UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY VOL. 2 No. 5 THE YOKUTS LANGUAGE OF SOUTH CENTRAL CALIFORNIA. BY A. L. KROEBER. CONTENTS. PAGE INTRODUCTION ....................-................ 169 I. THE YAUDANCHI DIALECT ---------------------------------------------------------------------- 173 Phonetic System ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------.173 Vowels and vocalic mutations ----------------------------------------------- 173 Consonants -----------------------------......---------------.................... . 179 Structure of the syllable ................... ............ 181 Accent and enclitics -182 Summary --------------------------------.....------------------------------------------ 183 Structure ----------------------------------------------------183 Means of expression of grammatical structure -184 A. Reduplication -184 B and C. Suffixion and vocalic mutation ..186 List of suffixes occurring in the language -186 Categories of grammatical form expressed -188 The Noun ..-......... 189 Plural .................. . 189 Cases ------------------------------------------------193 Objective ......................... 196 Other cases ................................................. 201 Cases in the plural ....-- - 203 The Verb - - 204 Semi-derivatives .................... 204 Tense, mode, and voice -208 Vocalic mutations of the stem -208 Imperative -214 Future and participle ................ - .... 215 Continuative -216 Past tenses - -217 Passive ----------------------------------218 Participles and verbal nouns --------------------------- - 218 Interrogative and negative -.......................................... 221 Verb substantive- 221 AM. ARCH. ETH. 2,13 PAGE The Pronoun .---------------- 221 Personal pronouns .-----------------------------------------------------------------------------221 Demonstratives .-----------------------------------225 Interrogatives .------------ 228 The Adjective .229 Numerals ........................... . 230 Adverbs and Unsyntactical Words .----------------------------.-..........................-232 Order of Words .-------------------------------------------------------233 Vocabulary ...................................................... 234 Composition ............. 234 Derivation .................................... 235 Reduplication .--------------------------------- 238 General character of the vocabulary .--------------.-238 List of principal words ................................ ............... 239 Nouns ................................... 240 Adjectives .-------------------------------------------------244 Adverbs and particles .---------------------------------------------.-245 Alphabetical list of verbs .------------------------246 Yaudanchi texts .-------------------------------------------------------------255 Tangled-Hair ............................................... 256 Anaylsis .--------------------------------------256 The Prairie-falcon's Wife .-------------------------- 259 Partial Analysis .-------------------------- 262 The Prairie-falcon fights .-------------------------- 263 The Prairie-falcon loses .-------------------------------------------------------264 Mikiti ...................2...................66........... . 266 The Visit to the Dead ........................................................ .. 272 Fight with the Pitanisha .------------------------------------------.............----274 Ioi and Bluejay ----------------------- 275 Sum m ary .......................2.....7..................... .. 277 I. THE YAUELMANI DIALECT ............................................................ .... 279 Phonetics -----------------------------------------------------279 Means of grammatical structure ....... 280 The N oun ............................................................. 282 The Verb -....... 285 Semi-derivatives -------------------------------285 Suffixes of tense, mode, and voice -.--..--....--............----285 Imperative ------------------- 288 Vocalic Mutations -------------------------------------------------------289 Various Suffixes -----------------------------------------------------------------------------292 Particles ----------------------------------------294 The Pronoun ---------------------------- 294 Numerals -- - - - 297 Composition and derivation ---------------------------- 298 Yauelmani Sentences -.-------------------------------..............----...299 [166] PAGE III. OTHER DIALECTS AND COMPARISONS ------------------------------------------------------ 308 Dialectic Divisions ------------ --- 309 Valley Division ------------ 310 Foot-hill Division ---------------------------- 311 Relations of Dialectic Groups - 313 Lexical Relations of Dialects -------------------------------------316 Phonetic Relations of Dialects ------------------------------------....---...............328 Grammatical Relations of Dialects . 333 Personal Pronouns - 334 Demonstratives .-3.............37............. ........ 337 Verbal Suffixes -----------------------------------------------337 Composition and Derivation - 339 Reduplication ------------------------------------------------------------343 Summary ------------ 346 The V arious Dialects ................................................................................ 347 Paleuyami -------------- 347 Buena Vista Group ..............-..-...-..--. 350 Wiikehamni --------------------------------------------------------------351 Chukaimina and Michahai .-...................... ...... 351 A iticha ................................................................................................ 351 Choinimni --------------------------------------- 352 Gashowu -----------------------------------------------------------------352 Kechayi ....... 353 Dumna --------------------------------------------------------- 353 Toltichi ....3.....5.................. ... 354 Chukehansi .................................................................. 357 Chauchila .......-......... 358 Hoyima .....---.-----------------------------------------------------.359 Wakichi -----------------------------------------------------------------359 Wechikhit ..-..................... 360 Nutunutu --------------------------------------360 Tachi ---------------------------------------------------361 Chunut -----------------------------------------------362 Wo 'lasi --------------------------------------------------------------363 Choinok ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------363 Texts in Various Dialects -- -- 363 Status of Yokuts Among the Languages of California ...................... 375 [1671 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Lanrguage. THE YOKUTS LANGUAGE OF SOUTH CENTRAL CALIFORNIA. The Indians of the Yokuts linguistic family, sometimes also called Mariposan, inhabited the southern end of the San Joaquin basin in California. Roughly, their territory extended from the Sierra Nevada to the Coast Range, and from the Tehachapi mountains which shut off the San Joaquin basin on the south from the desert, to the Fresno and Chowchilla rivers in the north. The higher Sierras all along this territory, and certain foothill regions in the south, were occupied by Indians belonging to the Shoshonean family. The great level stretch of valley throughout, and in most cases the foothills also, were occupied by the Yokuts. A detached branch of the family, known as the Cholovone, inhabited a small area on the east bank of the San Joaquin, in the vicinity of Stockton, considerably nearer the mouth of this river than the remainder of the stock. The Cho- lovone are perhaps entirely extinct and are certainly practically so. Their language is unknown except from one published vocab- ulary, which shows it to have been a Yokuts dialect not very different from the remainder of the family. The Yokuts were divided into a large number of groups sorne- what resembling small tribes. As is not uncommon in California, each of these groups had a dialect, but, what is unusual in Cali- fornia, each had a distinct tribal name as well. The various dialects are on the whole closely related. Their general structure and their phonetic system are virtually identical. There is also considerable similarity in vocabulary. It is probable that Indians from Kern river and from Fresno river could have conversed, VOL. 2] 169 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. and that they could have learned to understand each other per- fectly in a short time. The greatest divergences in vocabularv were seemingly shown by small groups geographically or other- wise more or less isolated from the others, the speech of the more important tribes through the whole range of territory of the family differing only dialectically. From many tribes vocabu- laries have never been obtained. For this reason the grouping of the dialects can only be determined approximately. The avail- able evidence on this point is summed up at the end of the paper. For the present it is enough to state that there were two main branches of the family, which include the more divergent dialects peculiar to small groups such as the Paleuyami of Poso Creek. The two branches have been here called the Valley division and the Foot-hill division, from the fact that the former includes nearly all the valley tribes while the latter consists principally of the hill tribes on Tule river, Kaweah river, Kings river, and Dry creek. The differences between the vocabularies of the many dialects consist both of phonetic variations of words and of radical dif- ferences. Prominent among the variations are vocalic mutations. These seem to be similar to a scheme of vowel changes which constitutes one of the most important means in the language of expressing structure. The radical differences in words between dialects that on the whole are closely related are sometimes sur- prising, occurring frequently in the most common words, such as man, woman, person, house, stone, eat, and sleep. A similar tendency toward as marked a prevalence of radical as of pho- netic differences exists in the dialects of other linguistic stocks in California. At least one cause of this feature is certainly the universal tabu of the names of the dead; but it is scarcely pos- sible that this cause alone is sufficient to explain the extent of the phenomenon. Among the Yokuts the people speaking one dialect generally understand and often know the radically dif- ferent words of other dialects though they do not use them. We owe the name Yokuts to Stephen Powers. It is the word denoting person or people in the majority of the dialects of this linguistic family, but in the usage of the Indians its application is not confined to individuals of their own linguistic family. 170 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. For this family there is, as might be expected, no native name. The exact form of the word is usually yokotc, sometimes yokots. Yokoch would therefore be the most accurate general orthog- raphy, provided the vowels were given the quality of continental open o and spoken short with the accent on the first syllable. Yokut is of course only a false English singular. As to the name Mariposan, it is sufficient to say that its sole claim to acceptance rests on the employment of a rule of pri- ority borrowed from the system of modern biological technical nomenclature, never formally or generally accepted by anthro- pologists, and as undesirable to attempt to introduce into eth- nology as it will be impossible to enforce in the end. It is de- rived from Mariposa, meaning butterfly in Spanish, the name of a California county which was not organized until after the American settlement. This county may once have contained some Yokuts Indians; but in its present smaller extent it does not cover one square mile of what is known to have been Yokuts territory. The dialect specially investigated is that of the people calling themselves Yaudanchi, plural Yowechani, who inhabited the foot- hill region of Tule river. By most of their neighbors they are called Yaulanchi. At present they constitute a small fraction of the one hundred and fifty Indians on Tule river reservation, the majority being Yauelmani, a tribe originally farther south. It has seemed best to avoid confusion by first treating this dialect alone without reference to other dialects in regard to which less complete information was obtained, and then to follow with com- parative notes on such material as was obtained from these other dialects, thus avoiding duplication of presentation as much as possible. The first part of this paper, therefore, consists of a discussion of the phonetics and grammar of Yaudanchi, fol- lowed by a vocabulary and interlinear texts in the same dialect. In part second are given comparative grammatical notes on the Yauelmani dialect of Kern river. A third part of the paper deals more briefly with various other dialects, and includes a number of short texts, as well as comparisons and summaries. A compar- ative Yokuts vocabulary, covering all the dialects from which there is material, has been reserved for inclusion in a subsequent publication. 171 VOL. 2] 172 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. The investigations on which this paper is based were begun in 1900 for the California Academy of Sciences, but were mainly made in 1902, 1903, and 1904 in connection with the Ethnological and Archaeological Survey of California carried on through the liberal support of Mrs. Phoebe A. Hearst by the Department of Anthropology of the University of California. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, May, 1905. Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. I. THE YAUDANCHI DIALECT. Study of the Yaudanchi dialect was begun with a young man named Bob, a Wiikehamni on Tule river reservation. The Wiik- chamni dialect is almost identical with the Yaudanchi. Most of the material obtained, including all the texts, is from Peter Christman, a man about sixty, who, both as a boy and as a man, has lived for years with the whites, and speaks English fluently. PHONETIC SYSTEM. u, o, a, e, 1; u., o, a, o, u. u, o, a, e, 1; u, o, a, o, u. k k' g x g' a tc tc' dj t t.' d. t t' d n p p' b m c,s j,z w, y, h. VOWELS AND VOCALIC MUTATIONS. The Yaudanchi vowels are of two classes, pure and impure. The pure are the five vowels ordinarily distinguished, spoken clearly. E and o are open whether long or short. A with the quality of American a in bad is not found. The impure vowels will be familiar to any one acquainted with the neighboring Shoshonean family of languages. They are perhaps due to rounding of the lips. Though they have a certain uniform quality, due to their similar method of production, which makes them less easily dis- tinguishable one from the other than are the pure vowels, they are very different from the merely obscure brief vowels in words like our better, cotton, madam, pencil, which almost lack quality. Of the impure vowels, o and ii correspond to e and i as u, o, a, do to u, o, a. This is true with a reservation. It is part of the Am. ARCH. 1TH, 2,14. VOL. 2] 173 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCij.ETH. system of vocalic harmony permeating the language that an impure vowel tends to cause other vowels of the word to become impure. While this tendency is not a universal law, yet it is so far operative that there are few polysyllabic words containing only one impure vowel. The impure vowels may accordingly be either induced or radical. U and o are frequently induced; a possibly always. U and 6 are more often radical than induced. I and e are also more resistant to being made impure by the proximity of an impure vowel than are u and o. Finally ii and 6 appear to differ more in quality from i and e than do u and o from u and o. Even though they lack the fullness of quality found in French and German closed ii and 6, yet they are dis- tinctly ii and 6 rather than i and e sounds. Omitting a, which is uncommon and whose relationships are not quite clear, the nine vowels of Yaudanchi show certain group- ings and affinities with one another. These relationships are not always consistent, but it is according to them that the sympa- thetic vowel changes in which the language abounds take place. In verb-stems the vowels besides a fall into four pairs, each pair consisting of the two pure or of the two impure vowels respectively higher and lower in pitch -than a: u and o, u and o, i and 6, and i and e. Upon the addition to the verb-stem of a modal-temporal suffix containing an a, a vocalic alteration oc- curs in the first and sometimes in the second syllable of the stem. The vowel of this syllable is changed to the other vowel of the same pair. U becomes o, and o u; and similarly in the other three pairs, as: k 'uik-un, k 'oik-ad; k 'on-ji, k 'un-e-ad; hon-ji, hiii-ad; ep-ji, ip-ac. Radical a does not change and may be re- garded as constituting a fifth set of verb-stem vowels.' The same vocalic alternation occurs in numerals on addition of the suffix -in as in verbs before an a-suffix. In the noun this vocalic law is, at least practically, not opera- tive. There is observable in nouns the general tendency, already mentioned, and not confined to this class of words, for impure vowels to induce impurity in subsequent vowels in the same 'In some respects a balances with i (just as the verb-suffixes are either a or i); the second syllable of certain a-stems varies between i and a, agree- ing with the suffix: amid-ji, amad-ac. 174 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. word; and there is a still less rigorous tendency for the second vowel of the stem to agree with the first. In certain ways the language seems to feel u and o, and again i and e, to be identical. Thus there are no suffixes containing e and o, but many with i and some with u; evidently u and o, and i and e, are regarded as one in this respect. A change of the possessive case-suffix -in to -un occurs as well on nouns whose last stem vowel is u, as on those that have o preceded by* u. An occasional objective case-suffix -i takes the place of more usual -a most frequently when the stem contains either an o or u fol- lowed by either an e or i. There are a few special relationships of vowels. For in- stance, almost all suffixes have either a or i as their vowel.' Under certain circumstances a and i also show a further corre- spondence. The usual objective and plural suffixes are -a and -i; but in a number of cases these suffixes become respectively -i and -a. A phonetic law obtaining in the plural is that the last vowel of the noun stem becomes either i or a according as the plural suffix is respectively -a or -i. When the plural suffix is -i, this induced ultimate a of the stem may be replaced by e; but this substitution of e can occur only when the unaffected ultimate vowel of the stem is a or 1. Finally, disyllabic tricon- sonantal verb stems in a have their second vowel a when the stem is followed by an a suffix and i when followed by an i suffix. There is some differentiation of o and u as regards their in- fluence on case and tense suffixes. U in the stem, or o followed by u, cause the possessive -in and the past -ji to become -un and -ju. U and u in the stem also seem to produce respectively -un, -ju, and -un, -jiu. 0, however, and probably o and o as well, pro- vided they are the only vowels of the stem, do not alter these suffixes. On the other hand o in the stem, if unaccompanied by other vowels, causes the objective suffix -a to become -o, while u fails to produce any corresponding effect. Vocalic changes, though most frequently induced in the stem by suffixion, occur also in the suffix through the influence of the 1 Besides a and i, only u occurs in suffixes. E and o and all the impure vowels do not occur in suiffixes except as directly induced from a, i, or u by stem vowels. VOL. 2] 175 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. stem vowels. As just mentioned, the possessive case suffix -in and the verbal past suffix -Si regularly become -un and -ju after u stems or u-o stems. The objective suffix -a becomes -o after o stems; the instrumental -i-n or -nii in the same circumstances changes to -ofi. The future and participial ending -in is sub- jected to the variations -en, -on, -un. Monosyllabic verb stems in u that changes to o in this tense, take -en; so do i stems, and, for unexplained reasons, a few a stems. Monosyllabic o stems take -un; monosyllabic u stems, -on; disyllabic u stems, -un; but disyllabic o stems, and some monosyllabic ones, retain -in unchanged. It is evident that the mutation of this verbal suffix takes place under rules resembling those applying to the verb stem itself when i and a suffixes respectively are added, since u stems are followed by o or e in the suffix, o stems by u or i, i stems by e, e stems by i, and a stems generally by what must be regarded as the normal or unmodified vowel, i; so that, except- ing a, the vowel of the suffix tends to be opposed to the vowel of the stem. The more derivational intransitive suffix -in- is also subject to modification by the stem, being sometimes subjected to the tendency of contrast and in other cases assimilated to the stem-vowel. Laws of vocalic harmony are thus not only operative from stem to suffix but also from suffix to stem. The vocalic changes in suffixes are undoubtedly connected, either as cause or as effect, with the fact that with two excep- tions, the locative and the reflexive, all suffixes that are in any way formal or grammatical contain only a or i as vowel. Of these two vowels, i is susceptible to considerable change, being espe- cially liable to assimilation by u in the stem and, where what may be called the law of vocalic contrast in balanced pairs ob- tains, changing to e, o, u, u, and iu. A on the other hand is much more stable as a suffix vowel, being practically unmodified except for some assimilation by stem o. The different harmonic laws of Yokuts are, each by itself, simple rather than intricate and observed with considerable regularity; their complexity is due to their number. The rules for the change of the verb-stem do not apply at all to the noun. The addition, to certain stems, of one and the same suffix to indi- 176 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. cate both the objective and the plural has quite different effects on the stem-vowel according to the significance of the suffix. Nibetc becomes nibetc-i and nebatc-i; napac, napac-a and napic- a; mukac, mokc-i and mukec-i. Similarly -i added to onmid to denote the plural, forms onemad-i; when added to designate the death of the connecting relative, it makes onimid-i.1 The vocalic changes occurring in suffixes show the same degree of variability. The possessive noun-suffix -in is changeable only to -un, and that only by u in the stem. The verbal future-suffix -in is changed to -en by u and i, to -on by u, to -un by o. The numeral suffix -in is never changed. The verbal temporal-modal i suffixes -in, -ji, -itc, change their vowels differently; for instance, buk-en, bok-ji; t*un--on, t.onf-ju; k'am-en, k'am-ji, k'am-atc. The change to the opposite stem-vowel within the balanced pair occurs in verbs before a-suffixes; in the numeral before -in. The vocalic mutations in the language can therefore not be regarded as due to a single complex system of harmony which is always equally operative and differs in its results only through dissimilarity of circumstances. It is evident that there exists a general ten- dency toward vocalic harmony which takes form differently not only according to phonetic influences but in accord with logical differences, such as the grammatical categories and the distinc- tion of the parts of speech. The Yokuts vocalic system thus is arbitrary rather than phonetically automatic, and appears to be influenced as much by impulses to express linguistic forms as by purely physiological habits. The chief vocalic changes in the stem may be summarized as follows: In the verb the vowels are grouped in pairs, with the same respective relation existing between the members of each pair; and, most regularly in monosyllables, each vowel changes to the opposite one of its pair according as suffixes containing a or i are added; as, ep-ji, ip-ac; honi-ji, hiifn-ac; uk-un-ji, ok-n-ic; hopud-ji, hiipod-at; yom-un( for yom-in), yum-ad. In the numeral an identical change accompanies the suffixion of animate -in: copi-n, cupe-in; tcudip-i, tcodep-in. In the noun this form of harmony does not seem to exist. On 1See p. 201. VOL. 2] 177 1University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. the suffixion of -i or -a to indicate the plural, the last vowel of the stem turns respectively to -a or -i, accompanied by opposite tendencies affecting the quantity and accent of the preceding part of the stem: ne'ec, nea'c-i; o'nmid, one'mad-i; na'at, na'it-a; napW'tum, na'ptim-a. In terms of relationship, the suffixion of -i to indicate that the person through whom the relationship or connection exists is no longer living, turns the two last vowels of the stem, what- ever they are, to i: onmid, onimid-i; napatum, napitim-i; onpoi, unipiy-i. Without the stimulus of suffixion, and accompanied by no other change, vocalic mutations occur between the forms of verbs and nouns derived from the same radical: cokud, pierce; cikid, arrow; muyuk, whirl; moyak, whirlwind. Finally, vowel mutations are often the only changes occur- ring between dialects in certain words: hitec, hiitac, wood. Accompanying the vocalic mutations and allied to them is a frequent metathesis of vowels as regards consonants, and an ap- pearance and disappearance of them between consonants. Hat'- pa-iii, four, on the suffixion of -in becomes hat'-6p-in; the verb root pitid with suffix -dc becomes petd-ac; hiwet, heut-ad; the verb stem tcadix with the intransitive derivative -in takes in different tenses the forms tcadax-n-ad and tcadx-in-ji. The noun-stem onmid becomes in the objective and other cases un- imd-, in the plural onemad-; axid becomes respectively axd- and axed-. The stem efnt-im, sleep, as in eint-im-ji, becomes iniet.- m-ac, and analogy with other verb stems makes it possible that even the apparent stem efit-im is transposed from a radical net-im. One form of verbal reduplication, or rather monosyl- labic stem-duplication, consists of a doubling of the syllable with a transposition of the vowel of the second syllable between the two stems: ka 'm, ka 'm-ji, ka 'm-a-k 'm-ac; t 'uy, t 'ui-ju, t 'ui-t 'ui, and t'uy-u-t'y-uwuc; day, dai-ji, dai-dai, and day-a-dy-ac. On the other hand metathesis, induction, and suppression of consonants are as rare as they are common in vowels. Doubling of vowels as an accompaniment of length is not in- frequently discernible, but is less marked than for instance in Yuki and some other American languages. 178 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Diphthongs may be said scarcely to occur in the language. Ai, au, oi, ui, eu, iu occur, but almost invariably either finally, where they may be the natural result of original y or w; or before vowels, where their second elements almost certainly rep- resent y or w; or, if before consonants, it is in cases in which the second element of the diphthong can be shown to be the rem- nant of a stem y or w intermediate between two vowels; as in heut from the stem hiwet. Two verb-stems, waik to lose and waid to breakfast, apparently contain radical diphthongs. Gu?iha and koiwoc are more doubtful cases in nouns. As waid forms waid-ji but waad-ad, it may be that it stands for disyllabic wayid, which should according to rule become wayid-ji and wayad-ad; so that even if this diphthong is radical it is treated in the application of the system of vocalic harmony as if it were a disyllable. Cer- tainly the majority of the not very abundant diphthongs in the language are resolvable into a simple vowel plus y or w. CONSONANTS. Surds, sonants, and aspirates are found in all the five series of sounds that will. be described. Nasals occur corresponding to k, t, and p; spirants exist, other than sibilants, only in the k series. The k spirants however are both surd and sonant. W, y, and h are the only other consonants in the language, the Yaudanchi dialect having lost an 1 existing in most other Yokuts dialects. The aspirates are not violently stressed, but are never- theless easily distinguishable from the unaspirated surds. The sonants differ less from the surds than in English but more than in some Indian languages. They are distinguished from the surds with less difficulty than is the case in Costanoan, Washo, and certain Shoshonean dialects. The gutturals are formed far back. Unfamiliar combina- tions of sounds pronounced with English k were reproduced by an Indian fluently familiar with English by tc and even palatal t-. There is a possibility than in certain words velar k (q) sounds occur; the difference between these and the more anterior gutturals is however in any case slight, and only one k has been written. VOL. 2] 179 1University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. The palatal compound consonants tc, tc' and dj have been here included among simple sounds because the language, like most languages that possess these sounds, regards and treats them as simple. Two classes of t sounds exist, the tongue contact in one being below and the other above that in English t. T is interdental. T- is postalveolar or more probably even palatal, the tip of the tongue however appearing to be bent down towards the lower teeth. In quality this sound is quite close to tc. Very often, as in t.e, house, t. has an r-like quality, which has caused it to be written tr in many Yokuts vocabularies. It is not certain whether this r-like t- represents a sound distinct from the ordi- nary t.. Only one t. has therefore been written. It is not cer- tain whether n, c, and j belong to the interdental or palatal class. In a few cases c has something the quality of r-like t-, as in croopin, three, which may perhaps be c.oopin, with c* correspond- ing to t- as c to t. The sibilants are surd c and sonant j. It seems that these represent sounds intermediate respectively between English sh and s and zh and z; though nearer sh and zh than s and z. Both c and s have actually been written in recording the language. Most Yokuts dialects possess an 1, which in Yaudanchi has become uniformly d. L is pronounced without difficulty by the Yaudanchi and a few words containing 1, mostly nouns, such as limik, the prairie falcon, occur in the Yaudanchi texts obtained. These words have entered the dialect through the interchange of songs and traditions, and through intercourse between the small tribal groups. This intercourse has of course been in- creased since Indians of several dialects have lived together on a small reservation. There is not a Yaudanchi verb, pronoun, or adverbial particle containing an 1. Even the nouns usually pro- nounced with 1 are accepted as correct when spoken with d; as dimik, prairie falcon. Probably all the sounds of the language can appear initially, finally, or medially. A few of the less common consonants such as g and j have not been found finally or initially, no doubt through incompleteness of material. W, y, and h when final be- come u, i, or '; they occur finally on stems. 180 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Just as actual diphthongs are uncommon and radical ones probably entirely absent, so, while combinations of consonants are moderately frequent, there is no evidence of their occurrence in stems. Combinations of consonants never exist initially and scarcely ever finally; and there does not seem to be a case of their occurrence medially which cannot be either positively laid to suffixion or which is not subject to suffering the appearance of a vowel between the two consonants in certain grammatical forms of the stem. As unmodifiable particles also show no double con- sonants, and as no words ever possess combinations of three consonants, it is clear that radically the language is without combinations of consonants and that actual occurrences of such are due either to composition or to the laws of vocalic interinflu- ence and change. Consonantal changes are as rare as vocalic mutations are fre- quent. There are no consonantal harmonies or assimilations. N becomes d in the objective of tacin, those: tacd-i; as is proved by the dual tacik, tack-i. Instances such as this are however almost without parallels. If tcox, skunk and tcukit, stink, are from the same radical, there is an instance of mutation between spirant and surd; but the derivation is uncertain. STRUCTURE OF THE SYLLABLE. Stems and words occasionally begin with vowels, and not infrequently end in them. A few common suffixes such as -a, -1, -u, -ji, considerably increase the number of vocalic endings. The typical syllable however consists of consonant, vowel, and consonant. This is the form of the majority of verb stems: t'uy, duy, toj, t'ic, t-uni, tcup, ka'm, xatc, xot, wot., -naw, dox, pitc', hoin. Of the disyllabic verb stems the majority show the form: consonant, vowel, consonant, vowel, consonant; as: t-afiit, kuyuk, xapit, hutok, nokum, dapay, tainay, tcadix, dadik, dixid. Many nouns can be derived from stems of similar con- struction, mainly disyllabic and triconsonantal: tinuiik, muk'ac, wit'ep, nibetc, butconf, wutoni, natet, t-u-not, tcayax, napaj, ontip, podut, yawud, cokod, detcip. It would be unfounded to say that these forms are more original, that is earlier in time, than such less symmetrical forms of the same stems as -ut'y-, t-anit- and VOL. 2] 181 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. tiifik-. But it is clear that the unconscious feeling of the lan- guage is that t'uy, t.ainit, tuiiiiilk are the normal or characteristic forms of these stems, whatever the frequency of occurrence of modifications. And such unconscious linguistic feeling, as re- vealed in phonetic and structural treatment, is all the basis of existence that roots have and on which it is justifiable to try to determine them. ACCENT AND ENCLITICS. Stress accent of separate words is not very marked. It is partly dependent on quantity of vowels. Nearly every vowel that has been written long in the ultimate, penult, or antepenult carries what appears to be the word accent. There are a few exceptions such as pa't.iijac. Unsuffixed words without long vowels most frequently are accented on the penult, sometimes on the antepenult. Suffixes, reduplication, and the appearances and disappearances of stem vowels contingent upon suffixes, af- fect the accent considerably. From tan are formed ta'n-ji and tan-a'c; from t 'uy, t 'u'i-ju, t 'uy-u'-t 'y-uwuc, and t 'oy-a'-t 'y-ac; from o'ka, 8'kaj and iika'c; from wi't'ep, wit 'e'p-in and wit'i'p- hatc; from napa'tum, na'patm-a and napti'm-a; from o'ntip, uni'tpa, one'tapi, uni'tipi; from afit*u, ainu't.wa; from in'jij, ine'jaji and ine'enad. The system of vocalic mutations charac- terizing the dialect is more or less connected with the accent of words, and may be causally dependent upon it. Certain pronouns and monosyllabic particles are accentless and more or less enclitic. They tend to draw the accent of pre- ceding words toward themselves. Several enclitics together form a group, the first member of which derives an accent from the fact that it is followed by the others. Among the words that show most tendency toward enclitism are: the personal pronouns, which, if both subjective and objective are present, regularly join into a group with one accent; the possessive pro- nouns, which, if postposed, are clearly joined to the preceding word; and the negative, interrogative, and future particles am, hin, and hi. Examples are: a'm-na-mam-hi duyo'n, not-I-thee- will eat; duyo'n na-mam-hi, eat I-thee-will; yi'una-an, wife-his; li'mik-na, li'mik-na, I am limik, I am limik. In these phrases 182 Kroeber.