63.0 Aboriginal California and Great Basxn Cartography* Robert Fo Heizer "As seen on the map, the distribution of the Yuki seems irregularo This is not because their location ran counter to natural topography, but because it followed it* Their country lies wholly in the Coast Range mountains, which in this region are not, on the whole, very high, but are much broken. They contain some valleys, but the surface of the land in general is endlessly rugged. The Yuki habitat is, however, not defined, except incidentally, by limiting mountains and ranges, but is given in block by the drainage of such-and-such streams, The native did not think, like a modern civilized man, of his people owning an area circumscribed by a definite line, in which there might happen to be one or many watercourses* This would have been viewing the land through a map, whether drawn or mental, and such an attitude was foreign to his habito What he did ki4ow was that the little town at which he was born and where he expected to die lay on a certain river or branch of a river; and that this stream, or a certain stretch of it, and all the creeks flowing into it9 and all the land on or beten these creeks, belonged to his people; whereas below, or above, or across certain hills2 were other streams and tributaries, where other people lived, with whom he might be on visiting tenms or intermarried, but who had proprietary rights of their own" (Kroeber, 1925, ppo 160o161)o The passage quoted above is taken from A. Lo Kroeber's Handbook of the Indians of Calitornia. The statement is important, for it estabishes a generalization which has been applied in drawing up the detailed map of California tribes contained in Kroeber's 4?oko Inspection of the large colored map in the Handbook will show how consistently stream drainages and watersheds served as tribal boundaries, and indeed, the same situation holds on the modem map of Califomia county boundaries (Cqy,9 1923). The concept of drainage and watersheds as forming territorial boundaries of tribes has proved applicable beyond CalifoMia, as, for example, in Kroeber' s detailed map of American Indian tribes (Kroeber, 1939, p. 8 and map 1A in rear pocket)o As a student of California Indian culture9 Kroeber? s stateuent that9 "tviewing the land through a map, whether drawn or mental, 0 0 t fwas] an attitude o 0 . foreign to o o o [the California nativess] habit't'; may be, and probably is, true with reference to the Indian either visualizing or sketch- ing a map of the territory occupied by his groupo Dro Kroeber, a person more intimately familiar with the, California tribes, and an indefatigable researcher in ethnogeography, doubtless had good reason to state that such ideas were foreign to the native's habit, the implication being that there * Support for the research presented here was supplied by the National Science Foundation (G3917)o Paper Noo 1l being no need or reason for such cartographic conceptions, they did not occur to the Indiano I can myself attest to the fact that even today non- map-oriented individuals are not rarities in California. Almost any arch- aeologist engaged in archaeological site reconnaissance has had the exper- ience of hauling out a UOSOGOS. topographic quadrangle showing it to some provincial, and hearing him say, "I dontt understand maps--never use gem" or something of the sort. He is not familiar with maps, but he knows where he is and he can di;rect you to a specific spot some miles away by citing natural features as guidemarks. This brings me to the point of this articlo, viz., that the California Indian may not have thought in terms of maps9 but when he was zsked for directions, or requested to draw a map, he could often do soo/ There is abundant evidence of this fact in the historical documents which record the earliest meetings of Indians and Caucasians. It was the Indian who knew where he was, the Caucasian who was inquiring about what lay aheado Answers to such inquiries were most often rendered in gestures and signs, but occa- sionally a native would draw a map on the earth. The earliest instance seems to be that described by Fr. Juan Crespi on Sunday, August 6, 1769, when the Portola expedition was among the Fernandeiio group of Gabrielino and the camp was visited by numbers of nativesO Crespi says, ttThey had heard of the sailing of the packets to the coast and channel of Santa Barbara; they drew on the ground the shape of the channel with its islands, marking the route of the shipst (Bolton, 1927, p. 151)o Fremont, while at Pyramid Lake, Nevada, on January l,5 1844, interro- gated the local Northern Paiute people and reports,, "We could obtain from them but little information respecting the country. They made on the ground a drawing of the [Trluckee] river which they represented