THE LAGOMARSINO PETROGLYPH GROUP (SITE 26-St-l) NEAR VIRGINIA CITY, NEVADA M. A. Baumhoff, R. F. Heizer and A. B. Elsasser A report by the University of California Archaeological Survey provided at the request of the Curtiss-Wright Corporation. U. C. A. S. Report No. 43 (Part II) Contents Page Foreword 0 0 a 0 0 a 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 S 0 0 0 . Introduction 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Analysis of Efements o m oet0 o 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a 00 a* . . .. . 0 7 Conclusions. a a 0 a 0 0 * a 0 0 0 0 0 * * * . . . . . . . 13 Bibliography 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 0 0 0 . . * 16 Explanation of Figures and Plates.0 0 0 0 * * * . * . . . . . . 17 Illustrations and Tables Following page Map lo Lagomarsino . 0 0o 0 o o * o o * * * a * * * * * . 2 Figso 1-10o Petroglyph elements0 * * * * * * . . ? ? 17 Plates 1, 20 Site and petroglyphs o . a 0 0 0 0 0 0 * * * . . 17 Table 1. Classificatlon of elements . o 0 0a 0 * * * * * 0 8 page Table 2. Total occurrence of elements . 0 0 0 * * * * * * , . 10 Table 3. Calculation of test statistic, . 0 * * * . . . . 0 0 12 Foreword In December, 1956 Mr0 William To Matthews of the firm of Breed, Abbott and Morgan, of New York City, requested the University of California Archaeological Survey to study, prepare, and publish a report on a petro- glyph site near Reno, Nevada, on land which the Curtiss-Wright Corporation was acquiring through the Bureau of Land Management. The suggestion that this study be made came from Dr. Jesse L. Nusbaum, Archaeologist of the National Park Service, who visited the site with Mr0 Matthews in October, 1956. Mro JO W. Calhoun, Director of the Nevada State Museum at Carson City, offered full cooperation in the project. In February, 19579 following an exchange of correspondence, the Uni- versity of Californila entered into an agreement with the Curtiss-Wright Corporation to carry out the project. Thanks are due to Mr. W. H. Kelly, Jr., and Mr. P. G. Guisti, of the Curtiss-Wright Corporation, and the Pyramid Construction Company, respectively, for their whole-hearted assist- ance in providing transportation and directing the Surey to the site, The present report is the result of field study and analysis of recorded data. Although no destruction of the petroglyph site is contemplated, the increased activity in this remote area may inadvertently lead to vandalism of the inscriptions0 If such should occur, an adequate record available to all interested persons will have been made0 Both the Federal government and the Curtiss-Wright Corporation have fulfilled their obligation to sci- ence by-making possible adequate recording and publication of the data. The Archaeological Survey, long accustomed to learning, after the fact, of irresponsible destruction of archaeological remains by otherwise responsible firms or agencies, is pleased to offer its appreciation in the name of those persons interested in the prehistoric past of the United States to the Curtiss-Wright Corporation. Introduction About ten miles northeast of Virginia City, at an altitude of about 5,000 feet in the Virginia Range of Western Nevada, a prominent exposure of fine-grained basalt marks the location of an extensive area of prehistoric petroglyphs (P1. la)0 The cliff and talus slope of that part of the basal- tic exposure where the markings occur face due south. Down slope from about the center of this section is a small spring, evidently permanent, which serves as one of the sources of a creek called locally Lousetown Creek but sometimes referred to as Long Valley Creek (Map I). It may be expected that the great number of markings displayed on the rocks would long ago have attracted the attention of travelers or at least the reports of local residents might have encouraged numbers of individuals to visit the site. However, the region is isolated and no well-traveled trails crossed the mountain range at this point, hence it is assumed that relatively few persons have vlsited the site in recent years. The designa- tion "'Lagomarsinol" is taken from the name of a local rancher who is known in years past to have utllized the area as grazing land for his livestock. In the files of the Department of Anthropology at the University of Cali- fornia, Berkeley, the earliest reference to this site seems to be in a letter from one John A. Reid to Professor J. C. Merriam, dated January 5, 1904. Later photographs of but a small portion of the individual elements and groups of the petroglyphs were sent to Berkeley by Mr. Reid. All his data were subsequently included in Steward's (1929) volume on petroglyphs where the Lagomarsino site was designated as 1"208 Pt Virginia City, Nevada."1 With the inceptlon of the Universlty of California Archaeologi- cal Survey in 1948, and the inclusion of Nevada archaeological site records in the files of that organization, the site has been recorded as t26-St-1." The prefix "126"1 here refers to the state of Nevada, while the remainder of the title