ne, yourself bathe. 353-7. il le ne, become. 109-6. 6 le ne, become. 109-18. OL tsai ne, dry them. 101-4. ullene, do it. 176-7. ye in tut ne, you must step in. 209-2. ye 6 dite dje ne, run in. 299-13. Le na kil lane, gather together (things). 192-8. mil loi ne, you must feather (arrows). 207-4. mis sufi xauw ne, its mouth put it in. 246-14. na niL ne, they must live. 317-1. na dil le ne, you may become. 166-12. na tin di ya ne, go home. 337-18. n6on auwv ne, you must put it down. 210-7. n6 na kii auw ne, you must leave. 353-10. n6fi xauw ne, put it. 296-14. nun dil le ne, you may become. 108-3. 319 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. xa a xs le ne, he should do that. 163-2. dne ne, let it play. 100-3. do nil git he ne, don't be afraid. 170-15. do nit dje tel tsit ne, don't get excited (not your heart djo kin ne, go ahead. 176-6. tifi xauw7 ne, you take it along. 246-13. tee nifi ya ne, you must go out. 242-1. kyo diL tsots ne, make a kissing noise. 111-7. -hwUnfi. To express the intention of bringing about an act or state contrary to the wish of one's self or others -hlwfii is suffixed to the forms of the definite or indefinite present. a hwiL tcit den hwufni, he must tell me. 314-11. yul wini yiuin hwfun te, he must eat. 233-2. do iuiw teiti hwfif, I won't die. 346-13. do na hull wes tsfun hwfun-, I must not be seen again. d6 ne ya hwOuni, I can't stay. 348-10. do X6L me tsa xs win sin hwufni, he may have no trouble. 319-14. do xs di yufin hwuWI, there won't be many. 308-6. do tcis tewin hwuf, he must not do. 116-15. tasyahwun, one ought to go away. 215-8. teit tan hwun te, he shall eat. 107-8. tcit teL tewii hw'un, he may grow. 348-6. tcx xon des ne hwuni, he shall know. 319-13. -sil len. This suffix seems by its use to imply that the occur- rence was imminent but did not result. ya wunu xts sil len, he nearly flew. 176-13. Le na in di ya te sil len, he got nearly around. 220-6. da win san sil len, he was weak. 346-6. do no niL tin te sil len, he did not want to leave it. 293-8. do teit tes ya te sil len, he did not feel like going on. 281-3. te wit q6t te sil len nei, in the water it seemed about to tumble. 286-13. teti wifi yiun sil len te, he eats it seems. 233-3. 320 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. -ne wan. The suffix -ne wan indicates that the act is done, but with difficulty. da dui wes a te ne wan, he could hardly hold pointed to it. 271-10. do tcui x6n neL in te ne wan, you can hardly look at. 138-11. -de. For the expression of future condition -de is employed. a it ya de, if he does. 348-7. au win neL de, if it happens. 117-9. a x6 la de, if it happens. 308-1, 5. a den de, if he sings. 236-2. a dit tcin no nil la de, if she puts with herself. 302-10. a d-i win neL de, if anybody says. 267-5. ya win na wiL de, if it raises up. 117-10. ye tcu wiL tin de, if they will take them in. 302-7. yo naL tsis de, who knows. 348-6. me-l na hwiL de, if their time comes. 229-9. na nan deL de, when they come to be. 319-3. (xoi de ai) na di! wini a de, if they listen. 341-12. nini ya de, if they come. 334-10. nit teu wifn yfun de, if she eats you. 266-7. xoi kyu.n tewin dain ya de, if his stomach is spoiled. 348-7. Xo WiL tsai ye de, until it becomes dry. 255-7. xiin ne yeiiw de, if I talk. 217-15. xwa wes le de, if he gets enough. 255-16. do a hwiL tcit den de, if he does not tell me. 257-12. do na iL tsiin de, they wona't find again. 321-10. tai win nfun iL de, if he drinks water. 338-7. ta nai win nOun de, if he drinks. 337-16. tii win na hwiL de, if it comes. 105-12. tee il Lade, he is running along. 220-13. tee hwis sui WiL weL de, if he kills me. 114-3. teit den de, if he says. 111-7. teit tes tun de, if he takes along. 317-13. teit tiu win na hwiL de, it will pass here. 272-8. tc6 naL tsit de, if he knows. 343-6. teu wifi yun teL de, he would eat. 267-17. 321 3University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. -dete. This suffix, which occurs but a few times, seems to indicate a less probable and more general future condition. a tcin te detc, he must be then. 363-17. wa a iL teL detc, they are going to build. 109-7. tcin nin win detc, if he will bring. 137-5. tcis seL win detc, if he kills. 