as issding from an- other lake rTahoe] in the mountains three or four days distant, in a direc- tion a little west of south; beyond which, they drew a mountain [Sierra Nevadas]; and further still, two rivers [Sacramento and/or American or Feather or San Joaquin] on one of which [Sacramento?] they told us that people like ourselves travelled" (Fr6mont 1945h, p. 219). Fr"mont, on December 6, 1843, when somewhat south and east of Klamath Lake, Oregon, among the Klamath tribe says, "The stream we had struck tPit River] issued from the mountain in an easterly direction, turning to the southward a short distance below; and, drawing a course upon the groundis. - they made us comprehend that it pursued its way for a long distance in that direction, uniting with many other streams, and gradually becoming a great rivero Without the subsequent information, which donfirmed the opinion, we became immediately satisfied that this water f,rmed the principal stream of the Sacramento River, o . l" (Ibid., p. 206)I2 In the journal of J. Goldsborough Brxff under date of November 79 1850, is the entry,9 "The older Hough related to me their first visit to Honey Lake, as they called it,g from a weet subs ance which they found exuding 2 from the heads of wild oats in the basin. (I have named it L. Derby). An aged Indian visited their camp, and they made signs to him that they were in search of a deep-basined lake, where there was gold, and they showed him a small lump of the metal. The old savage, then took a pair of macheres (large flat leathers to throw over the saddle) -and sprinkled sand over them, drew a model map of the country there, and beyond it, some distance. He heaped up sand, to form buttes, and ranges of moun- tains; and with a straw, drew streams, lakes and trails: then adjusted it to correspond with the cardinal points, and explained it. He pointed to the sun, and by signs made them understand, the number of day's travel from one point to another. On it he had traced, (as I found on their explanation,) Mary's Humboldt River, Carson River, Pyramid lake, and the emigrant routes, -- above and below. He moved his finger, explanatory of the revolutions of wagon wheels, and that white people travelled along, with guns, on the said routes. On his map, he had exhibited the lake they were then at, and another in a deep basin, with 3 buttes beside it, and said that gold was plentiful there; and also, that 10 months ago the whites had visited it, and fought with the Indiansit (Bruff, 1949, pp. 453- 454)0 In 1849 A. J. McCall describes the making of a sand map by Northern Paiute at Lassen's: MBadowsg "While at the Meadows I met a friendly and intelligent Indian who made for me a map in the sand, a topographical map of the route over the rsierra] Nevada&. The sand was piled up to indicate mountains.s and with his fingers he creased the heap to show the canyons and water courses. To indicate wood and timber he stuck in sprigs of sage, and spears of grass where grass was to be found, and made signs to inform us where the Indians were friendly or dangerous. It was really an ingenious affair and he was well acquainted with the country" (McCall, 1882, p. 72). In 1853 Lt. A* Wo Whipple encountered Chemehuevis near the Colorado River, and describes (Whipple, 1856, p. 111) how one ". . . drew a sketch of this country, giving the Pai-ute names of tribes, and the rivers where they dwell.'" In another section of the same report are reproduced 3 Indian maps, one a Tewa Pueblo map of the Rio Grande towns (Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, 1856, p. 9), another a Yuma map of the Colo- rado River with tribes located (Ibid., p. 16), and the third the Cheme- huevi map of the Colorado showinWgtribal locations- (Ibido, p. 16)o The Yuma and Chemehuevi maps are also described and reprodued by Mbllhausen (1861, vol. 1, pp. 433-34). M81lhausen calls the Chemehuevi, quite cor- rectlyp Paiute. It is presumably the Yuma map that is referred to by Kroeber (quoted above) as "ti . the only native map ever published from Califoriao. "/ In Mallery's volume on North American Indian pictography (MallerY, 1886, p. 157-58) occurs the following description of a sand map made by a Southern Paiute in Southern Nevada. - 3a - "Dr. W. J. Hoffman states that when at Grapevine Springs, Nevada, in 1871, the Pai-Uta living at that locality informed the party of the exact location of Las Vegas, the objective point. The Indian sat upon the sand and with the palms of his hands formed an oblong ridge to represent Spring Mountains and southeast of this ridge, another gradual slope, terminating on the eastern side more abruptly; over the latter he passed his fingers to represent the side valleys running eastward. He then took a stick and showed them the direction of the old