-The Yokucts Language. only the marked syllables are stressed, so that a'm-na-mam-hi duyo'n has the phonetic character of two words instead of five. The influence of these enclitics on the accent of words ordinarily independently accented is shown in: xi' nim ama'ditc, he is my helper, as compared with taxnW'd-na amadi'tc-mam, come-I (to) help-thee. On the whole the accent of the isolated word tends to disappear in connected speech as against the accent of the phrase or sentence. SUMMARY. Altogether the Yaudanchi phonetic system is regular and sim- ple in content. It contains no difficult or violent sounds, and be- sides the impure vowels and the palatal t. consonants none that are uncommon in other languages. It is free from accumu- lation of either vowels or consonants and tends to a simple alter- nation of consonant and vowel. The consonants are unusually permanent and unaffectable by each other or vowels. In vowels well developed and important harmonies obtain; but these are not so much results of meaningless phonetic interaction as means of grammatical form. STRUCTURE. Structurally Yokuts is very simple. Composition exists to an insignificant extent. A few derivational non-formal suffixes occur sporadically, but no precise meaning can be determined for most of them. There is not a prefix in the language. Such affixes to the verb as express instrument, position, motion, and even the object in certain American languages, are entirely lack- ing. There is no incorporation of pronouns in verb or noun. The appositional type of structure in which pronominal affixes hold together the sentence, or the more extreme one in which practically every word capable of grammatical form exists only with a pronominal affix, is almost without even reminiscences in Yokuts. For an American language it shows little verbal subor- dination, the sentence structure being quite simple. Altogether the highly complex and synthetical structure found in some American languages, and often thought to be characteristic of VOL. 2] 183 1University of California Publications. [Am.ARcH.ETH. them as a group, is absent, and although certain ideas are ex- pressed by formal means which our own languages would not thus express, the Yokuts language on the broad lines of its struc- ture, as compared with some of the more widely-spoken Ameri- can languages such as Eskimo, Athabascan, Algonkin, Iroquois, and Maya, is superficially not very different in type from the Indo-European languages. MEANS OF EXPRESSION OF GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE. Three means are employed for the expression of form. First, reduplication, which is relatively unimportant. Second suffixa- tion, which though not very extensively developed is the most used means of structural expression; and third, vocalic mutation. In the derivation of stems or words vocalic mutation sometimes occurs without any further change; but as a means of gram- matical form it exists only in conjunction with reduplication or suffixation, of which, strictly, it appears to be an induced accom- paniment, though actually, in certain cases, it produces more striking changes in words than either of these processes alone. A. Reduplication. Reduplication is both material or derivational and formal or grammatical in its function. Some nouns are already dupli- cated or finally reduplicated in their ordinary form: pon-pon, snow, ca-ca, eye, honf-honi, heart, tc'im-tc'im, bat, xam-am, ribs, naj-oj, mother, nat-et, father. Some verbs are also reduplicated, usually finally, in their simplest form: tom-om, lie. Others are reduplications of a shorter base with some change of meaning: dan-an, listen, from dan, hear; g'o-g'o-c, was, lived, from g'o-ji, sat. There are similar adjectives: inj-ij, good, is shown by its objective case inij-ya, for inij-a, to be a final reduplication of a stem inij. All these forms, being ungrammatical, will not be further considered except in the vocabulary. Grammatical reduplication of fixed stems, to express not another meaning but a different aspect or relation of the mean- ing of the word, occurs in verbs and numerals. It is absent from nouns. In verbs it expresses iteration or repetition; in numerals distribution. 184 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Languarge. Verbal reduplication occurs most commonly in monosyllabic stems. As the entire stem syllable, with or without mutation or metathesis of the vowel, is repeated, the process is strictly one of duplication rather than of reduplication. This duplication takes two forms. In the imperative, which is the stem, and before modal and temporal suffixes containing i, the stem is duplicated without change or sometimes with a lightening of the second vowel to i: am dai-dai min napatma, don't kick your brother-in-law; duc-duc-wi nan, rub me; t'uy-t'uy-ut, was shot many times; na max-max-ci, I gathered constantly; cap-cap-it na, I was whipped; aj-ij nan, bite me several times. On the other hand, before the temporal suffixes -ac and -ad, and before the various forms of the reflexive suffix excepting the imperative reflexive, only the first of the pair of reduplicated syllables is identical with the normal stem syllable. This is followed by its vowel, or sometimes, apparently through influence of the a of the suffix, by a. Upon this in turn follow the consonants of the reduplicated syllable, either without any vowel or with only light short i between them. Thus: kac-a-kc-ad na, I am whispering; doy-a-dy-ac ma, you ate; hiamu na t'ec-a-t'c-ac, long ago I came out. Contrasting with t 'uy-t 'uy-ut are t 'uy-u-t'y-uwuc and t 'oy- a-t'y-ac; with cap-cap-it, cap-i-cp-uwic; with dem-dim-ji, dim-e- dm-ac; with dai-dai, day-a-dy-ac. A third, somewhat intermediate form of reduplication, occurs on unsuffixed stems other than imperatives. A stressed vowel appears between the two reduplicated syllables, but the second of these is not deprived of its vowel, which at most is weakened to i. Thus bok-o'-bik, tud-o'-tud, piid-o-pud from the stems bok, tud, and pod. Cap-a'-cap namamhi, I will whip you repeatedly, shows this form as contrasting with cap-cap-it na and cap-i-cp- ulwic. Reduplication in numerals affects only the first syllable of the stem. This is entirely duplicated, with weakening of the vowel in the second syllable to i. Po'in-oi, co'p-in, hat'-pa'-nii, two, three, four, form po-n-pi'-n-i, cop-ci'p-i, hat '-hii't '-up, two each, three each, four each. The loss or modifications of the syllables following the reduplicated one are not caused by the reduplication; for the same modifications take place upon the VOL. 2] 185 University of California Publications. [Am.ARCH.ETH. addition of certain suffixes,-another instance of the domination in the language of structural motives over phonetic ones. There is an apparent objective case reduplication in personal pronouns, nan from na and mam from ma, which is really due to suffixation or analogy. B and C. Suflixion and Vocalic Mutation. As the grammatical use of reduplication is confined, it follows that nearly all formal expression in the language is due to suf- fixion, extended and aided somewhat by vocalic mutation. In view of the large part left to this process to fill, it is surprising that altogether scarcely thirty formal suffixes have been found in the language. As this number includes case and number suffixes as well as modal and temporal ones, it is evident that the economy which the language exercises in its means of expressing form extends also to the grammatical ideas expressed. The struc- ture of the language is therefore necessarily simple. List of Suffixes Occurrting in the Language. Including for the sake of completeness a few purely deriva- tional suffixes, we have the following as the total of known Yau- danchi suffixes. Non-grammatical suffixes: -oc, forming a few nouns, such as t'uy-oc, arrow, from t'uy shoot. -ud, probably forming a few nouns, such as t.u-n-oc-ud, gate, from t.un, close. -it, probably meaning place of, as in ifnet-m-it sleeping place. -i or -ui, perhaps forming nouns from verbs, as padu-i, pestle, from padu-, enter, and teuduk-ui, index finger, from tcuduk, point, select. -i, on certain terms of relationship, indicating that the person through whom the relationship existed is dead. -in-in, on terms of direction and other words, meaning people of: xomot, south, xomt-in-in, southerners. -am, on numerals, meaning ten and, -teen. 186 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Semi-formative verb suffixes: -da-, causative. -ta-, frequentative. -tcin-, -a-tein, desiderative. -cit-, benefactive, expressing that the verbal action is done for the object. -in-, intransitive. -wic- and modifications of it, such as -wid and -umdu-wic, reflexive. Modal-temporal verb suffixes: -ji, preterite. -ac, preterite. -in, future or present; also participle. -ad, continuative. -it, passive. -nitc, -aniitc, future passive, and active verbal object-noun. -itc, noun agent; purposive. -ana, participle. Suffixes of number: -i (-a), plural in nouns. -n, -in, plural in pronouns.' -k, -ik, dual in pronouns. -c-, occurring before dual and plural suffixes of demonstra- tive pronouns. -atc, -hatc, diminutive, plural in adjectives. An occasional plural ending -awayi is perhaps material rather than grammatical in meaning. Similar is -wadi, on plurals of tribal names. -hin, collective of inanimate nouns. Case suffixes: -a (-i), objective on nouns, verbs, and adjectives. -n, objective on demonstrative pronouns. -wa, perhaps identical with -a, found only as the objective ending of plural personal pronouns. 1 The plural -in of pronouns and the plural or collective animate -in of numerals may be identical. VOI.. 2] 187 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. -in, possessive. -n, -ni, instrumental. -u, locative. -nit, ablative. Suffixes of numerals and interrogative pronouns: -in, used for animate subjective substantival numerals, pos- sibly collective. -id, adverbial, signifying the number of times. -ak, makes interrogative and indefinite pronouns more indefi- nite. -tci, the same; suffixed to -ak. It is a curious fact which has already been discussed that all the formal suffixes of the language except the locative and re- flexive contain only the vowels a and i. That such of the suf- fixes as change i to u after u stems, as the past -ji and the pos- sessive -in, are really i suffixes and not of indeterminate vocalic content becoming i or u according to the vocalic constitution of the stem to which they are attached, is made probable by the fact that o stems are followed by the normal i forms of these suffixes. Analagous facts make the intransitive -in or the objec- tive -a, which appear under circumstances as -un, -on, -o, seem to be true normal forms subject to vocalic modification rather than one of several equally undetermined alternative forms. This view of course applies not to the origin and history of these suffixes-of which nothing is known-but only to the feeling evinced by the language for their vocalic content in its treatment of them. CATEGORIES OF GRAMMATICAL FORM EXPRESSED. As the means of expressing grammatical form are limited, so the morphological categories expressed in Yokuts are compara- tively few in number. The range of these grammatical ideas has been given by the preceding list of suffixes. It may be sum- marized as follows. The categories finding expression to a greater or less degree are: the plural in animate nouns and in pronouns; 188 VKroeber.-Th.e Yokuts Language. duality in the pronoun; cases, including an objective, a posses- sive, an instrumental, a locative, and an ablative; distribution in the numeral, and distribution or repetition in the verb; the distinction between the combination of the first and second and of the first and third persons in the pronoun; animation, and the number of events, in the numeral; and a causative, frequen- tative, desiderative, benefactive, intransitive, reflexive, continua- tive, purposive, preterite, future, passive, noun-agent, and par- ticiple in the verb. There is no indication of gender other than the distinction between animate and inanimate under certain circumstances in the numeral, and no expression of person other than by differences of stems in personal pronouns. All the gram- matical categories enumerated are expressed by suffixes accom- panied in most cases by vocalic mutation, except the category of distribution or repetition, which is indicated by reduplication. THE NOUN. PLURAL. All nouns that refer to persons, and only such, have a plural. Names of animals seem to be used in the plural in certain special circumstances. For instance the plural of niohoo, grizzly bear, is the same, niohoo. But when bear-doctors, called simply grizzly bears, are spoken of, the plural form is -noh'ica or fnohoica. Sev- eral such plurals of names of animals have been included in the consideration of the methods of formation of the plural, though they are not in ordinary use. The only inanimate plural that has been found is t.e-awayi, houses, from t-e. The suffix -awayi occurs also in nutc-awayi, easterners, mountaineers, from the singular nut'a, but its true meaning is unknown. Generally speaking, the plural in Yokuts may be said to be confined to words designating persons of various ages, sexes, and conditions, to terms of relationship, to tribal names, and to noun agents derived from verbs by the suffix -itc. A dual found in the pronoun is without an equivalent in the noun. To designate two persons the plural is used. The normal plural seems to be formed by the suffix -i. About one noun out of three however has the ending -a. What deter- Am. ARCu. ETH, 2,15. VOL. 2] 189 1University of California Publications. [AM.ARcH.ETH. mines the choice of these two vowels in each case is not very clear. Stems with all classes of vowel-combinations occur proportion- ately about equally in the i-plural group and in the a-plural group. The final sound of the stem may be of more influence. All stems found ending in an -i or -u which appears to represent a radical -y or -w take the ending -i. Outside of this one group, however, there is again no regularity in the constitution of either the -i or the -a class. The majority of stems in -t, -d, -tc, -n, and vowels are followed by -i, the majority in -c and -m by -a, but there are a number of cases contrary to both these tendencies. As the number of available instances of the plural is small on account of its restricted use, the possibility of a determination of the rules governing the point in question seems problematical. A number of stems ending in a vowel appear to offer diffi- culty to the addition of the vocalic suffix, especially as the lan- guage will not allow the plural -i suffix to become -y but insists on treating it as a full syllable. In the majority of such cases of vocalic stem endings not reducible to -y or -w, a c or tc is introduced before the plural suffix whether this is -i or -a. Besides suffixion, stem-changes mark the plural. These follow definite courses quite different from the phonetic changes occur- ring in the expression of other formal categories, and must be regarded as latent in the stem for use in the plural and induced by the stimulus of the suffix, rather than as the direct purely phonetic consequence of the addition of the suffix. On the suf- fixion of -i, the last vowel of the stem-whatever it is-turns to "a; on the addition of -a, the vowel becomes i. Accompanying the change of the last stem-vowel to a is a tendency to lengthen the latter part of the stem, wherever possible by the introductionl of a vowel between two consonants, and to a shifting of accent toward the suffix. Accompanying the contrasting stem-change to i there is an opposite tendency to shorten the latter part of the stem, the accent advancing toward the head of the word, and a combination of consonants being frequently formed by the dropping out of the middle vowel in trivocalic stems. These two opposite changes occur quite regularly without exception or noteworthy modification, except that before the -i suffix the final stem-syllable, if a or i, may become e in place of a. The change 190 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. of accent occurs with less regularity than that of the quality of the final stem-vowel; in some words the accent even appears to alter in a manner the opposite of the usual one. There is, especially before the -i suffix, a secondary and less regular tendency toward vocalic change in the first syllable of the stem, resembling the vowel-mutation occurring in the stem syl- lable of verbs, whereby u becomes o and o becomes u, with corre- sponding equivalences in other pairs of vowels. In trivocalic noun-stems this mutation accompanying the plural may extend to the second syllable.1 Nono, plural nune-i; nip 'ei, nep'ay-i; tcu- nut, tcunot-a-tc-i. It is not unlikely that this mutation in the first syllable of the stem is a secondary effect of the suffix, that is to say, the direct result not of the addition of the suffix but of the alteration of the vowel of the final stem-syllable produced by the suffix. In tribal names metathesis of a vowel in reference to its con- sonants is common. Banika- becomes ban-ek-; -tci-, -atc-; -mni-, -man-; bokni-, buken-. Besides the changes enumerated there are a number of more sporadic ones in the formation of the plural, such as the loss of final consonants (kou'tcu-n), of vowels (hit-wai-u), and the in- sertion of d (waksatci, wake'sdatei, unless waksatci represents waksadtci). The various modifications of the stem in the plural are shown in the following list. In this list all vowels marked long bear the word-accent. In words containing no vowel marked long, the accent is on the penultimate vowel or diphthong unless specially indicated. 1 If stems are omitted from consideration whose first vowel is a, which is not susceptible of this change, and if monosyllabic and biconsonantal stems are also excluded because their vowels on account of their proximity to the suffix are primarily affected by the law of i-a balance which most fundamentally characterizes the plural, it may be said that the majority of stems taking the -i suffix, and part of those with the -a suffix, undergo this mutation of the first or second stem vowel to its opposite Within its vowel- pair. VOL. 2] 191 University of California Putblications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. I-Plurals. man kou 'tcun kou 'tca-i woman muk 'ac muk 'bc-i young man nbtco nutc6-i chief dlya ' de 'a-c-i medicine man afnt.u afit.aw-i widower hupana hopna-tc-i older brother nibete nebatc-i younger brother nbec nbac-i younger sister nbot nbat-i son butcofi botcai-i daughter, child axid axbed-i father's sister giuiha guyb 'a-c-i bear diluxun duwdxan-i panther woh6cit woh6cat-i wild cat t 'ufiod t 'unioad-i mother's brother agac ag6c-i woman's sister'Is hild a2xi axey-i maternal grandmother t 'ut 'a t 'ut 'ba-c-i paternal grandmother bap ' bap '&i great grandfather hit.waiu hit.eway-i daughter-in-law onmid on6mad-i mother-in-law ontip onetap-i parent of child-in-law makei mak6c-i man's wife's brother nip 'ei n6p 'ay-i friend nbtci nubtc-i deer xoi xuyea-c-i watcher (teid, guard) tied-ite teid-atc-i tribal name yaudantci yowedtcan-i tribal name bafikalatci banie'klatc-i tribal name tcoinok tcuyenak-i tribal name yokod yuwbkad-i tribal name gawia gaweyay-i tribal name wetcig' it witceg' at-i tribal name wimiltci wimalatc-i tribal name yaudimni yowe'dman-i tribal name tcoinimni tcuyenman-i tribal name bokni'nuwad buk6nwad-i tribal name w6wod wowbwad-il tribal name kawaija kaweije-tc-i tribal name tcunut tcunota-tc-i tribal name tadji tadje-tc-ay-i tribal name waksatei wake'sdatc-i2 tribal name tedamni tiedam-i tribal name badwica badowac-i 'Wowud means stand, from the radical wud. Wowowadi is perhaps not reduplicated but formed by development of -o- into -owo-, as in y-uw6-kadi. I Or, wake's-wadi, resembling the plurals kuma'tc-wadi and kuyet-wadi of the tribal names kumatcesi and koybti. 192 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. girl old person older sister mother father father's brother mother's sister grandfather son-in-law dog grizzly bear man's sister's child woman 's brother 's child father-in-law dancer (ka'm, dance) tribal name tribal name tribal name tribal name Shoshonean A-Plurals. guybdum moxodo naat najoj natet komo'yic mo'koi 6nac napatum tc6'jej niohoo tca'yax napac naxa mic ka 'm-atc wiiktcamni xocbm-o monadji tulamni malta A collective -hin, on inanimate nouns, occurs several times in a text given in Part III. bokdo-hin where many springs yapkan-hin many trees doxmad-hin rock-pile tcodwon-hin plains CASES. Nouns are used with five case suffixes, an objective -a, a pos- sessive -in, an instrumental -ni, a locative -u, and an ablative -nit, making with the unaffixed subjective a total of six cases. The same suffixes are attachable to verb stems used as nouns, to verbal derivatives, and to verbal forms used participially. That these verb forms with case suffixes are no longer verbs but nouns is shown by the fact that their logical subject is in the possessive case. Adjectives take at least the objective, personal pronouns the locative, and demonstratives and interrogatives all the suf- fixes except the objective, for which they substitute a suffix pecu- liar to themselves. 1 Or fioh 'i-c-a. VOL. 2] 193 gbyum-a moxdi-tc-a nait-a najuj-a natit-a ko'myic-a moko'i-o inac-a napti'm-a tcija'j-a nioho 'i-c-a tcayi'x-a napic-a na'xmic-a ka 'm-itc-ha wiika'temin-a xbcim-a monadji-c-a tula'-l-min-a malata-tc-a University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. The employment of these cases is on the whole indicated by their names, there being few special idiomatic uses. The objective seems to be used with prepositional words: atc'e-u yapikn-a, close to the tree, padu-unun nim podt-a inside my body, pena-u idk-a, near the water. The true nature of these prepositional words is however not clear; padu-unun is evidently the intransitive participle of the stem padu to enter; atc'e-u and pena-u seem to be locatives of unknown stems. The possessive gives the appearance of being used as subject in certain clauses where it is really the grammatical regimen of a verbal noun. Thus okac na kou'tcun-un duy-a, I saw the man eat, is really: saw I man's eating. It appears that after a passive the instrumental is expressed by the possessive: aj-it na tcejej-in, I was bitten by a dog, and waki-t yet tain watak-in, he was pre- sented with one pine-nut. The possessive pronoun of the third person may or may not be used in addition to the possessive case to express possessive relation between nouns: yiuna an limk-in, wife his prairie-falcon 's; but the possessive suffix is never omitted. The instrumental is used in two special constructions. What wX.-e should consider the direct object of a verb, is, when this verb contains the suffix -cit, for the benefit of, put in the instrumental, the person benefited being treated as the object of the verb: max-cit-ji nan duy-aini, he-got me with-food, he got food for me; cuina-cti nan xe-fii, buy me with-this, buy this for me. After waki, give, the person which we treat as dative is in Yokuts objective, our object in the instrumental; so that waki can be more literally rendered by our "present" than "give": wakl-ji -tani (obj.) ta-nii tipdi-n-, he-presented her with-that mountain- quail. No instrumental of personal pronouns has yet been found, and it is possible that the present two constructions are merely due to a tendency of the language to avoid the use of the instru- mental in personal pronouns. The locative covers a wide range of meaning-at, in, to, on, in fact all locative ideas except the ablative-and refers to time as well as space: copin-au opodo, in three days; niauuji wit'ep-au, he came to the boy. It also has the meaning for, on account of: mukc-iu xe-u tioiocnad doowac, on account of this woman is being 194 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Langiuge. made a battle (woman-at this-at is-making battle); ukn-au na nim t.okit, I was hit for drinking (drink-at I my hit-was); wi cox-ji vaka, ta-u tin tafn taudjata, he-killed cattle, for-that they him killed. The construction by which the addition of the loca- tive suffix to the -ji past-suffix of the verb makes a dependent temporal clause, the subject becoming possessive, has already been referred to: tan-ji-u limk-in moxodo ent-im-ji, while-went (went-at, at the going of) prairie-falcon, the-old-man slept; xi nan amadac tcuixiitc-n-au nim, he me helped when I was sick (sick-being-at my). Most names of places and the modern names of the days of the week are locatives: tcit'at-iu, a place name (tcit'at, a species of clover); xo-en-au, sitting at, Sunday. On numeral stems the locative suffix gives an ordinal adverbial mean- ing: hat'paiii, four, hat'pa-u, the fourth time, as opposed to hat'-pud, four times. As some of these case suffixes, such as the objective, are en- tirely syntactical in function, and all but the ablative are used at times as purely syntactical means, they must be regarded as true cases and not as adverbial postpositions. Their phonetic character, their effect on the stem, and their small number, also are evidence that their formal force and content far outweigh their material significance. There is no trace of any of the case- suffixes ever being used independently of a noun as an adverb or preposition. The presence of these cases in the language is naturally allied to the absence of incorporation in the verb. While similar case-suffixes are found in many Californian lan- guages, usually also accompanied by lack of incorporation, their number in these languages is often larger, their sense more spe- cific and adverbial, and the suffixes themselves in their phonetic form are more like independent stems. The partial resemblance of the terminatives, inessives, introessives, comitatives, simila- tives, and other cases in Maidu, Yuki, Pomo, Washo, and other central Californian languages, to suffixed prepositions, cannot be said to extend to Yokuts, except to a certain degree perhaps in the ablative. VOL. 2] 195 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. Objective. The objective case presents considerable phonetic irregularity. Normally it seems to be indicated by -a. For this, -i, -o, and occasionally -u are substituted in not a few words, and a largfe number of words show no change whatever from the absolute or subjective form. Like the analogous substitution of plural -a for more common -i, the cause of the use of objective -i in place of -a is not clear. The words found with objective -i are muk'ac, nibetc, natet, iweite, kaiu, nahat*, d-oxid, owik, t-e, koyoyite; huc-widetc, g'k- widete, and perhaps kocoyi and makei; there are no doubt a number of others. Objective -o is found on monosyllabic and disyllabic o stems and on a few others usually containing o in the first syllable fol- lowed by an i that disappears before the suffix; so that this -o is quite clearly due to influence of the stem. The stems taking -o are tot., t-ot., tcox, najoj, ucit, odix, bokid, dopit., [domit], cokod, aind perhaps yofiho and niohoo. Objective -u occurs on noot, perhaps on najoj and hutulu, and on three stems the u of whose last syllable disappears before the suffix, tukuyun, dumadumutc, and yipyeput.. This -u is, like -o, due to the influence of stem u-o sounds. The objective of a large number of nouns, at least one in three, is without any suffix and identical with the subjective. This class includes terms of relationship, names of persons, ani- mals, parts of the body, and natural and artificial objects, so that it is not in any way determined by meaning. While phonetic form and to a certain extent probably derivational constitution are evidently the causes of this lack of an objective suffix by such nouns, yet a considerable proportion of them are not act- ually explainable in these ways, as will be seen from the follow- ing circumstances. Most duplicated or reduplicated nouns lack the objective suffix: tcej-ej, dog, coxcux and tcaktcak, two species of hawk, la'la', goose, hofihofi, heart, dapdap, leaf, xam-am, rib. A few duplicated nouns however show a suffix, such as tc'imtc'im, bat: tc 'imitc 'm-a. 196 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. The majority of nouns ending in vowels are also alike in the subjective and objective. These include notco, moxodo, diya', hupana, mokoi, mai, t'ut'a, hit-waiu, onpoi, xoi, tcitceu, coxgoi, k'ondjedja, hoopa, hayana, upyayi, yakau, nootci, kateau, p 'anuc- kai, woxono, t-ipni, t 'ufnoi, tc 'aiji, oca, t 'ipeni, k 'aiyaat.u, t 'ukoi, tcoto. The final vowels of several of these nouns are quite strongly resistant to suffixation, as is shown by the complete loss of this vowel in the possessive (notc-in, hayan-in, tcot-in), or by such loss of the vowel with accompanying irregular effects, especially the addition of tc or c, in the plural (moxdi-tc-a, hopna-tc-i, t'ut'oa-c-i). Nouns with vocalic ending taking an objective suffix are much less frequent than those that do not. They include kaiu, t-e, afit*u, axi, nip 'ei, ti 'w, matci, t*ildu, tcudui, tel; and probably the following, in which the final vowel seems to be repeated to form the objective suffix: caca, guliha, makei, ko- coyi, inohoo, yoniho, hutulu. Finally a considerable number of nouns ending in consonants do not change in the objective: komoyic, enac, t'uiiod, agac, itwap, bohad, coyod, t4iod, tadxat., djamoc, ?ogun, pootc, menitc, k'ewet, kecik, comot, manfad, tcuyon, mod-ak, aniac, kiwec, witcet, honi-oc, tcit'at, bemamgutc, godofikil, djitcpaapu, k'atcanat, ku- yocud. The last half dozen of these are evidently not simple stems; and while their origin cannot be traced, it is possible that the same feeling of the language which usually prevents the addi- tion of a suffix to duplicated and reduplicated nouns, may be operative in these composite, derivative, or onomatopoetic words. But for the great majority of the words in this list even such a tentative explanation is not available, since stems which are ap- parently simple and which have the same vowels as those here given, or the same consonantal ending, take objective suffixes. The following list of subjective and objective forms gives the nouns found whose objective suffix is -a, those that have -o and -u, those with -i, and shows the scope of the changes in the stem and the extent of irregularities. The objective case less its suffix, or sometimes with it-and never the subjective or absolute form of the noun-is invariably the base from which the posses- sive, instrumental, locative, and ablative cases are formed. SVOL. 2] 197 198 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. English Subjective Objective man kou 'tcun kou 'tcun-a child wit 'ep wit 'bp-a medicine-man afit.u anlut-w-a younger brother nbee nbec-a older sister naat n&at-a son butcofi butcon-a daughter axid axd-a son-in-law napatum napat 'm-a bear diiuxun dtixn-a panther wohocit wahact-a man's sister's child tcayax tcayax-a woman's sister's child axi axi-a woman 's brother 's child napac napac-a grandmother bap ' bap '-a daughter-in-law onmid unimd-a father-in-law naxamic naxamc-a mother-in-law ontip unitp-a brother-in-law nip 'i nip 'by-a mountain-sheep diw6cip diweep-a rabbit ti 'w ti 'w-a beaver t6piik topk-a raccoon kilt.u kiit.u-a small dark rabbit matci matcy-a gopher hung' ut hunuxt-a condor witc witc-a hawk, sp. cuxup cuxp-a prairie-falcon limik limk-a crow aduut. aduut.-a bird detcip detcp-a bat tc 'imic 'im tc 'imitc 'm-a water-snake yax yax-a quail hummud humumd-a eye caca caca-a nose t.-ifiiik t.ilfik-a ear tuk tuk-a forehead t.ildu t.uidu-a skin tcudui tcudi-a bone tc 'Ili tc 'ily-a liver dip dip-a kidney tcinekit tcinekt-a vagina umut umta guts doc doc-a excrement bidik bid 'k-a tail gut gut-a tree yapkin yapikn-a water idik idk-a hunting arrow cikid cikd-a VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 199 English Subjective Objective bow dayap daip-a town tipic t.ipc-a world p 'aan p 'aan-a wife yiwin yiun-a body podut podt-a game ball odot odot, odot-a pestle padui paduy-a cane, reed kadkid kadikd-a fish dopit. dopt.-o skunk tcox tcox-o squirrel yofiho yofiho-o head toot. tbot.-o belly t.ot. t.ot.-o hole cokod cokd-o mountain domit domt-o fire ucit oct-o pillow odix odx-o spring of water bokid bokd-o younger sister nbot nbot-u mother najoj najoj-u1 jackrabbit tukuyun tukuin-u animal sp. dumodumutc dumodumtc-u owl hutulu hutulu-u lip yipyeput. yipiyapt.-u woman muk 'ac mok 'c-i older brother nibetc nibetc-i father natet natet-i parent of child-in-law makei makei-i wolf iweite iw6tc-i coyote kaiu kaiiw-i eagle d.oxid d.oxd-i bald eagle owik ok-i raven g6k-ud6tc gok-ud6tc-i gopher-snake huc-udbtc huc-udetc-i frog koyoyitc koyoyitc-i house t.e t.e-i The nouns that do not change for the objective have been previously given. It appears from this list that the considerable changes in the stem occurring in the expression of the plural are not found in 1 Or najoj-o. University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. the objective. As a rule the quality of the stem vowels is not affected by the objective suffix. There is however an inclination to drop the last vowel of the stem before the suffix. A consid- erable proportion of nouns, about half, indeed do not show this shortening; but when monosyllables and stems with vocalic end- ing, which are incapable of such change beyond softening i and u to y and w, are omitted from consideration, at least three noins out of four are seen to drop their last stem vowel before the objective suffix. Limik makes limk-a; cuxup, cuxp-a; yiwin, yiun-a; dfixun, dutxn-a; owik, ok-i; wohoJcit, wahact-a; muk'ac, mok'c-i; ucit, oct-o. The exceptions found are butconi, put-oni, tcayax, napac, nahat., nibetc, aduut., odot, gokudetc, hucudetc, koyoyitc. Not infrequently a vowel appears in the middle of the word to compensate for the loss of the one in the last syllable; or the double process may be regarded as a transposition of the vowel. In four-consonantal stems the new vowel usually appears between a double consonant in the middle of the word: ontip, unitp-a; kadkid, kadikd-a; tc 'imtc 'im, tc 'imitc 'm-a; onmid, unimd-a; hung'ut, hunuxt-a. In such cases there is occasionally a change in vowel quality also. The word-accent also, which is no doubt causally related to the quantity and quality of the vowels of the word, is not af- fected by the objective suffixes as by the plural ones. Whereas in the plural the accent, according to the suffix added, usually moves forward or backward in the word, in the objective it al- most always remains in place. This immovability of the accent before the objective suffix is no doubt connected, either as cause or as effect, with the tendency of the normal accent to rest on the penultimate syllable of the word, and the tendency of the last vowel of the stem to be lost before the objective suffix as its equiv- alent, as it were. It will be seen that the considerable similarity between the plural and the objective suffixes,-respectively i, sometimes a; and a, sometimes i,- does not extend to the forms assumed by the stems to which these suffixes are added. On some words the suffixes are actually identical, whereas the stems differ vocalically according to the grammatical meaning of the suffix. 