signifies the order of the recording of the site in Storey County. Although the site has been formally designated as an archaeological site, it is true that the petroglyphs there have never been completely re- corded. Fortunately, however, they are to this day in an excellent state of preservation, and the almost complete recording in January, 1958 by the present authors was carried out without any difficulty due to the extreme weathering of the rock surfaces or alterations by vandals. Preservation against the latter is attributable mainly to the relative inaccessibility of the site from population centers, and secondarily, in some small measure, to public ownership of the region. The N-evada State Park Commission has for some years had the slte posted with warnings against defacement of the rock markings. 1. Actually Steward has two sites included under this number, Photos showing the Lagomarsirno site are Steward's Pi. 66b, c; P1. 67, When the Curtiss-Wright Corporation was engaged in preliminr1y nego- tiations to acquire the land on which the petroglyphs are located, it seemed advisable that the petroglyphs , being of importance as an outstand- ing monument of the aboriginal inhabitants of the region, be treated in the same manner as any other spot of national historical or archaeological significance; since the spot could not easily be set aside as an accessible public attractlon, complete recording should be made of its significant content, and the permanent record deposited in places available to scholars or other interested persons0 Accordingly the Consulting Archaeologist of the U. S. National Park Service, Dr. Jesse Nusbaum, recommended that a qual. ified archaeologist be assigned to the task of recording the petroglyphsa When the U. S. Bureau of Land Management released the land to the Curtiss- Wright Corporation, representatives of the latter organization were in a position to retain the services of the University of Califomnia Department of Anthropology to carry out the necessary field work and publication of results. The Curtiss-Wright Corporation, with the stated purpose of making an educational contribution, generously supported all aspects of the perti- nent work by means of a direct grant to the University. The field work of the project was carrled out as stated above in January, 1958. As wlll be shown below, the petroglyphs are typical of those occurring elsewhere in the Great Basino There is not one indication in the entire array of markings that the persons who made them had any contact with Euro- pean-Americans. Such contact would ordinarily be reflected in the markings identifiable, for example, as horses bearlng riders or men carrying guns. It is therefore difficult or impossible directly to associate the execution of even a portion of the markings to any of the ethnographic groups of the region and thus offer explanations of their significance in the context of aboriginal cultures which are relatively well-known. Knowledge that the immediate area seems to have been occupied in historic times by the Northern Paiute2 (Park and others, 1938, p. 624) does not afford enlightenment as to the purpose of the markings. No informant among the Northern Paiute or the neighboring Washo, for that matter, has ever glven any explanation of the origin of these or any other petroglyphs in Slerran Califomia or in Western Nevada. In spite of the lack of definite knowledge as to the origin and meaning of these petroglyphs, certain clues offered by their physical situation and other circumstances allow us to make some cogent speculations regarding these two aspects. Flrst of all, the very magnitude of the group is sugges- tive of a fairly long span between the time of cutting or pecking of the first and latest symbols on the rocks. The markings are closely distributed in a 400 yard sectlon of vertical cliff-face from twenty to thirty feet high (Plh 2), Below the cliff, on a talus slope which extends in a thirty or forty degree angle down about 150 yards to the spring, is a jumble of boul- ders which obviously have been detached and have rolled down from the orig- inal cliff. The larger rocks scattered throughout the jumble have inscrip- 2. The Virginia Range, to the east of Washoe Valley, is taken by Park to represent the boundary between the Northern Paiute and the Washo. The Lag omarsino site 1is located on the eastem side of this range. -=2 - j N CONTOUR INTERVAL 60 FEET L - . 