Spanish trail running east and west over the lower portion of the last-named ridge. When this was completed the Indian looked at the members of the party, and with a mixture of Eng- lish, Spanish and Pai-Uta, and gesture signs, told them that from where they were now they would have to go southward, east of Spring Mountain, to the camp of Pai-Uta Charlie, where they would have to sleep; then in- dicating a line southeastward to another spring (Stumps) to complete the second day; then he followed the line representing the Spanish trail to the east of the divide of the second ridge, above named, where he left it, and passing northward to the first valley, he thrust the short stick into the ground and said, 'Las Vegast"' Stephen Powers (1877, p. 384) records that a Yokuts Indian, to illus- trate a myth about how the Sierra Nevadas and Coast Ranges were formed, I,0 , * drew in the sand a long ellipse, representing quite accurately the shape of the two ranges. e " 011 Whether this can be called a map as such is unclear, but the basic idea is present and for present purposes we shall consider this instance as evidence of the translation of topographic fea- tures into a plane map. The instances cited above refer to the following tribes and dates: Fernandeno, 1769 (Crespi); Havasupai, 1775 (Escalante); Oregon Klamath9 1843 (Fremont); Pyramid Lake Paviotso, 1844 (Fremont); Honey Lake Pavi- otso, 1849, 1850 (Bruff, McCall); Chemehuevi and Yuma, 1853 (Kllhausen, Whipple); Southern Paiute, 1871 (Mallery); and Yokuts, 1877 (Powers). In these instances we may be reasonably or fully certain that the Indians' mapping technique was not acculturated, but was aboriginalo From more recent times there are at least two examples of Indian-made maps which might theoretically be ascribable to Caucasian influence, but even admit- ting the possibility, it seems unlikely, Kroeber reproduces a sketch map drawn between 1911 and 1916 by the famous Yahi, Ishi, and says this map is of interest because it proves the California Indians to have been not totally devoid of faculty in this directiono They usually refuse pointblank to make even an attempt of this kind, alleging utter inability, and it is only in the extreme south of the State that some rudiments of a sense of tracing topography appear. The Mohave readily draw streams and mountains in the sand, and the only native map ever published from Cali- fornia [see supra] is a sketch of this type. The Diegueno ground paintings also evince some elements of cartograph 14 endeavor, although in ritualized form"' (Kroeber, 1925, p. 344W fig. 32)OV The second recent Indian map was drawn by an Owens Valley Paiute, and - 4 depicts the Big Piine creek drainage area (Steward, 1933, p. 326, fig. lO). It was drawn some time between 1927 and 1931, is of modern date and hence may be suspect as representing a facility present among this group in pre-. Caucasian times. The map was executed by a man then about 100 years old, which means that he was alive when the first whites were seen, and was too old to have gone to school. I am inclined to think that these facts, to- gether with the 1849 and 1850 sand-maps of the same general Paiute group at Honey Lake, indicate the Ons Valley map as representing persistence of an old and original trait,,/ It will have occurred to the reader that there is a definite weighting of instances of sand-map making among groups who live in semi-arid regions. Whether such maps were more used by the natives of the less well-watered portions of western North America, or whether, in the period of Caucasian discovery and exploration, it was in those less attractive regions that geo- graphical advice was more deliberately sought and acqired from the natives, is something which I do not believe can be answered with the evidence at hand. Forest tribes, arctic coast dwellers and plains peoples all make similar maps in the sand or draw them on bark or hide, so we can suppose no very absolute rule to obtain here as regards environmental determinism. If I were pressed to give my own opinion, I should say that the abundance of references attesting to sand-maps among the Shoshonean peoples is probably a matter of historical and documentary chance, but I would not rule out the further possibility that the practice was emphasized by those thinly popu- lated tribes who occupied the regions of deficient rainfall. At any rate, to such tribes these maps might often be of critical importance in the matter of arranging a rendezvous, or any number of other reasons which might theoretically apply. This little review of the cartographic ability of certain California and Great Basin Indians has served to illuminate, however imperfectly, one aspect of the natives' knowledge of the actual world.6/ There is nothing remarkable in these little maps scratched in the sand, for primitive peoples all over the world can make such charts of areas known to them.L/ In the extensive amount of intertribal trade and the involved networik of trails of California Indians (Sample, 1950)9 such simple maps appear to have a rational functional context. Notes 1. Kroeber, despite the interpretation I have given his statements, would agree with this, as witness his remarks in the Handbook, p. 344. 