200 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Meaning Subjective Objective Plural woman muk 'ac mok 'c-i muk 'ec-i older brother nibetc nibetc-i ne'bate-i parent of child-in-law makei ma'kei-i makkc-i older sister naat na'at-a nait-a man's sister's child tcayax tcayax-a tcayix-a woman's brother's child napac napac-a na'pic-a father-in-law naxamic naxamc-a na'xmic-a The differences in the objective and plural forms of the above words, which are entirely typical, show that the vocalic changes in the stem are not due merely to the direct phonetic effect of the suffix, but are caused rather by the general rules of formation for these two categories; the specific influence of the suffixes, if it ever was dominant at all, must have been more in the develop- ment of the general methods of formation characterizing the category, and in stimulating the active operition of a process of analogization, than exerted on the particular forms of stems existing at present. An entirely similar case, which has also already been referred to in another connection, is the difference in stem presented when the plural suffix -i, and the derivative suffix -i denoting the death of a connecting relative, are respectively added to the same stem: Meaning Singular Plural Relative dead Mother-in-law ontip on6tap-i unitip-i Daughter-in-law onmid onemad-i onimid-i Other Cases. The four remaining cases, the possessive, instrumental, loca- tive, and ablative, follow the objective in usually causing the loss of the last vowel of consonantally ending stenms, being in fact formed from the stem used in the objective, and not from the absolute or subjective stem-form. Thus: cikid, cikd-a, cikd- ani; idik, idk-a, idk-au, idk-anit; limik, limk-a, limk-in, limk-au; cuxup, cuxp-a, cuxp-un. The only exception found is cokod, hole, objective cokd-o, locative cokod-iu. The possessive, instru- mental, locative, and ablative agree among themselves and differ from the objective in being always expressed by a suffix and never identical with the subjective, as the objective is in many words. VOI.. 2] 201 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. The possessive ending is -in. On stems whose last vowel is u, or o following u in a preceding syllable, -in becomes -un. Mono- syllabic o-stems, as well as those containing ultimate o preceded by any vowel except u, and all stems whose last vowel is i, e, or a, take -in. The only exceptions are noot and najoj, which form noot-un and najoj-un, and which in the objective also take -u and -o instead of more regular -o and -a. Wohocit takes -un, t.dod, -in. Final vowels do not present the same resistance to the posses- sive as to the objective suffix. Usually the -in or -un is simply added: diya', diya'-in; nip'ei, nip'ey-in; kilt*u, kiut-u-un; la'la', la'la'-in; upyayi, upyayi-in. Certain nouns impervious to the objective and usually causing the addition of -tc- or -c- in the plural, take the possessive suffix after losing their final vowel. Subjective-Objective Plural Possessive hayana hayan-in tcoto teot-in notco nutce-i notc-in niohoo fnoh-i-c-a faoh-i-in hupana hopna-tc-i hupan-in moxodo moxdi-tc-a moxod-in The instrumental, locative, and ablative seem to be based to some extent on the objective even as regards the phonetic form of their suffixes. Where the objective shows what must be con- sidered its normal form, namely -a, the characteristic endings of the three cases at present under consideration are added directly to this -a: duy, eating, food, objective duy-a; duy-anii, by means of eating, duy-au, at, for, eating; idik, idk-a, idk-au, idk- anit; tuk, tuk-a, tuk-anii, tuk-au. After monosyllables -afni re- places -ani. Where the objective is -o, the instrumental is -oni, the locative -o. Where the objective is unexpressed by a suffix, the formation of these cases varies. Some words show an instru- mental in -fii or -ifi, and a locative in -iu; others respectively -ain or -oii, and au. On demonstratives which end vocalically the instrumental is -fii, the locative -u, the ablative -nit. The follow- ing list shows such minor variations. 202 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Meaning Subjective Objective Instrumental Locative bird deteip detcp-a detcp-ai tree yapkin yapikn-a yapikn-au arrow cikid cikd-a cikd-an water idik idk-a idk-au bow dayap daip-a daip-ani nose t.iijiiik t.izink-a t.iifik-afi t.ibink-au ear tuk tuk-a tuk-ani tuk-au forehead t.ildu t.uidu-a t. idu-afi t.lldu-au skin tcudui tcudi-a tcudi-aii tcudi-au bone te '1i tc 'li-a tc 'li-a tc 'i-au vagina umut umt-a umt-ai umt-au eye eaca caca-a caca-iii caca-u guts doe doc-a doc-onli doc-ou head toot. toot.-o toot.-oni toot-o pillow odix odx-o odx-o hole cokod cokd-o cokod-iu house t.e t.e-i t.e-u breast poote p86tc pootc-afi p8otc-au rock yakau yakau yakau-ai1 yakau-au1 stick witcet witcet witcet-an foot wutofn wutofn wutonl-anl wutoni-au basket katcau katcau kateaw-ui katcaw-u sweathouse moe moc-au brush yawud yaud-au awl bawuk bauk-ui clover sp. teit 'at tcit 'at teit 'at-iu tongue tadxat. tadxat. tadnat-fli tadxat.-iu mamma menitc menitc mbnitc-fli testicles hofi-oc hofi-oc hofnoc-in hofnoc-iu leaf dapdap dapdap dapdap-iu Cases in the Plural. The objective of the plural is uniformly identical with the subjective plural. The possessive plural is formed from the subjective plural by the suffixion of -n. The possessive of -i plurals thus is -in, of -a plurals -an, and of the one -o plural found, mokoi-o from mokoi, mother's sister, it is -on, mokoi-on. 1 Instrumental and locative also yakau-i and yakaw-u. VOL. 2] 203 University of California Publication,s. [AM.ARCH.ETH. THE VERB. Of the traditional categories of inflection of the verb: person, number, tense, mode, and voice, the Yokuts verb is entirely with- out expression of person. There is not even so much change for person as the one rudimentary inflection that persists in the verb of spoken English. This total lack of pronominal incorporation is perhaps the prime characteristic of the Yokuts verb. Less frequent than pronominal incorporation, but sometimes held to be equally typical of the principles of procedure of American languages as a whole, is a differentiation of verb stems for number. Such differentiation may be by inflection and affixion, or may be radical; in transitive verbs it refers to the number of the object. This expression of number is, however, like that of person, entirely wanting in the Yokuts verb. There is one case of stem differentiation; taudj means to kill one, cox to kill more than one. How far the feeling of the language for the difference between these two stems is a grammatical one, or how far there is a connotation in one stem of "kill," in the other of "exterminate," it is impossible to say. The reduplicated verb stem occasionally has the appearance of indicating a plurality of objects, but this is probably only incidental, the reduplication being used to express the repetition of the verbal act which usually is implied in a dynamic action affecting several persons or things, rather than to express the plurality of these persons or things themselves. Tense, mode, and voice are all expressed by one method, suffixation, several phonetic elements existing to designate the various categories. SEMI-DERIVATIVES. Contrasting with the tense, mode, and voice suffixes is an- other class of suffixes expressing ideas which most languages agree in regarding as less grammatical in nature than these and more derivative and stem-formative. Yokuts shows this same feeling in that it treats the affixes expressing this class of ideas differently from those relating to tense, mode, and voice. Such 204 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. semi-derivative suffixes always precede the grammatical ones, being joined directly to the stem. They include a causative, fre- quentative, desiderative, benefactive, intransitive, and reflexive. The causative, which is not very frequent, is expressed either by the suffix -da or by lengthening, with change, of the ultimate stem vowel. t'ic, to emerge t'ic-da-yan, let him come out! inf, to be leaning iin-aii-da, lean it! duy, to eat dui-da-c, made eat ka 'm, to dance tcan na mam ka'm-da-d, I will make you dance Similarly bk-da-d from oka, see, and ep-da-d from ep, swim. iudiik sing idook make sing uk-un drink uk-oon make drink dawid run dawaad make run tax-in xuyu come return taxaan make come xoyoo bring back Had-ad, to raise, with its intransitive had-ad-in, to rise, is perhaps a causative formation from had-in, to rise. The frequentative -ta is also not very common. aj to bite aj-aj-ta-c tcabop to lie on the belly tcabop-ta-ji had-ad to raise hada-ta damna to try daman-ta-c t'uy to shoot t'ui-ta-i The desiderative is -tcin or -atcir tan to go na tatn tan-atcin-o duy to eat duy-atcin-ad na oka to see t'umi to throw at xatc to stab iuka-tcin-in tafi tomoi-tein-ac man xatc-atcin-ac mar bit often na I was lying on my belly raise it several times! tried (all his arrows) shoot repeatedly 1. id I too would-like-to-go I would like to eat wishing to see him ian you tried to throw at me lan you tried to stab me ^ The suffix -cit expresses the fact that the action of the verb is done for the benefit of some one. The noun or pronoun desig- nating the person thus affected is in the objective case, the object itself in the instrumental. AM. ARCH. ETH, 2, 16. VOL. 2] 205 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETE. max to get max-cit-ji nan duy-afni brought-for-did me food- with: he got me some- thing to eat. tue to make tiiuc-iicta nan daip-ani make-for me (with-) a- bow. *idiik to sing iidk-iict-a sing for. cuina to buy cuina-cti nan xe-fi buy me this! bi to finish bii-cit-in tan-ji having made it for him, he went. The intransitive -in is frequent. Many verbs, such as uk-un, to drink, regularly contain this suffix. In some cases it denotes automatic, uncaused, unintentional action: wox-ji, fell, implying causation, wox-in-ji fell, of itself. T*at-i-ji na tanf, I broke it, literally, break-did I that; t.at*i-n-ji nan xe, I broke it uninten- tionally, literally, broke me this; na tooc-ad doowac, I make battle; nanau tooc-n-ad doowac, for-me (literally, me-at) is-made battle. Had-ad, to raise, had-in, to rise, and had-ad-n-ad, rises. T'ofn-un, to drown, tiiij-iin, to become, t'uy-in, to be night, taw- in, to be day, dok-in, to be satisfied from hunger, hic-in, to hide, yiw-in, to marry, tax-in, to come, and other stems, show this suffix. The reflexive, which in phonetic detail is somewhat variable, is an important formative. Its fundamental form is perhaps -wic, which also appears as -iij, -wac,- woc, often with the intro- duction of a preceding long vowel. In this supposed funda- mental form the reflexive verb is used as an abstract noun. The tenses of the reflexive are formed by adding the usual suffixes to this base, forming -wici, -udcac, and --uead or -wicad; only the future and participial suffix -in seems averse to being super- added to the reflexive (as to the intransitive), so that the future is expressed by -wic without any further suffix. A suffix related to the reflexive, and appearing to have the force of referring the verbal action to the body, is -wid, appearing with tense- suffixes as wid-en, wid-ji, wid-ed, and perhaps wita. An impera- tive -we is perhaps connected more nearly with this form rather 206 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. than with the -wic reflexive.' The suffix -umduiuc or -umduwic denotes a person accompanied by that one of his relatives desig- nated by the stem of the word. The category of reciprocity does not appear to be strictly distinguished from the reflexive. The reciprocal forms obtained contain the reflexive suffix, the fre- quentative -ta, and are usually reduplicated. It is not certain how far these means are actually used to express the idea of reciprocity, and in how far they are the expression of the repeti- tion which is very apt to be implied in any plural verb with the object "each other." doo-wac battle katd-uiwic kated-game teom-woc a hiding and guessing game tcaten-uiwic stave game t.it-wac copulation hoyo-wac name tafiy-fiwic ceremony of drinking jimson-weed (taiai) dai-wicu na I kicked myself (day) cap-wicu na I whipped myself (cap) cap-a-uj-ad na I used to whip myself cap-a-wic nihi I shall whip myself wot.-wici na I hit myself with a stick (wot.) wot.-oj-od na I used to hit myself wot.-owic nihi I shall hit myself duy-6wic nihi I shall eat myself (duy) tcan na tiiiij-wac t'oiiotemi I shall be t 'onotcim (tilc, make) tcan t'uy-u-t'y-uwuc t.aatci there will be a great battle, (people will shoot each other, t'uy) t6oj-f1j-ac woxono made herself, turned to, a log tcanj-izj-ac combed herself (tconic) 1 The suffix -wid, imperative -we, is probably related to the independent stem wid, to tell or say, also to do or make; as wid-ji nan, he said to me. This stem appears in such words as huc-udetc, "hush-sayer," a species of snake, and kux-udetc, kux-wid-eitc, "kukh-maker, " a species of hawk which is thought to produce a sound kukh as it parts the brush in dashing through it in pursuit of game. Hatic-wid, to sneeze, accordingly seems to be nothing but "to say hatish," or "to make hatish," and more obscure forms such as teabop-wid and iifi-iif-wid may contain the same stem. When Yokuts vocabularies are obtained it soon becomes noticeable that words are frequently given followed by wi. This is especially the case when an in- formant deliberates or appeals to a bystander; the latter will then often mention the word followed by wi, as ilik wi, literally 'say ilik," or "tell him ilik," but actually perhaps nearer, in general force, to our 'it is ilik." It is doubtful from all this whether the -wid, -we suffix should really be regarded as unconnected with the reflexive, or whether the reflexive can be considered as probably genetically related to the verb stem wi, wid, of gen- eralized meaning. VOL. 2] 207 University of California Publications. [Am.ARCHIETH. t.anid-uij-ac teadx-uj-ac na teabop-we t 'omom-we hadad-we due-due-wi nan palat-we teana hatic-wid-en tcana t 'umum-wid-6d tcana tcabop-wid-en hadad-wid-ji ta mai woj-oj-wid-ji hiam na iifi-iifi-wid-ji duc-duc-wid-6n namam tik axd-umduwic nak nat-umduwic tacki putei-omduj-a inmitek-amdfiuc cap-i-cp-fuuj-a-ta mak dai-dy-hij-a-ta mak aj-aj-ta-uj-i-ta mak aj-aj-ta-uj-i-ta na brushed herself (t.anit) I turned myself over (teadix) lie on your belly! lie! raise yourself I rub me! stick out your tongue! I (shall) sneeze I (will) lie down I will lie on my belly supported that person (arrows) stuck in (his entire body) I leaned against it I will rub you she and her daughter (they daughter-and-her- self ) my father and I (we father-and-myself) him and his son (those son-and-himself) two cowives (cowife-and-herself) we whip each other we kick each other we bite each other I bite myself constantly TENSE, MODE, AND VOICE. The final suffixes of tense, mode, and voice are two preterites in -ac and -ji; a finite future and a present participle in -in; a continuative, indefinite as to time, in -ad; a passive in -it; a future passive and an active verbal objective noun in -nfitc, some- times -aiiitc; an agent in -itc; and a participial form in -ana. The unaffixed stem is used for the imperative and sometimes in the indicative. Cases can be added directly to the stem treated as a noun, as well as to some of the temporal-modal forms. The suffix -ana may possibly be a case form of the participial ending -in; the locative -u added to the preterite -ji makes a temporal participle. Vocalic Mutations of the Stem. The stem preceding these modal-temporal suffixes often un- dergoes a vocalic change previously referred to. The form of 208 VOL.2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 209 the stem which may be considered the normal one occurs before i-suffixes; a changed form before a-suffixes. The mutation as it occurs in monosyllabic stems ending in a consonant is as follows: Before i-suffixes Before a-suffixes u o o u U 0 o u ui o o q e e i A undergoes no change. Monosyllabic stems ending in vowels also do not change. Disyllabic stems are fewer and their changes more compli- cated, so that the principles governing their mutations are not so clear. Where the stem is derivative from a monosyllabic rad- ical, either by reduplication, by the common intransitive suffix -in, or by some other suffix, there is a considerable tendency for the secondary syllable to contrast, according to the pairing just given, with the primary one, whatever the form of the stem; so that in these verbs the vocalic mutation is a double shift. For instance: Before i-suffixes Before a-suffixes t 'on-un t 'un-on dem-dim dim-edm hop-ud hiup-od dotc-iin diitc-on wo-wud wu-wod Sometimes, on the contrary, the derivative -in assimilates with the stem vowel. In this case, when the stem vowel changes be- fore an a-suffix, the vowel of the derivative disappears. Before i-suffixes Before a-suffixes tid-in ted-n uk-un ok-n tiiic--un tooc-n University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. Disyllabic stems whose vowels are i and e interchange these before a-suffixes; disyllabic i stems change the first i to e and lose the second. efit-im ipe hiwet ciwex pitid winis xit*iu ifiet*im epi heut ceux petd wens xet*u Final vowels in disyllabic as well as monosyllabic stems are usually not changed; the preceding vowel also sometimes does not alter. waki hoyi xuyu oka k'iinu t 'umi tcit'a waki hoyi xuyu iika k 'anu t 'omi tcet'a Disyllabic stems with primary a do not alter this. An i in the second syllable after an a in the first changes to a before a- suffixes. If the first syllable ends in w, the second vowel, whether i or a, disappears before a-suffixes. cadik cadak tcadx-in tcadax amid amad a'-in a -an bax-in hawid dawid tawidj awat* tawac bax-an hawad daud taudj aut- tauc A fundamental feature of these verbal stem changes is that the altered stem vowel is not in direct accord or assimilation 210 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. with the vowel of the suffix that might be supposed to have caused the change. While the process of stem-mutation appears to be set in operation only when certain phonetic elements are suffixed, the mutations are by no means directly determined from these elements but entirely follow their own rules. There are two apparent departures from the rule that one form of stem is used before i-suffixes, the other before a-suffixes. First, the stem otherwise found before a-suffixes occurs generally before the agentive-purposive -itc. Many verbs however show this suffix in the form -aitc, -eitc, -atc, and some of those that have merely -itc lengthen and accent the last vowel of the stem. It appears from these facts, and is confirmed by similar condi- tions in the Yauelmani dialect, that the full form of the suffix is not -itc but the equivalent of -a-itc, or -itc combined with an- other element, possibly the causative. This explains the a-suffix stem used. Second, case suffixes, namely -a, -au, and -aini, are added to the i-suffix form of the stem. The explanation of this fact is that when provided with these case-suffixes the verb-stem is a noun, so that the verbal laws of vocalic change are inoperative. What seems to be the i-suffix stem-form in these case-formations is only the normal form of the stem, as it appears for instance in the unsuffixed imperative. This fact is typically illustrative of the. nature of the laws of vocalic harmony in the language. Were the basis of these laws purely phonetic, that is to say physiolog- ical, the stem duy, which becomes doy-ad and doy-ainitc, should also become doy-a and doy-afni; that it remains duy before the case-suffixes -a and -aiii is evidence that the grammatical circum- stance, of the stem with the suffix -a or -aini being syntactically a noun, is of more consequence than the phonetic circumstance of the vowel of these suffixes being a; in other words that an abstract grammatical distinction entirely suspends and again sets in operation this concrete and physical phonetic law. That this potent distinction is the fundamental but purely formal one between noun and verb, is food for thought for those who have been taught to regard American languages as, in the higher lin- guistic sense, "formless." VoL. 2] 211 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. It is of course theoretically possible that this inoperativeness of the verbal law of vocalic change before case suffixes is due to some original but now vanished difference between the phonetic content of the case suffixes and the modal-temporal suffixes; in other words, that -a and -afii fail to produce a stem-vowel change in verbs not because they are case-suffixes which by their pres- ence convert the stem into a noun, but because in some former period they differed vocalically, just as now they differ conso- nantally, from the suffixes -ad and -ainite, and that the stem- differentiation, which at that time occurred before the two sets of suffixes according to physiological influences, became crystal- lized and has survived as an apparent psychological distinction to this day when the suffixes no longer bear their original form. Such an explanation is entirely possible and will no doubt be made by those who are so inclined; nevertheless, when we do not go beyond what we actually have knowledge of, which is the language in its present form, it is indisputable that in this point grammar, that is to say psychological activity, predominates over physiological activity or phonetics. The use of the two contrasting verb-stem forms is recapitu- lated in the following classification. First form of stem Second form of stem -J1 -ac -it -ad -in -ana -iiitc -aiiitc [-itc] -itc Unsuffixed stem, indicative. Unsuffixed stem, indicative, re- Unsuffixed stem, imperative. duplicated. [-a, -afni, -au, non-verbal] [-ca, enclitic] A number of verbs, a minority of those known, show a sec- ondary differentiation of stem in regard to the future and participial suffix -in and the past suffix -ji. Monosyllabic o stems containing two consonants usually change o to u before -in, so that the stem of this tense agrees exceptionally with the a-suffix stem. 212 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. -in -ii buk bok cux Cox dux dox hut hot wut. wot- The stem of the passive in -it seems to agree with the -in form in these verbs. Certain disyllabic stems lose their second vowel, which is light, before -in and the passive -it, but retain it before -ji and in the unsuffixed stem. This difference is evidently merely due to the vocalic beginning of -in and -it as compared with conso- nantal -ji. There is no approximation to the a-suffix stem, for this tends to emphasize the second stem vowel instead of drop- ping it. -in -it -ji Imperative a-suffix dukd-un dukd-ut dukud-ji dukud hupe-ut hupuc-yu hupuc patd-in patd-it patid-ji pitew-in pitew-it pitciu-ji pitciu amd-in amid-ji amid amad- pitd-in pitid-ji pitid p6td- Another occasional stem-difference between the -in-tense and the -ji-tense is accompanied by a double form of the -in-tense. This difference within the -in-tense seems to be due to a distinc- tion made between the two meanings expressed by the suffix, namely a finite future or present and a participle. In the verbs in which the forms for these two ideas are not alike, the partici- pial -in has the stem-form of the -ji-past; the stem of the future -in differs. Imperative -in future -in participle -ji -a-suffix or stem waid waad-in waid-in waid-ji waad- hiupod- hlpud hopud- huipod- teup teup-an teop-un tcop-un-ju teop- t 'ui t 'oy-an t 'uy-in t 'uy-in-ji t'oy- The temporal and modal suffixes are not much modified by the stem. -Ji and -it follow the rule of the possessive suffix -in in their susceptibility to the stem; they become -ju and -ut after VOL. 2 ] 213 University of California Pu,blications. [AM.ARCE.ETH. stems containing u in the final syllable and after disyllabic stems containing u followed by o. The suffix -in undergoes greater modi- fications, which have been described in the general discussion of the laws of phonetic mutation. This suffix shows some tendency to contrast the quality of its vowel with that of the stem. The -ilitc and -afnitc suffixes do not change; -itc varies somewhat irregularly, being sometimes -eitc, -aitc, -utc. After pure a-stems it becomes -atc. The a-suffixes -ac and -ad are unmodified except that pure o stems usually cause a change of a to o. A softening to e on stems whose last vowel is i is also heard. -Ana is unal- tered; it has some power of assimilating the preceding syllable to -a-. Imperative. The imperative is the stem of the verb. It agrees with the stem of the i-suffix forms, as found most purely in the -ji past. The singular imperative is the stem alone; the dual, plural, and optative are indicated by the postposed enclitics yak, yan, han, and ca. Yak and yan are sometimes attached to other words and may precede the verb. Han is usually heard as a separate word. Ca sounds much like a suffix, but as it does not affect the vowel quality of the verb stem as it should if a suffix, resem- bling in this respect yak, yan, and han; and as it is always so closely followed by the pronoun that this forms part of it as much as the particle itself does of the verb; there seems no reason to regard it as anything else than an enclitic. Yak denotes the dual, yan the plural. These forms are re- lated to the pronouns, whose indications of dual and plural are -k and -n. Ya, their first element, is found as an independent adverb at the head of imperative and optative sentences. Han indicates a modified imperative, sometimes translated "I want you to." Ca indicates the optative of the first person. dox spill! t. 'ik tie! pitc' count! duii eat I dui-ak eat! (dual) ddi-an eat! (plural) taxin come! taxin-iak t 'ic-yak come, come out, you two! 214 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 8ka-yak nan am oka am yan 8'ka am yak pat.ija tau-yan xoodo ka'm han ka'm han yan nuhuk han tcuduk han hon-han xiin ya'-mak e'p-ca-mak ta'xin, piti'd-ca-na-mam ka 'm-ca-mak ya 'mak t 'lui-t 'ui-ca-mak tacdi ya 'mai doo-ca-mai look at me, you two! don 't look ! don 't ye look! don't you two fight! there make him sit! (plural) I want you to dance! I want ye to dance! kneel! point at it! I want you to smell this! let us (two) swim. come here, I will tell you a story (come, relate-let- I-thee). let us two dance. let us go shoot them. let us (plural) play. The future indicated by the suffix -in, by the particle hi, or by both, is frequently used to express the imperative. Future and Participle. The important suffix -in expresses both a finite tense, pri- marily future but verging on the present, and a participle used like the English present participle when it is adjectival to the subject of the principal verb, as in "he went singing." In ordi- nary simple verbs it is the suffix -in that has both these mean- ings; in the reflexive both significations appear to be expressed without the suffix -in; and only after the derived intransitive -in- stem and in certain verbs like k'on, daka, oka is there the dis- tinction that the future indicative is expressed by the stem but the participle adds its proper -in. Tax-in, to come, is used for "will come"; tax-in-ji is came, tax-in-in, coming. DWtc-iin-iin, being cold, padu-un-un, being inside, uk-un-un, drinking (uk-un, will drink), are other cases. tau akam ni hi daka, there perhaps I shall spend-the-night. puiiyid daka-in am tacdi wat iikaac, twice spending-the-night, not them anyone saw. pinetji.... bok hotc-in-in tani, he asked, wishing to find her. hideu tanaad tawidj-in, where does-he-go dying? cukid-ji muk'ac ilka-tcin-in tani, made-a-hole the-woman see- wishing him. VOL. 2] 215 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. ama t a-nit bii-cit-in tan-ji, then there-from finished-it-for- him-having came. ot-in-in tid-in-ji, falling he-rolled-down. In a few verbs, namely iitad hungry, oka see, hiipod men- struate, in which the unsuffixed indicative stem with future meaning takes the place of the -in-suffix future, this unsuffixed indicative stem differs from the imperative and i-suffix stem and agrees in vocalic form with the second or a-suffix stem. The unsuffixed reduplicated stem is also used as a future or perhaps an indefinite indicative. The reduplication in this case is always of the kind with metathesis of the second vowel, and the first syllable has the a-suffix form of the stem. hiemxac na haya-wic to-morrow I shall-laugh (cf. haya-uc-ad) hiemxac na ah-in to-morrow I shall-cry (cf. ahn-ad) wica akam ni hi yo iitad soon perhaps I shall again hunger ta na mam iika if (lit. that) I you see na ka 'm-a-ki 'im I dance xit.iu hi angry will-be tean na tud-o-tud xifi p'dna (future) I burn this country The future is usually accompanied by one of two particles: tean, placed at the head of the sentence, perhaps meaning soon, and denoting the immediate future; and hi, indicating a more general future. Hi is an enclitic and is postposed to the per- sonal pronouns. It has the effect of changing na, I, and ma, you, to ni and mi: ni'hi, mi'hi. No other similar modification of the pronouns seems to exist. tant--i'n namamhi I shall shake you tei-na tux-on I shall pull dux-e'n mi-hi you will spill it pitew-in na tani I shall stop it pitc'-e'n na tafi hi I shall count it alm na hootiid hawid-in ni-hi tana tcok-un not I know doing-what I shall it extinguish-shall Continuastive. The suffix -ad marks a continuative and usitative, which ap- pears to be entirely indefinite as to time, since it is sometimes past, sometimes present, and sometimes future. hide ma tanaad where are you going? hunai na heutad I am just traveling (for-nothing I go) 216 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Past Tenses. The past is expressed by the two suffixes -ji and -ac. These may perhaps be related in origin. -Ji forms the ordinary narra- tive tense. The -ac forms do not seem to be used without being connected with an adjacent -ji form, though they are probably not strictly dependent or subordinate forms. Sometimes the -ac tense occurs in what corresponds to a relative or temporal clause in a sentence whose principal verb has the suffix -ji; occa- sionally the relation is the opposite; and sometimes both tenses are distinctly finite, but the two sentences in which they occur present a certain contrast. The -ac tense is probably in some way analagous-not equivalent-to the Indo-European pluper- fect, which also cannot exist without at least a logical reference to some other past time. ama enit im-ji ama k'anuw-ac yet'-au woxono Then he-slept. Then he-was-lying with a-log. ama batsyo t.aiid-uiuj-ac ama tik yo tan-ji Then again she-brnshed-herself. Then (they two) again went. ama yet n6no dani-aii-t.a-ji coopin nunei xay-at Then one man heard (-what) three men (had) said. ama tanit Then thence anik tani Their (A) goi tanji pitanica xi-tau tud-ot-ac altinin went a-Pitanisha hereto-where were-burning the-people-of-Altau. Elitc an tacdi wat iikaac ama tin ing not those (A) anyone (B) had-seen, then they (A) dkaj pitanica saw Pitanisha (B). ama xwiu-ji hidee-nit taxn-ac Then he-returned where-from he-had-come. ama tafi tcMet-ac am Then it clover-she-ate; not ti-ji fiohoo emerged grizzly-bear. ama ta-nit tafn t'ui-ji Then there-from him he-shot tani h6ta muk-ac yo it yet she-had-swallowed and u tipnin ilkaac nlohoo t up looking grizzly-bear. There is no present tense-suffix in the language, this tense being expressed variously by the future, the continuative, and the -ji-past suffixes. tap VOL. 2] 217 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. Passive. The passive in -it is in every sense a true passive, and not very uncommon. It is past in meaning, or present when the present passive state implies a past action. buk-it na I was found dukd-ut na I am buried or I was buried na hupc-ut I was selected na had-ad-it I was raised (na hadinji, I rose) pitc '-it mak we were counted bi-it ma you are eaten ("you were finished") Participles and Verbal Nouns. The -itc suffix forms a noun agent: tcow, work, tcuweitc, worker, iidiuk, sing, iudokiitc, singer, yiwin, marry, yuwenitc, husband, ka'm, dance, ka'maatc, dancer. The same form is also used as a purposive: tan-ji t-okt-ik-itc, he went to hunt. Of course there is no wide difference between "he went hunting," "he went as hunter, " and "the hunter went. " taxn-a'd na amad-i'tc mam come I to-help you xe' nim ama'd-itc he (is) my helper The phonetic formation of this verbal is not clear, as it ap- pears to be usually derived from the a-suffix stem of the verb but sometimes from the i-suffix stem, and as often -itc becomes -eitc, -aitc, or -atc, or is accompanied by lengthening of the last stem vowel. yuwenitc yiwin marry doowitc doo play iidokiitc iudiuk sing ipyitc ipi get water hawaditc hawid do hiutitc hiwet go, walk dixeditc dixid make basket amaditc amid help goyuwinitc gamble tcit 'eitc tcit'a eat clover 21- 8 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. dapyitc dapi pick, gather pitc 'eitc pitc' count pudaitc pod cross stream tcuweitc tcow work ka 'maatc ka 'm dance ahanatc ah-in cry iikaatc oka see woudutc wo-wud stand tieditc teid guard Like -in and -itc, the suffix -nfitc has two functions. It forms a future-present or continuative passive; and it forms an active verbal used'as the object of an indicative verb, the subject of the verbal being rendered possessive by the substantivification. The passive form on some stems is -ainitc instead of -niitc, in which cases the stems undergo the a-suffix mutation. dai-nfitc na I shall be kicked bok-niitc na I shall be found day-a-dy-a-niitc na I am being kicked watak ta patd-afnite someone was being cut open tcan mai cox-niitc now we shall all be killed ha-nii mi hi hoyo-fnitc what-with you will named-be? hiam na tcuin-ju nim tcowo-nfitc, now I have-completed my working. haujad ta ma hoitead nim tain tamna-iiitc, how-many-times that you wish my that trying (me to try it) ? iikac na min tani dui-da-iiitc, I saw you making him eat (saw I your him eat-making). Much like the -n-itc forms in function and use are the object- verbals formed directly from the simple verb stem with case suffixes. iukac na min idk-a, saw I you (your) singing. okaj na min yiun-in ipe-i, saw I your wife's water-getting. am-na hootcad minik ilk-n-a, not-I want ye to-look. maiaju tobj-ad an t'ufi-na, himself made his drown. danaic na min xay-a, heard I you what-said (your speech). na hutop min xay-a, I shall-learn your language. VOL. 2] 219 University of California Publications. [Am.ARCH.ETH. As previously stated, other case-formations of the verb stem are similarly used as nouns: ukn-au, at drinking, on account of drinking; duy-anii, in order to eat, for food. The suffix -ana forms nouns and participles. Sometimes it has the appearance of an -in participle modified by the added -a of the objective; but this explanation does not cover many cases and is problematical. Generally -ana seems to have the force of a - one. tcapana half yuwana married one hupana widow, widower baxana coward hixana fat one cilnana thin one hayana duck tcop divide yiwin marry, wife bax fear hexa fat hayin fly xi katcau map-ana, this basket is-full (a-full-one). bok-ji na main t-e-i at.ad-ana, found I our house open. bok-ji na patad-ana, found I a-disemboweled-one. haaktci na tau bok-ji nukam-ana, something I there found bent. hanak tau ka dadak-ana, something there that is-hanging. A characteristic construction of the language is a temporal clause formed by the -ji past tense to which the locative -u is added, the subject becoming possessive. iuka namamhi tuyuji-u min, I shall see you when you return (see I-you-shall return-at your). ama kaiu Then Coyote tan-ji-u an Going-away-at his xwiu-ji-u nii Return-at m: yet'in p' aan One world' iuka namam See I you t.ok-it na Hit-was I efit-im-ji modot-sy-u slept seed-gathering-at m .