1/4 m il I I 0 1 Mtap /. Lagomarsino Petroglypph Site tions on them which appear similar in style and execution to those found on the cliff. Although there was no way of determining whether some of the inscriptions had been lost or obscured by the overturning of the rocks, the general disposition of the markings on many horizontal or easily access- ible upright surfaces indicates that any major displacement, presumably from local diastrophic events, must have occurred before the markings were made. Both the cliff rock and the talus boulders are covered with "'desert varnish."' This phenomenon is more pronounced on the boulders than on the cliff surfaces, but in all cases it is the cutting or pecking action through the superficial "varnishing"t which allows the petroglyphs to appear so boldly on the rocks. The color of the rock below the varnished layer is much lighter than the varnish itself, hence the great majority of the figures are imnediately and easily discernible. Even so, many of the latter were chalked in by us so as to allow clearer photography. In no case did we observe what could be called well-defined revarnishing over already executed figures0 This would a priori negate any attribution of great age to the markings, though it should be noted that the knowledge of the formation of desert varnish is not complete, and has only reached a point which allows, and this in a few cases only, extremely rough, relative dating. (See Laudermilk, 1931; Hunt, 1954.) The techniques empLoyed in producing the petroglyphs were pecking, scratching, and rubbing, in that order of importance. An experiment conducted by us at the site disclosed that pecking with any of the small stones lying about the present surface of the talus slope would easily break the surface of the desert varnish and in effect duplicate the results of the aboriginal tech- nique for the great majority of the figures. Most of the symbols have been positively executed; in some, however (see Fig. 5m, 6h), the "tnegative"l method was followed. There is no doubt that rubbing and scratching were of minor importance, since only a few examples of each were observed, Rubbing marks are illustrated here, as background marks, in P1. ld. Scratch marks are shown in the drawing in Fig. 2o. These are known to occur in association with con- ventional Great Basin tyFe petroglyphs elsewhere: Schroeder (1952, Fig. 14), for example, describes and illustrates a specimen from the Lower Colorado River area which exhibits scratch marks over a previously fashioned petroglyph of the pecked variety so well represented at the Lagomarsino site. The marks in Schroeder's specimen cannot be identified, however, as a distinct element, such as the "cross-hatching" exhibited by some of the scratchings at our site. Of the approximately 600 separate symbols which occur on the cliff and the talus boulders, 439 have been collected and analyzed in this report. The outstanding result of the analysis is the recognition of two distinct art styles at the site. These have been placed (see below) into an approximate relative chronology which suggests a long period of seasonal occupation of the site. The close association of the petroglyphs with the favorable environmental features of the surrounding terrain cannot be ouestioned. If the springs of a 3 Lousetown Creek were running as copiously in aboriginal times as now, and there is no reason to believe that they were not, this in itself would explain the attraction of the spot to mammals such as mountain sheep and deer, hence to human beings as well, The site is well within the range of the mule deer Odocoileus hemionus hemionus and the mountain sheep Ovis canadensis californiana (Hal7W167p7 fl77F638). Scattered on the sur- face of a small occupation or camp site centered about the spring are ob- sidian chips, and occasional projectile polnts may also be found there. Evidently the site offered other advantages besides being an excellent place for fashioning petroglyphs. It is inferred that pine-nuts (P. monophylla) were the most important seeds used by the aboriginal inhabitWnts of this region. The altitude (ca, 5,000 feet) at the site and the general aspect of the terrain correspond to a typical pinon environment: Upper Sonoran Zone, Pinon-Juniper Belt; see Hall (op. cit., p. 36). The fact that no pThon trees were seen by us in the immedife 1Vcinity of the site may easily be attributed to depredations fron nineteenth century Virginia City, ten miles to the south in the Virginia. Range. De Quille (William Wright) refers (1876, pp. 215, 216) to the denu- dation of the plnon in the vicinity of Virginia City as follows: "In the early days these hills were covered with a sparse growth of nut-pine trees-. a sort of stunted pine, in s5ize and form of trunk and branches somewhat resembling an ordinary apple tree--but the denrrand for fuel for the mines, mills, and domestic uses swept all these away in a very few years, and even the stumps have been dug up and made into firewood by the Chinese. e . And now all the hills and mountains as far as the eye can reach, are brown and treeless." If our assumptions about the former environment of the area are cor- rect, we are able to state that the Lagomarsino site was ideally situated for a summer or early fall camping spot. Furthermore, the association of the petroglyphs with the permanent spring leads to the proposal that native curing-doctors (shamans) may have been responsible for the rock markings, The motivation for the execution of these petroglyphs may be suggested in terms of the acquisition of supernatural powers by the shamans and in the performance of food-increase rites, The seeking of power