139-5. kit tes seox a tcin te detc, smartest he is. 351-12. kit tis se6x xi3w a tcin te dete, smart he must be then. 363-17. -miin in ne. For the expression of the result of supposed con- ditions contrary to fact, -mi-n in ne is employed. do da x6i atin miii in ne, people would never die it would have been. 221-13. Since only the above example of this suffix occurs in "Hupa Texts, " the following were obtained from an interpreter. seL tewin miin in ne, I ought to have made it. do xo lin tcin nauw miin in ne, he should not go. tcis tewin miin in ne, he ought to have made it. te se ya miii in ne, I ought to have gone. te se ya miii in ne de de eii nan ya tca de. I would go but it rains too hard. te se ya miii in ne do nain yai ne en de, I would have gone if it had not rained. INDICATING THE SOURCE OF THE INFORMATION. Certain suffixes are used to show by which of the senses the fact stated was observed, and whether the fact was directly observed or only inferred from evidences. -e. The vowel e, standing by itself or preceded by the con- sonant or semi-vowel of the preceding syllable, indicates the ob- ject or act is within the view of the speaker. ya kin wen ne, he had carried it off. 163-4. ye nin dil lifi ye, they had washed ashore. 267-12. me win tan ne, he stuck to it. 202-7. na wa ye, he went. 230-2, 231-9. na nat la le, it floating. 243-13. nas dil len ne, it had gone back. 234-7. 322 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. nit te sil lal le, (I wish) you would go to sleep. 203-1. noi nifi yan ne, that far they ate. 347-17. n6 x6s lee, he is lost. 185-8. xs lfun sa an ne, there was much. 165-12. da ya wini a ye, someone fishing (sitting on something). 119-16. da wil la le, it was floating. 244-6. da nat xfits tse, it lit on. 204-8. do ya xo len ne, it was gone. 111-11. tcul wil la le, they were going along. 222-1. tcil wiii yan ne, he has eaten. 311-11. ke wel le, someone carrying a load along. 105-14, 166-4. kyo hwal le, somebody hooking. 106-15. -tsfu. When the act is perceived by the sense of hearing or feeling, -tsfu or -tse is suffixed to the verb. A) -tSUI. an tsui he heard it cry. 281-13. a XOL tcit den tsiu, he heard say. 141-8. adentsud, singing he heard. 186-12. yayaiwim meL tsi, he heard them kick up their legs. 342-14. na xus din na tsiu, someone moving she heard. 191-12 na tin diL tsui, he heard them coming home. 329-5. na ka xas din na tsud, someone moving she heard. 165-18. nil lin tsul, he heard a creek. 111-13. hwiL tsfi, he heard someone calling. 360-7. xoi de il le tsud, they heard the party war. 332-4. dil wauw tsud, he heard croak. 112-12. dui wen ne e tsud, it sounded he heard. 144-3. tcit dil wauw tsud, talking they heard. 170-16. teil wil daL tSai, he heard him coming. 176-11. kya teL tewit we tsai, it cry he heard. 204-9. kyul win dil le tsul, they heard it ring. 152-1. ky-l win diL tSal, a jingling noise. 293-3. B) -tse. uil 16 tse, hot it felt. 329-12. ufi kya X6 Lit wil SiL tse, he heard heavy footsteps. 238-9. 323 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. na do weL din tse, I am becoming lonesome for. 176-2. ne iuiw git tse, I feel afraid. 176-5. kiL tuw tse, someone splitting logs he heard. 108-5. kis tseL tse, he heard pounding. 170-6. kyo dui WiL tsots tse, a kissing noise she heard. 111-9. -xo lan. When the fact stated is inferred from some evidence, -xs lan is appended to the verb. Since the act is viewed as already completed the verbs often have the force of the pluperfect. The verb Lena nil lai simply states that he built a fire. Either the narrator saw him build it or was told by someone who did see it built. But Le na nil la xs lan, 186-1, indicates that the father following his child found the remains of a fire and inferred that his son had built it. A) Suffix immediately following the root. ya ex xus xs lan, they fell over. 117-17. ye e il ton xs lan, birds used to jump in. 117-17. wa kin nil lit xs lan, they were burned through. 119-3. wa kin nin seL xs lan, it was heated through he saw. na na wii fufix lan, he had taken down. 176-17. na nan deL x6 lan, they had become. 119-12. na te-n ini x6 lan, you looked it was. 238-6. na kit diL Xs lan, he had been playing he saw. 140-10. no dui win taL xs lan, it had made a track he saw. 185-12. Le nal ditc tewin x6 lan diii, it had grown together place. 281-15. Le na nil la xs lan, a fire he had built he saw. 186-3. xa a it ya xs lan, the same he found he was. 346-7. xal tewiin xs lan, growing up he saw. 319-8. da xs a di ya xs lan, he was dead they found out. 175-11. teL tewen xo lan, it had grown he saw. 97-18. tce na il liHA x lan, it used to run. 117-18. 