-in is an her. limk-in ta moxodo efit-im-ji Limik's that old-man slept. hiam dowactacnac already a-battle-was-fought. I tan-ji-u ama widji gone-at, then said. (After one year he said.) hi xwiu-ji-u ml shall return-at your. iidiik-ji-u nim singing-for my. 220 VOL.2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 221 Interrogative and Negative. The interrogative and the negative are not expressed by alter- ation of the verb, but by independent particles, hin and am, usually placed at the head of the sentence. Sometimes ti is found instead of hin, usually proclitic to ma, you. Verb Substantive. There is no verb substantive. Two nouns or a pronoun and noun are simply put into juxtaposition. Xi djejej, this is a dog. THE PRONOUN. PERSONAL PRONOUNS. The personal pronouns, which are never abbreviated,1 much less incorporated, are differentiated for: the first and second persons and in part for the third, for singular, dual, and plural, for subjective, objective, possessive, and locative, and in the first person dual and plural for inclusion and exclusion of the second person. Subjective Objective Possessive 1 na nan nim Singular 2 ma mam min S - an 1 excl. nak nanak nimgin 1 incl. mak I magin Duat 2 mak mamak mingin S angin 1 excl. nan nanunwa nimik 1 incl. mai 7 main Plural 2 man mamunwa minik 3 anik There is no third person except in the possessive. When there is no noun-subject the third person of the verb is either unexpressed or is replaced by demonstratives or the particles tik, tin. The possessive of the third person may be altogether a formation by analogy. In other dialects, such as neighboring Yauelmani, "his " is amin instead of an, thus differing from 1 And never modified except for the change of na and ma to ni and m; before the future enclitic particle hi: nihi and mihi. AM. ARCH. ETH, 2,17. University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. "your" only by the initial a-.1 Whatever the origin of all the pronominal forms, and this probably cannot be definitely deter- mined, analogy has certainly been a powerful factor in shaping them. The regularity of the series is very unusual. The objec- tives nan and mam, me and thee, might be regarded as due to reduplication-an unheard of process to indicate case, and one that would be unparalleled in this language both in respect to occurring in the pronoun and in being so incomplete as to lack a second syllable-or as assimilation of a case-suffix, such as the -fn forming the objective of demonstratives, to the initial consonants of the stems. But as the forms nan and mam are the bases for the respective locatives, as well as for the dual and plural objective pronouns of the first and second persons, these views seem problematical. N does not enter into either the loca- tive or plural of demonstratives; and above all the suffixion of a number-suffix to a case-suffix, as it might be alleged to occur in the dual na-n-ak, is the reverse of the process found without exception in nouns and demonstratives.2 The forms nan and mam can accordingly not be wholly explained by any of the grammatical processes operative in the language,-suffixion, re- duplication, and vocalic harmony. They may or may not have been stems originally diverse from the subjective stems; analogy however has certainly helped to shape them. This analogizing force becomes doubly striking when one compares the possessive forms nim and min. The absence of a third person has perhaps contributed to this parallelism by leaving room for the balancing of n and m to be fully carried out in the first two persons: n and m, n-n and m-m, n-m and m-n. The dual and plural suffixes of pronouns are in element -k and -n, both occurring also in demonstratives. The full forms of these suffixes are, for the subjective -k and -n, for the objective -ak and -un, for the possessive -g and -ik, added to the case forms of the singular, wlhich are thus treated as stems. In nouns and dem- onstratives number suffixes always precede case suffixes. In the 'See the discussion of the comparative forms of the personal pronouns of all the Yokuts dialects in Part III. Certain groups of dialects possess sub- jective and objective forms of the third person in the dual and plural; but none in the singular. I And even elsewhere in the pronoun, as nim-g-in, ma-i-n, nan-un-wa. 222 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. possessive, the dual suffix seems to be used, strangely enough, for both dual and plural; the dual is differentiated from the plural by the further addition of -in, which is probably not the pronom- inal plural suffix here dealt with but the usual nominal and dem- onstrative possessive sign -in. In the objective plural there is a final suffix -wa, which may be related to the ordinary substan- tival objective singular case-suffix -a. The most regularly anal- ogous forms of the first person in the dual and plural are the exclusive ones; the inclusive dual and plural are formed from the stem of the second person which they include. The inclusive dual mak is like the second person dual mak ;1 the inclusive plural is mai, possibly formed from the stem ma of the second person by the substantival plural suffix -i to indicate this first person, as opposed to the plural maan or man of the second person itself. The objectives of the inclusives were not obtained; their possessives, diversely from all the other pronominal posses- sives, are formed by addition of the regular substantival posses- sive suffix -in directly to the subjective. The locatives of the personal pronoun are formed, as in the noun, from the objective as a base, by suffixion of -au, iu, or -u. So far as obtained they are: nan-au for me, on account of me2 mam-au for you 'nanak-iu for us (dual inclusive) mamak-iu for us (dual exclusive) nanunwa-u for us No instrumentals of the personal pronouns have been found; the language appears to show some inclination to avoid them. There is no distinction in the third person between pronouns referring respectively to the subject and to a person or thing distinct from the subject,-se and eum. maiaju an yiuna t*okji himself (ipse) his wife he-hit t.okji an yiuna tain he-hit his wife that-one's Before the future participle hi, na and ma become ni and mi. 1 Probably differing however in length of vowel. 2 In other dialects these locative forms have been found with locative meaning: nanau, at me, here; mamau, at you, there. VOL. 2] 223 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. The possessive pronoun of the third person may be introduced between two nouns one of which is in the possessive case, though this is not often done; but such a possessive pronoun never re- places the possessive case-suffix,--another instance of the com- pleteness with which syntactical case construction dominates in the language over the necessarily largely pronominal "incorpor- ating" type of construction. yiwin an limk-in the prairie-falcon's wife yiwin limk-in the prairie-falcon's wife The possessive pronoun is also often tautologically repeated: hatpau an iiaufiitcau an, fourth-time his coming-at his. cukidji an t*eu an muk'ac ta, pierced her house her woman the. When both a subjective and an objective pronoun occur in a clause, they are closely coupled together. Except in cases of strong emphasis, the subjective precedes. The combination pre- cedes or follows the verb. When it follows, it is usually enclitic to the verb; when it precedes, it is usually attached in similar manner to a particle at the head of the sentence, such as tcan, soon, at once (future), hin, the interrogative particle, or am, not. Other particles like hi in turn generally attach themselves to the end of the compound in the same manner; so that the word which they all follow may carry the accent for three or four syllables. The rule that the objective pronoun follows immediately upon the subjective is probably more regularly ob- served than any other governing the order of words in the lan- guage, and there is in it possibly a faint reminiscence of pro- nominal incorporation. That this customary coupling is however in no sense even partial incorporation is shown by the fact that the pronouns are not shortened or altered, that their position as regards the verb is not at all fixed, and that on occasion the compound can be broken up and disarranged. Both in the strict- ness of their order among themselves and in the fixedness of their position as regards the verb, the pronouns of French come much nearer to being incorporated than those of Yokuts. 224 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. kemid namam, oho'n namamhi, tca/namam tana'd, cu'inactid na'mamhi, hin manan okac, namamhi tan taudjad, maim na ohbod, I embrace you I will look for you I will take you with me I will buy-it-for you did you see me? I will kill you too You are the one I want (when the right one appears after several undesirable ones have been rejected) DEMONSTRATIVES. There are four demonstrative stems, falling into two groups; the radical consonant of one group is k or x, of the other t. Xe, xi, and ka, meaning this, this, and that, refer respectively to the first, the second, and the third person, or to distances con- ceived of as equivalent. When there are no persons involved, xe refers to close proximity, xi to a short distance, ka to a longer distance, but within sight. When an invisible object, or one merely referred to, is spoken of, the demonstrative constituting the second group, ta, must be used. Ta, however, does not pri- marily mean "that invisible." It is a general indefinite demon- strative, sometimes similar to our article the, and quite generally used, especially in the objective, for the pronoun of the third person. Its locative tau, there, is also liberally strewn about sentences without much specific reference. Ta is even used of present objects and of persons within range of speech and just referred to by xi: widji witC am Said Condor: "Not mi you hi xifi yiuna nim widen will this wife my tell; am mi hi tafi ipein widen not you will her: 'get-water' tell." The difference between xe, xi, ka, on the one hand, and ta on the other, is therefore primarily between locally specific dem- onstratives and a locally indefinite one; secondarily, between proximity and visibility as opposed to distance and invisibility. VOL. 2] 225 University of California Publications. [Am.ARCH.ETH. The four demonstrative stems form their cases and numbers as follows. The objective is -ni. The possessive, instrumental, locative, and ablative are the noun case-suffixes -in, -ni, -u, -nit. The dual and plural are formed with enlargement of the stem by -c, to which the number-suffixes: dual -k and plural -n, con- nected with the -c by a vowel contrasting with the stem vowel, are appended. This gives the subjective forms. The objective are formed by apparent metathesis of the last vowel, or more probably by suffixion of -a or -i, before which the last vowel is lost. In this process -cn- becomes -cd-. Ta-nit is often contracted to tatt. Xe and xi differ only in the subjective singular; all their other forms are identical. Su1y. Ob1. Poss. Instr. Loc. Abl. S3ngular This (near 1. p.) This (near 2. p.) That (visible) That (general invisible) J xe i ka ta I xi-n x -in ka-fi ka-fli xe-u ka-u xe-nit ta-ni ta-in ta-nli ta-u ta-nit I xi-c-ak xi-c-k-a ka-c-k-i ta-c-ik ta-c-k-i I xi-c-an xi-c-d-a ta-c-in ta-c-d-i These demonstratives are used indifferently as substantives or as adjectives, and for animate or inanimate objects. In connected discourse taii, that, him, it, like tau, there, is used so frequently, and with so little weight, that it occurs tauto- logically. Dual This (xe) This (xi) That (ka) That (ta) Plural This (xe) This (xi) That (ka) That (ta) 226 L Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. ama tain natet an widji tafn wit'epa, then him father his told the boy. widji tan- mikiti axda an, told her Mikiti daughter her. If tafn were a true pronominal element, and actually incor- porated in the verb by affixation, we should have here incorpora- tion of the holophrastic type. While true relative pronouns are lacking, the demonstratives in part fulfill their function. ta injij mak daka, that good we spend-night (it is best that we spend the night). bkac na tani nono xi nan kow-o-kw-oc, I see the man who hit me (see I that man this me hit). ama tain taut.aj xi tain taut-ataji an najojo, then him he-killed this her killed his mother (he killed him who had killed his mother). ama tanit tanji xi tau tud-o-td-ac, then thence he-went this there they-were-burning-it (went where they burned). Tik and tin, dual and plural, containing the dual and plural suffix-elements -k and -n, are used with verbs of the third person lacking a substantival or demonstrative subject. The number of the subject of the verb is thus given even if the subject is lacking, the singular of course being indicated by the absence of the particles. While the t- of these forms seems demonstrative, and their number-endings are undoubtedly pronominal-demon- strative, they seem to be merely particles indicative of the num- ber of the understood subject and of the verb, and not to be felt as pronouns. Interpreters find difficulty in translating them and do not give the meaning "they."' The imperative dual and plural particles ya-k and ya-n that have been described contain the same dual and plural suffixes and are somewhat of the same nature. 1 Similar conditions obtain in other Yokuts dialects which lack tik and tin. These dialects possess subjective dual and plural forms of the pro- noun of the third person which are used like tik and tin to indicate the duality or plurality of the preceding noun or verb: aman, they, resembling man, ye, as amin, his (Yaudanchi an), resembles min, thine. No objective or singular forms of these dual and plural words have been found, a fact which corroborates the conclusion, already evident from their usage, that they are functionally not so much the equivalents of for instance the English personal pronouns, as primarily indications of number. VOL. 2] 227 University of California Publications. [AM.ARcH.ETH. INTERROGATIVES. The interrogatives and indefinite pronouns are: wat, who?, someone; objective wat-i (?); possessive wat-in. hed, hawed, which one? han, what? something; objective haa; instrumental ha-fii. hide-u, where? somewhere; a locative; ablative: hide-nit. Two suffixes serve to render these stems more indefinite: -ak and -tci. wat-ak, someone. han-ak, hi-ak, something or other; ha-ak-tei, what, I wonder? hede-ak-tci, which one, I wonder? The verbal root haud, hawd, to do, to do sometfling, to do what?, to do how?, which seems to be almost certainly related to the stem of ha, what, forms the following in common use: hawidin, haudinin, how? what for? thus; literally, doing what? doing thus. haud-au, ever, at any time, at what time? when?; with nega- tive, never; hauj-ud is how many times? It will be seen that the same stems are indeterminately inter- rogative or indefinite. When interrogative they do not require the presence of the interrogative particle hin; they are usually placed at the head of the sentence. It will also be seen that whereas the demonstrative does not differentiate for animate- ness and inanimateness, the interrogative-indefinites are divided between two groups of stems, wat- for the animate, h-, especially ha-, for the inanimate. Resembling the latter and probably re- lated to it by analogy if not in origin is the interrogative particle hin. 228 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. THE ADJECTIVE. Adjectives are as infrequent and comparatively unimportant in Yokuts as in most American languages. It is difficult to de- termine whether they are at bottom more properly nouns or verbs. Their occasional use with case suffixes seems to designate them as nouns. A plural suffix -hatc appears to belong primarily to adjectives used substantively.1 A few adjectives show unex- plained variations of form; punun, puutcutc, small; met-, large, mit-amut, large ones. A few adjectives of shape are redupli- cated: cot-ot, circular, up-up-uc, buk-buk-uc, spherical, taptap-ic, flat (cf. dapdap leaves); also pun-un, puutc-utc, small, inj-ij good. Attributive and predicate forms are alike. badjikin red butawaca badjiknifn painted with red punun an wutofi small his foot punin-hetc an wuto-n small (ones) his feet baha'dja adult bahadj-hate taxn-ad large-ones are-coming wit 'ep a-child wit 'ip-hatc children na punun I am-little na puutcutc I am-little, I am-a-baby puutcutc na t*ok-ci when-I-was-little (as-a-little-one) I shot na mete I am-large nan met- we are-large t-e met- the-house is-large nau-ji tik met- t-e-i reached (they) large house xuno tau met- farther-off there is-a-large-one xuno tau mit.a'mut farther-off there are-large-ones injij na wit'ep good I am-boy injij nim djejej good my dog-is injejei mak good-are we g' og' oc inejaji mononhoi there-were good things 1 It seems, especially from the evidence of other dialects, that this suffix hatc is really a diminutive. VOL. 2] 229 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. NUMERALS. The numeral system is decimal. None of the numerals below ten are analyzable, except that hat'paini, four, contains ponoi, two, and yiit-cini-ut, five, contains yet, one.1 The numerals from eleven to nineteen are formed from those for one to nine by the suffixion of -am, or sometimes by addition of the words for "ten and." Thus, yetc-am, eleven, or t-ieu yo yet, ten and one. Twenty is two ten, and all the tens are formed thus. Twenty- one is two ten one. One hundred is yet pite', one count. The hundreds are enumerated to tieu pitc', ten counts, one thousand. According to their function the numerals assume several forms. In most of these forms certain final phonetic elements are lost in several of the stems. These unstable endings are: 2 -o- (usually) 3 -n 4 -ni 5 -nut 6 -i 7 -in One suffers no loss, but is somewhat irregular. Eight. nine, and ten are also not shortened. The modifications of form undergone by the numerals are the following. 1. When the numerals are adjectives attributive to nouns, or are inanimate nouns in the subjective case, the full forms used in counting are employed. 2. When the numerals are nouns in the objective case, or adjectives modifying such nouns, the same forms are used, plus the objective suffix -a (-i). 3. When the numerals are animate nouns in the subjective case, such as "they three," "the four of them," with perhaps the idea of collectivity prevailing, the detachable endings are 1 Even though the words for four and five so evidently contain the stems of two and one, their forms in twenty different Yokuts dialects vary only phonetically and give no light on their composition. This is in accord with statements made below as to the scarcity of Yokuts words whose derivation is explainable. 230 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. lost, the suffix -in is added to the abridged stem, and the stem- vowels, or more strictly most of them, undergo the change to the nearest contrasting vowel familiar from verb stems, i to e, e to i, u to o, o to u, a to o. The word hauj-un, how many? may also contain this suffix -in.1 4. To indicate a distributive, as "three each," in the objec- tive, the detachable endings are lost, and the first syllable of the stem is duplicated, the vowel in its second occurrence being weakened to i. 5. To indicate cardinal adverbs, such as "four times," the numerals undergo the same loss of their detachable endings, in addition drop the vowel that then remains in their second syl- lable, and add the suffix -id, which is on some of them assimilated to -ad,- ud. Compare hauj-ud, how many times? 6. The ordinal adverbs, such as "fourth time," are formed like the last class, except that in place of the suffix -id they add the locative ending -u. So far as obtained, the numerals of these different classes are given in the following list. Cardinal Objective Animate Diatributive Adverbial Adverbial 1 yet yet yit-ein yit-yit-in yit-ate 2 pofioi ponli-o pono-iin pofn-pifi-i ponly-id ponly-o 3 c?opin coopin-a cupe-iin cop-cip-i copy-id copy-o 4 hat'panii hat'pafny-i hat'op-iin hat'-huit'-up hat'p-ud hat'p-au 5 yiit-ainiut yiit-cini-n-i yiit-ec-iin yiit-yiit-iie yit-c-ud yi4t-a-au 6 t?'udipi tc'odep-iin tc'o-te'id-ip tc'odp-id ta'odp-o 7 nomtcin num6te-iin nom-nim-ite nomtc-id 8 mu'no? mu'noa-iin mu'n-mu'n-ue mu'nc-ad 9 n6nip nunep-iin non-nin-ip nonp-id 10 t.ieu t.ieu-iin t.i-t.i-u t.i-ad, t.iewa The detachable endings that are lost in certain of these cate- gories do not represent concrete suffixes or sense elements, but are determined apparently by phonetic usage. In hat'-pani, four, -panii represents ponioi, two, but is cut in half when there is a loss of ending, hat'-pa being retained and -Ai lost. The numerals from eleven to nineteen are formed from those for one to nine by the suffix -am, with loss of the detachable end- 1 This suffix -In may be identical with the -in indicating the plural of pro- nouns and demonstratives, and occurring also in the imperative and indicate particles ya-n and t-in expressing the plural. VOL. 2] 231 2University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. ings. Stems whose first vowel is o change -am to -om. It will be seen that this derivative process is entirely similar to the gramamtical ones above described. 11 yetc-am 12 cuyukai 13 copy-om 14 hatcp-am 15 yiit-c-am 16 tc 'odp-om 17 nomtc-om 18 mu 'nc-am 19 nonp-om Cuyukai is said to be the proper Yaudanchi form for twelve. Most other dialects have poted-om, which is formed from potcot, given by the Yaudanchi as an alternative or more correct form for poiioi, two, but not yet found in the dialects that use poted- om. In Yaudanchi also potcot seems to be used only in counting; the suffixes are all added to the stem ponioi. The stem yet, one, appears as yet. and yetc in certain Yokuts dialects, and some of its Yaudanchi derivatives show the form yetc: yetc-am, eleven, yitc-a, alone. Yet-au, literally one-in, is together; oma is first. ADVERBS AND UNSYNTACTICAL WORDS. Other classes of words, which we call adverbs, conjunctions, prepositions, and interjections, are difficult to separate in Yo- kuts, and require little comment. A few words with the appear- ance of prepositions have been referred to in connection with the objective case. They are of several syllables and appear to have either a participial or a locative ending. The noun to which they refer is in the objective. A number of adverbial words such as mun-au, outdoors, t'ic-au, in the open, bepat-iu, at the top, eik-au, in the side, hetc- au, close, are locatives. 232 OKroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Conjunctions, besides yo, and, again, also, are about lacking. Their place is taken by the subordinating constructions of thc verb, the participles and the case-suffixed verbals. Ama, then, is a common introductory particle in narrative. Ta, that, is sometimes used in the sense of if. ta namam iuka, ama namam kuwu, if I you see, then I you hit. ta ma tan hi iika, wi paduan mam hi, if you him will look-at, then he-enter-to you will. ORDER OF WORDS. The order of words in the Yaudanchi sentence is rather shift- ing. A usual order is quite perceptible, but this is often departed from. As regards the three chief parts of the sentence, the verb most frequently comes first, the subject next, and the object last. Locative nouns, and similar modifiers, commonly stand at either of the ends of the sentence. The adjective, whether attributive or predicative, almost always precedes its noun. The personal pronouns usually precede the verb, especially if there are nouns in the sentence. The frequent tani, him, her, it, and tau, there, usually also precede the verb; tafn especially when it represents a noun subsequently expressed in the sentence. The subject and object pronoun form a rather close complex between which other words do not enter, and in which the order subject-object is not departed from except for special emphasis. The particle hi follows the pronouns, usually immediately upon them. The nega- tive am, the interrogative hin, and all interrogative pronouns usually open the sentences in which they occur. A rarer inter- rogative ti usually precedes the pronoun of the second person. The introductory ama, then, heads the sentence in narrative. The possessive pronoun is used either before or after its noun; sometimes both before and after. Tik and tin follow the verb immediately or precede it; the same is to be said of yak and yan. VOL. 2] 233 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. VOCABULARY. COMPOSITION. No certain case of full binary composition, like sugar-loaf, man-killer, has.appeared in the Yaudanchi dialect of Yokuts. There are a few doubtful cases. Rohoo ka'm, grizzly-bear dance, was heard as two words; so was k'amun hoyowoc, no name, the appellation by which a person whose names are tabu through death is addressed. Yitca-xooo virgin, bachelor, is "alone sit- ting," and may be two words or one, a description or a name. It is theoretically improbable that there is no binary composition whatever in the language; but the process is certainly not of much importance. The familiar class of words represented in so many American languages by mouth-stone and night-sun is lack- ing. In the place of such compounds Yokuts has for its nouns disyllabic and trisyllabic words a very few of which are deriv- able, more of which contain a familiar stem or suffix while the remainder of the word does not yield to analysis, and the great majority of which are even after some study as unassailable as monosyllables.' A number of words, mainly names of birds, are formed of an onomatopoetic element, usually duplicated, followed by widetc, udetc, sayer: huhul'-udetc, hmhm-udetc bull roarer, huhil-sayer o-udetc chicken pokok-udetc ground owl gok-udetc raven huc-udetc gopher-snake and a number of others. 2It is worthy of note that an apparently composite word like hatpanii, four, certainly related to pofioi, two, appears in all the dialects known, of course with phonetic variations, but never any more structurally transpar- ent; and that under the influence of suiffixes its stem is unetymologically reduced to hatpa- not only in Yaudanchi but in the other dialects from whicb there is material. 234 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. DERIVATION. Half a dozen derivational suffixes, all forming nouns, can be determined, though their meaning is not always clear. shoot shut swallow egg, hoi-hofi heart t 'uy-oc t.uni-oc-ud miuk-iic honl-oc a kind of arrow door, gate throat testicles -ud: t.ui-oc-ud d kuy-oc-ud k -il -U1, -oi: padu e hiwet g tcuduk p t 'oi di Ioor, gate (t.un, shut) nee (kuyo, ankle) ater to, walk ioint, select Irown -it, place of: efit.im sleep t.it-wac copulate (reflexive) iiet.m-it t.it-euc-it -i in terms of relationship, with vowel the person through whom the relationship napatum son-in-law napitim-i nip lei ontip naxamic onmid onpoi wife's brother mother-in-law father-in-law daughter-in-law wife's sister, husband's brother nipiyi-t-i onitip-i naximic-i onimid-i unipiy-i sleeping place house of prostitution change, denotes that existed is dead: son-in-law after death of daughter etc. -inin, people of: xomot xucim south north not, not-u east dat.u, dat.wun west pad-u down-stream (ain ) alit, Yaudanchi grass sp. adit xomt-inin southerners xocm-inin xocom-o, xocima, northerners nutn-unun nut 'a, nutca-wayi, easterners dat.w-unun westerners padu-unun those below (=being inside ?) alt-inin people of alt-au -oc: t'uy t.ufi mb3k ho 'fi padu-i hiwit-i tcuduk-ui t 'ufi-oi pestle tracks index finger fish net VOL. 2] 235 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. The words: doo case suffixes, especially the locative, serve to derive battle alit, adit species of grass t 'ic g'o wo-wud ponioi cbpin hat 'panli yiit 'ci:ffut sabado The wutofn muk 'ac yet, yet'a injij opod-o emerge sit stand two three four five (Spanish) doo-c-id-au where-always-fight (name of a place) alt-au at-alit (name of a place) t 'ic-au in the open, up from a stream g' o-en-au Sunday wud-au Monday pufney-afiet.-au Tuesday cupey-afiet.-au Wednesday hat 'p-au Thursday yit 'c-au Friday saualo Saturday intransitive derivative -in makes verbs from nouns: foot wutonl-n to track woman mok'c-in to lose in luck through a woman, to " be womaned. " LU one, together yitw-in to gather good (=inij-ij) inej-n-ad likes sun opod-n-id sun shines There is some derivation by vowel change alone. cokod cikid hoi-honi moyak Noun hole hunting arrow heart whirlwind There is considerable with and without vowel explained. xot to rain ciwex to drizzle winis ready wicit erectio penis t 'on drown t 'ic emerge copd cover with bla tcutya carrying net hopa blood tipin acorn-bread dik acorn-mush tafnai jimson-weed tcit 'at a species of cl( axid daughter, child wateam feather-orname hand derivation between nouns and verbs, changes, that cannot be classified or nket over -nt for xotoo ciwaxa winatum wiceta t 'ibif-iik t 'ic-am-ya copon tcutui hopud tipin dik tafiy- tcit 'a axad watcim rain drizzle servant, messenger elder-tree thick in spring blanket put into carrying net menstruate to eat acorn-bread to eat acorn-mush to drink jimson-weed to gather or eat clover to have a child to hold a feather- ornament cokud hofi-hofi hoi muyuk Verb perforate breathe smell whirl 236 - _ ---- Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. A number of words show possible evidences of composition or derivation, though it is not possible to determine much about hunt, hit to cross a stream deer world, land fall, alight enter, in, down- stream? north find tribal name brush day rattle-snake egg thigh intestines skin daughter, child top, up, on, sky young man sleep ear two one arrive already and, again, also far, wide, long now (future) much, many tcok-oyija wasp pod-xoi sucker p 'an-uckai k'on-djedja pad-euyami bad-wija xocomo, pl. xocima bok-ninuwad tcoin-imni yaud-imni yaud-antei opodo upic t.iliid-um honi-tod k 'oco-yi tcu-doe-ui axed-cat t.ipni n?tci aniate-wat tuk-uyun potcot hat 'pafi yiit 'cifiut flamux hiam-u hiam-xac batc-yo wa-wa-u tcan-um wiix-nad on-tip on-mid on-poi fly a large species of lizard tribal name tribal name tribal name tribal name (so called "because they do not give up things that they find") tribal name tribal name tribal name sun1 moon rattle-snake medicine- man fish roe elbow navel husband magical, monster, supernatural friend dream jackrabbit two four five bring long ago yesterday again to-morrow at once very mother-in-law daughter-in-law wife's sister, husband's brother 10 'p is sun and moon in other dialects. Am. ARcH. ETH., 2, 18. them. tcok, t.ok pud xoi k'on pad-u xucim bok tcoin-ok yawud opdi t.ood ho 'n k 'oco doc teudui axid t.ipin notco eflt.im tuk pofioi yet fiaw hiam yo wa tcan wiixe on- VOL. 2] 237 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. REDUPLICATION. Reduplication occurs to some extent in the formation of stems. The forms it takes and the classes of words it affects, have been discussed under the general subject of reduplication; the specific cases will be found in the vocabulary and in the comparative dis- cussion of reduplication in the last part of the paper. GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE VOCABULARY. With so little analysis of evidently and probably derived stems possible, with very few deriving suffixes determinable and almost no composition, the majority of Yokuts words, whatever their original nature, must at least be treated as stems. Of the verb stems, the majority are monosyllabic. A third or more are irreducible disyllables. The typical verb stem is clearly a vowel between two consonants or two vowels alternating between three consonants. Of the noun stems only a small proportion are monosyllabic. These are: Parts of the body: te'I bone ca-ca eye tuk ear gut tail tot. head t.ot. belly dip liver doc guts hofi-honi heart Terms of relationship: neee younger brother noot1 younger sister naat' older sister bap' paternal grandmother Persons: mai person 1 The formation of the plural would indicate that these stems are disyl. lables. 238 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Animals: xoi deer ti'w rabbit tcox skunk wite condor teak blackbird t.od rattle-snake yax water-snake lau-lau butterfly Objects: t*e house moe sweat-house ka'te arrow point pon-pon snow p'an land dap-dap leaf got- tule sp. cax milkweed, string-fibre hox a shrub, string-fibre pi'd road not east so 'm wristlet tcok a measure of beads dik acorn mush LIST OF PRINCIPAL WORDS. The following vocabulary is incomplete, including less than two hundred verb radicals whereas the number in the language is presumably two or three times as great, and being deficient in the series of noun stems also. As the most common stems are included, some idea of the character of the words of the language is however given. The nouns are classified in the following, groups: Words denoting persons, terms of relationship, names of parts of the body, of animals, of plants, and of inanimate objects, natural and artificial. The list of verbs is arranged alphabetically by stems. Following each stem and its signifi- cance, are given, in all cases where they have been actually found,, the imperative, the future-participial form, the continuative, and the two past tenses, together with other less common forms. VOL. 2] 239 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. Nouns: Persons: mai person tc 'atic neighbor t.aatci people t 'onitcim hermaphrodite kou 'tcun man winatum servant, messenger muk 'ac woman dlya ' chief wit 'ep child afit.u doctor nbtco youth t 'ec rain-maker guyodum girl t.umiun,hupanawidow, widower moxodo old person weet.it bride notci friend Terms of relationship: natet father (address: opoyo) najoj mother (address: icaya) buteofn son, man's brother 's son axid daughter, child nibetc older brother, cousin n6ec younger brother, cousin naat older sister, cousin nbot younger sister, cousin hukoj older or younger brother or sister, by speaker of opposite sex komoyic father's brother gfliha father's sister agac mother's brother mokoi mother's sister napac woman's brother's child tcayax man's sister's child axi woman 's sister 's child, man 's brother 's daughter [cf. axid] onac grandfather, man's grandchild bap' paternal grandmother, woman's son's child t'ut'a maternal grandmother, woman's daughter's child hit.waiu greatgrandfather, man's greatgrandchild (also ghost) mokoiot greatgrandmother, woman's greatgrandchild [cf. mokoi] yuwenitc husband [=marrier] yiwin wife naxamic father-in-law ontip mother-in-law napatum son-in-law, sister's husband onmid daughter-in-law makei parent of child-in-law nip ei man's wife's brother onpoi woman's husband's brother, man 's wife 's sister itwap man's brother's wife, woman's husband's sister and brother's wife 240 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Parts of i tot. oto t.iidu tcim6jid eaca t..un.. t.