by would-be shamans or curing-doctors, often through dreams, at specific places, such as in mountains, in caves, or near lakes and springs and the like, has been noted in other parts of the Great Basin (Steward, 1941, p. 320; Stewart, 1941, p. 413; Whiting, 1950, p. 29). Although in many cases informants emphasilze that the dreams are unsought, Whiting (op. cit., pP. 30) states that among the Paiute Itthere is constant parentaVpressure to dream and to remember the dream, and this pressure is backed up by the community." In this light, it is reasonable to assume that certain spots would eventually become known as particularly favorable for the reception of visions or the inspiration of the proper kind of dreaming. Park (1938, P. 16), in his monograph on shamanism in western North America, records statements of Pavlotso informants which relate that "the spirit that comes in a dream is the shamangs power,v" and how "lsome shamans got t>heir power from the water babies, . . . The water babies came 4 to life by their own power. They formed themselves. Some water babies live in water holes and these holes never dry up. People call these water babies 'the breath of the water holes.' There is a breeze all the time in the mountains where they live." It may be supposed that the presence of a fine spring in an otherwise relatively dry, mountainous region, near an outcropping of rock particu- larly amenable to the fashioning of symbolic marks, could offer abundant inducement for certain of the Indians to attempt to depict the objects of their dreams or visions on these rocks. It is not difficult to relate certain of the petroglyph elements to natural objects, the increase of which would of course be advantageous to the Indians' economy. The more obvious examples are the mountain sheep (Fig. 9f) and possibly what may be interpreted as the cones of the pinon (Figs. 6p, 7c). While it must be admitted that it is not possible to say with any precision what the purpose of the Indians was in making petroglyphic in- scriptions on rocks, one may at the same time make some judgment as to purposes which were not envisaged by the makers of these pecked designs. Although a simple type of map-making was widely known in the Great Basin in the form of "sand maps" (for details see Heizer, 1958), maps showing topographical features such as watercourses, mountains, valleys, and the like, drawn or inscribed on a plane surface are not reported for the Great Basin area. There is a conceptual difference between a scale model show- ing topography and an abstract geographic plane map. The symbols are rather different, and the two types of representation clearly are of dif- ferent orders. For these reasons, it seems improbable that any of the Nevada petroglyphic designs known to date can be proved to be maps (cf. Steward, 1929, p. 226). Professor A. L. Kroeber (1958) has recently pub- lished an account of the Indian sign language of the Great Plains and surrounding territory, and has discussed the possible relationship of sign language to prehistoric petroglyphs. We quote here his remarks: it 0 e . specific resemblances between sign language and pre-Caucasian American pictography are really very few. The similarities are generic and only two: both methods appeal to sight, and only to sight. The positive conventions which are so strong in sign language are lacking in pictography. I know of no picture writing in which an erect index finger means man, or the hooked fingers swept down the side of the head mean woman, or 3tEer signs of similar conventionalization. "Another obvious difference is that the sign language is actually communicative in intent, whereas native art was primarily decorative. It might also serve ceremonial purpose, in which case it worked out certain symbols. But the meaning or purpose of these was known beforehand-- somewhat like the words of petitioning prayers or compelling formulas, or the motions of a dance--so that it was their enactment that counted as con- trasted with communication. It is quite likely that most communication, except where actual words were used in ritual, is read into ancient pictog- GM 5 we raphy by us rather than having been present by intent. If communicative purpose had been present, we ought to be able to understand a large pro- portion of preserved pictographs instead of being so largely baffled by them, "Another point of difference is that a pictography able to communi- cate a wide range of information presupposes an ability of realistic representation and discrimination that in general was far beyond native capacities. Such ability generally has to be taught or learned and rests on a developed tradition, On the other hand, the manual and digital skill required to make sign language gestures is in no way special. What there is traditionaL in it is its conventions: associations of particular ges- tures with particular meanings. Adequate execution of the gestures would never require more than several trials and might succeed at the first attempt. "Of course, it is also possible for