329-16. teit teit xS lan, he died. 347-3. kyui win nian ox lan, he went to sleep. 347-1. B) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. Perhaps the acts in this case cause surprise. 324 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. ya kyiu wil kyan ne xo lan, they found they were pregnant. 278-3. me nai yi yauw e x6 lan, it will be eaten down. 356-11. na at lu e xs lan, it had gone back. 234-11. nainnellexolan, he played he saw. 186-1. na na is ya e xs lan, she could walk. 276-11. te le ne x6 lan, it had become. 187-5. tcis se teL wen e xo lan, he had killed he saw. 186-7. tcit te il qol le xs lan, it had crawled he saw. 185-12. tcit tes ya ye xs lan, he was walking along he saw. 185-13. tcul wifn kya 6 we xs lan, he had become large he saw. 186-6. -xs liun. This suffix is said to differ from the preceding only in the fact that the evidence is more certain. A) Suffix immediately following the root. ya te yun xo lun, they had eaten. 100-17. wun na is ya xs lMi, he had fixed. 170-10. na nes da xs lunii, he was sitting. 270-10. na nit dauw xs Ilun, it had come back he. 267-7. na xo wil tsit xs Ilun, it fell. 306-15. out. 272-10. na teL ditc tewill xo Illu, it had grown. 119-10. noi dul win taL xs Illn, he had made a track. 292-5. xal a x lu, (grass) had grown up. 121-11. dits tse no nil la xs bll, it was pointed. 222-4. d6iLtsu^nte xShufi, you can't find it anywhere. 246-6. do tin nauw xs Ilun, he had not gone along. 174-5. ta des deL xo Illn, they had come ashore. 101-2. teL tewin xo Illu, it had grown. 306-17. B) Suffix preceded by a syllable containing the vowel e. ye wiln ya ye x6 Illn, he had gone in. 118-5. wiln a e xs lIun, it was standing. 363-10. miL na we nel le xs Illn, he had been playing with. 292-11. na is dau we a xs lun, it had melted away. 236-1. 325 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. na we nel le x6 Ifin, he had been playing. 292-13. nas dil len ne xs luiif, it had gone back. 235-1. Le nOl ditc tewen ne xs luin, it had grown together. 113-8. sil len ne x6 luiin, it had become. 97-4. da yi kifn yan e x6 I ufa, (a mouse) has chewed up. 153-15. tas ya ye x DIu^n, they had gone. 267-14. CONJUNCTIONAL. -hit. The suffixing of -hit to a verb has the effect of making it part of a subordinate temporal clause. ya win tun hit, when he picked up. 202-6. ya tein iii hit, when they looked. 104-13. ye na wit ya hit, when he went in. 118-6. yex6i'ihit, when they ran in. 169-11. ye tcfl winf ya hit, when she went in. 246-5. wil weL hit, after night. 300-17. na i-iw loi hit, I tie them up. 247-11. na wit dal hit, when he came. 223-7. na na kis le hit, when he had felt. 106-6. na neL iii hit, when she looked. 111-10, 294-15. na tefn ifi hit, when he looked. 96-11. no na ta uii hit, when she turned. 245-10. no nil lit hit, when he finished sweating. no nin 'u-n hit, when he finished (when he put it down). xa is xfun hit, when she had brought them up. 99-9. xa na is di ya hit, when he came up. 210-12. xon na is din nuin hit, when he turned around. 278-12. sa win diii hit, when they went out. 322-12. te kil la hit, when he put his hand in it. 337-4. tce l yifi hit, when he stands. 258-1. tce in sit hit, when she woke up. 288-10, 113-8. tce na in di ya hit, when she went down. 325-8. tce nin deL hit, when they came out. 175-11. tcin dis sit hit, when we wake up. 190-4. tcit dui wim mitc hit, when she broke it off. 287-4. tcit tefi iii hit, when he looked. 119-16. tcui wit dil lit, as they were going along. 170-8. 326 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the JIupa Language. -miL. This suffix has nearly or quite the same force as -hit. The examples given are few because it was usually viewed and recorded as a separate word. a in nu miL, when the sun was here. 332-4. e ilwil miL, in a day. 336-7. ye it xa miL, at break of day. 356-14. yit da tein e a miL, east the sun was then. 364-3. yi tsiii e e amiL, west the sun was. 333-4. wil weL miL, after night. 238-8. win se] e miL, when it was warm. 342-7. minn6l weL miL, it was midnight. 293-2. xot te dulw hwe nim miL, when it was dark. 347-9. sil lenmit, nearly after. 319-2. sil lin te MiL, nearly was. 293-1. -tsit. This suffix which occurs but once means that the act expressed by the verb to which it is added is to be done before some other contemplated act. kin yuin tsit, eat first. 