-nafii tuk cama yipyeput. tadxat. tedi awaci djamoc hocod, miikiic Ogun t.apad pilate menitc t.ot. k 'ew6t xamam noxoic k'oeo (yokutc) kadaca (poku) kuyocud kuyo wutoni put.on xapad kecik k 'ocoyi takatci teda poto hofioc iket put.wid the body: head, hair, skull hair forehead eyebrows and lashes eye nose cheek ear mouth lip tongue teeth chin beard throat neck shoulder breast, sternum mamma, milk belly back rib hip thigh lower leg knee ankle foot hand, arm finger, toe nail elbow palm anus penis testicles glans penis semen t.umot pubic hair Animals: te6jej duuxun flohoo iweitc kaiu au 'tca huyaktitsi dog bear grizzly bear wolf coyote fox badger t 'ni umut tcudocui tcuyon bidik dumkun mafiad h6xutc nitet t.oka bac piked kii4iat hofihonl comot dip tein6kit cupix potodo doc betninwate hopa te 'ii h'exa tcudui podut p 'aada tcodbonic tcai kabad bumot. xicyad ho 'nl ho 'nftod gut iuead tc 'inawa huipad hoyowac } anal hair vagina navel urine faeces sweat tears saliva mucus brains marrow sinew tendons heart lungs liver kidney intestines, stomach, etc. blood bone fat skin body fur, feathers feathers down wings beak scales egg roe tail horn shadow menstruation name bohad ground-squirrel yonxo, tree squirrel dumodumutc wood-rat tciviyi, [tcivili] chipmunk ategit mole hung' ut gopher [p 'icilu] mouse VOL. 2] 241 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. kiit.u, t.it-lin nahaat. t6ipilk tcox tcitceu tukuyun, topod ti'w matci dUtcip, Oanip d.oxid owik witc t.anka dimik iidatc watewatc tc 'iauna k 'uxud6tc po 'yon tcimgutan tcaktcak cuxup coxcux cbtcudktc [hutulu] duk 'tcatci yo 'mdjac pokbkud6tc gugotcup bemamgutc t.5od yax hucud6tc godofkid xot.uniut capacipite tcoto dopit. dadim podxoi, ticaa tcokoyija babnai p 'anuckai mumai k 'acop t 'anawutc kakau raccoon otter beaver skunk polecat jackrabbit cottontail rabbit small black rabbit bird eagle bald eagle condor buzzard prairie-falcon sparrow hawk falco columbarius, circus hudsonicus accipiter velox accipiter cooperi buteo swainsoni buteo lineatus hawk sp. fish-hawk snowy owl horned owl glaucidium gnoma sarnia ulula ground owl a small owl hummingbird rattle-snake water-snake gopher-snake king-snake snake sp. snake sp. turtle fish trout sucker wasp yellow-jacket fly blowfly mosquito dragonfly red ant pohoot w.h.cit t 'uiod div6cip coxgoi xoi coyod tc 'imtc 'im gbkudetc aduut. oteotc oiui t.aicud6tc xaixai teak tcakudu paladat t. 'iwica upyayi tcuiditna waxit. hayana wat.wat. la 'la ' datcai uyoiitec hoxodo hummud t.ipdi koyoyitc djitcpaapu k'ondjedja kahut.wai xolpbyi wilei k'atcanat apic djakbmon gopa laulau te 'an6kac b 'akid tehet. badad. gat.uk tabak weasel panther wildcat mountain-sheep elk deer antelope bat raven crow magpie road-runner jay crested jay blackbird meadowlark woodpecker yellow-hammer mourning dove himantapus mexicanus crane duck generically mallard duck goose mudhen wood-duck duck sp. quail mountain quail frog horned toad lizard sp. lizard sp. lizard sp. lizard sp. salamander lake " trout" river " trout" perch butterfly grasshopper flea head louse body louse worm deer-tick 242 VKroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Plants: yapkin yawud tc 'axic ,6ciin k 'dmiyax tcimat towixit putuc kanad teufioxic tonac idniit watak wiceeta caxatc cadam apt.u toponi we 'tcip tree brush, grass live oak black oak plains oak oak sp. white oak acorn conifer sp. sugar pine digger pine pine sp. pine nut elder willow sp. willow sp. manzanita buckeye a small tree Natural objects: t.ipin opodo upic opdi toyono tc 'oitoc k 'iidai tcehefi xotoo ciwaxa ponpon xowot.o dagotak t.akaa tcidaca moyak yelyal p 'aan diiiiu't domit sky, above, up sun moon day night star cloud fog rain drizzle snow hail rainbow thunder wind whirlwind earthquake land, world earth mountain tcoxotc soaproot hox shrub used for string teitik milkweed used for string cax milkweed used for string hofiatchufnatc milkweed used for cuyo, got. kadkid tc 'akac adit tcit 'at xodono dapdap edam, 6dau hopud bumt.ana tcodowin wages kuyo yakau witcet hiitac woxono idik bokid paaji buyoni ucit mod.ak hapac capan xucim not xomot dat.uu gum tule, two sp. cane, reed wire-grass, basket material salt-grass clover sp. clover sp. leaf flower root stump plain sand salt rock stick wood log water, stream spring lake ice fire smoke ashes coal north east, up-stream south west, down-stream Artificial objects: wooden hairpin head-net feather ornament carried in hand t.e moc padawa t.ufiocud house sweat-house entrance, cave gate, stopper giteu wadak wateam VOL. 2] 243 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH- town, people blanket bow arrow war-arrow a kind of arrow a kind of arrow arrow-point pestle bed-rock mortar portable mortar small mortar basket open-work seed-beater sifting basket gambling tray of basketry bone basket-awl moccasin woman 's dress pipe tobacco cane digging stick crook for gathering wood carrying net pillow tule boat walnut dice ball ball stick swing whistle musical bow belt cema head-band of eagle down so 'm wristlet of eagle down waiatc necklace, garland tc 'omis tule case tcoxun ceremonial skirt of eagle down pode, cuyut beads xumana long beads bopoitc needle for piercing ear cakai asphalt xojojidj white mineral paint kababafnitc fathom hista measure of shell- beads (on hand) tcok half of hista k 'onomo half of tcok mononhoi property baut shelled acorns ip 'in ground acorns tipin acorn bread made in flat basket kodwidin acorn bread cooled in water eaca-nite acorn bread cooked in a hole t 'adic soft acorn bread cooked in rocks dik acorn mush cecat meat iidam myth tibiknitc world of the dead tcedaindu passage to tibiknitc cokod hole pi 'd road wiixe k 'umui met. pfinun, pfitcutc inaj-ij dote wai at 'e tap-tap-ic cot-ot many all large small good bad long short flat circular Adjectives. up-up-uc buk-buk-uc wiic padiix nuitc badjikin tc 'limat tcodod tciimgutan t.ipic copon dayap cikid t 'uyoc djibaku wuk'ud k 'atc padui padiia powac k 'oiwoe katcau tcaiji kaiadju t 'aiwan bawuk dahitei tc 'unie badawufiut. sokon citet tcapoi tock [sic] teutia odix owon huete odot katet teupaiwit pucate mauwuui wocok spherical spherical bare, naked smooth crooked red green white black 244 K - - - I I I Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Adverbs and Particles. yes (o nasal) no not near near outdoors at the door at the rear of the hunai hiam hiamu hiamxac wawau hetei wiuxnad akam house taan in the open, up from yo a stream wica through across a stream ama on this side of hi up, high, above, sky hin down, low, below ti perhaps dap a little a little while self, of himself, by we itself (ipse) intentionally wi another hawe alone ya together (=at one) wopatc yet tcuk 'it future particle hide immediately for nothing, in vain already, now long ago to-morrow yesterday today, now very (cf. wiixe) perhaps, it seems too, also and, also, again after a time, after- ward and then, then future particle interrogative particle interrogative particle particle expressing the unexpected or a contrast; indeed particle expressing indefiniteness well! well! used with the optative utinam look out! greeting (cf. "where?") 245 hohu, houu k 'amu am penau atceu munau pidau k 'acuu t 'icau tciunaj powo m . xramii t.ipin adid hitca wit 'i widite maiaju hutfiai niudi yitca yet 'au heta tcan teanum VOI.. 2] University of California Publications. [AM.ARcH. ETH. -4 . q d '4 . N c3 a '- 4 . ',0,0 C3 *- :. mz Ce 4 _4 . * r6 H . w Y *H Cd 14 4 0 .0 *t c; . -4 ~ i0 ..o-1 ._, -4- ._,- .,. ,Q0 o -"4 .'-~ -" .,-z I,-"4 *m c . ."4. 4 -41 : c " ~ . o C' c4 ,0la0PC 0 '4 '4 0 c4 '4 rd 4 '4 '4 ce c3 ,0 ' 4 .M 4 "~4 C' O ' ' O ~ 0 . '4 04 '4 . 44 '7 ' 4 '4 4 Om00 , -+a rs ~ o '. . 0 -"4 4 0 '4 5 .'p Ca C.)3 CO C)~~~~~~~~D C4 0V C ) -" '4 0 0 z U J 9 S A 4 ' c4z c4 c4 c4 c4 , 0' c 0- ,0 c4 c4 CQ w0 0 m0 a l . 0U '43 -4'4 0 N 0 c 0 P4 N ' k 0 ' m MI .) 0 0 0 ' -) 0 0 0 C) 246 '4 0 0 Co Go g 4 0 c 4e *' r 0 c4 % 4 c4 '4--- c 4e 'e ' 4 c 4 - 4 "4 " :, CID 41 ',-4 ',4 1:3 a r-jr- g 4-lo C) c3 Q '4 '4 * ce c4 q.) *ta Z* '4Q 0 c3 co '4 0 '4 .' .'- N .4 '4 0 o 00 0c C) ,t -0 I? 0 $?, $L? ce Cd (W C) rt? Z;i ce 12) . 1-1 N 0 Cd 9 . , sL4 o -4-i ce 0 .,? (L) $4 P4 6 0 ce ce .1-4 W ?:. r"z m :,4 cd $L..Ice V- ce w VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 247 4 ce 0 ce ce rc$ -4 117, . - -4 9 P4 (1) ce -4-i rz? 00 -4 ,--I w - -4-a IM: -,i.4 ce 0-ii 14 -4-4 P4 ce ce rc$ MC$ rt? 9 ;?s 0 CIIJ t S-? q) P&I I.Q. (C) C) -4-D ;1.4 O C? m 0 "4 ?3, ce ce rz? rTz$ 0 0 0 -4 :;;$ . F.4 . r.. Z, . r--.i . j . r..., I . r-, : I r-z . 9 .4 0 '6 0 P? - ;;a -4 r,? I w 4 A , -4-.'.) :? 0 0 0 :0 ;j rt:? nz ro rt:? rc$ 7 7 -, -4' ce *-4 gil a3 ,X . -cd a3 W ce It. C6 k 0 rt:? lp? ral ll? MI .,q ce rc$ 4 ..4 4 16 0 ce 1? k ro 0 fld ev c3 0 c) .,l .g0 . SI c3 *8 ,0 rt: 0 $ I Q- 9 o ., .H c3~ ll P.& 91 0 rc$ :3 0 m -bg 0 0 O rcl fO rt? -40 t 1? rr:$ bo 0 &4 0-11 9 a) t? Ca O ce P4 a-) 10,A m -4.') 10 c 0 o 4.2 j;j .,4 -4 ce r ? 4 cvel ? - ro , IIZ ro ra$ . ^ Y c3 - cd 0 ^, Cd . ,:o* 6 ,o * E 5 O 0 0 .1.4 C; 4 . ;;a ce r7z P-4 .1-4 P4 61 m ;-4 ;? ?r- 4) Cd 6 -4 P4 k -.t , 7 r'd I:$ - 0 0.,I rcs ? 0: 0 0 ce rd 6 ,- .2 ,w 0 . z o o ?? q? F,:, 4) rd rw r7Z k w w co ce I 1 5 C) rc$ ce ch 6 I ;j O-Z h ce ce rc? rIo ;5 R ,5 ., d4 Ca a3 a) ce la 41) 0 ce 42) r-.4 0 bn.? ms ce ce ce cd _4 ce P" 0 0 0 P4 40 P4 rcs w r? ro" r 0? r:oo MO$ rw rg A$ 248 UJniversity of Calif ornia Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. M , - -4 ' 0 0 0 -I *t m V +D -,4 . 4-C) 0 :pq r;l 1? r,-I F? -4-') igi ? a) 0 .7 I14 0 14 :-- D C) c3 c3 CIO *t;. kZ4 rl O- D C) Ce c3 dr ice < ;Q .,1 l(l c3 9 FC$ rcs rc? 93 ce ce 9 4? rLz 6 0 Cs -4 C) 0 10 10 1.0 cB 6 PI r4 0- _e Cd *Ir 0 I? D to a) PC2 ZQ r V' I . r., 1 C rc '1 to -+ 4 0 0 rq 0 A rc? rcl 'V ce ce .4 A 4 W * 2 r 0 bD Ce Ce AU A ta r .a! (Z at) -4R r co 9 .- 'I Z.- 0 -r- c3 ,+- ce Is I O ) . r l, ; I . . . 4 ,,v r., ce 'I) o 4:3 P-4 .,; cd w cd - ,W f-I , r--:i cd o O rc? - I . (t) icd -4 Cd . - 01 I 1-4 Cd ?o 1.9 m ::I .,-j rllz U3 m r6,:,-4 O 1.9 ce ?r ce ce A 4v . 9 ll? 0 4-? 0 a) ?r 4 . q 0 ?o 10 Q ) q , o 4. rQ ; - ce .-O 06, - .4 C) 14 P4 i-Z u 0 O co 0 O ce k rc? . r-lz I" . 1- <) r_4 q) X Ca _4 r E -i " H B m b.0 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. -4-D -4 9 P-? 0 Ca 4? - o .0 O .- 10 FC$ 0 0) 0 - 4 0 ? O 4..-O -4 -4-D -4 ce Q .4.z o I ce 6 .- k ce 1.0 . ce ? $M4 P4 -4-Z 0) 44 :Q o 0 , 'O C) A A A 4 0) C)~~ A 0 04 . 1'N - c' , 42 , ce 1 1 N c'54 .' 5 P4 FN d c'5 00 0 C) :9 V 0 0 Iv -4. 0 0 9 $4 r" I zt r-" 0 Z's PS O 1 ,4 0 : . -1 ;s - ,g w - W 6-.i W 6-.i Fl 0 0 4i l: 0 :o. - 44 444444 344 0 Cs cR 0 40 ;j 44 - ce '5 e F) 0 -4- 4 . o" 0: P ( = G 01 A ) 4- :Q :Q 0 t O Q - .04 .Fl 44 c'5 14 -44 0 P O l 0 . q 0 Fl ~ 1 Fl. m -0 P- 4 44* o a) n o .H 0 - 10 k 0 'I*') c3 0 W 0 k s 4 Po Fl :5 4 Zs V -4. 0 c'5c' 0 00 0 l o 44 r7, tol Q :;a 1R 9 El VOL. 2] rco e. ;o 249 ' ~ ce . c.. I~ I A~ :0 4 .0 .P4 .F4 0 'lC ice Q cd c3 . 1 ;3 t3 .S 0 0Z _/1% *,t MC MI 04 Ca d Fl :g :~, P.40 P.4 .0 I F c3 0 .4 R Fll 0 P-4 *. F Fl 14 .P4 .,j =1 'r;,z .,, :-, m 7 . -, r;- o . . ? -5 F -0,4 -4-a :Q I m lw m R-1 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. Ce C~00 00 ce iCe o o roo (Z P C) Ce V) t ,? rc C~ I ce :? :Z Ce I~ce w :4 . .l Z- "o 0 0 Ce 0 Ce ce CeCe . c .,, .H * f , *-,_ Ce 4.'l _$ .e C) Cd -f- rC) QC C ,q " . c) 'C) -) C-;e C) * 4 C .,, *r,- : *q * I .s o~ Ct) ice Ce Ce l~ :0 ce s pr-H ce Ce O Ce Ce Cd Ce P4 P P4 r-- * Zs 4 A p , 4-~ -6-) -4-a Ce Ce 04- 4Q P -4H* 4-. pqs4 P k- - --. (a) Cd ~~0 0 Ce; Ce C) Ce5 Ce C) H -) Ce * C) C)Ce C),C) d 0 Ce bD Ce '~~~~~~ H c -+ - ^. O = 0-6 0d - C) . Z O =C r00 Ce lc ) -+a -4 0 C m 1c 7 e 4 0 :0 Ce Ce Ce 0Qo 9 9 o1 CelCeCCeooo:0:00 P 0 C) -H H C4') ) C) -HM 0 C) V C; Ce XJ 250 0 COD 0 04- 0 Ce_ 0 CC C) CZ) .C 0 . 1- r-- i r- ' o *, e Ce C o o :t iC 0 L.- 0 ce 4-. BC Ce Ce... *X :e Ce Ce Ce Ce . C4 . .e ., o : t P4 P4 P4 iZ P4 P4 P4 r-k +D4 251 VOL. 2] Kroeber.-Th,e Yokuts Language. C) -4-') ce 1-1? .,q (L) ;j ce ?;, .0 .4.-O- -,-j -4-.") .4.) 1 -4 cd Cd 4s 6 91 Q :,q rd .,4 , -4 -4-;? .4..J, -4-') r-- rl. H m dr m r2 . . rd Cd Cd iceO cX d *e w Cn- C+d' Q Cd r?$ 1? rc? 0 -4-? rzZ ce 4 ig O P. 0 z 4Q rz:? rz_l rrl? CP ce ce 'm 6 rt? I O O m ce ce ce -4-D -4-al -4.Q rc ce r? a) -4-D cd Pa - o" 3c Ce 6 :0 e v o 1o 0 I? rd 0 -4-') d~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~c o ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ 0o; ce me c e 1 ce +Q -4; 6m > t S - 4a 4. -4- -4- 42 Y S =i -4-- dw 4 ;;m .4i O - - = p = H 8 4- X ce ce 1-0 ce ce IPI 4-? ce .194 IQ? ce ce ce (Z .4-a +D 4-:0 $4 .,4 0 (L) 6 .0 -4 0 Ice 1? lz? 6 O x -4 -4 ce cd C) - 1 -44. -4-'? -4-D 4z University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. rC3 0~~~~C o CU S-. 4C , Go Y R * 4) .1 ~!- ',4 _4 4 :e ". C U "' ;; C U C U C U ; 4 IU r- .,. A ,9 7 *: Cd Cd . + , 4. v 0 4a 0o . ., . . r-I 0? 414 N - -4a 4? 0 0*? CU ? ?'4 ? 0+?0 4 U) *? ..A.? ? U) 4 cdC ~~~~C U ~ ~ ~ ~ C -71 C Ud C>4) C.(wU U ) 4 ) U ) U ) U )8 4) 4 4 ) L . ) 4 ) 4 *rCU .. ; N 1 cU 0 O ) 4- + .,- r71 m v CU CU C) U). a) U) *Z) Cg 0 Cd U m ce 9 U) U) U) U) U) -4) -4)- 4-) Pb 4i CU 9) CU 4L CU ~4 I? 4 4 _4; *,<2 CU 0 0 * _h 'A to 0 'CU CU 0 I3 0 CU U) CU CU . 6 CU L.J._4 0 4 0 On Go 1 A ? v U) 4 4 .* 4 CU a) 06 U ) P C U CU. 0 0 SCU .,. 0 -4 U) P4.. U) o C U C U C C U C U) * P U ) U) U) U)J 4) 4) 4 )4) m4 -4 - 4 )~ ;~~~ CU ~ D C 4) U 4 - U ) U V C) 0 v C.) P ve -4 U1) CU _4 A Vv o -) 0) PI.,. ~ )-4 P 4 P cd ce Ce tH .q O O O Q CU CU C U . . 0 0 s_4 .4) 252 o c3 So ;J w c OCUQ .CU 4-1 -- - CU4 "- X , C V Z) U) V ) Q) VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 253 rcl Z- Qv l* cd cd ,-s 5 :;; 1d qq rc to 0; r' o ;~ rt'e , . 7 {?, .V' 0 .0 C; C.) -4- C; O .7 CL) C) C%) cB 5Ps 0 0 C) C) w Cd 4 0 rz:? ce 0 v. 0 rc ?Q6 *. I. Z2 Z- VZ rcl rz:? Fz:j m cd (1) 4 .4 (1) ce 5? ?r- '?r rcX cl C) R ; ZC() V C 4-' -4J + 0 0 O C) ;z ce 114 ?mq 0 ;z (O C) (L) -4-0 -4-'2 -4--D C.) Ct c3 R 0e, .4 ce o Y Y Q .H .~~ .,l o O/.- - ;z : s : Ct- C.) r .1:1 2r D2 " C) .14 P-4 0 10 0 :(::) 0 -- (L) (j, w -4--l 4-a -4-') *_4 iR cd P--. ~ o 'w P, eO *o 10 = -4 2 V C-) C) C.) C) w C) w Am. ARCH. ETH. 2, 19. $LL, -4-? 0 4-D Cd ":4 (2) ce 43 Z Cd ce ce PI ce ce O O ce ce ce w w -4--P -4.J 4-?- -4.-A cd 1 IZI)~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~_ (W -4-D C) :4 P., 14 ?-4 ;z :;:? ;z : ;? 14 C-1 ? (Z) 1 $=q .4-a It -4-? 4---l 0 0 ;:? : :t 254 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. :,--4 7z 0 ll? m e) 0 -4--) ;rq 0 rc? I. 0 4-? 4 0 (Z) -;2 0 0 pt' ce1 Z- E qi- ,v9> * o :, a, ,! . *, , , 0 0 :_,4 ._, -4 .r -* 7 - PD. ? I-- ;J C. 0 : :r 4 . .t *t -D * Q, I. 0 0 *r7 oi it) . (t) 0 00 :j rt? rc? "o ?r 0 ?r t) (t) e-) cd cd ce . I ;5 IF -4-D -4-'? ce (1) 0 m m m rc? ce ?b m rc$ rcl rz:? cd cd 6 -4 .4..) .4.) cd (1) 0 m x x Cl:: r--n rll--? :z ?r- 1? r ." 9 d < a) .H Cd p IP- ' P-4 v Cd . ", - 0 P-1 .4i 0 rt? :j I -fa ?r 0 0 v- V- 114 w -i-4 m ce ?4 -4-3 a) 91 ,-.) :t? ,- p - 0 0: 0 0 rc .r-lz -.4 1-0 9 0 -4.2 I" Cd ;-4 -,q C? (1) 4-? P-4 14 tH 1.0 m -4-D -4 1=4 4---) ce ce ce 1-4 Cd ;.4 ce to Cd 4.., P.4 O Q) cd cd 4n m cd 164 k U U Fi (Z) IPI -4-2 ?r- 0 -4 (Z) ;>., , 1?4 "-' P4 -45 -,.. V, 1? ?-- ce 4-? o 4-a 0 ce ce ce .1-4 ?-, m x A ? x 9 ;?.? P.-, 4- o 0 o o r2W WW Ei 4z C) -4-D 0 ce Cd 4z ce ce :,- -4 :i4 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. YAUDANCHI TEXTS. The following Yaudanchi texts include all the myths and tales obtained and two incomplete texts based on myths of other Indian tribes. These two were obtained with the idea that a Yokuts text expressing the same ideas as texts extant in other languages might be convenient in comparisons aimed to bring out the essential qualities of different American languages. One of these two texts is a translation of part of an Arapaho story, the other of the beginning of a Chinuk myth. The former is the first text given, and illustrates the dependent constructions of Yokuts unusually well. It is followed by a full word by word analysis. The first lines of the second text, the story of which is purely Yokuts, have been analyzed in the same way. All the texts have been left exactly as recorded as regards the division of words. This was done because the question of the degree of union between the pronouns and the tense and mode particles is at once a delicate one to decide and perhaps an important one in Yokuts, since the grouping of these words is the nearest ap- proximation in this language to the common American charac- teristic of incorporation. In actual discourse these pronouns and particles are probably run together somewhat more than shown in the texts, as the informant unquestionably sometimes spoke with unusual slowness and distinctness for dictation. On the whole, however, the condition of the texts in this respect will indicate fairly the character and extent of such enclitic word grouping. In all cases the several words heard pronounced as one have been separated in the Indian text by hyphens and their English equivalents have been given as entirely separate words. Wherever a single Indian word has had to be translated by two or more English words in order to make its meaning clear, these English words have been united by hyphens. In regard to ac- cents, also, the texts have been left exactly as recorded in spite of some inconsistencies and incompleteness. The word accent in Yokuts is not so marked that it would be wise to indicate it un- less special attention had been given to it, which was not the case.;. the sentence accent, however, on account of the grouping of en- clitic words, bears on the same question, of the degree of union VOL. 2] 2515 256 University of California Publications. [Am.ARcHE.ETH. between them, that has just been referred to; and for this reason the accents, in spite of the imperfection of the record, have been retained where written and not added where omitted. TANGLED HAIR.1 ta ma tant hi iika-wi paduan mam-hi "If you him will look-at, will-enter-to you will," widj'-an yiuna tanateinin told his wife go-wishing. t.okt.ikitc to-hunt. ama Then d-ajd.ajtintootc D- ajd- ajtintootc2 yiuna-an wa-am-tanT ikaj wife his. Long not him looked-at. ama tanit tanji Then that-from went nauji reaehed tafn that ama d.ajd.ajtintootc Then D - ajd- ajtintootc hideenit taxnac am haa tiiiicju where-from came. Not anything did t-ipni tan the-supernatural-one (?) oma naunli tau first arriving-by there. tcan xono Soon constantly taxin ama iiaunfiitcau-an X comes. Then arriving-at his I ama hatpau-an fnaufiitcau-an Then four-at his arriving-at his am tafn ukaad not him ever-looked-at. tau there cukidja-an pierced her t.eu an mukac ta paukufi-an iikatcinin house-at her woman that awl-with her see-wishing t.ipni supernatural-one. iiki-na-mam-hi " See I you will ama Then t4ipni supernatural-one. widji said xreiujiu- return-at an demdam her thought: mil ama your." Then cokdo an tau dkac hole her there looked. ANALYSIS. ta, if; indefinite demonstrative that, used sometimes as an equivalent of if. ma, you. tani, him; indefinite demonstrative that, ta; objective suffix of demonstra- tives, -n. hi, future particle. iika, see, look. Unsuffixed stem altered from oka. wi, interjection. paduan, will enter; -in or future tense of padu, to enter. 'Based on part of the text of an Arapaho myth. 2d-aj, tangle, tin, particle of plural, totc or tt -, head, hair. xwiuji returned tafi that VOL.2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 257 mam-hi, two words: mam, objective you, thee; hi, enclitic future particle. widj', for wid-ji, told; -ji past tense of stem wid, to tell. an, his; possessive of third person singular; here enclitic to widj'. yiuna, wife; objective case of yiwin, by suffix -a. tanatcinin, wishing to go; stem tan-, to go; a-tcin, desiderative suffix; -in, suffix of participial-future tense. ama, then; introductory connective. tanit, thence; indefinite demonstrative that, ta; -nit, ablative suiffix. tanji, went; -ji past tense of stem tan, go. t.okt.ikitc, to hunt; stem t.ok, reduplicated t.okt.ik; -itc, purposive and agent suffix of verbs. ama, then. d.ajd.ajtintootc, Tangled-hair, name; composed of stem d.aj, tangle, dupli- cated; tin, particle expressing the plurality of the subject of the verb; tootc or tot., hair. flauji, reached, arrived; -ji past-tense of niau, to arrive. tanl, that; indefinite demonstrative, here adjective, ta; -fn, objective suffix of demonstratives. yiuna-an, his wife. Two words: yiuna, objective of yiwin, wife; and an, his, possessive of the third person, here enclitic to yiuna. wa-am-taii, long not him. Three words: wa, far, long; am, not; tani, indefi- nite demonstrative that, he, ta, with objective suffix -fi. 8kaj, looked at; -ji past tense of oka, see, look. ama, then. d.ajd.ajtintootc, Tangled-hair. xwiuji, returned; -ji past tense of xwiu, to return. hideenit, whence; interrogative-relative hide, hidee, where; -nit, ablative suffix. taxn-ac, came, had come; -ac past tense of stem taxn, come, probably re- lated to tan, go. am, not. haa, anything; indefinite-relative something, anything. tiiiicju, did; -ji past tense of stem tiiiic, make, do form. t.ipni, supernatural being, act, or power. Evidently related to t.ipin, up, sky, high. tan, for tail, herI oma, first, adverb. fiaunli, by his arrival; instrumental case, suffil -ii as in nouns, of the stem niau, arrive, reach. tau, there- indefinite demonstrative ta, that; locative suffix -u. Tau is freely used without specific force. tcan, soon; adverbial particle, usually at the head of the sentence, implying urgency or immediateness, and generally futurity. xono, constantly. taxin, comes; -in participial-future tense of taxn, to come. The full form taxin-in is used only participially; the finite present-future form is taxin, according to rule for -in verbs. ama, then. 258 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH- ETH. fnaufnitcau-an, at his arrival; two words, fiauniitcau and the enclitic an, his; niaunlitcau is a locative participial form, composed of fnau, arrive; participle -iitc; locative -u or -au. am, not. t.an, him; objective of demonstrative ta, by slffix -fi. iikaad, ever looked at; continuative -ad tense of oka, see, look. ama, then. hatpauan , at his fourth; two words, hatpau, at the fourth, and enclitic an, his; hatpau is formed by the regular locative suffix -u from the reduced stem of hatpanii, four, which is derived from pofioi, two. The locative forms of the numerals are adverbial ordinals, denoting the nth time. fiaufnitcau-an, at his arrival; two words, iiaufiitcau and the enclitic an, his, tautologically repeated from hatpau-an; niaufnitcau is the stem fnau, arrive, with participial suffix -fiitc, and the usual locative suffix -u or -au. tau, there; locative of the demonstrative ta, that. Freely used without specific force in many cases. cukidja-an, she pierced her; two words, cukidja and enclitic an, his, her. Cukidja is the -ji past tense form of stem cokud, to pierce, per- forate, appearing also in cikid, arrow, and cokod, hole. t.eu, house; locative, by means of the regular suffix -u, of t.e, house. an, her; tautological to the enclitic an in preceding cukidja-an, both being attributive to t.eu, house. muk 'ac, woman. ta, that; indefinite demonstrative, here attributive, implying previous men- tion rather than location. paukufi-an, with her awl; two words, paukuni, with awl, from bawuk, awl, and the instrumental suffix -un, -in, -niu; and an, her. iikatcinin, wishing to see; participial-future -in form of the stem ika, see, with the desiderative suffix -tcin. tafi, that; demonstrative ta demonstrative objective suffix -fn; here attribu- tive to t-ipni. t.ipni, supernatural one; objective, identical with the subjective occurring previously. ama, then. widji, said; -ji past tense of stem wid, say, tell. an, her. demdam, thought; stem probably dim, used only in duplicated or redupli- cated form. Verbal forms are dim-e-dm-ad, dem-dim-ji. Dem- dam here seems to be substantival, probably in unexpressed locative relation to widji: said in her thoughts. It seems less likely that it is the subject of widji. The omission of the sign of the locative is unusual and not explained. iik&-na-mam-hi, I shall see you; four words, iika, see, and the three enclitics na, I, mam, objective you, thee, and hi, future particle; these three are in the usual order of pronominal subject, object, and future tense particle. t7ka is the unaffixed but altered stem form 6ka. VoL. 2] Kroeber.-Thre Yokuts Language. 259 t.ipni, supernatural one; objective case, identical with the subjective. xuyiujiu, at the return, when you return; stem xwiu, return; past tense- suffix -ji; locative suffix -u. The ending -jiu renders the verb participial, its subject being in the possessive case, and gives the phrase the force of a temporal or causal clause. min, your; possessive pronoun of the second person singular, subjective ma. Min is subject of the participle xuyiu-ji-u. ama, then. cokdo, hole; probably objective, possibly locative, of cokod, hole. an, her. tau, there; indefinite demonstrative ta, that; locative suffix -u. &kac, looked; -ji past tense of 6ka, see, look. THE PRAIRIE-FALCON' S WIFE. g'og'oc tau li'mik g'og'oc an yiwin Lived there prairie-falcon. Lived his wife halia'na g'og'oc tau kai'iu yet'au' taia g' og'oc duck. Lived there coyote with him. Lived tin tau cupeiin ama' tanji limik ama (they) there three. Then went prairie-falcon. Then widji kaiuwi am-hi enit-im ama tanit yiwin (he-) told coyote: "Not will sleep!" Then there-from wife an limkin tanji ama modotci ama' tik his prairie-falcon's went. Then seed-gathered. Then (they-two) Taauuji yo limik yo fiauuji ama inecl'in arrived. Also prairie-falcon also arrived. Then well tlin ku'moi nauuji ama t'awi'nin yo ta'nji (they) all arrived. Then becoming-day again went limik ama widji kai'uwi am-hi elfit-im prairie-falcon. Then told coyote: "Not will sleep!" ama tanji yo yiwin an li'mkin aiya Then went again wife his prairie-falcon's. Then kai'u enit-imji modotcyu an ama dkaj tafi coyote slept seed-gathering-at her. Then saw her witc t.ipinit ama' tanit tag'i'nji ama' condor above-from. Then there-from came. Then kwaniji tanX a'tc'eu yiuna an limkin ama lit her near wife his prairie-falcon's. Then tai-a wi'dji t.ipin-mak tatln ama widji taft her told: "Above we-two go-will." Then told him muk'ac a'm-ni-hi tan ama tafn wi'dji woman: "Not I will go-will." Then her told: 260 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. taha'n-mak ama tcoopunju ama tafn widji "Go-will we-two." Then consented. Then him told: hawidin ni-hi tahan ama widji xeu-nan "What-doing I shall go-shall?" Then said: "Here me tcabo'pwe kiwetau-nim ama tik ta'nji tanji prostrate-yourself back-on my." Then (they-two) went. Went tik t.i'pin ama tlk tau ntau'ji wa' (they-two) above. Then (they-two) that-at arrived far cokodiu an main p'anin ama g'og'oc tau hole-at its our world's. Then was there moxodo ama tik tau g og oc t.6in-tan old-man. Then (they-two) there lived possessing that mu'k'ci ama tani-tafi moxo'do teidji tafn woman. Then there-from that old-man guarded that mu'k'ci ama' n-a'uuji li'mik ama widji woman. Then arrived prairie-falcon. Then said: hide'e-nim yiwin ama' widji am-na h6otit "Where my wife?" Then said: "Not I know." ama widji hawi'dji-ma eint-imji ti'-ma ama Then said: "Did-what you? Slept you?" Then widji ho'oo efit-imji-na ama' tik ohoc said: "Yes, slept I." Then (they-two) sought. ama tik taft w .jifnji ama' tik h&/yic Then (they-two) that not-found. Then (they-two) sent upya'yi ama' tafi upya'yi am-bokji ama dove. Then her dove not found. Then tik ho'.yic-yo tc'a'nkaa amaa-tafn kot-eya (they-two) sent also buzzard. Then her buzzard am-bokei a'ma tik yo hYoyie taft met. not found. Then (they-two) also sent that large p'a'nuckai ama taft am-bokji ama tik fly. Then her not found. Then (they-two) hovic taft ]et. k'o'ndjedja ama k'ondjMdja sent that large lizard-species. Then lizard t'i'ci yakau'wanit ama' tipin o'kaj ama' emerged rock-from. And above looked. And iikaj t4ipin co'kod ma'in p'a'anin ama widji saw above hole our sky's. Then said k'ondjb'dja tipi'n wa ama tin tant h6yic lizard: " Above far." Then (they) that sent yo met- p'a'nuckai ama' ta'nji t-ipin ama' again large fly. Then went above. Then Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. tan flauji tipin coko'diu that-at arrived above hole-at dkaj tafn saw that p'a'anin malin world's our. muk'ei p'a'nuckai ama woman fly. And tanit xunyiuji ama' fta'uji li'mkau ama' that-from returned. Then arrived prairie-falcon-at. Then widji li'mka tau-min g'0Yog'i yiuwin t.i'pin told prairie-falcon: "There your is wife above." ama' Then tanji went. atm-mi-i-xift "Not you will this widji Said yil'una-nim wife my witc tanT condor that wi'den say; ipetwin widean wi-tWel-lna twa'a .get-water!' say. Well, now I go"," moxo'do old-man: am-mi'-i-tana not you will her: widji tafi told that moxo'do ama tanji wi'tc ama nTauji tau old-man. Then went condor. Then arrived that-at li'mik idkau ama tau limik okac an prairie-falcon water-at. And that-at prairie-falcon saw his yiuna ama tani widji yiuna an limik wife. Then her told wife his prairie-falcon: atm-mi-hi tsoijin " Not you will [sic] silent-be ! "1 ama' limik tiiijiinju Then prairie-falcon became-made moxo'do ama' ta^'nit limik ta'nji ama' tau old-man. Then that-from prairie-falcon went. And that-at nauuji ama'a tanT widji moxodo hidele ma arrived. And that said old-man: "Where you tanaat ama widji go?" Then said: huna'i-na heutad ama "Only am-travelling." Then widji te,-na-tin widji an yi'nna wi-ta'u-ma-nan told: "Now I go;" told his wife: "Well, there you me hi will faawin i'dkau ama' an-ta-yi'win arrive water-at." Then his that wife widji said: h6owe ama' tanji'u-an limkin ta moxodo "Yes." Then going-at his prairie-falcon's that old-man efittimji ama limkin yi'win slept. Then prairie-falcon's wife tanji went. arna Then naauuji tan an yiuwi-n limkin tau i'dkau arrived that his wife prairie-falcon's that-at water-at. ama tik tanji ama' tik ftauuji a'n'gin Then (they-two) went. And (they-two) arrived their-two t .eu house-at. ama' Then VOL. 2] 261 University of California Publications. [Am.ARCH.ETH. PARTIAL ANALYSIS. g'g' oc, lived; radical g'o, sit, be; past g'o-ji, sat; g'og'oc, lived, is a reduplicated form with the same narrative past suffix, g' o-g' o-ji. tau, there, that-at, indefinite distant demonstrative ta, locative -u. limik, prairie-falcon. g'o goe, lived. an, his. yiwin, wife; yiwin, marry. haiana, mallard-duck. Hay- to jump, fly; -ana nominal participial suffix. (Derivation probable.) g'g' oc, lived. tau, there, that-at. kaiiu, kaiu, coyote. y6t'au, together-with, one-at; yet., ylt, one, -au locative. tail, him, that-one; ta, indefinite demonstrative frequently used as pronoun of third person; -i, objective suiffix for demonstratives. g' og' oc, lived. tin, (they); particle indicating the plurality of the subject; -n is the plural suffix of pronouns and demonstratives. tau, there, that-at. cup6iin, three, three of them. Subjective animate form, possibly collective in meaning, derived from copin, three, by loss of final -n, regular before suiffixes, by addition of the suffix -in, and by accompanying change of the stem-vowels to those of contrast- ing quality: o to u and i to e. ama, then, and then, frequent introductory or connective particle in nar- rative. tanji, went; stem tan, narrative past suffix -ji. limik, prairie-falcon. ama, then. widji, told, said to; stem wid, narrative past suffix -ji. kaiwi, coyote; from stem kaiu tnd objective suffix -i. am-hi, not will; two words, the second accentless and enclitic. Am, not; hi, particle indicating the- future. enit.im, sleep; the stem, used as imperative. ama, then. tanit, there-from, that-from; indefinite distant demonstrative ta, ablative suffix -nit. yiwin, wife. an, his. limkin, prairie-falcon's, possessive case of limik, formed by regular suffix -in, with loss of unaccented second stem vowel. tanji, went. ama, then. modotci, seed-gathered; stem modote, to gather k'isin seeds, narrative past suffix -ji. ama, then. 262 VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 263 tik, (they-two), particle expressing the duality of the subject, as tin does plurality; -k is the dual suffix of nouns and pronouns. liauuji, arrived, reached their house; from stem nau, naw and narrative past suffix -ji. yo, also, again, and. limik, prairie-falcon. yo, also. flauuji, arrived. ama, then. ineciin, well, probably being well, doing well, from stem inij, (from which inj-ij good, objective inij-ya, plural inej-aj-i), and active participial and future suffix -in; or possibly the subjective animate collective suffix -in of numerals as found in cup6iin. tin, they, = tin, particle of plurality. kumoi, all, adjective used substantively. iauuji, arrived. ama, then. t'awinin, becoming-day; stem t'aw or taw, not found without intransitive suffix -in; finite future tawin, active participle tawin-in, formed by the future and participial suffix -in which appears after -in- only with participial meaning. yo, again, also, and. tanji, went. limik, prairie-falcon. THE PRAIRIE-FALCON FIGHTS. ii'dan myth y'itca alone. i'nit at-from ya'kau rock. taun u that L'kau rock vidji said: ta'nji went. ;ca'num at-once a'ma Then anik their-two n li'mik prairie-falcon. ama'-tanji Then went. xwl/wiji I returned. ama' Then 'lduta,ji sat-on. t.i'pin top. ta-lgnjo-da " That good I an An g'og'oc tilpic li'mik Lived village, prairie-falcon ama' fiau'uji ti'pea Then arrived town. na' yo ta'nji ama ad again went. And fiawiji t.ipiln arrived top tafn that ama' o'doic an da'ipa Then laid-on his bow ama' ta'nit demdi'mji Then that-from thought. t. cuxr'n ti'pea ama kill-will village." Then 'ama pa't.fijac tca'num t'u'iju And fought. Immediately shot. tipic village co /xji killed hair xiti'ujic ama' teanum angry. And immediately tipea village. yapi'knau tree-on. ama' coxin Then of-the-killed g Og oc Lived g'bg'oc lived ama' ti And tha fia'wiji arrived yakau I rock taf ya that I ama v And f ta'nit that-from ama' t Then d&Owiji battled. dadikji hung 264 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. THE PRAIRIE-FALCON LOSES. tcalwatewac limik k'u'mui t.a'uci t.a'atci Shouted prairie-falcon, all beat people. ama' g'o0g'oc upya'yi yo tca'k'udo ama Then were dove and meadow-lark. Then til'k h6yic k'a'iuwe da'wit yo'm li'mka (they two) sent coyote: "Go! cuckold prairie-falcon!" ama widji k'a'iu h6we yomu n-a-tafi-hi Then said coyote: "Yes, cuckold I him will." ama' ta'nji do'mto ama tau djoopau Then went mountain.1 And that-at half-at domto g'o0g'oc bo'kit ama tanji kaiu wa mountainl was spring. Then went coyote far bNepat'iu do'mtin ama tanit tidinji limik-na tip-at mountain's. Then that-from rolled. "Prairie-falcon 1, limik-na limik-na limik-na ama tau bokdo prairie-falcon I, prairie-falcon I prairie-falcon I" Then that-at springl iiau'uji ama okaj tafi idka ama mi't'atc arrived. Then looked that water. Then somewhat limik ama yoo tanji tipin bUpatiu prairie-falcon. Then again went up tip-at domtini ama tat tidinji bepatnit domtin mountain's. And that-from rolled tip-from mountain's. li'mik-na limik-na limik-na limik-na naauji-tau "Prairie-falcon I, prairie-falcon I, prairie-falcon I, prairie-falcon I." Arrived that-at i'dkauL ama o'kaj tani idka yo'o ama water-at. Then looked that water again. Then xunonaai tau mit'atc limik ama ta'nit further that-at somewhat prairie-falcon. Then that-from yolo-tanji Wbpatiu tatlin dolmtin aima' tatluit again went tip-at that-of mountain's. Then that-from yo tidi'nji li'mik-na li'mik-na li'mik flauuji again rolled. "Prairie-falcon I, prairie-falcon I, prairie-falcon." Arrived tau idkau ama tai o'kaj idka arna that-at water-at. Then that looked water. Then 1 Probably locative, perhaps objective. VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 265 hi'am limik wit'a wiiipat.