pictography to get along with a moderate degree of skill in lifelike representation, in proportion as it succeeds in developing accepted conventions. This is the path followed by the plcture-writing of southern Mexico, which grew up in a society calen- drically interested and therefore future-oriented--also elaborately ritual- ized as well as technologically diversified and expert." If we accept Kroeber's analysis, and view the Lagomarsino site petro- glyphs in this light, we must admit that while there are some repetitive designs, these seem generically rather than specifically similar, i.e., many designs are similar but few are identical. Our labeling of a design element as "tcurvilinear meander" or "gridiron" or "rake", is for convenience and as a classificatory device and our decision to so lump generally simi- lar designs is not intended to create the impression that they were each bel'ieved to represent the same meaning to the individuals who anciently pecked the designs on the rocks. We do not deny that some, though probably not all, similar designs were intended to represent the same meaning, but the wide variability which is displayed is strong presumptive evidence that we are not dealing with evidence construable as a conventionalized system of elements intended to serve as a surrogate for spoken communication. Groups of design elements occurring together on one rock surface and which exhibit as a group the identical degree of weathering and technique of manufacture are believed by us to represent a single suite applied to one rock surface--say in a single day. Now, if these design groups were in- tended to communicate to another person or social body a message, or to transmit speclfic information, one would expect that there would be some regularity or repetition of elements on different rock surfaces. But repetition of a precise series of design elements in a sequence arrangement is scarcely to be found, and if we were to argue that these were messages it would have to be further assumed that each message was a quite different one. In view of the known fact of extreme cultural simplicity of the pre- historic peoples of the western Great Basin area and their uncomplex and practical-oriented activity pattern, it is difficult to believe that there ever existed such a precise mode of written communication or that such a numerous set of situations could have been present that would require com- munication by this technique. The apparently haphazard and independently assorted occurrence of petroglyphic designs is taken by us to indicate activity by individuals over a period of time0 That these individuals had some purpose in mind is undoubtedly true, but we see no evidence that that purpose was to con-vey a message or information. As Professor Kroeber sug- gests, it was probably the enactment, the act of picking up a pebble and pecking at the exposed rock surface, which lies behind the custom0 In addition, if we are to judge by what very limited information is available from recent Indians, only certain persons (perhaps hunters or curing doctors as suggested above) at certain specific times (perhaps in the pine-nut gath- ering season, or the deer hunt or rabbit drive, or when the ceremony during which the girlse adolescence ritual was being held) performed the ritual of petroglyph-making. If this was the case, the hundreds of petroglyph designs at the Lagomarsino site may represent generations of accretion by the hands of many persons, each with his own designs but also conceiving of these design elements within some general culturally-patterned frame or style03 The Great Basin style in this sense may be evidence of a genetic (or histor- ical) custom and limited series of design elements--a theme upon which variations were played by individuals. That the style probably has some time depth, and that it endured in essential form for a long period of time, is further indicated by the existence of two substyles (called by Steward "rectilinear" and "curvilinear"t) of which the curvilinear is older and the rectilinear a later variant of the same pattern. Analysis of Elements Petroglyphs on the cliff itself and immediately at the base of the cliff are shown in Figures la-6e. The figures show all the elements includ- ed in that region and they are in approximately natural sequence from west to east, ioe., Figure la shows the westernmost petroglyph and Figure 6e shows the eWsternmost petroglyph. Figures 6f-lOm show the glyphs that are to be found on the boulders scattered on the slope below the cliff. The coverage of the petroglyphs on this talus slope is not complete but it in- cludes a majority of the specimens to be found there. No natural ordering or sequence is to be associated with the sequence of figures showing the petroglyphs on the talus slope. The drawings shown in Figures 1-10 are taken from two series of photo- graphso One series consists of black and white photos taken by the Univer- sity of California Archaeological Survey in January, 1958. The drawings from these photographs are shown in Figures la-6o. The UoCoAoS. photographs each had a one foot scale included in the picture so the scales shown in Figures la-6o are accurate. 