332-6. ADVERBIAL. -he. This suffix emphasizes a negative command or condi- tional statement. It is comparable to English, "in the least," or "a bit, " or French, " pas, " in negative clauses. yik kyul wini yan ne he, even if he eats. 267-3. miL tel lit te he, even if he sweats himself. 337-16. xoi de ai na di! wifn a he, (even if) they listen. 342-13. do a di! win ne he, don't say that. 175-1. do a dui wun tel wis he, don't be frightened. 356-2. do wit tewii we he, don't cry. 169-13. do liwu wu nu wit lai he, don't bring them to me. 230-13. tei wi yfufi il he, even if he eat. 233-3. -ka, or -ufk. These suffixes carry the force of "like," "in the manner of." aiLen ka, the way they do it. 227-2. au wil la ne en fuk, he used to do way. 106-8. a ten ka, the way they do. 231-5. na se daiuik, the way I sat. 290-15. 327 3University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -xo sin. Neither the context nor the explanation of the inter- preters have satisfactorily explained the meaning or nature of this suffix. It seems to have the meaning of "some," "many," or "all." It is possible that it is 'an old auxillary verb which has largely lost its force. ai kit iiin x sin, (bears) did that. 223-4. wun nai diL xs sin xo lan, hunting had been he saw. 104-11. tsim ma x6 siii l'x, it was quiet. 322-4. kit taL tsit xs sin, they were soaking acorns. 210-9. kit tfuk kfutc xo sin xs lan, they had been playing shinny he saw. 140-9. kyoL kis xs sin x6 lan, spearing salmon they had been he saw. 140-11. -x6 win sen, -sx win sin. These have the appearance of definite tenses of the preceding. y6 xai x6 win sen, they all began to buy. 200-3. na kyui we xo win sen, they brought home. 145-4. d6 xOL me tsa xo win sin hwfuii, he may have no trouble. 319-14. do XOL me tsa xs win sin te, it will be easy for them. 282-1. tsim ma xs win sen, the noise stopped. 185-3. tsim ma na xs win sen, the noise stopped. 238-14. tsiu ma x6 win sin, it was quiet. 306-2. kya da ne xs win sen, they commenced to pick. 138-6. ADVERBS. PLACE AND DIRECTION. A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other parts of speech; mostly connected with the cardinal points. iL man, both sides. 104-5. yi man, across on the other side. 135-11. yi many! de, across and down. 271-12. yi man yit de, across to the north. 116-8. yi man ne yi nfuk, across to the south. 98-8. yi man ne yi de, across to the north. 117-4. yi mnan ne yit de, across to the north. 116-5. 328 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. yi man ne yi tsin, across to the west. 116-14. yT man tcii, on the other side. 270-9. yi man tcin tcini, on the other shore. 135-12. yi na tcifi, from the south. 98-3. yi nfuk, south. 112-8. yi nfik a dini, farther south. 112-3. yi nuik kai te, south along it will be. 223-5. yi nfuk kai kftt teifi, above the creek. 271-6. yi nauk ka yi man, above on the other side. 198-10. yi nfuk ken tciii, to the south side. 333-1. yin na teifn, from the south. 121-2. yin ne, in the ground. 106-3. yin nufk, south. 120-4. yin nuik kai yi duik, to the southeast. 141-10. yin niuk kuft tciii, up-river on the bank. 226-7. yi da tciin, from the east. 102-13. yi da teini, north of it. 119-13. yi de e kfit tcin tcini, north a short way. 272-4. yi de e di n, farther north. 363-5. yi de yi man tcin tcinf, down river across. 321-1. yi de tcin teini, on the lower side. 244-12. yi d'uk, east. 102-5. yi duik en teini, above. 272-5. yi duik ka kai, along the Klamath. 317-2. yi duik ken tcin, above. 244-12. yit da teini kai, up along. 267-13. yit de, north. 105-1. yit de e, north. 229-11. yit de en tcini, on the north side. 332-9. yit de yi mafi, down across. 321-8. yi tsifi, down. 189-11. yit tsifi, down. 104-4. yi tsin tcuin, along up. 174-6. me xuin dii, close to. 170-16. mit dufk, beside. 245-14. mit tau tcin tcin, on the back side. 102-9. nai, across. 179-7. nai, from there. 265-10. AM. ARCH. ETH. 3, 22. 329 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. na, back. 97-12. nai yi na teiln, back from the south. 116-4. nai yi nuk, back south. 271-13. na yin na tciii, down from the south. 104-9. na y1 nfuk, south again. 105-6. ne dj6x, in the middle. 96-10. ne djit, the middle. 241-5. niL man, each side. 247-4. niL man ne, each side. 306-8. niL ne djit, a little way from each other. 207-6. niL ne djox, near together. 229-7. nis sa, long way. 151-14. nis sate difi, little way. 234-5. nuk kai, along. 106-15. xat, there. 278-8. xoi yi de, down a little. 