-nim tau k'a'tet now prairie-falcon; said: ".Let-there-be my that-at ball-stick." ama tanit tanji kaiu limkin t-eu ama Then that-from went coyote prairie-falcon's house-to. Then tau k'ate'ta iiiiuiifnta tau camau an t.6'in that-at ball-stick leaned that-at entrance-at Its house's li'mkin ama' widji limkin yl'una taxi'ni-nim prairie-falcon's. Then told prairie-falcon's wife. "Bring my o'dot ama wi'dji yi'win li'mkin hide'u ball." Then said wife prairie-falcon's: "Where-at g'og'i tau o'dxo makin g'og'i ama' 6'hoe is?" "That-at pillow-at of-us-two is." Then sought tant odot ama am-tani bokji odota ama that ball. Then not that found ball. Then widji li'mkin yiwin taxi'nin maia'ju max said prairie-falcon's wife: "Come, self get!" ama' t.e paduunju tanit ka'iu ama Then house entered that-from coyote. Then odxo-xift atidji ama tau g'og'oc ta o'dot pillow this opened. Then that-at was that ball. ama li'mkin yi'uwin haudinin ma wl/ic Then prairie-falcon's wife: "Why you left (?)1 tana'at ama tanit kai'iu k6'mic-taft ama going?" Then that-from coyote hugged that. Then tata t 'i'tsyi2 taft kaiu ti'ci tanit kaiun that copulated that coyote. Went-out that-from coyote te6init wot'b'ot an gut ama' kau fiau'ji house-from project his tail. Then that-at arrived kata'd'wictcu hiam t.a'uuji upya'yi hiem ball-stick-one-another-at. Now won dove, now t-a'uji tc'ak'u'du hiem t-awinji li'mik k'umui won meadow-lark, now lost prairie-falcon; all an k'R'xa t.awi'nji limik his beads lost prairie-falcon. IWiic is also bare, naked. 2 For t- it-ji. 266 University of California Publications. [AM.ARcn.ETH. MIKITI. g'og'oc tau mi'kiti1 yo an a'xid Lived that-at mikiti and her daughter tcit'a'tiu2 g'og'oc tik tau yi'tca axdu'mduwic clover-at. Lived (they two) there alone she-and-her-daughter. ama t'ileamyu boohu'tsyu tci't'at ama' Then spring-in grew clover. Then ta-a'xid-an tana'ad tcit'litc ama tafi mi'kiti that daughter her used-to-go to-gather-clover. Then that-one mikiti wi'ta a'm-mi-hi wa-ta'han ama g'og'oc wa told: "Not you will far go!" Then was longtime (M) am wa tanji ama td'nit hatcatami ta'nji not far went. Then that-from began (?) wvent wa mi't'ate ama' tau o'kaj tci't'at dapai'ji far somewhat. Then that-at saw clover, gathered. ama tafi fti'muxju ama tcet'aj-tafn mikiti Then that brought. Then ate-the-clover that mikiti. hide' ma ma'xji i'nisya tci't'at wa'a-na "Where you got good clover?" "Far I ta'nji ama taft widji mikiti axd-an went." Then that told mikiti daughter her: am-mi'-hi ta'u-yo ta'han ama tawi'nin ta'nji "Not you will that-at again go! " Then being-day went da'pyitc ama tanji ta'u-wa yaudau wi-a-mi-hi to-gather. Then went that-at far brush. "Well, not you will hutkadnit tci't'a wi'dji taft mi'kiti axda'-an gather-whence taste-clover!" told that mikiti daughter her. yaudau tau tanji ama ta bokei tci't'at Brush there went. Then that-one found clover inisya ama tau da'paiji ama' tanit wiixi good. Then that-at gathered. Then that-from much da'paiji ama' taft te'utuniju ama bi'in-an-taft gathered. Then that put-into-net. Then finish her that te'nutia ama maxji tcitt'at ama tanit taft carrying-niet. Then seized clover. Then that-from that o'kaj teitat-taft ama' i'njij wii'xuad okati'nan saw clover that. Then good very looked. ama taft tc'et'aj am-taft hkta miika'ac Then that ate-clover. Not that yet swallowed 'A kind of supernatural being. 2 Name of a place; tei't'at, a species of clover. rol. 211 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 267 tei't'at yo'-tap t'i'ji fiohoo ama tau clover and indeed emerged grizzly-bear. And that-at biit kaate kaate kaatc kaate kaatc was finished,l kach,2 kach, kach, kach, kach. doko'wono ta muk'ac ama miki'ti w6jiftji Pregnant that woman. Then mikiti missed, am fia'uuji a'ngin t.e'u ama widji mikiti not arrived their-two house-at. Then said mikiti: hiam-na-mam ho'tatac w6 biit-ma ama tawi'nin "Now I you knew, somehow are-finished you." Then being-day tanji wutu'ftnae ama o'kaj an-tau dapi'i-tau went tracked. Then saw her that-at gather that-at an a'xdin ama 6'hoc k'u'mui xeu a'm her daughter's. Then sought all this-at, not bokji hd'pa ama' ta'nit am hide'u found blood. Then that-from: (whistling). Not anywhere-at ha'l da/fiji ama' yo am ha' anything heard. Then again: (whistling). Not anything da'fji yo'o ama' yo tanji ama tanit yo heard again. Then again went. Then that-from again: amal wanit en tau-ta'-nim (whistling). Then far-from: (a faint long whistle). "Ah, that-at that my djudj'a5 g'Ylog'i ama' tau ta'nji miki'ti daughter's child is." Then that-to went mikiti. ama tani W ohoc k'umui tPit'a'tiu teit'a'tiu Then that sought all clover-in, clover-in, k'u'mui tani 0'hoc am bo'kji ama yo all that sought, not found. Then again: (whistling). ama' he'tanit' xenit ama' tafn okaj Then this-from. Then that saw hetau'-xeun h6'pa tcit'a'tiu da'pda'piu ama' this-at blood clover-on leaf-on. Then tani maxji ho'pa dapdap-tant td'nae t.e'u-an that took blood leaf that brought house-at her, ama' tafi katca'uwu ot6Wji ama tafn ta'nac Then that basket-in put. Then that took idkau'-an bokdo ama' taft tau d'oodoc tomji water-at her spring-at. Then that that-at left, covered 'Devoured. 2 Indicating the sound of chewing. 8Padeuyami dialect for t'ut'a. 4H6ta, yet, Cf. above, plus -nit, -u; or xe, this, plus ta-nit, ta-u, there(?) University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. tanT katca'wufa ama tanji tat mikiti t.e'u-an that basket-with. Then went that-from mikiti house-to her. ama tawi'nin o'kaj-tafn dafta'ftnta tani at.idin Then dawning looked that, listened that opening. ama' tanit da'ftji k'W'xkU'wiltal ? djudj'a'lfkel2 Then that-from heard tapped. " Oh, daughter's-child! djudj 'antkel daughter's-child! hiam poohu'tcu nim djudj'afikel Already grew my daughter's-child! " ama' tafi at i'dji t4ipni'ni ka'tcau ama'-tafi Then that opened covering basket. Then that ta'nac t*e'u-an hiam took house-to her. Already tau mai that-at person teu-an-taft tanac ta'nac taft house-to her that took took that gwog'i was wit'"epa 'ma' child. Then g'o'g'oc ti'ik tau ama tanit wi't'ep t'ici lived (they two) that-at. Then that-from boy emerged mU'nau ama outdoors. Then wit'ep xuynl'ji djudj 'ankel boy returned: " Maternal-grandmother! djudj'anikel ha'aktci-na o'kaj maternal-grandmother! Something-or-other I saw good naa-tafi I that t-okin will hit!" detcip a'ma bird! Then ama'-tant eika'dnactic Then that-one made-arrows-for djudj'a'takel-an ama ta'nit biici't'in ta'nji ama daughter's-child her. Then that-from, having-finished-for, went. Then tau o'kaj de'tcpa' ama taft tui'iju t-o'kji-taf that-at saw bird. Then that shot hit that. ama'-tat taxi'nji ama wakl'ji tau d'etcpafi Then that-from came. Then presented that-at bird-with ta'nTi injij wiixnad djudj'a'takel anma' yo'o that-with. "Good very my daughter's child!" Then again ama Then taxi'nji came yo djudj'a'ntkel again: " Maternal-grandmother, ha,'aa'ktei'-na something-or-other I o'kaj saw g'6'g -an-gi'teu was its crest!" wita'-tant ama' tat tanji wit'ep ama' tafi told that. Then that-from went boy. Then that t'ui'jn t.o'kji-taft ama' ta't taxinj' shot, hit that. Then that-from came. ama' Then 1 " Said k'oxko." 2 Said to be Padeuyami dialect for t'ut'a-nim. The form given for " my " by the Padeuy- ami is gen, not kel. 3 Obective; et. the objective detcip above. tanji went. hu'mmut " Quail," 268 VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 269 wakl'ji tafn ta wit'ep t.okin t.o'kji tafn presented her that boy hitting; hit that humu'mda ama' hialm totc&-nim xe daiap quail. Theni: "Already bad my this bow, injij ma-nan tiiiicyat niudini daipafi ama good you me make another-with bow-with!" Then tiiiicyu' miki'ti tUNIsyu1 daipa ini'sya ama' made mikiti, made bow good. Then xiapi'tsyi an t.u'mot ta'-an tug'o'cdut ama' pulled-out her pubic-hair that her bow-string. Then ta'nji yoo ama' yo taxinji ha'aktci-na o'kaj went again. Then again came: "Something-or-other I saw djudj'a'fikel ha"n ta'ham wa'a-an xunVlnai-kau maternal-grandmother." "What ?" "Long its further that-at gi'teu t.i'pdi-ta t.audja da'wit ama' tat crest! " " Mountain-quail that; kill go! " Then that-from ta'nji ta wit'ep ama ta-ftau'ji' ama' tafi went that boy. Then that-reached. Then that tu'iju t-a'udjac-tafi ama' tat taxi'nji waki'ji shot; killed that. Then that-from came, presented tafi taf'i t.i'pdifa djudj'a'nikel an 'ma' that that-with mountain-quail-with maternal-grandmother his. Then hiam po'hutcyu3 ama' awa'tsyi' a'll tafi now grew. Then disliked his that dai'ipa yo' ama' widji k'amu' tix6' bow again. Then said: " Not remains mu'nonhoi nim paha'dhain ama' widji miki'ti property my ancestors'?" Then said mikiti: ftfthft g'o'g'i ho'itcad-ua-nim tani ii'kna ama "Yes, is." "Wish I my that see." Then at.i'dji a'nkin t46'i ama' tau g'6'g'oc opened their-two house. Then that-at were k'u'mui in6'sasi taiyup t'iuiyoc c&Op'ou k'umui all good bows war-arrows blankets all tau g'?'g'oc ine'sasi mo'nonhoi amal' tau that-at was good property. Then that-at paduuInju tau ta wi't'ep ama ta widji entered that-at that boy. Then that said djudj'aIfkel hu'pue ha'a ma oh'ood ama' maternal-grandmother: "Select what you wish. Then 1 For tiiiic-ji. 2 For tau-niau'ji, there reached? 3 For pTihutc-ji. 4 For awa't -ji. Am. ARCH. ETH. 2, 20. 270 University of California Publications. [AM.ARcH.ETH. ma-tanT md'xin ama' widji wi't'ep h6o you that take-will." Then said boy: "Yes. xiia-ni maxin dai'pa yo xii t'u'yoc ama' This I-will take-will bow and this war-arrow." Then tV'nit dama'ndac a'n-tail k'u'mui t' u'yoc that-from tried his that all war-arrows. ama'-ta,n djudj'anikel a'm-mi-hi xe'u not Then that maternal-grandmother: "Not you will this-at east ta'han taudja'fiitc mi-hii ama' ta'nit ta'nji go; will-be-killed you will." Then that-from went. ama' tau ia'uuji wa'a tau g' Og'oc ya'kau Then that-at arrived far that-at was rock. ama' tau hadxi'nji ama' tanit xwii'ji Then that-at ascended. Then that-from returned t.e'u-an ama' tau djudj'afikel wa'a-na-tanji house-to his. Then that-at: "Maternal-grandmother, far I went no't am hii yoo tau tan taludjad-mam-hi east! " " Not will again that-at go; kill you will t'Ne/nl nn ta'-ti haa t.a'udjad moxodo grizzly-bear." "Oh, cannot (0) anything kill old-one midja'md.un2 wu'tofi ama' t&'nit ta'nji ama large (-having?) feet." Then that-from went. Then ta,'nit tea'uuji ama' taxi'nji tca'nuft fio'hoo that-from shouted. Then came immediately grizzly-bear. ama' tau Ta'uji ta-naohoo tau wit'y'pa Then that-at arrived that grizzly-bear that-at boy. ama'-tafi widji wit'ep xuiyi'u dawe't Then that-one told boy: "Return run, a'm-na-mam ohlo'od 'ma' yo'o tca'aj ama' not I you wish!" Then again shouted. Then yo tcanu'fi3 taxi'nji ni'udi nio'hoo ama again immediately came another grizzly-bear. Then tau yo naau'ji wit'6'pau ama tafi widji that-at again arrived boy-at. Then that-one told ta witep iniohoo' tafi xwiyii'-dawit am that boy grizzly-bear that-one: "Return run, not na-mam ohW'od ama' tat taiiji xWiii'ji ama' I you wish!" Then that-from went returned. Then yo tcanunm tea'uji ama' tcanu'm? eh6 again immediately shouted. Then immediately- " Eh, Said to be Padeuyami dialect for nohoo, grizzly bear. 2 Said to be Padeuyami dialect; cf. met -, large. 8 For tcanum. VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 271 ma'm-na oh'ood ama' ito'hoo tca'num i'njij you I wish!" Then grizzly-bear immediately: "Good." teanum tafn hainictac fio'hoo ama' wod'oic Immediately that-one leaped-at grizzly-bear. Then dodged wit' p ama yo'o tant haini'etac ama wa boy. Then again that-one leaped-at. Then f ar haii'nji t.ipin yaka'wau ama' t5'nit tant jumped-up-to high rock-on. Then that-from that-one t'fi'iju t.ipnin iiki'ac fio'hoo ama'a-taft shot up looking grizzly-bear. And that miikea'u-an t'u'iju ama- tant taudjac xi-taft throat-in his shot. Then that-one killed this that-one taudjataji an najo'jo ama' taft cutu'xju taft had-killed his mother. Then that flayed that fto'hoo ama' tat ta'lnji ama tau ya'kau grizzly-bear. Then that-from went. Then that-at rock g'og'oc i'piid'u-an mikitiin ama' copdo'c taft was water-get-at her mikiti's. Then covered that yakau tcndya'ta-an tain-fto'h'lin ama'-tat t.e'u rock skin-with his of-that grizzly-bear's. Then that-from house-to tanji djudj 'aftkel ip'W'i da'wet i'njij went. "Maternal-grandmother, get-water, run! " " Good, djudj'aftkel tanji tat mikiti ipyite ama daughter's-child." Went that-from mikiti to-get-water. Then tat o'kaj tanft foh'li'in tcu'dya ama' ta'nit that-from saw that grizzly-bear's skin. Then that-from miki'ti xwiu'ji ama' taniit ta'h'nin tcuy6'ju mikiti returned. Then that-from coming urinated: do'jojojojojoj katca'vwu an ama' tat "Dozhozhozhozhozhozh," basket (-in) her. Then that-from wa'kyit ama' taft awat.ji ta-wi't'6p am-xi (he-) was-presented. Then that disliked that boy. " Not this injij idi'k dot.e wa'yikhunu ini'cya i'p'ei good water; bad; throw-away; good water-get, da'wit ama' tat yoo ta'nji ipyi'tc ama' run!" Then that-from again went to-get-water. Then taft yo i'kaj idkau-a'n-tau tcudya-an fto'h'iin that again saw water-at her that-at skin his grizzly-bear's. 'ma' ta'nit taxinji yo xuyu'ji am ip'eyin1 Then that-from came agaiu returned not bringing-water I ip'6ji, brought water, was also said. 272 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. i'nisya ama' ta'nin tcuyY'ju ama tau good. Then going urinated. Then that-at fia'muxju wit'W'pal a'm2 tani a-ma-xifi i'nisya brought boy. (Then?) that-one: "Not you this good e'p'yad wita'a-tafi ama'a-tafi piti'dsyi3 are-bringing-water" told that-one. Then that-one related: djudj'anikel haa-ma-ta'u bax&'nad i'dkau "Maternal-grandmother, what you that-at fear water-at ma'gin ta'-ta' iiohoo taudjataji nim naj6'jo of-us-two? That that grizzly-bear killed my mother." THE VISIT TO THE DEAD. xi-ta'pa me'tc tawidji-nan ama' yuw6lnitc-an This- [?] "true"4 die we. Now husband her ta'nji ama tanji ta'u-xi-ta'u an yiwin went. And went there this there his wife dukdut ama tau toyo'no eiit-imji yuwie'nitc-an was-buried. Then that-at night slept husband her. ama yo tanji to'yono ama tau yo tau Then again went night. Then that-at again that-at niauji tan yo enit-imji ama yo tanji arrived, that-at again slept. Then again went. ama tau-yo efit-imji ama dj6'opau toyo'no Then there again slept. Then middle-at night t'ici' an yi'win ama' w6'wudju yiwin-an emerged his wife. And stood wife his. ama t-'anidiu'ujac ama widin tanji xu'cim And shook-herself. And [?] went north. ama apui tanji k'ouhtcunn-an ama tik Then following went man her. And (they-two) to'init ama tau tiiiljiinju woxono tawatca spent-the-night (?) Then that-at became-made log dead-one. ama tanit mu'k'ac g'o'oji to'yono ama And that-from woman sat-up at-night. And bats-yo' t-afidfi'ujac ama tlk yo'o-tanji ama again brushed-herself. And (they-two) again went. And bats-yo woxono tiiiijiunju talwatca ama yoo again log became-made dead-one. Then again I Or wit',pau? 2 For ama, then? 8For pitid-ii. 4Yauelmani dialect: mets, "because." Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. g 'oji ama g 'oin bats-yo t.anidi'unjaj ama arose. Then arising again brushed-herself. Then tik yo-ta'nji ama' tik fiauuji tcW'dafidu (they-two) again went. Then (they two) arrived bridge wa tibiknitca ama ta'nji mu'k'ac ama far world-of-dead. Then went woman. And yuwAnitc-an husband her tudo'ju was-unable. ama And tanji-an went his yiwin wife teedaniduu-tau yuw'einitc-an t'ud6&ju ama g' og' oc bridge-at there, husband her was-unable. And were pOWO/u across t'eidatci watchers. ama And t-'in (they) saw tani that kouhteuna-an poow6'o i'dka ama wi'dji taci'n man her across water. And said those t'W'idatci watchers: ama' "Now tiic-yaan make [ye] tce'edafidu bridge! " ama And mo'kcin-talin k'o'uhtcun ta'nji fiau'uci-tau ama woman's that man went, arrived there. Then t'eidatei hdfiji ama t'eidatci wi'dji tau-yan watchers smelled. Then watchers said: "There-[ye] myomau you-at g'o'odo ama make-him-sit!" And tau there g'ooji sat ta that yuw'e'nitc-an ama' hlotsyu ta'cin teWidatci ama' husband her. Then knew those watchers. Then widji tin iita'dad akam waki'-an said (they): "Hungry perhaps; present his duya'fii food-with." ama wakit yet-afn wata'kin ama tafn duiju Then was-presented one that pine-nut's and that ate yet ama piiji tafi ama yo wil'xe ama one. Then finished that. And again many. Then tafi piliji yoo ama yo xuno-tau wii'xe that finished again. And again beyond that-at many. ama' d6'k'inji ama Then was-satisfied. And toyo'no kamZVn t.aatc night dance persons. ama' yo ta'win'in toyo'no k'a'm'en And again being-day, night dance. ama' Then t'bidatci wi'dji tin ti'cidai-ydn xifl mo'k'ci watchers said (they): "Emerge-make [ye] this woman!" ama tinl Then (they) widji an-tana yi'una ta i'njij said his that wife: "That good tik xu'iyu ama tik xwl'yuji ama tin (they-two) return." Then (they-two) returned. And they VOL. 2 ] 273 274 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETEH. tana widji t'eWidatci a'm-mi-hi e1fit.imin ama' him told watchers: "Not you will sleep!" Then tik xwi'yuji daka'ji tik ama tik yo (they-two) returned; passed-night (they-two). Then (they-two) again ta'nji ama' tik yo da'kaji ama tik went. And they again camped. And (they-two) yo'o tanji alma e'iXt.imji ama k'anuwac again went. Then slept. Then lay y6'etau wo'xono one-at log. FIGHT WITH THE PITANISHA widji pit'a'nica o'kaj o'ctin mo'djak ama Said Pitanisha-Indians: "(I)-saw fire's smoke." Then widji pit'anica w6iu-ham-na ma'x anik-te'l'a said Pitanisha: "Would wish I get their bones." ama tanit yet nono daTaaait.a'ji c6opin Then that-from one man heard three nu'nki xq'yac ama tanit tanji pit'a'nica men had-said. Then that-from went Pitanisha. xi-tau tudo't'ac alti'nin ama' tacdi widji This that-at burned-the-land Altau-people. Then those told yet pit'a'nica wewu-ham-nan max anik-tc'l'a one Pitanisha: "Would wish we get their bones," widji ta'cdi ama xitiluji t. 'ie'u nunu'i ama' told those. Then were-angry ten men. Then tin widji tafa pit'a'nica tau ma'n-hi taedi (they) told that Pitanisha: "That-at ye will those tanat uilnau ama widji pit'a'nica ho'u go-cause playing-place." Then said Pitanisha: " Yes, tau-na'n hi-tan fii'win iia'n-i-tau c06pinau there we will go, arrive-will we will that-at three-in op'o'do ca'lalwidau waidin ta'han tau ama days; early-morning-in breakfasting go-will that-at." Then tanji altinin punayid daka'in yet op'o'do went Altau-people twice passing-the-night one day a'nik ta'ngitcl am tacdi wat ilkaae ama their going not them anyone saw. Then 'For tan-fiitc? VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 275 tin o'kaj pit'a'nica ama tin widji yet (they) saw Pitanisha. Then (they) told one no&no xeu taxin t'icau xeu na'n-hi yandau man: "This-at go open-in, here we will brush-in taxin ama' ta nZno hupuc a'nik ama go." Then that man selected their. Then pit'a'nica o'kaj tana nono taxnad ama widji Pitanisha saw that man coming. Then said ta yet pit'a'nica ciitawidin am huna'i that one Pitanisha: "Get-ready! Not vainly taxnad tc.a'n-mai co'xniitc ama ta noono is-coming! Now we (incl.) shall-be-killed." Then that man wod6'yita taxiiin ama teanum pit'a'nica tarnji dodging comes. And immediately Pitanisha went hokeu'-tana y6'o-xe tapa yaudau taxnad t.aa'tei met him. Also this [?I brush-in were-going people. ama teanum t'uiju ta-no'no alti'nin ama Then immediately shot that man Altau-person. Then to'kji yet teanum ye't t'ii'iju ama xiti'uji hit one at-once one shot-at. Then were-angry pit'a'nica ama teanau m t'uit'uiyut ta-nYno Pitanisha. Then immediately was-shot-at-repeatedly that man. ama' am-tiin-tafi-to'kji ama xican t.aa'tei Then not (they) him hit. Then these people t'iji xeu yau'dau ama tcanum dolowoc emerged this-at brush-at. Then immediately battled. ama teanum pit'a'nica da'witji ama ta ye't And immediately Pitanisha ran. Then that one nbno t'uit'uyut ama wojojwidji pot'au an man was-shot-repeatedly. And pierced body-in his t'fi'yoc hetat t'oyatyaflitc ama hl'a tW1witsi. arrows still was-shot-repeatedly. Then at-last died. pit'anica da'witji kumoi Pitanisha ran-off all. IOI AND BLUEJAY. Y6'i yo tc'ai'judktc nbes-an wit'ep g''g'oc Ioi and Jay younger-brother her boy were tlk tau y6tau t'oyo'no taxi'nji hitewa'iu (they-two) that-at. One-at night came ghost, I Cf. Boas, Chinook Texts, 161. 276 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. cii'inac an-yl'una YOIi cuinat cuteahafia bought his wife. Ioi was-bought, ? kg'xa tafii cuinat tau y6'winji t'o'yono shell-beads that-with was-bought. That-at married night. hia'mu ca'lalwidau ta'nji Y6i tc'aijudetc Long-ago early-in-iorning went Ioi. Jay hia'mu tau g' 'g'oc yet'in panin tauji'u long that-at lived, of-one world's gone-at.' ama wi'dji oh6-na-nim huk'6'jo pinYtsyi2 Then said: "Seek-will I my sister." Asked k'u'mui wilteet bok hotci'nin tafi ama' all trees,3 find wishing that. Then pin6'tsyi2 hide'u mai tana'ad tauidjin kumui asked: "Where-at person goes dying?" All t'e'npa pi'nktsyi2 am tin tafn pitidji ama birds asked, not (they) him related. Then pi'netsyi2 yakau wi'dji tanT t-awa'da nan asked stone. Said to-that-one: " Pay me, ama na-mam-hi tau tanad ama' tafn then I you will that-to take." Then that tauwnwdae ama tant ta'nac hitcwa'iu yakau' paid. Then that-one took ghosts-to. Stone yo tc'ai'ewidetc nauji tik tau t.ea'wayu and Jay arrived (they-two) that-at houses-at. t.eawaihiu' tau k'amu tau m6'djak ama Houses-at that-at not that-at smoke. Then tik tau flauuji teumnau t.ea'waihin ftauji (they-two) that-at reached last-at of houses, reached tik tau met. t-i ama' tau o'kaj (they-two) that-at large house. Then that-at saw m6djak ama paduunju tc'aijudktc ama tau smoke. Then entered Jay. Then that-at na'aata'-an bokei hide' n6s-nim hidenit-ma elder-sister his found. "Well, younger-brother my, where-from you taxnad pinetsyi tafi tawi'dji ti-ma ama come?" asked that-one; "died did you?" Then widzyi' am-na ta'widji yakau nan xeu said: "Not I died; stone me this-to ipl'in ta'muxju ama at.i'dji k'umui t.Wwayi carrying-on-back brought." Then opened all houses, 1 For one year. 2 For pint- ji. 3 Sticks. 4 For widji. Kroeber.-The Yokuts Langurage. map'ilnxac t.eawaihin tc'i full houses' bones dolmomto atceu an huko'ij lay near his sister ama huk'oiju-aan pinetsyi ha Then to-sister his asked: " WI tc'la'fi bones-with?" an widji his told: ama Then am " Not ta tha C In dai'iji at kicked. la'idai min kick your ii't'at t'ot tau only. Head that-at ju yoo tc'l'i-yo'o and bones also.1 a ma-x6'fii haudi hat you this-with do-what ama tanT na'at Then to-that-one elder-sister napa'tma. sister's-husband!" SUMMARY. The chief characteristics of the Yaudanchi dialect,2 which in the main apply also to all the other dialects of the Yokuts family, are a comparatively simple phonetic system, the presence of a series of impure vowels3 more or less parallel to the usual series, the occurrence of two classes of t-sounds, the presence of hard sonants and of stressed surds in all series of consonants, the absence of spirants except in the k series and among the s-sounds, an extensive and varied development of vowel mutations, the presence of syntactic cases and of several locative and instru- mental ones, a plural for words denoting persons, the absence of reduplication as a grammatical means in the noun but its presence in the verb and numeral, the complete lack of pronom- inal affixes in verbs, the vocalic differentiation of the verb stem into two principal forms determined probably by the suffixes, the indication of number in the verb by separate particles, a full and very schematic development of the personal pronouns in singular, dual, and plural, the absence of a personal pronoun in the third person except in the possessive, the occurrence of number and case suffixes in both personal pronouns and demonstratives dif- ferent from those in nouns, the combination of personal pro- nouns and modal and temporal particles into clusters very nearly 1 "Head and bones a]so" = skeleton. 2 See also p. 183. 3 Lacking in most Yokuts dialects. VOL. 2 ] 277 8 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. equivalent to words but without abbreviation or phonetic modifi- cation of the particles composing these clusters, and a simple sentence structure marked by a lack of involved dependent con- structions, the clauses occurring being either non-pronominal participial derivatives of verbs or non-pronominal verbal nouns with case suffixes. The number of grammatical categories in the language is not large and the means used to express them are still more restricted, consisting, besides a limited employment of reduplication, only of vocalic mutation and suffixion. The vocalic mutations are peculiar in being of a different character in the expression of different grammatical functions. The num- ber of suffixes used for grammatical purposes is small, probably not exceeding thirty or forty. There are no affixes of the kind found in many American languages and denoting shape, spatial relation, or the instrument or object of action, all such ideas being expressed as in English only by words or circumlocutions. The use of suffixes for etymological derivation is restricted and composition of two independent stems is very unusual. Many verbs go back to monosyllabic stems, but on the whole the stems of the language are polysyllabic. 278 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. II. THE YAUELMANI DIALECT. The material on which the following comparative sketch of the Yauelmani dialect is based was collected in 1900. No texts were secured at that time and the work was not carried farther in subsequent years, except that a few songs and short formulas were recorded in this dialect in 1903. These are included with the texts from miscellaneous dialects in Part III. Except for these short texts all the material obtained is from a young middle- aged man named Jose Maria, at Tule river reservation. The Yauelmani, or at least the people at present speaking this dialect, are more numerous on Tule river reservation than the Yaudanchi, although the reservation is situated near or in the original territory of the latter. The Yauelmani territory seems to have been on Kern river in the vicinity of Bakersfield and in the plains northward. Its exact limits have not been de- termined. On the east and south this territory was adjacent to Shoshonean areas, on the west and north to other tribes of Yokuts family. In general structure the Yauelmani dialect is closely similar to the Yaudanchi. There are however a number of distinct dif- ferences that are structural and not merely phonetic. The rela- tion of the vocabulary of the two dialects is discussed in Part III. In probably a majority of words the two dialects differ either by phonetic variations or radically. PHONETICS. The phonetic constituents of Yauelmani are on the whole much the same as those of Yaudanchi. The most important dif- ference is that Yauelmani lacks the impure vowels, especially o and ii, of Yaudanchi. I takes the place of ii, and e of o, as shown by the corresponding forms of certain words. It is pos- sible that this i and e are not exactly the same as ordinary i and e of this dialect. Ilik means both water and sing in Yauelmani, VOL. 2 ] 279 University of California Publications. [AM.AARCH.ETH. corresponding respectively to Yaudanchi idik and iidiik. The Yauelmani informant asserted that there was a difference in the quality of the vowels of this word according as the meaning varied; but the difference heard was imperceptible, so that it could not be determined whether the distinction really exists in the language or was due in this case to an unconscious intention to discriminate between the homonyms. Yaudanchi pootc is piis in Yauelmani. It is worthy of note that most Yaudanchi words containing an impure vowel have been found represented not by phonetic equivalents but by entirely different stems in Yauel- mani. sick, hurt tciixiitc tixt-in cloud k'iidai k'ilei beaver t 'opiik te'pik panther wohocit wehesit make tiiilj, tooj tic, tec One of the chief other phonetic differentiations of the two dialects is the occurrence in Yauelmani of 1. This is usually d in Yaudanchi. In some cases 1 is represented by Yaudanchi n. Sometimes y is the equivalent of d in Yaudanchi and 1 in other dialects. R does not occur in Yauelmani, being replaced through- out by n. S and c are distinguished with difficulty in Yaudanchi. In Yauelmani the sound nearer to s was heard more frequently than that approaching c. The difference between the two dialects extends to tc, which is usually ts in Yauelmani. In some cases, including the suffixes -initc, -atcin, and -tci, Yaudanchi tc becomes t in Yauelmani. MEANS OF GRAMMATICAL STRUCTURE. The various forms of reduplication found in Yaudanchi, and represented respectively by the forms: t'uy-t'uy, t'uy-u-t'y, tud- o-tud, and cop-cip-i, occur in Yauelmani. Many Yauelmani suffixes are identical with the Yaudanchi ones and some differ only phonetically. A few of the most im- portant Yaudanchi suffixes are however lacking, and a number 280 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. that have not been found in Yaudanchi are important in Yauel- mani. The following list gives the suffixes determined for the two dialects. -oc -ud -it -i, -ui -i -oc -its I -in-in -in-in ? -at. -lis -am -am Meaning noun formative noun formative place of noun formative death of a connecting relative people of desirer of habitual place of I agent ? ten and, on numerals -i (-a) -i plural, nouns -n, -in -n, -in, -an plural, pronouns -k,-ik -k, -ik, -ak dual, pronouns -e -s connective, demonstratives -hate -hats diminutive, plural of adjectives -awayi plural ? collective ? -hin -hal collective, inanimate nouns Case: -a (-i) -a (-i) objective, nouns -i -n, -in objective, demonstratives (-in, nouns) -wa -wa objective plural, pronouns -in -in possessive -iu,-f -ni instrumental -u -u locative -nit -nit ablative On Numerals and Interrogatives: -in animate ? collective ? -id -il adverbial -am adverbial distributive -ak -uk indefinite -tci -ti indefinite Non-grammatical: Yaudanchi Yauelnani Number: VOL. 2] 281 University of Caltifornia Publicatiozs. [AM-..A=Hn.ET Semi-derivative, verbal: 1 -i, -u, -a -da -la -ii -ta -ta -a-tcin -a-tin -cit -sit -in -in -wic -wis -wid -umdu-wie Mode' and Tense, Verb: -ji -ac -in -in -ad * * * * -it -iiitc -ite * * -in -hin * -an -ahin -g o -g' ohin, g' on -it -nit -its -ini -ana -al -mi -i -a -han -wal -ka * causative causative frequentative frequentative desideration benefactive intransitive reflexive preterite preterite future participle, present continuative aorist preterite continuative preterite passive future passive agent agent participle apodosis of hypothetical condition from from, of I habitual agent? passive in dependent clause imperative THE NOUN. Very little material was obtained as to the plural in Yauel- mani. It is confined to names of persons, and is formed by the suffix i with more or less vocalic, alteration of the stem as in Yaudanchi. youth noto notei man nono woman kaiina child witep I 1 Lengthening of final stem vowel. * Suffix known to be lacking. nonai kaieni witip-hats 282 L Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. A suffix -hal, apparently corresponding to Yaudanchi -hin, is used on inanimate nouns with a collective meaning. silel-hal pile of rocks witcet-al many sticks l?omet-al-iu mountainous, mountain-many-at tun-o-hal many pines salam-hal willows The case suffixes are the same as in Yaudanchi, with of course the regular change of the instrumental -n-i to ni, and plus an objective form not found in Yaudanchi. The Yaudanchi objec- tive suffix -a or -i occurs on some words, but a number of others in Yauelmani show a suffix -in, the equal in form of the posses- sive suffix. The objective suffix for demonstratives in Yaudanchi is -fi, which in this dialect becomes -n, and it is possible that the ending in question is to be explained as this suffix used on nouns. Certain words which take the -in suffix, such as noto, young man, and nono, man, are identical in form in the objective and possessive. Added to final i, the ending -in changes this to e. Occasionally the objective -in is modified to -n, -en, or -on. Whatever the suffix -in itself, it appears that its occurrence with objective meaning in Yauelmani must be connected with phonetic causes; since all words that take it end vocalically, while those that end in a consonant take -a or -i. Objective. in: t.e-in house (t.i) kaway6-n horse (kawayu) noto-in youth taut.-ine-in murderer (taut.-ini) nono-in man tid.ik-l-in6-in continued splitt&r kodj-6n small (kudji) tid.ak-t-in&in continued splitter totce-en bad hay-ine-in laugher nohoo-n grizzly bear hat-ya-in glutton hitwaia-n ghost insana-n lover pimtana-in stump mane-in much (mani) a: witep-a child paln-a flat (palin) pus-a dog yapikn-a tree ilk-a water, song and most verb stems, such as xat-a, eat VOL. 2 ] 283 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. -1: batcikn-i red kas-a-ts-i puncher (kas-a-its) yokots-i person oxoyo-ls-i lover lehem-ts-i runner ax-ts-i bed (axits) xat-a-ts-i eater (xat-a-its) Without objective suffix: kaiina woman xoi deer silil rock talap arrow The forms taken by the other cases need no special comment. The locative appears as -u, -iu, -au, -ou, -o, as in Yaudanchi: t*e-u, xot-i-u (from xot.oi), ilk-au, oct-ou, lomt-o. Sili-u from silil is scarcely an irregularity. There is a break after the second vowel of this word, apparently due to its aspiration, so that more accurately it is sili'l. Powers wrote it silekhl. Moreover, silil may be a reduplication from sil, and this form the one used in the formation of the locative.' The use of the cases is the same as in Yaudanchi, but one or two idioms have been noted. An animate agent with a passive verb is put in the possessive, not in the instrumental. This holds in Yaudanchi also, and of the pronoun as well as of the noun. The possessive is used as the subject of verbal object clauses, the idiom in such cases being really: "I saw your eating" where we say: "I saw you eat." The object of such a verbal clause, which is itself an object, is in the instrumental. To express the idea of "for," the possessive case is used, at least in demonstra- tives. Many constructions were obtained in which the case end- ings were added directly to verb stems. In such sentences as: "I see you eat," the objective -a is added to the naked stem meaning to eat. Only very few verbs, including hiwet, to walk, ep, to swim, and huloc, to sit, lack the objective -a in such con- structions and are used without any suffix. The locative is used on verbs with the meaning of "for the purpose of"; the posses- sive with the meaning "on account of," or "from," as in tui- t-un, from being struck. When a causative suffix is added to a verb, the person that is caused to perform the action is expressed in the objective, the person or object affected by the action, in the instrumental. I Like dulul, mountain, dul-au; injij, good, inij-ya; natet, father, nat- umduwic, in other dialects. 