3. Schapiro (1953t po 287) says: "For the archaeologist, style is exempli- fied in the motive or pattern, or in some directly grasped quality of the work of art, which helps him to localize and date the work and to establish connecti1ons between groups of works or between cultures. Style here is a symptomatl,iic trait , like the nonaesthetic [fonn] features of an artifact." -7- The other series of photographs available to us consists of color slides taken in November, 1957, by Mr. Donald E. Martin of Santa Rosa, California, who klndly lent them to us for purposes of this study. The drawings from these color slides appear in Figures 6p-lOm. No scales are included in Mr. Martin's photographs so that it is not possible to judge size with complete accuracy0 It is a fact, however, that one can judge size better from a photograph than from a drawing and it has there- fore been thought wise to indicate approximate scale in the drawings, as nearly as can be estimated from the photographs. The scales shown in Figures 6p-lOm, then, should be taken only as rough estimates, not as precise measurements, For descriptive purposes each petroglyph at the Lagomarsino site has been assigned to one of 29 "felements," It is hoped that each of these elements corresponds to an ideal type in the minds of prehistoric artists. No doubt this hope is vain, in many cases, but there is evidently no other way to analyze such a mass of material. The 29 elements are listed in Table 1 together with references to the figures thus classlfied, A verbal description of the elements follows: l. Plant Form. Some of these, at least, seem to be genuine representa- tion o; plants. The element shown in Figure lb, for example, may repre- sent the joint pine (Ephedra viridis) which occurs abundantly at the site and which was medicinZTfTi7portant in aboriginal times (Train, Henrichs, and Archer, 1941, pp. 68ff.). 2. Human Figure. Examples of these elements are easily identifiable but 1-9 occur in a variety of forms (for example, stick figures as against full- bodied figures). They may therefore represent different styles. 3. Face. Specimens classified under this element consist of a straight or curved horizontal line, a straight vertical line intersecting the hori- zontal line, and a pair of dots or circles, one on either side of the vertical line and below the horizontal line, These figures seem, indeed, to represent faces but even if they do not their resemblance to each other is unmistakable. 4. Snake0 At least some of the figures so identified surely represent snakes, All such figures consist of a wavy line with an enlarged tip, as if representing a head0 3I Bird0 Only one of the three figures thus classified is certainly a representation of a bird. 6. Foot. Only one of the two figures in this classification corresponds x) G x 1 1 4 5 o 9211 G3 2 9 8 17 .4008 G0 3 2 3 5 o 7728 G3 4 7 5 12 o 3089 G2 8 13 5 15 a 0018 GL 12 5 11 16 a 93 70 G3 13 5 19 24 ? 9980 G3 14 18 32 50 o9565 G3 15 14 7 21 .0559 G 16 7 7 o0051 Gi 17 2 1 3 .4551 G2 19 12 6 18 00753 G( 20 10 26 36 ?9943 G3 21 21 14 35 o0851 G 22 7 4 11 o2110 G 23 9 12 21 97239 G3 4 L0 3 13 o.287 G 2 22 29 51 .7552 G3 26 20 16 36 91944 G 27 5 20 25 ?9987 G3 12 Now consider the random variable Y = no. of times X falls into G2 This is a binomial random variable with p = .34. W-e observe that X falls into G2 only twice (Elements 4, 17). The probability that the number should be as small or smaller than 2 is .019. We may therefore reject the hypothe- sis at a significance level of .02. Rejecting the hypothesis leads us to the conclusion that the distribu- tion of elements between cliff face and talus boulders is not merely random, that in fact certain of the elements tend to occur oftener on the cliff face and certain others tend to occur oftener on the talus boulders. Picking out the most radical examples of each we may attempt a preliminary definition of the two different styles. Cliff Face Style. Included in this are the following elements--Plant Form (Element 1), Bird Track (Element 12), Gridiron (Element 13), Rake (Ele- ment 14), Dots (Element 20), Cross Hatching (Element 27). The most notice- able feature of this style is its tendency to angularity. The cross hatch- ing and gridirons are the most striking elements to the observer, both because of their frequency and because of their size0 Talus Boulder Style. The following elements tend to be most closely associated with this style. Sun Figure (Element 8), Polliwog (Element 15), Asterisk or Star (Element 16), Concentric Circles (Element 19), Circle (Element 21), Curvilinear Meander (Element 24)o It will be noted that the characteristic elements of this style tend to be curvilinear. Among the more notable features are the curvilinear meanders which occur aimost alone in certain sites in western Nevada (Site Ch-3 at Fallon, for example). Conclusions The petroglyphs found at the Lagomarsino