347-2. xun difi, close by. 170-13. din nunfi, facing. 136-6. din nunfi xo ye tcini, down the hillside. 272-3. dik gyunfi, here. 101-13. dje na tcini, up. 166-3. kyaii, is where. 329-4. B) Seemingly derived from demonstrative and interrogative elements. yeui, in the distance. 164-7. y6 xo miL, from some place. 270-13. yot, there. 215-1. nai yen xo miL, from here and there a long way. 209-7. hai ya te, here it will be. 105-1. hai ya tcifi, to that place. hai ya tcin te, there it will be. 282-16. hai y6x, there. 305-8. hai yot, over there. 226-8. hai yuw x6 y! duk, up that way. 140-7. hai xat, where. 119-4. hai dai dit difi, where. 151-4. hai ta, those places. 179-12. 330 VOL. 31 Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. dai hw6 x6 x6iw, somewhere. 136-14. dai xs diin x6w, some place. 204-1. dai dit diin yani, where. 244-6. dai dit diin ki auw, where is it. 286-5. dai dow hwjun, where. 217-8. dai d6x, where. 164-17. dai d6x xoik ke auw uni, what place. 137-3. da uin hwe e, nowhere. 97-11. da xsuin hwe e, somewhere. 223-2. dea xs ta, this place. 101-5. deufk fun te dini, this kind of a place. 363-7. de now kfut, to the sky. 137-18. de now kut tcii, toward the sky. 137-13. den tcii, this shore. 139-16. de x6, this way. 348-3. de xs tse xsun diin, he is close by. 170-7. de de mefuk, here around. .218-2. de de xs man tciin Ox, right across from him. 186-12. c) Containing nouns, or noun-like particles preceded by a possessive. y6n yi dfik, in the corner. 246-9. yon e yi dfik, back of the fire. 220-11. minnon a dini, along side. 100-13. min dai, outside. 158-5. min dai ufk, outside. 166-2. min dai tcin dini, outside. 207-11. miii kiii x, back of the house. 165-18. mit La, behind. 289-14. mit dai miL, outside from. 238-12. mit daik, outside. 140-6. mik kin dini, at its base. 287-1. mul watc, near. 210-5. muk kfus, one side. 311-5. nin tcii, down. 117-10. nin tcini e, ground toward. 306-17. no nin diii, at our heads. 190-5. hwim mit dai, outside of my house. 356-9. 331 2 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. hlwit La diii, behind me. xs Lan, where he was. 106-3. xs Lan ye, after him. 108-16. xon na kin ta, his eyes below. 230-3. xon nin diin, ahead of her. 237-5. xon nofn ai di n, along side of him. 202-2. xon tcin tcii, on the fire side. 307-6. xs dje dina, in front of himself. 174-10. D) Derived from adjectives expressing number. a tin min na tse, ahead of all. 307-17. a tin din-, all over. 164-1. a tin dini, everywhere. 96-5. a tin dini miL, from every place. 138-5. La a xs, one place. 100-1. La a ta, here and there. 120-16. mi Liln xoi, ten places. 229-6. min Lun xo miL, ten places from. 209-8. na La, back. 105-8. E) Formed by means of prepositions. a din nefik tcin tcin, back of her. 307-5. mit ta diii, among them. 307-12. mit tis din, farther. 234-4. mik kya tcin, away from it. 100-8. mulk kfit Ox, over it. 242-12. na iL kfit, one over the other. 329-1. niL tcii, toward each other. 294-16. xs teii a, in front of him. 113-8. xwen nefik kiut teini, at her back. 276-7. tak kit, bank along. 362-2. to tcin tcii, on the river side. 283-14. to kuit x, water on. 301-4. tilk a tcin tcii, shore side. 283-16. tuik a tcin tcii, toward the land. 314-9. kuit '1x, all over. 325-4. F) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives. iL kyui we difi, all over. 365-9. UL kyo we diii, everywhere. 228-1. 332 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. UL kyfi we, all over. 114-3. win te, all the way. 363-9. un Ltn xwed diii, everywhere. 159-4. un Lun xoi diin miL, from everywhere. 230-9. no nau tse tcii, toward the doorway. 166-1. n6 na wit tse dini, by the door. 332-8. TIME AND SEQUENCE. A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other parts of speech. min ne djo x6 miL, after a time. 137-2. mit diL wa, next. 106-9. nei dj6x, while. 114-11. hit djit, then. hwa ne, always. 157-12. xa, yet. 310-9. xa de dun, immediately. 163-18. xa dit dufnf, soon. 176-16. xat, right. 278-8. xat, yet. 151-19. sa a, long time. 140-7. don- ka, not yet. 204-4. doin ka, before. 342-8. do sa a, a little while. 97-3. dun 'tx, again. 104-9. dun xox, again. 221-12. djo, now. 108-14. ka de, after a while. 111-6. kufn, too. 97-6. klt, now. 122-2. kuftde, soon. 306-15. kfit tini xs licte, very quickly. 294-1. kut tsim miL, soon. 157-8. ki ye, again. 98-7. kH ye diii, again. 217-14. 