284 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. THE VERB. Number and person are not expressed in the Yauelmani verb and the scope and methods of the expression of mode and tense agree quite closely with those in Yaudanchi, though some of the suffixes used differ entirely. SEMI-DERIVATIVES. The causative is in some verbs expressed by -la, correspond- ing to Yaudanchi -da, and in others by -i, -a, or -u. This latter suffix replaces the lengthening of the last stem vowel in some Yaudanchi verbs. Yaudanchi forms iudok from ildiik, to sing; Yauelmani, ilik-i from ilik. Other occurrences are kosow-e, lihim-e, hatam-i, ukon-o, tan-a, cilit-i. The frequentative -ta is alike in the two languages. The desiderative -atin is the phonetic equivalent of -atcin or -tcin in Yaudanchi. -sit is the Yaudanchi -cit, indicating that the verbal action is performed for some one's benefit. The idiom by which the object of the action is in the instrumental case is common to the two dialects. The intransitive -in is as frequent as in Yaudanchi and like it varies in form to -n or -un. The reflexive is -wis, corresponding to Yaudanchi -wic. SUFFIXES OF TENSE, MODE, AND VOICE. In the matter of modal and temporal suffixes there is consid- erable difference from Yaudanchi. Of the four common tense suffixes of Yaudanchi the two preterites in -ji and -ac and the continuative in -ad do not occur in Yauelmani. The future and indefinitely participial suffix -in is the only one of the four common to the two dialects. In Yauelmani it takes two slightly different forms corresponding to its two mean- ings in Yaudanchi. The future is expressed in Yauelmani by -in; an indefinite or present tense, which appears however to be finite and not participial, is expressed by -hin. In some verbs AM. ARCH. ETH. 2,21. VOL. 2] 285 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. the difference between the two suffixes is further increased by a difference in the stem, the future -in causing a lightening or omission of the last vowel and a consequent shortening of the stem, whereas -hin is added to the full unaltered verb stem as it is found in the imperative. In many other cases, however, the verb stem is alike for the two suffixes; and as their phonetic difference is so slight, they are frequently difficult to distinguish. A suffix -an seems to be an aorist, sometimes past and some- times present in meaning. Related to this suffix in its influence on the stem is a preterite -ahin, which has some appearance of being composed of -an and -hin. A continuative or indefinite present is formed by the suffix -g' . There can be little doubt that this is the verb stem g'o, to live or be (appearing in Yaudanchi with the additional mean- ing "sit" and in certain northern dialects as "house"), which, through being an auxiliary, has become a suffix. That it is at present a suffix and not an enclitic is certain from the fact that in some cases it causes vocalic modification of the stem. Just as the preterite -ahin is formed from the aorist -an, so the tem- porally indefinite -g' o gives rise to a preterite -g' n, also appear- ing in the forms -g'"in and -gZhin. It seems a little curious that the indefinite or present -hin should be used to derive the only two distinctly past tenses in the language, -ahin and g'"n; but there is a parallel in many Indo-European languages in the use of auxiliaries, which are themselves in the present tense, to ex- press a perfect in the verb. The -g'o and -g'on suffixes are in some verbs added directly to the stem; in others a connecting vowel, usually e, is inserted. An additional reason for regarding these two suffixes g'o and g'on as derived from the verb-stem g'o, is the fact that they are the only suffixes found in this dialect with o as their vowel. It may be added that this o never under- goes modification. As in Yaudanchi, the future suffix -in changes its vowel, chiefly to e or o, after certain stems. The analogous suffix, -hin, seems to change less readily. The forms taken by the suffix -in may be summarized as follows: After monosyllabic or disyl- labic i or e-stems the suffix is either -in or -en; after monosyl- labic a-stems it is in some instances -in, in others -en; on disyl- 286 Kroeber.-Tke Yokuts Language. labic stems whose first vowel is a, and the second vowel i strength- ened to a before an a-suffix and lost entirely before the present suffix, the form is -in; monosyllabic o-stems in some cases take -en, in others -on; disyllabic stems containing an o followed by an i take -en; u-stems and disyllabic stems containing o and u take -on. The usual suffix indicating the agent is -its, Yaudanchi -itc. On certain verbs and after certain suffixes this form is not used, but the agent is expressed by -lai. This difference seems to be due to a difference in meaning between the two suffixes, rendering each more appropriate for certain verbs. -Ini perhaps denotes a more habitual agent. As in Yaudanchi, the suffix -its is not always used in its simple form. On disyllabic stems it appears as -its, except that stems containing only o or u alter the suffix to -uts. Monosyl- labic stems, on the other hand, insert a vowel between the stem and the suffix, a after a-stems, o after o or u-stems, and e after e or i-stems. This inserted vowel bears the accent. As an equiv- alent, disyllabic stems strengthen their second vowel as they do before a-suffixes. Some verbs in Yaudanchi have also been found to insert a vowel before this suffix, but the phonetic pro- cesses seem less clear in that dialect than in Yauelmani. It is not improbable that this suffix is to be conceived as added to the causative of the stem, one form of which is expressed in Yauelmani by the addition of a vowel similar in quality to the vowels of the stem, and in Yaudanchi by the strengthening of the last stem vowel much as before the present -its suffix on disyl- labic verbs in Yauelmani. That this vowel-lengthening form of the causative has not been found on all verbs in both these dia- lects, but is replaced in some by the suffix -la, is not necessarily an objection to this view, as the causative vowel may now be present before the -itc suffix merely as a rudiment of the process which once introduced it there, and not with any active meaning. The agent suffix -mi just mentioned perhaps expresses a more habitual agent than the suffix -itc. It is regularly found on some- verbs in place of -ite, and apparently always after the frequen- tatives -ta and -li. It is however possible that the distinction of use between -mni and -itc is not due to any difference in meaning VOL. 2 ] 287 University of California Publications. [AM.ARcH.ETH. but to phonetic causes, since the former suffix is found regularly on all verb stems whose imperative is -k instead of -ka, and only on such stems. It is to be observed that the frequentatives -ta and -li also have imperatiyes in -k instead of -ka. The passive is expressed by the suffix -it, identical with the Yaudanchi form. The idiom by which the animate agent of the passive verb is in the possessive case is common to the two dialects. The future passive is expressed by -nit, corresponding to Yaudanchi -inite. The Yaudanchi participial form -ana has not been found, ex- cept perhaps in ins-ana, lover, apparently from ins-is, good. IMPERATIVE. The imperative is regularly expressed by the addition of -ka, or, in a smaller number of verbs, -k. This ending is added to the pure forms of the stem. In Yaudanchi the imperative is expressed by the stem without any ending. This difference is one of the most characteristic between the two dialects, coming to light even in a short vocabulary, and persisting throughout the two dialectic groups of which Yaudanchi and Yauelmani are representatives, from the southern to the northern limits of the family. It is probable that this ending -ka is not a true suffix. It certainly is felt as an enclitic rather than as a con- stituent part of the word, even though its union with the stem seems to be quite close. Were it a true suffix becoming an in- tegral part of the verb, it would seem that the same stem-vowel strengthening would occur before it that occurs before other a- suffixes in the verb; but this is not the case. The stem-vowels retain before it what may be considered their normal (or i-suffix) form, corresponding to their form in the unsuffixed Yaudanchi imperative. The dual and plural imperative are respectively -ka-wik and -ka-wil. -1k and -in are pronominal suffixes indi- cating the dual and plural. This fact is further evidence that the -ka preceding them is not a real suffix, for it is the distinct tendency of Yokuts, shown not only in the present dialect but in all known, to avoid coupling pronominal elements with the verb so closely as to actually combine them into a single word. In 288 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. Yaudanchi -yak and -yan indicate the dual and plural of the imperative. These two particles also contain the pronominal endings -ik and -in. While usually enclitic to the verb to such a degree as to resemble suffixes, this -yak and -yan are sometimes added to other words, a fact which proves them to be structur- ally and syntactically independent particles. Both from inherent evidence and from the analogues in Yaudanchi it is therefore clear that the Yaudanchi imperative endings are not regarded as suffixes by the language.1 The optative is expressed by the enclitic -xa or -g'a, corre- sponding to Yaudanchi -ca, similarly used. VOCALIC MUTATIONS. The characteristic vowel mutations of Yaudanchi, according to which one of the stem vowels in many verbs changes in quality to a reciprocal vowel before certain suffixes, are found in much the same form in Yauelmani. As in Yaudanchi, the process does not seem quite regular, certain verbs preserving their vowels, while others, apparently in the same phonetic circumstances, alter theirs. In disyllabic stems the second vowel usually changes. If i, it becomes e, or if i preceded by a, it becomes a; if u, it be- comes o. A as the vowel of monosyllabic verbs, or the first vowel of disyllabic verbs, does not change. I also shows considerable resistance to modification. The other vowels sometimes change and sometimes do not when they occur in monosyllabic verbs or the first syllable of disyllabic verbs. If they change e becomes i, o becomes u, and u becomes o. The suffixes that bring about these changes in the stem seem to be, as in Yaudanchi, those containing an a; whereas those containing an i, such as -in, -hin, -it, and -wis, do not cause a change in the vowels of the stem, except that as already men- tioned the future suffix -in sometimes causes a change in the opposite direction, namely, a lightening or omission of the second vowel of the stem. The a-suffixes are -an and -Thin. The im- perative with the ending ka does not affect the stem; as ex- 1In Chauchila the imperative ending -ka is modified to -ku and -ki after u and i stems, so that in this dialect it can scarcely be regarded as anything but a suffix. VOL. 2 ] 289 UJniversity of California Publications. [AM.ARCHI.ETH. 290 COD c R P; ? -w 0 C) ;., o C4-4 -4-? ?, m ?z.bD 9 's . , ? v z la 14 0 m m 1 4 714 .? I? 4 ?, 0 z m 0 4 -, -W 1? - . I m .,-q a) - 1 .,..4 41 ?: .,4 I 9 -4 o . Ca 14 C) -4 1 o. 0 - O co U 0 M .,. I 0 O 4 o O; :Q I 0 O _ 4- -4-a~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~~ CC . 4-D Ca( 4L nQ w Cd Ca ce ce~~ X V o m 4~ ,; as S U t , o .W s 5 4--.) 4-;, -&.'I . -4 -4--) ;z 11 I .,I I I., ?, 0 ?,4L ,a 0 0 4 114 1? ?: Io ec {. Z3 - - 3 04 X 0 x . ,o , , ,o I --I C) 9 .,-I . dq ,o _ _u . 4 ,- P- 0 -' Ca o _ ._,q dI C3 I i 0 0 _4 . _ o eo d 0 0 O ,g 0 I 'o o p, 0 ;z Cs 9 PO.- Q v .B 'cl I,$ *~~~~~~~~0 4 a 0 ~ ~ ~ a) (1; W*_C ,qs c z w Q d~~~~~~~~~~~ Z :s:~~~~~ ? 8W Q l-4Ko< OC 3X ,$, . (D ce 4L 1; = X , ^;~~~~~~~~~~~- -4- 4L met )u m B P 4S ) su Ca :a O Ca Ca .;q , Ca > ts X JQ,_ *s c',X$d v 52Ce a) C . g O 9 VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 9 o 03 -4 .03 10 9 9. -; _ *$ T 0 'gb ,Q 02 02 I 0 0D *4 -0 ., ar 0 -9 -9 03 0 c0 -9- Ca 03 03 03~~ 1 ,=t X0304 , s0 W 03 >* Ca ce0 - ow > 9, 03' 03 +Q c0 3 4 40 0303 B oa 0 4102 -4 t '0 'o .,. (Z OD o -. 0 ; 9 El El () o -) -I = r03 2 ;z W (D P$ -4Cd ) * t. 4 rU I -4 0 I El 9 02 9 *4 0 9-03 -4. ,-4 a). Oo * r; C3 r C) 0 -0 03 03' a dd Ca C 03 4, 4I 43 q 03 4 >4 '4 C3 4 n r > 3 c;> m c3c 3 o ce W : e ,0 3 0 3,D 03 0 Y _ 0 ' i m 3- 03 0 *n O w 0 3 0 3 _ . 4- -43-l 0 3' 0 3 0249D- 4 291 0 0O3 0303 . .H - O . - . '. ,0 r, g 03~ c3 -4 *rQZ ~ O 40 - C) 0303 I I Ca 0 >; P 9 cd O 03-o0 0 C3 4:3 Q _ 0 03 03 C , -03 .03r 03 03 03 -43 A3 03 03 0 0 -4- a l 9 9t r52 d I,3 A ._0 ._03 9 0 ' 4 -9I -3 cB it ce ih 03 -* 9 0t 9 0 4 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. plained, probably because it is not a suffix. The agent suffix -its has the same effect on the stem as an a-suffix. In Yaudanchi this tendency of this suffix is also observable, though it is appar- ently less regular than in Yauelmani. The explanation of the exceptional effect of this i-suffix as due to its including the causa- tive suffix, or another vocalic element, has been mentioned. The phonetic effect of the two o-suffixes, namely, g'o and -g' n, has not become clear on account of an insufficient number of occurrences of these forms. At least in certain stems, such as huloc, hiwet, and woy, the o-suffixes produce vocalic changes from the i-suffix forms of the stem not produced in these words by the a-suffixes. The behavior of the verb stem under the influence of its prin- cipal temporal and modal suffixes is illustrated in the appended list of Yauelmani verbs giving the forms actually found. VARIOUS SUFFIXES. A suffix -mi, not found in Yaudanchi and used only on verb stems, has the force of from, because of, on account of, and sometimes, perhaps, of at or when. It is used in such cases as "I am sick from eating." A suffix -i, also without known Yaudanchi parallel, has been found a few times as a suffix of verbs dependent on the stem moy-in, to be tired of. The subject of the verb with this -i suffix is in the possessive case. The construction of these forms is similar to that of stems with the ordinary objective suffix -a. That this -i is not the objective is made probable by the fact that the stems on which it has been found also appear with the objec- tive -a. hiem na moyin-hin ilek-i nim, now I am-tired of-singing my. A suffix -han has been found with a passive meaning on verbs dependent on other verbs. lan-a-g'o na min cil-han, hear I that-you were-seen. An apparent suffix -wal has been found in a few cases, always before an imperative -ik. Its meaning is unknown and the ex- istence of the suffix cannot be regarded as certain, since -lik, the 292 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. last part of -walik, admits in form of being the imperative of the iterative -li. yux-ul-wal-ek crush it! potox-wal-ek smash it! A suffix -al is used on verbs in the apodosis of conditional sentences. Usually it is accompanied by a particle lac. The Yaudanchi material obtained happening to be lacking in condi- tional sentences, this suffix or its equivalent has not been found in that dialect. kun-al na mam lac I should have struck you, (if....) taxn-al na lac I should have come, (if.... ) A suffix -a, found a few times, perhaps indicates a continuing agent. hat-ya, glutton (from xat, eat?). hule-a, one who sits in one place. wul-a, one who stands a long time. Another somewhat doubtful suffix, also without known Yau- danchi equivalent, is -lis, appearing to denote the agent or place of an action. oxoyo-lis, lover (oxoyo, desire, seek). hot-one-ls, fireplace (hot-one-, build a fire).l The case suffixes of nouns are freely used on verb stems and more instances of such constructions were obtained in this dialect than in Yaudanchi. The objective suffix -a is added to unsuffixed verb stems dependent as objects on another verb, as in "I saw you eat." The subject of the dependent verb is in the possessive case, showing that this dependent verb, in line with its having a case-ending, is really regarded as a noun. This is further borne out by the fact that its logical object is not in the objective case but in the instrumental. Literally the construction then is: "I saw your eating by means of meat." It has been men- tioned that a few verb stems, such as hiwet, ep, and huloc, appear to occur in this construction without any objective case suffix. The locative is used with the sense of "for" as well as "at. " The possessive occurs on passive verbs with the meaning I Cf. Tachi yoktco-lis, somebody, from yokotc, person. VOL. 2] 293 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. of from: tui-t-un, from being shot. On active verbs the posses- sive case ending does not appear to be used, the suffix -mi, not found on nouns and not known from Yaudanchi, taking its place with the meaning of "from." The instrumental also occurs on verbs. The Yaudanchi construction in which a temporal clause is expressed by the suffixion of the locative to a verb with the past tense ending -ji, the logical subject being in the possessive and the whole phrase having the force of a temporal clause, is lacking in Yauelmani on account of the absence of the -ji suffix, and no analogous construction has been found. PARTICLES. The modal and temporal particles of Yauelmani are in part different from those of Yaudanchi. The ordinary future is ex- pressed, in addition to the suffix -in, by the particle hi, which as in Yaudanchi tends to be enclitic to the pronouns and to alter na and maa, I and you, to ni and mi. A particle mi, usually at the head of the sentence, seems to correspond to Yaudanchi tcan, which does not occur. It is used before future verbs. The nega- tive is ohom in place of Yaudanchi am. The interrogative is ki, which seems to correspond to Yaudanchi ti, used less frequently in that dialect than hin, which is without a representative in Yauelmani. If is expressed by acwa in the protasis and lac in the apodosis. THE PRONOUN. The personal pronoun is used as in Yaudanchi and many of the forms are identical. What chiefly characterizes the Yauel- mani pronouns as distinguished from the Yaudanchi, is first the formation of the possessive of the third person from a stem amin, instead of Yaudanchi an, and second the fact that in the dual and plural there are subjective and objective as well as posses- sive forms for the third person. In Yaudanchi this is not the case, the demonstrative pronouns being used for the object and the particles tik and tin to indicate the duality and plurality of the subject of the third person. These two Yaudanchi particles 294 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. and the Yauelmani subjective forms of the third person, amak and aman, render each other mutually unnecessary; so that whereas Yaudanchi entirely lacks the pronominal forms, Yauel- mani is without the particles. Minor differences of the Yauel- mani pronouns from the Yaudanchi are the fact that the objec- tive ending wa is found in the dual as well as in the plural, that the connecting vowel in the dual and plural of the objective is i instead of a or u, and in the plural of the possessive o instead of i. It is noteworthy that in spite of the presence in this dialect of forms for the third person throughout the dual and plural as well as in the possessive, there are no forms for the subjective and objective singular, he and him. These are, as in Yaudanchi, either simply understood or expressed by demonstratives. Subjective Objective Possessive 1 na nan nim Singular 2 ma mam mn 3 - - amin 1 exci. nak nimgin 1 incl. mak magin Dual 2 mak mamikwa mingin 3 amak amamikwa amingin 1 excl. naan naninwa nimbk, nimokun 1 incl. mai maiin Plural 2 ? maminwa minbk, minokun 3 aman amaminwa amnok The artificiality, so to speak, of the forms for the third per- son, and their probable derivation from the second person by analogy, are very strongly shown by this table. So full a form as the possessive amin without even a trace of a subjective or objective base, either in this or in any other Yokuts dialect, and identical but for its initial a- with the min of the second person, is one point; another, even stronger on account of the absence of plural forms of the third person from Yaudanchi, is the ex- actly similar relation of the dual and plural forms to the dual and plural of the second person. It is clear from the lack in the singular of forms for the most common categories, the sub- jective and objective, he and him, and from their absence in all numbers in Yaudanchi, that the language has a feeling against VOL. 2 ] 295 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. personal pronominal forms of the third person. Their occur- rence in the dual and plural in Yauelmani as equivalents of only semi-demonstrative particles in Yaudanchi, stamps them as primarily mere indications of number and case, their pronominal content being very subsidiary. It is on this account that their close similarity to the forms of the second person is so significant. In the possessive relation pronominal forms are for some reason felt as more important by the language, as is shown by their existence in all numbers in both dialects; but the lack of a his- toric base to go back to is evident from the entire difference of the forms used in the two dialects: an, unrelated to anything else, in Yaudanchi, and amin, closely connected by analogy with the second person min, in Yauelmani. Three demonstratives have been found as against the four of Yaudanchi. These are ki, ke, and ta. Ki indicates proximity, ke a short distance, and ta a greater distance or invisibility. Ta corresponds to Yaudanchi ta, ke probably to ka, which is not in very frequent use, and ki to the Yaudanchi xe and xi, which in all cases except the subjective are identical in form in that dialect. In Yauelmani at least the locative of ki and ke, and perhaps other cases also, are alike or distinguished only with difficulty. The objectives of ki and ke are however distinct. The dual and plural of the demonstratives are formed much as in Yaudanchi, except that a greater resemblance to the suffixes of the personal pronouns is observable, especially in the objective. Sub. Obj. Poss. Inistr. Loc. Singular: This (close) ki ki-n } kb-in ke-ni kb-u That (further) ke ke-n That (distant) ta ta-n ta-in ta-ni Dual: This (ki) ki-s-ik That (ke) That (ta) Plural: This (ki) ki-s-in ki-s-in-wa That (ke) That (ta) ta-s-in ta-s-in-wa ta-s-in-w-in The interrogative and indefinite pronouns are given below. It will be seen that almost throughout they end in -uk. This 296 Kroeber.-Th.e Yokuts Language. -uk seems to be the Yaudanchi suffix -ak, which in that dialect is added only to give an idea of indefiniteness. A second Yau- danchi suffix, -tci, is represented in Yauelmani by -ti, occurring about as frequently as in Yaudanchi, and distinctly with the force in both dialects of making for greater indefiniteness. It will be seen that except for this suffix -ti the -uk is always final. Thus, the objective hanuk, what, is to be explained as the stem ha, what, with the demonstrative objective case suffix -n, plus -uk. The interrogative of place, hiyok or hiyuk, where, contains the stem hiye and the same suffix -uk. Hiye is the equivalent of Yaudanchi hide and hile of other dialects.' The same stem with the locative suffix, hiye-u, is the non-interrogative indefinite "somewhere." wat-uk who ? wat-bk-ti some one (objective) wat-au some one ha-uk what? ha-n-uk what? (objective) ha-n-ok with what? (instrumental) ha-uk-ti something ha-n-uk-ti something (objective) ha-wiy-uk which, what kind? ha-uyen-uk what for ? why? ha-ujin-uk how many? ha-wetam-uk how? doing what? hiy-ok where i hiye-t-uk from where I hiye-u somewhere hiye-nit from somewhere NUMERALS. The numerals are radically the same as those of Yaudanchi except that another word is used for nine. The ordinary cardi- nal forms are used both for counting and as adjectives with nouns. Two, three, and four take the objective suffix -a. When the numerals are suffixed or reduplicated they lose certain final portions, which correspond exactly to those similarly lost in Yaudanchi, and like these are determined by phonetic causes 1 Cf. teyi, tedi, and teli, teeth, in the same dialectic groups. VOL. 2] 297 298 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. and not by etymology. The animate or collective suffix -in of Yaudanchi, and the ordinal adverbial forms produced by the locative suffix in that dialect, perhaps occur in Yauelmani, but have not been found. The adverbial form of the numeral ex- pressing "the number of times" is formed by the suffix -il, cor- responding to Yaudanchi -id. -Il is used on o-stems, -al on i-stems, and -ul on an o-stem, monos, the first vowel of which appears to replace an original u. The distributive is formed by reduplication, the stem as far as the first consonant after the first vowel being reduplicated and prefixed. The vowel of the prefixed syllable is that of the unreduplicated stem, except that i is strengthened to e; the vowel of the second syllable, the orig- inal stem, is weakened to e, except again in monos. To indicate the adverbial distributive with the meaning "so many at a time, " the suffix -am is added to the distributive forms. Cardinal .Objective Adverbial Distriibutive Collective in counting as adjectives the number "-at a time" and as of times adjectives 1 yet. yitsai yet. -yet. -in yet. -yet-n-am 2 ponoi pony-o pony-il pon-peni pon-peny-am 3 c.bopin e.bopin-a ?.opi-il c-op-c-bpi c.op-c.epy-am 4 hotponoi hotpony-o hotpi-il hot-hetip hot-hetp-am 5 yitsinil yits-al yet-yetis yit-yets-am 6 tsolipi tsolp-il tsol-tsblip tsol-tselp-am 7 nbmtsil nomts-il nom-nemits nom-nemts-am 8 monos mons-ul mon-monos mon-mbns-am 9 soponhot 10 t.ieu t.iw-al t.ei-t.eiu t.ei-t.eiw-am 11 t.ieu yo yet., or yetsam 12 t.ieu yo ponoi 20 ponoi t.ieu 100 yet. pits COMPOSITION AND DERIVATION. The traces of composition and derivation are as slight in Yauelmani as in Yaudanchi. The suffix -wiya is added to un- syntactical stems denoting shape or motion and makes of these verbs of action. The suffix seems to be derived from the stem wi, to do thus or to say, and its use in this way is analogous to that of the Yaudanchi suffix -wid-etc added to unsyntactical OKroeber.-The Yokuts Lang'uage. terms representing animal cries, thus forming names of animals, as huc-udete. A Yauelmani suffix -at., -t., or hat- added to nouns seems to mean "he who desires." Thus, t-e-t, kawayu-t, moke- hat., insin-hat., one who likes to stay at home, one fond of horses, one who desires women, a woman who desires lovers. A few iso- lated cases of derivation or composition have been noted, such as k'ili, cloud, k'ili-a-g'o, it is cloudy; maya-in-talap, large bows, the name of the Shoshonean Gitanemuk of Tejon; and paaji, lake, kuyu-paaji, ocean, literally salt lake. It is however to be ob- served, as in analogous Yaudanchi forms, that there is nothing to prove that such forms as the two last are true compound words and not merely collocations or phrases. YAUELMANI SENTENCES. In the absence of texts, the following Yauelmani sentences are appended. The transcription of these follows the methods employed in giving the Yaudanchi texts. Where two or more words,-usually all but one of them pronouns or other enclitics, -were heard as one, they have been written as one, the com- ponent elements of the cluster being separated by hyphens. The English equivalents of such words have been separated. Hyph- ens connecting English words indicate that all so connected are to be regarded as a unit equivalent to one Indian word; hyphens in the Indian text, other than for the purpose mentioned, are used in many cases to separate suffixes from the stem and from each other, for the sake of making the structure clearer. Gener- ally the English translation is as if interlinear, the words follow- ing one another in the same order as their Indian originals. In a few cases, which will be obvious, a short Indian phrase has been more freely rendered by a longer English one and no at- tempt made at a word for word translation. amin t.ii, his house. mrngin t.ii, of me-and-you the-house. nimgin t.ii, of-me-and-him the-house. mingin t.ii, of-you-two the-house. minbk t.ii, your (pl.) house. nimok t.ii, our-and-their house. amnok t.ii, their house. VOL. 2 ] 299 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. amingin t.ii, of-them-two the-house. k'ili, cloud. k'iliag' o, it is cloudy. paaji, lake. kuyu-paaji, ocean, (salt-lake). yaha mak huloc-xa mak, come we-two, sit let us-two! na mamikwa cil-hin, I ye-two see. ma naninwa cil-hin, you us-two see. hitsi na-mam cil-en, to-morrow I you see-shall. wa ta nono g'o-g' o, far that man is. cil-an-na amin uk'n-a, see I his drinking. hohu cilaan-ma nim xat-a, yes, see you me eat. nim xat, my food. hanuk na xat-an inis-a, something I eat good, what I eat is good. insis t.ii, good house. na insis, I am good. insis nim t.ii, good my house, I have a good house. cil-hin na inisa t.6n, see I good house. cil-hin na inisa xat-a, see I good food. maiek t.ii, large house. taut.a-na-kin puus-a mets-nan as-is-in, kill-shall I this dog because ine bites. hawiy-uk puus-a ma taut.-an, which dog you killed? ta ki nan ta as-as-ahin, tan na taut.-ahin, that this me that bit, that-one I killed. hauj-in-uk ma taut.-ahin, how-many you killed? hot'pony-o na taut.-ahin, four I killed. e.oopin-a na taut.-Rhin, three I killed. hauyen-uk ma taut.-ahin, what-for you did-kill-them? ha-no-k ma tan taut.-ahin, with-what you him killed? ha-n-uk ma cil-ahin, what you did-see? ha-uk-ta, what (is) that? ha-uk-ki, what (is) this? ha-uk-ke, what (is) this (more distant) ? wat-uk-ma, who (are) you? cil-hin-na ha-n-uk-ti, see I something. ha-uk-ti tahan-an xami, something comes hither. pat-in-hin na ha-n-ok-ti, fell-on I something. tsiup-a yokots, some people, part-of-the persons. tsiup-a silel, some-of-the stones. ha-utsin yokots, few people. mani yokots, many people. cil-hin-na tan hat-ya-in, saw I that glutton. cil-hin-na tan xat-a-ts-i, saw I that-one who-eats. cil-hin-na ta-in xat-a, saw I that-one eat. cil-hin-na ta-n nat-a, saw I that food. taut.-ine-in na cil-hin, the-killer I saw. na nono, I-am a-man. ma ktiina, you-are a-woman. 300 VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokutts Language. 301 na hulc-a, I-am a-sitter. na hulac-t-iini, I-am a-repeated-sitter. t.ipin ki-n xat-a, on-top-of this food. g'o-g' o ta-u kudjala ke-u xat-au, is there the-spoon at-this food-at. yawalya-k, run around, look for it! yit-was na amaminwa, go-with I them (yit., one, -wis reflexive). api-na mam tahan, with I you come. api-na-mam g'o, with I you live. g'bo-k ta-u, live there! (a farewell greeting). g'ob-k wik ta-u, live you-two there! g 'o-k wil ta-u, live ye there! g'o-na ke-u, live I here. g' b-in-in-na k&-u, live I here. g'ob-g'o ki-ma ke-u, live (question) you here? nibets nim nak yet-iu tahan-an, older-brother my he-and-I together come. yit-was na puus-a nim tahan-ahin, accompanying I dog my came. g' -g' o-in-nak, live-together we-two. toxil-nit na tahan-an, west-from I come. xosim-na tanan, north I go. witcet ki panan-g' o ke-u oct-ou, stick this lies this-at fire-at. amtsau ki-n oct-o huloc-on-na, near this fire sit I. tipin ki-n oct-o, over this fire. ax-its, bed. atil ki-n ax-ts-i under this bed. tot.ii-ka, break-it! tot.ii-li-k, break-several-pieces! na tot.i-le-hen, I shall-break-several. walan-na tsbop-ahin toineu, yesterday I broke-it in-the-middle. tsuiup-un, noon. salap-ta-g'on-nan walan nimokun t.amut, shaving-were we yesterday our beards. cil-hin-na minbkun calp-a, see I you-plural shaving. potox-wal-ek yet.o yux-un-uk, smash-it-entirely, pulverize-it! potox-potox-wil-ek amaminwa, smash them! piwec-an aman, pound-acorns they. piwac-ta-k, pound-acorns-intermittently! piwic-ka, pound-acorns! (once or continuously, for a short or long time, but without intermission). p5iTic, mortar. potox-potox-wal-ini, one-who-mashes-everywhere. kit-e-kit-its, one-who-cuts. tid.ek-its, one-who-splits. tid.ik-l-ini, one-who-splits-repeatedly. tid.ak-t-ini, one-who-splits-repeatedly. salap-t-ini, one-who-whittles-repeatedly. moke-hat., one-who-likes-women. ins-in-hat., one-who-likes-lovers. kawaiu-t., one-who-is-fond-of-riding-horseback (kawaiu, horse). te-t., stay-at-home (ti, t.e-, house). AM. ARCH. ETH. 2, 22. University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. hat-ya ma, glutton you. xat-iin ma, glutton you. xat-a-its nan cil-hin, the-eater me saw. hule-a, one-who-sits-in-one-place. hulac-ta-hin na, I sit, get up, sit again, and so on. wowul-mu-na-mam cil-hin, standing I you saw. cil-hin-nan xat-mi, he-saw me when-he-was-eating, (from, at, eating). hulac-t-ini nan cil-hin, he-who-sits-down-repeatedly me sees. ohom na mam cil-aan, not I you see. an-ki mi-hi lap-en, 0 you will hit-him? hosoon ki ma, cold (question) you? ohom, no. ines-as-i mak, are-good you-and-I. in8s-as-i mak, are-good ye-two. yet.o mai ines-as-i, all-together we are-good. lap-ka, whip I lap-ka-wik, whip-ye-two ! lap-ka-wil, whip-ye! kun-kun-ka-wik, hit-repeatedly-ye-two! kun-kun-ka-wil, hit-repeatedly-yeI lap-wis-in-ma, whip-self you. lap-wis-in, he-whips-himself. lap-wis-in aman, whip-themselves they. lap-i-lp-iis-a-g' o aman, whip-one-another they. kun-u-kn-us-a-g'o amak, strike-each-other they-two. lai-i-ly-is-a-g'o amak, kick-each-other they-two. wot-i-wit-is-a-g'o mak, beat-each-other we-two. xat-xa-mak, eat let me-and-you. lap-xa-mak, whip let us-two (I and you). lap-it nak, whipped-are we-two (I and he). uk?on-u-k nan, drink-give me! lap-xa na, whip let me! tan-xa-mak t.eu, go let us-two house-to. walan-na-mam ep-la-g' on, yesterday I you made-swim. walan-na-mam lap-lap-la-g'oin, yesterday I you made-whip-repeatedly. walan-na-mam xat-la-g'oin, yesterday I you eat-gave. cil-aan-na min uk-on-u ki-n ta-ni ilk-ani, saw I your giving-to-drink him with-that water. cil-aan-na min xat-la ke-ni ta-n, saw I your giving-to-eat with-this to- that-one. cil-aan-na min cilit-i-han-an, saw I your making-him-jump. dil-aan-na kiln-a min ki-n puus-a silel-ni, saw I striking your this dog stone-with. cil-aahin na walan kun-a-la min ki-n noto-in ke-ni puus-ani silel-ni, saw I yesterday making-strike your this youth by-means-of-this dog stone-with (I saw you make the youth strike the dog with a stone). hawetam-uk ma ta-n tiie-in, how you that make? wi-mi, thus. ins-in-g'o na-mam, like I you. 302 VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 303 ins-in-ka mam, love me! ines-til-sit-g'o na-mam, or ines-tal-sat-g'o na-mam, do-well-for I you. c.oopin cilit, three jumps. yit. kun, one stroke. tixt-in-hin-na hotp-il kun-t-un min, sick-became I four-times hit-being-from of-you. tixt-in-hin-na kun-mi, sick-am I hitting-from. tixt-in-hin-na lap-lap-t-in amin, sick-am I repeatedly-whipped-being-from of- him. na ilak-ta-g'o hon ama na kun-ut, I sang-a-long-time, then I was-struck. hitsi-na ilak-ta, tomorrow I shall-sing-a-long-time. ilak-ta-k, sing (a long time, or continually) ! taxan-ahin-na t.e-nit m6ts na hosoon, came I house-from because I cold. tixt-in-hin-na hosiuw-mi, get-sick I cold-being-from. hosiu-ta-u-nim tix6t-an ot.o, cold-continually-from my hurts head. mi na-mam ilik-i, shall I you sing-make. mi na-mam hatam-i, shall I you dance-make. walan-na mam ilik-i-g' on, yesterday I you sing-made. uk-on-o)hin nan, drink-he-made me. lihim-i na-hi tan, run-make I shall him. ta lihim-hin, he runs. hiwit-i na-hi tan, walk-make I shall him. hiem-ma tan-hin, now you go? tan-a na-mam-hi, take (make-go) I you shall. mi-na kin tan-a, shall I this take. mi na-mam ep-la, shall I you swim-make, or put-in-the-water. tan-ian-ki-ma, going-are (question) you? wiy-aan-nan, he-says-to me. wiy-aahin nan tan-ki-mi-hi, said-to me: "go (question) you will?" wiy-aan nan tan-hi, he-told me go he-would. ma ki nan cilit-i, you (question) me jump-make? cilit-6-hin nan, jump-makes me. cilit-i na-mam-in-wa, jump-make I ye. kun-a-la na mam hi, hit-make I you shall. walan-na-mam kun-a-la-g' on, yesterday I you hit-made. notu-na wa g' o, east I far live. toxil-ki ma g' o, west do you live? hitsi ni-hi tau g' o, to-morrow I shall there be. ml-na tau g' o, shall I there stay. atil ilk-a, bottom-of water. hatim-hin-na, dance I. paiute-n hatim, Paiute 's dance. paiuti hatam-an, the-Paiute is-dancing. ilik-sit-g' o-na paiut6-n, sing-for I Paiute. tsumun-amin, end its. tsumun amin ilk-in kon-in, end its water's fall's. woi-ka, sleep! walan-na wuy-e-g' on, yesterday I slept. c.oopin toino hiem tan-in, three nights now went. University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. tsum-un amin wuiy-un nim, end its sleep 's my. insis nim wUii, good-is my sleep. ins-in-g' o-na nim wuiy-a, like I my sleep (I like to sleep). ines-tam-na kon-in-hin, well I descend. cil-e-g' o-na batsikn-i pfis-a, see I red dog. silit-hin-na t.ipin ki-n silel, jump I on this rock. witset ki panan-g'o ke-u sili-w, stick this lies on-this rock. cil-e-g'ohin na as-a min ta-s-in-wa, see (sawl) I biting your those. as-is-in nan aman, bite me they. as-is-in na a-mam-in-wa, bite I them. as-is-in na kin, bite I him-close-by. as-is-in na ken, bite I him-somewhat-near. cil-e-g' bn-na min lai-han-ahin xat-au-min, saw I your having-been-kicked eating-for your. cil-e-g' on-na min as-is- (h)an-an min uk-un-t-au, saw I your having-been bitten your drinking-for. cil-aan-na ki-n puus-a xat-an, see I this dog eat. cil-aan-na ke-in puus-un xat-a, see I this dog's eating. ke-in puus-un xat, this dog's food. cil-hin-na kU-in xat-a, see I this-one 's food, see I this-one eat. ki tau nono xat-in, this there man eats. cil-hin-na ki tau nono xat-an, see I this there man eat. cil-hin-na ke-in tau nbno-in xat-a, see I this there man eat. tixt-in-hin na m6ts na ki-n xat-in, sick-am I because I this eat. tixt-in-hin na ta-ni xat-ani, sick-am I that by-means-of-food. tixt-in-hin-na xat-mi ki-n, sick-am I eating-from this. tail-hin-na hatim-mi, recover I dancing-from. tail-hin-na ke-ni hatm-ani, recover I this dance-by-means-of. mi-na hatm-in ama-na tal-an, shall I dance, then I recover-shall. wot.