site clearly fall into the Great Basin geometric style which characterizes Steward's Area A. Steward (1929, p. 220) was able to distinguish two substyles occurring in the Great Basino The most widespread of these substyles is generally curvilinear and corresponds neatly to the style found predominantly on the talus boulders at the Lagomarsino slte. The circle, in one context or another, is the most common elerLent of this style but perhaps a more characteristic element is the curvilinear meander. These meanders have a vague sort of composition in that they tend to fill an area defined by the outline of a single boulder. But aside from two restrictions--curving lines without abrupt discontinuities and spatial restrictions provided by the area of a single boulder face--there seems to be no aesthetic discipline imposed on the style. The lack of disci- pline is no doubt attributable to the nature of the materials. Petrography is essentlally a decorative art--an attempt to embellish an object without reshaping it, But the objects that are decorated, in this case the boulders, are not themselves made by man and therefore they do not possess any degree - 13 - of unlformity to provide a consistent set of restrictions within which the art might develop. The shapes of the boulders are endlessly and randomly varied so that no uniform set of artistic principles can be applied to thelr decoration. The other substyle defined by Steward, within the Great Basin geomet- ric style, is characterized by an abundance of rectilinear elements and it thus corresponds to the style found on the cliff face at the L-agomarsino slte, The most common elements of this style are gridirons, cross hatching, and rakes, This style has only slightly more artistic merit than the curvi- linear style. The elements themselves have a bit more consistency while the composition, or relationship between the elements, has a comparable lack of disclplilne. We find two general styles, then, at the Lagomarsino site--Great Basin curvilinear and Great Basin rectilinear. The curvilinear style is found to occur throughout a wlde area of Westem North America--through the Great Basin proper and extending beyond it at least as far as Utah, Arizona, and Baja Califomia. The distributilon of this style is very much the same as that of Jennings, "lDesert Culturett (1956, Fig0 la), suggesting that Great Basin curvilinear petrography formed a part of this culture. The Desert Culture, however, is a sort of developmental level, representing a typical, perhaps inevitable, adaptation by a hunting-gathering people to Great Basin environment, Great Basin curvilinear, on the other hand, is an art style and as such is hardly subject to environmental control except in the nega- tive sense that the rigors of such an environment prevent the development of specialists and thereby restrain artistic virtuosity. Since Great Basin curvilinear style is not a necessary result of Desert Culture, there is no reason to attribute to it a comparable age (beginning ca. 6000 B.C.)0 How old is this curvllinear style, then? There is really no conclusive answer, but suggestive evidence on the point comes from the Grimes petroglyph site near Fallon (site Ch-3). At that site is found a pure form of the Great Sasin curvilinear style (Steward, 1929, Pl. 65b-d), with elements of the style covering boulders over several acres. At the same site, often on the same boulders, are found elements of another style, conslsting mostly of long, deeply cut lines, and small, conical pits 1-2 Inches in diameter, There is no question that this second style is much older than the elements of Great Basin curvilinear style; the surfaces of the plts and lines are completely covered with desert varnish and are indistinguishable from the surface of the boulders, while the elements of the Great Basin curvilinear style, although showlng some weathering, still make a marked contrast with the rock surfaces, Thus we find that there is a third and older style which underlies Great Basin curvilinear, Great Basin rectilinlear style, on the other hand, is probabl y more recent than the curvilinear style. For one thing, the rectilinear stylle has a more restricted distribution than the curvilinear styl.,-I-, being concentrated in the western portions of the Great Basin along the edge of the Sierra Nevadas, especially in Owens Valley, California. 