333 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. B) Apparently derived from demonstrative and interrogative elements. yiu wit difi hit u nf, at last. 222-2. yui diii hit, finally. 109-15. yui diii hit uini, finally. 118-11. hai ya du'n, right at that time. 343-3. hai mani, always. 138-12. hai defx, every time. 158-1. da fun diii, a long time. 174-12. dani, awhile ago. 234-4. da xuii hw6 dun, long time ago. 180-7. deuk au neL din, about this time. 360-7. de x6i sin ne miL, soon. 151-12. de xst tsit, a short time before. 186-9. ded, still. 119-4. ded, now. 101-6. de de uin, this time. 137-7. de de xsw, every time. 333-4. de do hwa ne, now only. 151-5. de duin, this time. 363-7. ded de x6w, right now. 239-1. det, now. 211-13. det, this time. 217-11. det xsw, now. 145-13. c) Containing nouns. La a xu Le, all night long. 310-4. La a djes, all day. 278-2. La djes, every day. 226-2. xuI Le, in the night. 175-14. xui Le ei miL, after midnight. 179-3. Xu Le duin, in the morning. 122-1. xu Le dOnmiL, in the morning. 311-5. xiJ Le dun diii, early in the morning. 137-7. xi Le tcii, at night. 336-5. D) Derived from adjectives expressing number. La a, once again. 244-11. La ai -ax, at once. 98-2. 334 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. La xo win te, all the time. 186-5. mi Lun dini, ten times. 216-6. Lats a x lun, many times. 286-10. na di n, twice. 142-17. E) Formed by means of prepositions. meufk, when. 119-17. miL, then. 97-3. na mulk kai diii, last of all. 329-8. na miuk kai din diii, the last one. 113-4. nin nin din, ahead of you. 111-12. na tse diii, first. 112-17. F) Derived from verbs or having verb-like forms. ye dui win a miL, pretty soon. 341-2. yis xan miL, when morning comes. 348-1. yis xan nei, days. 105-8. yis xufi hit, in the morning. 137-16. yis xfun de, to-morrow. 137-14. yis xfun din difi hit, next night after that. 238-11. WiL duii, yesterday. 175-13. wiL dun difi, day before yesterday. 246-7. nas da un de, some time ago. 281-12. deuk au neL diii, about this time. 360-7. do iL wut, not all the time. 196-6. do win sa ai, a little while. 115-13. do win sa ai MiL, it was not long. 174-8. tse ets dim miL, in a little while. 294-1. tse ets difi, a short time. 300-11. tse es dit diii, a little while. 266-6. MANNER. A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other parts of speech. il lea xutc, wonderfully. 322-12. il lea xutc hit, wondrously fine. 341-14. La Ox, as if it were lying there. 356-8. Lax, without reason. 136-14. La xo kya, just like that. 314-11. man, for that reason. 257-4. 335 University of California Publications. [Am. ARCH. ETH. na mis tx, in a circle. 244-9. nas d6fni x6, by itself. 351-6. xo, in vain. 98-4. xo djox, really. 235-15. x6 tsin ne wan ne, softly. 153-6. x6te, right. 140-4. x6tc, safely. 107-8. x6tc dj6 x6 diii, still more. 292-8. xwed 'un, how. 174-13. xwed dik kya fun te, how it looked. 210-9. B) Apparently derived from demonstrative, interrogative, and indefinite elements. hai yfix, this way. 296-9. hai yfix x6 te, the same way will be. 356-9. hai yuk, so. 139-1. hai yufk hit uini, this way it was. 366-1. hai yuk ka, that way. 113-15. hai yiik kani, that is the way. 197-6. hai y uk ke, that way. 282-2. dai dik ge auw uni, for that reason. 135-4. da hwed unfi, why. 162-5. da x6 hwe e, someway. 116-15. da x6 hwe e kai he, somehow. 101-10. da x6k, bad way. 235-15. da x6k, someway. 117-9. da xfuin hw6 6w, in such a way. 109-11. da xwed na, why do you want him. 221-2. da xwed hit, why. 150-3. da xwed de en, why wouldn't it work. 180-15. da xwed dik kya, how. 223-10. da xwed dik ki auw, how. 116-10. da xwed duk, how. 100-14. da xwed dufk kyauw, how. 281-14. deox, this way. 96-11. defik, so. 96-12. c) Containing nouns. yi dufk a dim mit, belly up. 343-12. 336 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. hwik ka, my way. 255-4. xo xai miL, on foot. 362-2. D) Derived from a numeral. LU wfun ninl, alone. 171-6. E) Made from verbs or conjugated adjectives. a dex xun fiun, without food. 110-4. a din na tau, not knowing it. 118-16. a tin Ok, like he was doing. 203-3. min na kit del kai, a leg each side. 120-5. na niL diL wa, crosswise. 246-12. nit tewii 1'x, ill. 181-11. ni kyaux, hard. 158-1. nil hw6i "rx, properly. 247-11. done hw3fn ax, badly. 166-12. DEGREE. A) Showing no certain evidence of derivation from other parts of speech. a- in aLOk kai, so white. 347-6. min ne djit, half way. 115-15. LaX, almost. 104-11. La xon ne en, so much he mourned. 