-it-na ke-in n6no-in, hit-was I of-this man. pok-in-ki-ma, find did you? wot.-sit-it na min, hit-for-am I for-you. kun-hun-na, hit-with-the-hand I. cil-hin-na puus-un lap-lap-han-ain, see I dog's being-whipped. cil-hin-na min kun-han-ain, see I your being-struck. cil-it-aman, seen-are they. lana-g' o-na-min cil-han, hear I you to-have-been-seen. lana-ahin na min cil-a nohoo-n, heard I you saw grizzly-bear. ilk-in kono, water-fall. walan-na pat-an na ilk-au, yesterday I fell I water-in. pat-n-in na ilk-au, fall-shall I water-in. pat-in-hin-na xoti-u, fall I ground-on. kon-in-ka, descend! wa-nit t.ipi-nit ilik kono-n-on, far-from high-from water falls. lomt-o-nit tahan-an ilik, mountains-from comes the-water. toxil tan-aan ilik, west goes the-water. palu-wa g'o-g'o paaci, down far is lake. pus na-mam wiyaan, xat-en mi-hi, (t) I you told, eat you would. wut-e-g' o-na ki tan hi nono xat-en, knew I this it would man eat. 304 VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 305 wut-6-g' o na kon-on-ma-nan-hi, knew I strike you me would. taud.ak, kill! mi-na-mam taud.a, shall I you kill. walan-na-tan taud.a-g' bn, yesterday I him killed. hitsi-na-tan taud.a, tomorrow I him kill. k'ehUian m6ts na tan taud.ahin, (sorry) because I him killed. cil-hin-na amin tan taud.a, saw I his him killing. cil-hin-no min wat-ook-ti taud.a, saw I you some-one kill. taud.a-nit na-hi7 killed-shall-be I shall. ma-hi tau taud.a-nit, you will there killed-be. haiyu-wis-ka-nan, laugh-at me! waxil-sit-ka-nan, cry-for me! ilik-sit-g'b-na-mam, singing-for-am I you. texal-sit-g' o-na-mam, speaking-for-am I you, I interpret for you. texal-g'o-na-mam, speaking-am I you, I talk of you. taud.a-sit-g'o-na-mam tani, killing-for-am I for-you that-one. kun-sut-un-na-mam keni, strke-for I for-you this-one. mi-na tamna, shall I taste. tamna-sit-ka nan, taste-for me! mi-na kly-en tan, shall I touch that. kii-sit-g'o-na-mam, touch-it-for I for-you. lap-lap-it-na, whipped-am I. lap-ats, a whip. mi-na lap-en, I shall whip. wot.-it, he-is-hit. wot.-wot.-it-na, am-hit-several-times I. wot.-g' o na kin pus-a, hit I this dog. wot.-en na ken pils-a, hit I that dog (at some distance, but visible). oyog' o-na kisinwa non6hi, seek I these men. oyoxan-nan aman, seek me they. tasin nan nbnei oyoxo , those me men seek. kisik nan nbnbi oyoxo, these-two me men seek. tasin nan ins-in-g' bn, those me like. ki talap, this bow. nim talap, my bow. kb-in nono-in talap, this man's bow. c.oopin nbn6i, three men. tixt-in-hin-na xat-mi xoi, sick-am I eating-from deer. taiil-hin-na ukun-mu ilk-a, well-am I drinking-from water. xono na as tixt-in-g' o, constantly I (?) am-sick. mi-na kin xat-en xoi, ama na tahan t.b-u-nim, shall I this eat deer, then [ go house-to my. as-it-na puus-un, bitten I dog-of. as-en-na-mam, bite-shall I you. lai-it-na nbno-in, kicked-was I man-of. kun-ut-na witbp-in, struck-was 1 child-of. wit6p-in sasa, child's eye. nbno-in tinik, man's nose. kainha-n sasa, woman's eye. University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. ki nan nbno cil-hin, this me man sees. cil-hin na kin nono-in, see I this man. tixtin-hin-na cil-mi hitwaia-n, sick I seeing-from ghost. tixtin-hin-na hitwaia-ni, sick I ghost-by. hitwaia nan lihim-6-hen, ghost me run-made. tosit-en-na-mam-hi, tell-shall I you shall. pus-na-mam wiyaahin, kun-kun-ut-ni-hi, (?) I you told, struck-be I shouldJ. kun-ut-na, I am struck one blow. kun-kun-ut-na, I am struck many blows or all over my body. cil-hin na maiek t.e-in, see I large house. maiek pus nan as-is-in, a-large dog me bit. ki pfis kudjii, this dog is-small. cil-hin na kodje-n pus-a, see I small dog. ins-in-g' o-na-min ilk-a, like I your singing. ponoi ilik, two songs. walan-na ilek-ahin, yesterday I sang. c.oopin nim hatim, three my dances, I have three dances. ins-in-g'o na wiy-ain hat 'm-a min, like I do-thus (the-way-of) dance your. wi-ka, do-it-thus! wly-ain ilik-a, thus sing! hawlyuk-min ilik, what-kind is-your song? hawiyuk, how-does-it-look? ne-ki, like this. ne-pus, like a-dog. cil-en-na-mam-hi hitsii, see I you shall to-morrow. xat-atin-g' o na manen, eat--like I much. cil-hin-na xat-a min pus-a, see I eating your dog, I see you eating a dog. xoi-n sasa, deer's eye. puus-un sasa, dog's eye. kainha-n t.inik, woman's nose. mani witip-ats, many children. silil, rock. silel-hal, rocky, a lot of rocks. yet.-yet.-in nimogon tok xoi, one-each our kill deer. pon-pen-i nimogun tok xoi, two-each our kill deer. bepatiu ki-n lomt-o, top-at this mountain. taud.-ahin na ke-ni talap-ni, killed- (him) I this-with bow-with. kopin ki-n deiwite, inside this basket. y't.o n6nei taud.a-t, all the-men were-killed (every man was killed). yet.o g'o-g'o noneh-in yet.-yet.-in ti, every is men's one-each house. yet.o g'og'o ta-s-in-w-in n6n&h-in t.i yit., all is of-those men's house one (they have one house together). yet.-yet.-n-am na amaminwa kun-kun-hun, singly I them strike. witcet-al, many sticks lying about. mi-na ki-n tot.i-li yet.-yet.-n-am witset, will I this break each-singly stick. c.op-c.epy-am aman taxan-an, three-at-a-time they came. ke-u, here (from ki). ke-u, there (from ke). ke-u taxn-en, hither he-comes. 306 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. hiyok ma g' og' o, where you live? hiye-t-uk ma tahan-an, whence you come? (hiye-t for hiye-nit before -uk). hiye-nit na tauac tahan-an, somewhere-from I ( ?) come. ki na tau g' og' o konon-on ponpon, this I there live falls snow. bis nan ti hi watau as-en, ama na ta-n kun-on, if (?) me (?) will anyone bite, then I him hit-will. acwa-ma-nan as-as-ahin walan, kun-al-na-mam lac, if you me had-bitten yes- terday, struck-should-have I you indeed( ?). acwa ma insis, wan-al-na mam nac kawaio-n, if you good, give I you indeed ( ) horse. hot-'e-g' on-na kun-on mi-hi ta-n, knew I hit you would him. aewa ha ma walan taxan-ahin, wan-al na mam lac xat-ani, if (?) you yester- day had-come, presented-should-have I you indeed(?1) with-food. acwa ma-nan walan kun-ahin, as-al-na-mam lac, if you me yesterday had- struck, bitten-should-have I you indeed(?) acwa ma t.e-u g' o-g' on, taxn-al na lac ta-u, if you at-home had-been, come- should-have I indeed (?) there. mane-in na at-in hites, anum na tumk-un-un, much I cut wood, that I warm- will-be. diln-au hiwet-in ki-n lomt-o, along walk this mountain. koyoii-koyoii-wiy-ahin amin hoiin, zigzag-going his flight. hoiin-hin tukal-iu, he-flies straight. tukal witset, straight stick. mi-na hiwet-an ayan-aya-wiya, shall I walk swaying-going. hot.bne'-hin na, make-a-fire I, keep-up-a-fire I. hot.one-ls, fire-place. palam-palam-wiy-an, flames (=are-flaming). palam-am-wiy-ahin, flames ( were-flaming). tul-ul-ul-wi oct-in, hissing of-fire. tuk-tuk-wi oct-in, crackling of-fire. salats-wiyan, daybreak. xap-la yokots, angel (flying person). taud.a-wis-in amak, kill-themselves they-two. lap-i-lp-is-an amak, whip-each-other they-two. tuy-u-ty-us-ahin amak, shot-each-other they-two. tixt-in-hin-na min tui-t-un, sick-am I your being-shot-from. tuy-ut-na, am-shot I. tixt-in-hin-ma amin tui-t-un, sick-are you by-him being-shot-from. moy-on-on na tui-tui-mu, tired I from-shooting. hiem na moy-in-in nim ilek-i, now I am-tired my singing (of singing). hiem na moy-in-in as-as-i nim, now I am-tired biting my (of biting). hiem na moy-in-hin as-as-i nan, now I am-tired biting me (of being bitten). moy-on-on na hiem kun-ow-i nan min, tired I now striking me of-you (of being struck by you). hiem na moy-in-hin kun-bw-i mam nim, tired I now striking you of-me (from striking you). wa mi-hi-tan lap-en, ta-na-mam as hi cil-en, (?) you will him strike, that I you (?) shall see. VOL. 2 ] 307 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. III. OTHER DIALECTS AND COMPARISONS. This third part of the present paper deals briefly and com- paratively with all the Yokuts dialects on which material is available. As originally written, this part contained discussions of six or eight dialects besides Yaudanchi and Yauelmani. Sub- sequently an opportunity arose to make a special study of the territory, tribal divisions, and dialectic groups of the Yokuts family as a whole. This study was carried out in the early part of 1906, and included among its results about twenty vocabu- laries, of different dialects, available for systematic comparison. This increased body of material has made possible a determina- tion of the principal divisions of the Yokuts family. While many dialects have become entirely extinct, it appears, from the information obtained, that none of those thus lost was sufficiently distinctive to exclude it from the several dialectic groups that have been established. In other words, these groups appear to represent all the principal divisions of the Yokuts language at the time of its first contact with white civilization, and the dia- lects that have been lost to differ from those known only in minor features. The linguistic material obtained in the last study made was recorded at so many places, and from so many different indi- viduals, that it was impracticable to extend it beyond vocabu- laries, and to enter into grammatical investigations, in the time that was available. Previous knowledge of the structure of Yau- danchi and Yauelmani however made it possible to determine certain structural features, such as the pronouns and the verbal suffixes, in many cases, and the morphological information se- cured in this way is sufficient, when combined with the more readily obtained lexical and phonetic results, to allow of a satis- factory general classification of all the dialects. 308 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. DIALECTIC DIVISIONS. As stated at the opening of this paper, the Yokuts dialects were numerous, each small tribe, of which there were about forty, possessing a dialect distinct, in at least some words, from all others. At the same time the differentiation of even the most diverse dialects was not very great. Barring two small special- ized groups comprising together not more than three or four dia- lects, all the dialects were more or less intelligible to one another. Structurally they are very uniform, and even lexically they differ more conspicuously by the use of different stems to ex- press the same idea than by serious modifications of the same stem. Altogether the dialects, including the two specialized groups just mentioned, fall quitely clearly into two divisions, of which the Yaudanchi and Yauelmani that have been described are typical grammatical representatives. These two divisions have been called the Foot-hill and Valley divisions. The relation of these two divisions to the topography of the Yokuts territory is, when particularly considered, quite striking. As has been stated, the Yokuts occupied the entire southern half of the San Joaquin-Tulare Valley, besides almost all the adja- cent foot-hills. They did not reach high into the mountains, which were held everywhere by Shoshoneans and, in the south, by Chumash. The present Tule river reservation, which is sit- uated on original Yokuts territory, is farther up in the moun- tains than almost any other habitat of even the Foot-hill tribes, a circumstance due probably to the presence in the Tule river region of a well marked secondary range of the Sierra Nevada, which served as a natural dividing line between the two stocks. Within the Yokuts family the dialectic distinction between the inhabitants of the plains and those of the foot-hills is equally sharp. Not only that adjacent tribes living respectively in the valley and in the hills spoke differently, but, with only two ex- ceptions, all valley tribes everywhere belonged to one division, and all foot-hill tribes to another. These two exceptions were, first, at the extreme northern end of the Yokuts territory, on the San Joaquin and Fresno rivers, where dialects belonging to the Valley division, but forming a well-marked subdivision, were spoken in VOL. 2 ] 309 University of California Publications. [Am.ARCH.ETH. the foot-hills as well as on the plains.1 Second, at the extreme south of the Yokuts territory, two similar and much specialized Foot-hill dialects were spoken about Buena Vista and Kern lakes. While these lakes are in the great Tulare plain, and the tribes in- habiting their shores were separated from the other tribes of the Foot-hill division by the Valley tribes on Kern river and Tulare lake, yet the two lakes are comparatively close to the mountains that shut off the Tulare basin on the south; and, as these moun- tains, while forming part of the Coast Range, are also connected with the southern Sierra Nevada into one long continuous system swung about in a semi-circle, the habitat of this isolated lake group is not so diverse from that of the remainder of the Foot- hill division as at first appears. In connection with the sharp differentiation of dialects spoken in the valley and in the foot-hills, it is to be observed that almost throughout the Yokuts territory, at least from the San Joaquin southward, the distinction is equally sharp topographically. The foot-hills end abruptly, in some cases quite boldly, at the edge of the plain, and a few yards, sometimes a single step, bring one clearly from one zone into the other. North of the San Joaquin river the physiography is usually quite different, as the foot-hills slope almost imperceptibly into the valley in a long peneplain. This is the character of the country among the northern Yokuts tribes that live in the foot-hills but speak Valley dialects. It is also the character of the country among the Miwok, the stock adjoining the Yokuts on the north, and it appears that in this family, although its range is much higher into the mountains than that of the Yokuts, there is no such marked division into Foot-hill and Valley dialects as exists in the latter. VALLEY DIVISION. The Valley division consists of two groups, a northern, and a principal one occupying most of the valley proper. 1 The Northern group of dialects, while showing some unity and a number of stems peculiar to itself, appears to have consisted of two sub-groups, one comprising the tribes living in the plains, the other those in the hills. The dialects of the plains sub-group were the nearer to those of the southern Valley tribes. Thus even in this Northern group, which on the whole be- longs distinctively to the Valley division, the distinction between Valley and Foot-hill dialects is to some degree maintained. 310 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. The Northern group comprised the tribes living directly on the San Joaquin and on the streams to the north, the Fresno and the Chowchilla. From this group material is extant from the Chukehansi, Kechayi, Dumna, and Chauchila dialects. The dia- lects of the adjacent Dalinchi, Hoyima, Heuchi, Pitkachi, Wa- kichi, and perhaps Toltichi, also belonged to this group. The main Valley group extended over the territory from lower Kings river to lower Kern river, that is to say, the land bordering on these streams as well as on the lower courses of Tule and Kaweah rivers and the smaller neighboring streams, as also on Tulare Lake. This was the largest group of Yokuts dialects, and formed linguistically a close unit. It included Yauelmani, Wechikhit, Nutunutu, Tachi, Chunut, Wowolasi, and Choinok, from which there is material, besides Wimilchi, Apia- chi, Telamni, Wowowali, Koyeti, Truhohayi, and probably others, all or most of which are extinct. The Chulamni, or Cholovone, occupying a detached territory in the vicinity of Stockton on the eastern bank of the lower San Joaquin river considerably to the north of all the remaining Yo- kuts tribes, also spoke a dialect belonging to the Valley division. Its affinities are very markedly with Chauchila, the northern- most dialect of the Valley division, and which, while most closely allied to the Northern dialects in the foot-hills, such as Chuk- chansi, shows so many special affinities to the main Valley group as to make it nearly a transition between the two. FOOT-HILL DIVISION. The Foot-hill division occupied a smaller area than the Valley division, and the number of tribes included in it was smaller. The number of its subdivisions is however greater, and these sub- divisions differ considerably more from one another. The North- ern and Valley dialects of the Valley division are practically identical in structure and in phonetics, the differences being lex- ical. Among the four Foot-hill groups, however, there are gram- matical and phonetic differences, besides lexical divergences considerably greater than those existing in the Valley division. The four foot-hill groups were spoken respectively on Kings VOL. 2 ] 311 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH. ETH. river, on Tule and Kaweah rivers, on Poso creek, and at Buena Vista and Kern lakes. The Kings River group is the northernmost of the Foot-hill division, and in every way closest to the Valley division. It is, for instance, phonetically entirely similar to the Valley dialects. Structurally it also agrees with the Valley dialects in certain re- spects, although other features, and these apparently more numer- ous and distinctive ones, ally it with the adjacent Tule-Kaweah group of the Foot-hill division. Lexically, also, it shows many affinities with both the groups of the Valley division, but the body of its words it has in common with the other Foot-hill groups. The Chukaimina, Michahai, Aiticha, and Choinimni, as well as probably one or two other tribes living on the immediate Kings river drainage, such as the Toikhichi and Kocheyali, from whom no material has been secured, formed this group. The Gashowu of Dry creek, the next stream to the north of Kings river, between it and the San Joaquin, also belonged to this group, although their dialect shows a number of special affinities with the adjacent Northern group. The Tule-Kaweah group of the Foot-hill division comprised a small number of tribes: the Yaudanchi, Wiikehamni, and pos- sibly two or three others, such as the Gawia, Yokod, and Bokni- nuwad. In this group there appear for the first time the sounds 6 and ii and the other impure vowels that have been encountered in Yaudanchi; also n-, which may have been an original sound of the language lost in the greater number of other dialects; while 1 is changed to d. Lexically this group is more different than its northern neighbor, the Kings River group, from the Valley division, and the same is true of its grammatical features. Thus, while "'his'" in all Valley dialects is "'amin,' it is 'imin' in the Kings River group, but "an" in the Tule-Kaweah group. This group is the central one in the Foot-hill division, and lin- guistically also intermediate between the less specialized Kings River group and the more specialized Poso Creek and Buena Vista Lake groups, and may be regarded as typical of the Foot- hill division. Accordingly Yaudanchi, which belongs to this group, and Yauelmani, which forms part of the principal Valley subdivision, are typically representative, although they are geo- 312 2Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. graphically almost in contiguity, of the two main branches of the Yokuts family. A much specialized group of the Foot-hill division comprised the Paleuyami of Poso creek, and possibly one or two neighbor- ing dialects, such as Kumachisi. This small dialectic group does not show the o and Xi and impure vowels of the Tule-Kaweah group, nor has it changed 1 to d, although it uses ni. Its greatest divergence is lexical. It possesses many stems peculiar to itself, and where the stems which it uses are those of other dialects, they are usually phonetically altered in Paleuyami, the vowels being particularly modified. The pronouns are as divergent as those of any Yokuts group; the verbal forms resemble those of Yaudanchi. While the distinctness of this dialectic group is con- siderable, it clearly forms part of the Foot-hill division. A fourth Foot-hill group, a small body on the plains around Buena Vista and Kern lakes, seems to have consisted of only two tribes, the Tulamni, and another the proper name of which appears to have been entirely forgotten and which is therefore designated by the term Khometwoli, meaning simply southerners, applied to it by its Yauelmiani and other neighbors. This small Buena Vista Lake group is lexically still more distinctive than the Poso Creek group, especially in the number of its stems pecu- liar to itself. Both phonetically and structurally, however, it appears to be about as close to the remaining Foot-hill groups, especially the Tule-Kaweah, as the Poso Creek group. Like the Tule-Kaweah dialects it possesses o and ii and nl. RELATIONS OF DIALECTIC GROUPS. As can be seen, grammar, lexical content, and phonetics usually present about similar degrees of distinctiveness in these several dialectic groups, so that a natural classification presents no complexities. Such a classification is illustrated in the fol- lowing three diagrams. The first of these, figure 226, indicates the degree of difference or similarity between dialectic groups by the relative linear distances between the figures representing these groups. This graphic method is of course more or less im- perfect while confined to a representation in two dimensions. As VOL. 2] 313 University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. will be seen, the area occupied in this diagram by the four Foot- hill groups is much greater than that covered by the two Valley subdivisions, indicating a much greater divergence from one an- FIG. 226. other of the former. This contrast is further accentuated by the fact that the closely similar Valley groups comprised a much greater number of dialects. If the extent of territory inhabited by the groups, and not the degree of their dissimilarity, had been indicated in this diagram, the Valley area would have been con- siderably larger than the Foot-hill area. This first representation has the disadvantage that it shows only the actual degree of difference between dialectic groups, without any reference to the nature or cause of this difference. FiG. 227. 314 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. While, for instance, the Poso Creek and Buena Vista Lake dia- lects are perhaps more divergent even from their nearest ally, the Tule-Kaweah group, than this is different from all the other groups, even of the Valley division, yet it is not unlikely that these so divergent dialects are comparatively recent specialized offshoots from a former generalized Foot-hill branch, now repre- sented more nearly in its early state by the Kiings River or Tule- Kaweah subdivisions. With the probable original relation of the groups in view, a second diagram in the form of a tree of rela- tionship has therefore been arranged in figure 227. This dia- gram expresses approximately the degree of similarity between dialectic groups by the distances between the ends of the lines representing them, while at the same time the branching of these lines illustrates the presumable origin and connection of the dia- lectic groups. A third diagram, figure 228, has been arranged to show sche- I r FIG. 228. matically the relation of the dialectic groups to the Yokuts terni- tory. If it is borne in mind that the geography of this sketch is only diagrammatic, and that the relationship of the dialectic groups is indicated by the chain of figures representing them, the meaning of the figure will be clear. VOL. 2 ] 315 3University of California Publications. [AM. ARCH. ETH. LEXICAL RELATIONS OF DIALECTS. The principal characteristic of the vocabulary of the Yokuts dialects is the great number of totally distinct stems used in different dialects for the same word. This feature is the more pronounced on account of the comparatively great uniformity of words when their stems do not change, and especially on ac- count of the marked structural similarity pervading aLl divisions of the family. The diversity of dialects as regards stems becomes particularly apparent when, after having the conditions of Yo- kuts in mind, one turns for comparison to the larger families of the continent, as for instance Shoshonean. This family, adjoin- ing the Yokuts on the east, has an immensely greater territorial extent, reaching from Wyoming to Southern California and from Oregon to Texas. Its dialectic groups are well marked; but as one turns the pages of a comparative vocabulary, he is impressed by the almost endless variability, time and again, of the same stem, with a persistence, however, of this stem through all or nearly all the dialects. In Yokuts the stems vary much less, and in fact are often identical; but instead, new radicals constantly appear as one passes from one dialectic group to another. It is probable that a similar comparative phonetic uniformity but radical diversity characterizes many of the linguistic families of California, especially those in the large Central morphological group. This feature has been exaggerated by writers who have received impressions of the native languages by coming more or less in contact with the Indians without systematically collecting linguistic material; but, allowing for the necessary modification on this account, these impressions are nevertheless correct. Study shows conditions entirely similar to those of Yokuts to exist in Yuki, Pomo, and Costanoan. Dr. Dixon's re'cent study of the Shasta and Achomawi, as a result of which he has united these two groups into a single family, deals primarily with lexical simi- larities, but gives negative evidence of the great radical diversity that must exist in this now unified family. The miscellaneous published Maidu and Wintun vocabularies show quite clearly that the same conditions exist at least to a considerable degree in 316 Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. these two stocks; precisely to what extent, remains to be seen. All these languages, with the exception in a measure of the Shasta- Achomawi, are phonetically very simple and clear. In none of them do radical syllables appear to contain two consecutive con- sonants; in all full, simple, and naturally produced sounds pre- dominate greatly over impure, unusual, or phonetically idiomatic ones. In all there is very little phonetic modification, especially of consonants, upon contact of stems in composition or deriva- tion. Even the vowels undergo little change in this way except for some phonetic harmony in Maidu and Yokuts. It is evident that with this quality of phonetic simplicity fundamentally im- pressed upon the consciousness or rather unconsciousness of these languages, extensive and complicated phonetic variations such as characterize Indo-European and some of the larger American families, cannot so well occur between dialects. While the comparatively slight diversification of dialects through alterations in them of the same radicals, is thus causally directly connected with the phonetic character of the Central Cali- fornian languages-slight as compared with the total degree of differentiation of dialects,-the origin of the corresponding op- posite characteristic of great radical diversity is less easily ex- plained even in a general way. It is probable that this radical differentiation is due largely to the general tendencies which have resulted in the diversification of the languages of California into so many families or apparent families, so far as this diversi- fication may have arisen within California and not be due to successive immigrations of already distinct stocks. But what those diversifying tendencies are is not yet known. All that can at present be conjectured is that they are connected, as they are co-existent with, the tendencies toward phonetic and structural simplicity that are so deeply impressed upon almost all the Cen- tral Californian languages. Borrowing of words from other families will account for the radical diversities between dialects only to a slight extent. It is becoming evident that there has been more or less borrowing be- tween almost all the families of the Central Californian group. In a few cases the number of stems held in common by two or more stocks is in fact so large as to raise the question whether it AM. ARCH. ETH. 2, 23. VOL. 2 ] 317 Universtty of California Publications. [AM-ARCH.ETH. does not point to their original unity. In most cases, however, the borrowed words constitute only a small portion of the total vocabulary of any family or dialect, and, what is more, they are as often stems denoting special ideas as they are words of more primitive meaning and considerable significance in linguistic comparisons. A second cause that has no doubt been operative in producing the differentiation of dialects, exactly to what degree is hard to determine, is the prevailing taboo of names of the dead. This in some cases probably has led to borrowing; but more fre- quently to the use of a stem properly belonging to a dialect and cognate in meaning to, but as a radical distinct from, the one which is temporarily or permanently dropped. This process, it will be seen, would explain a great number of diversities in Yo- kuts. It is however hard to imagine that this cause alone could have been productive even of only a large part of the extensive differentiation occurring. Where a single dialect shows a dif- ferent radical from the other dialects of the same group, this explanation of the taboo as cause is reasonable enough; but when entire groups of dialects possess different radicals from other groups, it is evident that further factors must be taken into con- sideration. And these factors still remain to be discovered. Numerous instances could be given of the disappearance of stems in one or more of the dialectic groups of Yokuts, and of the appearance in these dialects of other stems, often utterly un- changed from their forms in other groups but with a different meaning. For instance, the usual Yokuts word for house is t.i, varied occasionally to t-e and tci. In most Northern dialects this stem disappears and is replaced by xo. The usual meaning of xo is to be or live, which it appears to possess in all dialects. In addi- tion it has probably given rise to the continuative suffix xo found in the Valley, Northern, and Kings River groups. In the Foot- hill dialects this stem xo acquires the additional meaning of sit, replacing entirely the Valley stem huloc. The usual Foot-hill stem for sleep is eiit-im. In Paleuyami this is replaced by k'eneu, which is nothing but the usual Foot- hill radical k'ilnu or k'aniu, meaning to lie. In the Valley dia- lects sleep is expressed by woi, which is also the term for lie. 318 VKroeber.-The Yokuts Language. The usual Yokuts term for smoke is mod*ak. In most North- ern dialects this disappears to be replaced by a stem tsehan, which reappears in Yaudanchi as tcehein with the meaning of fog. The same stem, tcehefi, replaces the usual word for cloud, k'iudai or k'ilei, in Wiikehamni, Aiticha, and Choinok, while in Tachi the stem ceel, which usually has the meaning of rain, appears for cloud. In place of this stem ceel, which is the customary one in the Valley dialects for rain, xotoo is characteristic of the Foot- hill dialects. But in certain special Foot-hill and Valley dialects, such as Tulamni, Gashowu, Tachi, Chunut, and Nutunutu, a stem gono, meaning fall, appears. The usual stem for medicine-man is ant*u. The Northern dia- lects show a stem teic, which is the radical having in Yaudanchi, and apparently in most other dialects, the meaning of make. The medicine-man is he who makes. In Paleuyami the usual Yokuts words for head and hair, ot.o and dool, are replaced by a form t*uk, which is nothing but the Foot-hill and Northern stem tcuk, meaning in these dialects brain. Such instances could be indefinitely multiplied, and were the Yokuts languages known more thoroughly an even greater num- ber of radical, diversities could no doubt be explained in this manner than is now the case. At the same time there is evidently a large element of diverse stems whose origin cannot be explained in this way. Such stems may also once have taken their rise through dialectic shifting of meaning, but the process and the fact can no longer be traced or determined. To illustrate the degree of uniformity and diversity of the stems in the several dialectic groups of Yokuts, a comparative vocabulary of a few selected terms is here given. The fuller vocabularies from which this table is drawn will be presented in a future publication dealing specifically with the tribal divisions and dialects of the family. VOL. 2 ] 319 University of California Publications. [AM.ARCH.ETH. .4j -- 4- -+ 41 41 4 4-2 -44 4z 4a 4 0 C0 ) Q 0 * ~ 0 0 0 0 *cs 0o c) *ccXc g g v000Q Q d Q O - l s b CD O -4 *_-*4 *,-q -O O C H O Ce Ce Ce C, C) 0, 0 ic o .$ L,4 f V J ;4J C) C- PL 4 P4 4 P4 PL P4 00 00 v A P- v 4 A Pk P4 $= -^ ce cd cd c3 sl Ce ge e ce e ce ce ce ce d m 0 . u~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C 4-a _+Ia *M 4:, 4-- +-- 'a4 a -*aa a 4a- 4-; a *4a 4a aH 0 w Z v < v v A 2 < < v Cd < v r *- * *H *H cd c -4- d 2 4- 4- -6- A -4a -4- -4- pi- ps si p- 4PD P .H . 1 .H .H . e .H . e * e o e ._ S e .e .e ._, ce u ; *H *S Y < Y Y Y < f d ~~~~~~~~~~~~m ow0C ow ol ow eV o) oQ o idiqm S Y d Y Y < Y q) 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~4' 4- 4D -l-z 4~-4D -- ;4 cd ct v A, A, A, P, &, v z ?p ;4 ;~~~~~ ~ ~~~4 04 S:4 9 G 9 0 -D Q. 0 " 0 0 0 0 0 0 cx3 Ct3 av C 3 CB cd~~ Cd d C'S c: cB ce ce oe o o o o o o o -4 0 9 9 9 = q= : = 9 9 C) kg 'a ce ; e d 0 W s 0 3 P4 0 g; 0 0 0 8g 320 VOL. 2] Kroeber.-The Yokuts Language. 4)C ccd cd c3 c p B Be Q) 'to4 AQ ) ) ) -) 4c .e *. 4 c) L C) ; ) 0 ,O ffi etge *e e *e w 0 w c e Si. cd w d cB d ~ rc ec C) o -fo 4' 4' 4'5 ~4 ' 4 4 L 4 4 = X= rt nn nn H H H - H W H H H 0 N Y + *s O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O O :;; Ct Ce t