14 Further evidence that the curvilinear style is older comes from Steward's (op. cit., p. 72) site 37 at Bishop, California. At this site rectilinear element are found superimposed on curvrilinear elements, indicating that here, at least, the curvilinear style is older. Our sequence of styles is, then, (1) the groove-and-pit style found completely patinated at the Grimes site, followed by (2) Great Basin curvie linear style found throughout the Great Basin, and finally (3) Great Basin rectilinear style found along the western margins of the Basin. The first style is obviously much older than the second style, suggesting that there is a long interruption between the two periods. A likely time for such an interruption would be the Altithermal or dry period of post-glacial times. Since this period is dated at approximately 5,000 to 2,000 B.C., we propose that the pit-and-line style was in vogue some time before 7,000 years ago, that Great Basin curvilinear began since the Altithermal, perhaps 3,000 to 4,000 years ago, and that Great Basin rectilinear began only about 1,000 years ago. These proposals are only tentative, of course, and will need testing through observation of the association of the styles with datable cultural materials, - 15 - Bibliography De Quille, Dan (William Wright) 1876 History of the Big Bonanza. H. Lo Bancroft & Co. San Francisco. Hall, E. Ro 1946 Man?nals of Nevada. UIniv. of Ca)4if. Press, Berkeley. Heizer, R. Fo 1958 Aboriginal California and Great Basin Cartography. UCAS-R No. 41. Hunt, CO Bo 1954 Desert Vamish. Science, Vol. 120, p. 183. Jennings, Jesse D. (Ed.) 1956 The American Southwest: A Problem in Cultural Isolation. Soc. Amer. Arch., Mem. No. 11, pp. 59-127. Kroeber, A. Lo 1958 Sign Language Inquiry. International Journal American Linguistics. Vol. XXIV, pp. 1-190 Laudermilk, J. De 1931 On the Origin of Desert Varnish. American Journal Science, 5th ser., Vol. 21, No. 121. Park, W. Z. 1938 Shamanism in Western North America: A Study in Cultural Relationshipso Northwestern University Studies in the Social Sciences, No. 2. Park, W. ZO, and others 1938 Tribal Distribution in the Great Basin. Amer. Anthropolo. gist, nos.o Vol. 40, pp. 622-638. Schapiro, M. 1953 Style. In Anthropology Today, A. L. Kroeber (ed.). Univ. Chicago Press, pp. 287-312. Schroeder, A. H. 1952 A Brief Survey of the Lower Colorado River from Davis Dam to the International Border. Bureau of Reclamation, Boulder City, Nevada. Steward, Julian H. 1929 Petroglyphs of California and Adjoining States. Univ. of Calif. Publ. in Amer. Archo and Ethnol., Vol. 24, No. 2. - 16 1941 Culture Element Distributions: XIII, Nevada Shoshone. Univ. of Calif. Anthrop. Records, Vol. 4, pp. 209-259o Stewart, 0. C. 1941 Culture Element Distributions: XIV, Northern Paiute. Univ. of Calif. Anthrop. Records, Vol. 4, pp. 361-446. Train, P., J. R. Henrichs and W. A. Archer 1941 Medicinal Uses of Plants by Indian Tribes of Nevada. U. S. Dept. of Agriculture, Bur. Plant Industry,X Contributions Toward a Flora of Nevada, No. 33. Whiting, B. B 1950 Paiute Sorcery. Viking Fund Publ. in Anthropology, No. 15l Explanation of Figures and Plates Figures 1-10. Lagomarsino Site Petroglyphs. The thinnest lines shown are edges of rocks or cracks in rocks. The following exceptional cir- cumstances are to be noted for certain of the figures: Fig. lk. The heavy gridiron overlies the rake. Fig. 2o. The crosshatching here is made by thin line scratching. Fig. 3g. This figure is a continuation of Filg.'3f. The human figure in the upper left hand comer of Fig. 3g is the same as that shown on the right in Fig. 3fo Fig. 3j. This is a continuation of Fig. 3i. It will be seen that two of the elements are repeated. Fig. 50o The horned circle at the bottom is made with a series of minute scratches. Fig. 6m. The thin line inside the heavy triangular figure indicates a chip taken out of the rock. Fig. 8n. The heavy black lines overlie the thick greyish lines. The heavy black lines are accomplished by pecking, the thick greyish lines by scratching. Plate 1 (a): General view of site, to north. (bed): Petroglyph groups on cliff walls. Plate 2 (a-d): Petroglyph groups on cliff walls. (e-f): Petroglyph groups on talus boulders. - 17 - I) i o. ?)Vl -- I 'A I I I -7? 1 L 4 b C 4'0 *t (::) a r -1 % a 'O 4P 0 v e f i k Fig I. Lagomorsino S/te Petrog/lvphs (scales indicate / footh K I 0 . t iI I 1 4 4 a c -1 ,p, I - - , : - ., - -I .a , I . .... .. ... i I I i?-- e S ? -T- T-7- I I "I --' - ........ 11--?,--- L 1 v.II , - ~ - .- ~ . --z .1, -Wrrp V#I. . ~. ---- 0 /1 /1 / k ..n 8-' fig- 2. ? agomars/no Site Petrog/y/phs (scales indicate / foot). i ---- -- ___j i I _ _k I - Fig. 3. Lagomarsino S/te Petrcg/yphs (scales indicate / foot). N / k} A -I Ligk _ g S Fig. 4. Lagomorsino Site Petrog/yphs (scales indicate / foot,). ;* : :.''.Est:v;e*I @ e IW) * * S. @ # . *' O* * * e ?U o e I I 1n -C f / | n C~ 9 - - ,c 0 -f \07 ill?9 Ii(r7 f;'('"i- 7 . .............. _ __ pJi t '; t, e L4 >'0 :' Fig. 6. ? agomarsino Site Petrog/yphs (scales indicate / foot). f -_._ __ __ __ __ _ A-'? . Fi_. 7 Lagomarsino Site Pelrog/yphs (scales indicate / foot). 1-- - i I I i I 6 tZR VS- I I - ",, 7> C y 10 6c d'fr Logomarsino Site Petrog/yphs ( / / i 4.0 .0 a I I 0p 0 T ',jlf C ). ?/ -I q s I I1 t'l- t I - . a b f ? h -.:i."'" ,.. 0 Fig. /0. L agomorsino Site Petrog/yphs (scales indicate / foo/. MR a n 4 . Z0 ' '- 17- 3t it t .N , 'm ft??, imL 4 ;K? I ? - i: : .s a ? X q * - ik r- ? > 1. :?'?b S r -,-Nwo A ;;if - ito r< -- . r T , s St W !5L < ;s \Ea- )1 V s :E I / ,- , > :% if ( W4t} S t 'L'? 1>. \X Q-- .d WI I t g"-- I I I - I I 'N - t ,4o- 4. 11 I - Al" ., 7 , X k'I 11i .I --3A J ij +.v C d OR I' Ilow ,p + % 4 1% e f P/ate 2. L agomarsino Petroglyph Site