175-12. min ne gits, a little. 101-15. hwa nani, only. 336-11. hwa ne, all. 164-9. hwa ne he, only. 362-6. hw tui, only. 109-12. xow, about. 199-2. xs dj6x, more. 189-6. da dit din-, worse. 346-10. da diL Lan, more. 238-10. xa- in the following: xauLkyy, that much. 157-12. xa UL kyo cx, that much. 346-9. xa un Lun, so many. 110-12. xa unLula, just as many. 311-15. xa uin Lufn te, it will be that much. 260-17. 337 3University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. tifi- in the following words: xo tin fun Lun, even many. 334-10. tin a iL das tse, very heavy. 121-8. tinl ai kin te., very long. 283-15. tiii is tik, was very narrow. 314-2. tin un Lun, very many. 305-1. tin nik kyaux, very much. 338-6. tin tcini hwoin, good looking. 220-7. B) Derived from, or resembling in form, the conjugated ad- jectives. uLtsa, that far. 311-7. uLky6, (so) big. 108-18. Lan, much. 192-11. mim ne djox fUL tsa, half way down that far. 220-4. xon Lufin, enough. 322-10. x6 da xwed un Lun, how many soever. 307-12. da fu hw6w, so large. 121-10. da xfuin hw6w, so. 108-18. do Lan, little. 233-2. ta lun hw6w , so much. 145-3. ta xufin h6 ow, so large. 276-5. til teox, much. 353-10. ASSENT AND NEGATION. A) Assent. afi, yes. 121-1. hei yufin, yes. 102-15, 351-9. he d6fi, at least. 361-8. di ye, yes. 152-14. d6fi, it is. 104-14. kafi, it was. 341-7. ke, let. 104-16. kfunnanii, I am the one. 205-1. kfut doin, it is true. 351-9. B) Negation. dau, no. 106-9. dau, not. 118-9. 338 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the HItpa Language. PREPOSITIONS. In this case as in many others the order of the Hupa is the reverse of that in English. Not only are the prepositions placed after the nouns they limit, but they follow a pronoun which, uniting with them, forms a single word. -a, for, for the benefit of. ya xwa, for them. 258-8. ma, for it. 215-8. ma, for them. 217-7. t na, for you. neha, for us. no ha, for you (plu). hwa, for me. 107-12, 351-9. xwa, for him. xwa, for them. 110-9. xwa xun, for whom. 165-14. -an, out of. xo an, out of her. 342-8. -e, in. me, in. 96-4, 97-11. me, in it. 101-15. deme, in (in this). 97-11. e din, without, lacking. e din, without. 257-5. xon ta e din, house without. 192-14. Compare, mite dje e din, without mind, infant. -i, under, near. meil, under. 106-13, 145-12. meut, beside. 169-4. xoi ii, under him. 114-15. xoi ii, in front of him. 171-7. teui, under water. 100-7. -ye, at the foot of, under. a di ye, under himself. 221-4. ml ye, foot of it. 104-4. ml ye, under. 175-6. xoi ye, before him. 141-1. xoi ye, near him. 150-8. 339 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. -win na, around, encircling. mu win na, around. 104-6. min na, around. 100-11. -wufn, to or toward; from. wuin, for. 102-8. wun, from it. 190-1. no wiun, from us. 162-6, 207-11. nuiwfun, to you. 208-12. hw6 wun, from me. 106-6. hwo wfun, to me. 113-16. hw-l wfin, from me. 185-8. xo wfun, to him. 97-1. -lai, on top. mil lai, on top. 166-4, 208-16. Compare the noun, mil lai ye, its end. 159-11. -lan, with the help of, in the company of. nil lan, help you. 107-4. nil lan, with you. 319-6. hwil lan, help me. 105-17. xsl lan, with him. 319-4. do hwil lan, (nobody) helps me. 107-5. -L, with. iLwaux, with each. 360-2. miL, with. 98-1. miL, in. 101-7. niL, with you. 275-3. hai miL, of that. 295-4. hwiL, with me. 114-11. XOL, with him. 116-6. XOL, with them. de miL, from. 208-11. de n6 hML, from us. 116-5. -na, after, to get. xonna, for him. 117-1. -naL, in the presence of. hwin naL, in my presence. 117-13, 295-1. xon naL, before him. 97-10, 337-18. 340 VOL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. -nat, around. a din nat, around himself. 121-11. min nat, around. 104-15. min na, around. 100-11. no nat, us around. 100-11. x6n nat, around her. 185-2. -xa, for, after. a d6 xa, for your stuff. 187-6. mux xa, after it. 97-9, 119-14. Mux xa, after them. 98-13. n6 xa, for us. 351-4. no xa, after us. 192-9. noxa, after you. 145-9. xo xa, for him. 140-7. -xfits, beside, near. miii xfits, beside. 118-7. kin x-fts, beside her. 118-3. -ta, among. mit ta, over. 118-16. mit tax, amongst. 310-10. mit ta din, in. 170-10. mit ta diin, among. 217-9. -tis, over. mittis, over. 109-14, 276-5. Compare, mittis, besides. 195-10. xs tis, over him. 121-10. x6 tis, over them. 207-10. -tuk, between. mit tufk, between. 108-9. no tfik, between us. kintufkkai, sticks between. 99-9. kittetuflk, horns between. 162-2. -ka or -kai, along, through, along the side of. This ending is found with nouns only and is inserted in this place for com- parison. 341 3University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. min ta kai, in the woodroom. 182-1. min tsit da kai, out of the smoke hole. 158-7. xoi kyafn ai kai ta, his arms (he rubbed). 347-13. xon na de kai ta, his legs too (he rubbed). 347-14. xon nis te ka, his throat down. 118-1. xot tsel kai, from under his arms. 143-4. kai, through. 136-3. kai, along. 139-13. xun nufik ka, river along. 211;44. -teini, toward. a dit teifi, to himself. 106-16. a dit teifi, on himself. 175-8, 153-4. me teini, in. 97-3. mite teifi, to it. 111-15. ninteini, toward the ground. 163-1, 117-10. x6teifi, to him. 97-2. xs teini, toward her. 98-9. xontateini, houses among. 200-2. -teiii a, in front of. mite teii a, in front of. 96-9, 97-2. x6 teiii a, in front of him. 113-8. -ka, or -kai, after, following. muik ka, after. 98-4. mukkai, on their account. 301-12. xoka, after her. 137-10. x6 kai, after him. 96-5, 174-11, 135-10. -kya, -kya teini, away from. mik kya tciii, away from it. 100-8. mik kya tciii, away from them. 200-1. hwik kya, from me. 266-15. hwik kya teini, from me. 307-7. xoi kya teiii, from them. -kfut, -kfit teini, on. iL kut, one over the other. 118-1. muik kuft, on. 104-8. mu'k kut, to it. 145-1. nuk kfut teini, on you. 106-10. 342 VoL. 3] Goddard.-Morphology of the Hupa Language. kwik kfit tecil, on me. 105-18, 162-14. x6 xUt, on him. 159-10, 165-5. xs kfut teini, 163-15. kut, on. 97-13, 159-7. kiut teili, on. 195-4. CONJUNCTIONS. The conjunctions in Hupa seem to be made from demonstra- tives, or adverbs derived from demonstratives. They usually end with the syllable -fifi. There is good reason to believe that its absence is an omission due to rapid speech. hai ufii, and. 116-2. hai yaL, and (perhaps for hai ya miL). 96-4. hai yaL ufin, and (perhaps for hai ya miL un-). 97-13. hai ya miu, and. 96-6. hai ya miL fuii, and. 96-2. hai ya hit djit fuii, and then. 96-5. hai ya detc, and then. 257-3. INTERJECTIONS. a, 138-12. a 161615, 109-17. e, 105-15. ewak, poor fellow. 187-1. i, 181-10. ful 1, hot, a cry of pain from a burn. 329-9. ul lo, hurts. 153-14. ye, 209-11. I ye he, 223-1. wui, (call for deer). 195-5. wfut te, (imitation of the call of a bird). 100-5. he, 204-13. Xs, 337-9. xei, 241-7. dol, (imitation of the sound of a blow). 144-3. dul, 108-16. djo, take it. 111-8. tso, 153-12. ka, (imitation of the call of the crow). 114-7. 343 3University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. CONCLUSION. After an extended examination of the Hupa language, it is apparent that a language having the most elaborate morphologi- cal structure is not essentially different from an isolating lan- guage like English which has no morphology. In both, the simple speech elements have a fixed order of sequence in the sentence. In neither case does the element itself have independ- ent value. Complete groups of elements are required to ex- press thought. The mind seizing upon these groups classifies them according to the analogy of their form and meaning or function. In one case, the conjugation is composed of morpho- logical groups, in the other of syntactical groups. The difference is, in part, artificial, due to the method of writing the languages. In English, I love him, is written, but I-lov-im, is spoken. No doubt one who should attempt to write English from hearing it spoken, without a knowledge of the*sc- cepted English orthography, would write many sentences as single words. The real difference lies in the greater degree of phonetic assimilation, in the one case, which has taken place be- tween the sounds brought into contact by the fixed sentence order, and the greater vividness, in the other, in which the mind holds certain speech elements as giving a particular meaning to the completed group. The Hupa verb seems to be nothing else than a complete sen- tence, the parts of which have become, or always were, fused to- gether. The parts of speech occurring outside of the verb are the noun, in every language independent in form and meaning, ap- parently originally monosyllabic; and numeral, pronominal, demonstrative, and interjectional elements. These are for the most part appositional in their use, giving greater definiteness to the sense already fully expressed in the sentence-verb. 3QA