2. The facts are uncertain here, for Fremont was lost in the marshy area east of Klamath Lake and was not on Pit River, though his Indian map may have, as he thought, been intended to show the Pito Some years earlier Emmons, while attached to the Wilkes Expedition, inquired among the Oregon and Northem Califoria tribes about maps. His questionnaire included this interrogation, "Are they expert in drawing maps or charts of the rivers, or sections of country which they inhabit?" The answer supplied by Enmons was: "Should judge. not. I endeavored upon more than one occasion to obtain information of the unexplored country adjoining them by tracings in sand, but could not" (Emmons, 1853). 3. When Escalante was at Oraibi in 1775 he spoke with a Havasupai who drew him a map with charcoal on a breastplate showing details of the route from Oraibi to Havasu Canyon (Bolton, 1950, pp. 2-3). This instance is of interest in attesting to map-making in still anothe.r Yunan tribe. 4. On the Dieguenfo ground-paintings, see Kroeber, 1925, p. 644. 5. While no reliable Indian testimony exists to show that the sometimes rather elaborate petroglyph designs are route or regional maps, there is widespread belief among aficionados of archaeology that these are "Indian maps." Steward (192) 22Y has commented upon this matter, and I endorse his statement. He says, "Many of the elaborate combina- tions of connected circles, wavy lines, etc., have been regareded [i.e.,j assumed] as maps. This seems to be a plausible explanation and may be true in some instances. Nevertheless many such arrangements have been studied by the authors and it is clear that they do not represent at all the country surrounding the site where they are found. It seems hardly possible such maps could have been of great use unless someone were on hand to explain their meaning to the wanderer and in that case they would scarcely be necessary." 6. Cosmological concepts, such as that of the Yurok (Waterman, 1920, pp. 189-193, fig. 1), the Luisen'o (Kroeber, 1925, pp. 662-664), or the Pomo (Loeb, 1926, p. 300), are of a higher level of abstraction even when they include the material, visible world in the schema. 7. For North America, see Noronoa (l951)2 and for two early studies on a world-wide basis see Dr8ber (1903) and Andree (1878, pp. 197-221). On maps from the ancient Near East see Lutz (1924)and Lucas (1948, p. 185); for the Eskimo see Cadzow (1924, p1. 6, pp. 144-46)i S lver (1957), and Jenness (1922, po 229); for Africa [Warega tribe] see Driberg (1929, p. 49); for Peru [Inca] see Means (1936, pp. 342-43). - 6 a Bibliography Andree, R. 1878 Ethnographische Parallalen und Vergleiche. Stuttgart. Bolton, H. E. 1927 Fray Juan Crespi, Missionary Explorer on the Pacific Coast, 1769-1774. Univ. of California Press, Berkeley. 1950 Pageant in the Wilderness. Utah State Histo Soc., Salt Lake City. Bruff, J, 1949 Go Gold Rush. The Journals, Drawings, and Other,Papers of Jo Goldsborough . . * April 2, 1849 - July 20, 1851 ' Georgia Willis Read and Ruth Gaines, eds. Columbia Univ. Press, New York. Cadsow, D. A. 1924 Eskimo Collection from Baffin Land and Ellesmeere Land. Mus. Amer, Ind., Indian Notes, vol. 1, no. 3. pp. 143-52. Coy, Owen C. -1923. Califomia County Boundarieso Berkeley. Driberg, J. H. 1929 The Savage as He Really Is. Routledge Introductions to Moderm Knowledge, no, 3. London. Dr8ber, E, 1903 Kartographie bei den naturv8lkern. Kglo bayer. Hof. u, Univ. Buchdruckerei von Junge und Sohno Erlangen. Emmons, Go F. 1853 Replies to inquiries respecting the Indian tribes of Oregon and California. In Schoolcrafto Indian Tribes, pt. 3, pp. 200-225. Fremont, J. C. 1845 Report of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in the Year 1842, and to Oregon and North Califomia in the Years 184344.o Blair and Rivers, Washington, D.C. JemnesS,1 D. 1922 The Life of the Copper Eskimo. Expedition, vol. 12. Ottawa. Report of the Canadian Arctic 7 - Kroeber, A. L. 1925 Handbook of the Indians of California. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bull . 78, Washington, D. C. 1939 Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. Univ. of California Publs. in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 38. Berkeley. Loeb, E. M. 1926 Pomo Folkways. Univ. of California Publs. in American Archae- ology and Ethnology, vol. 19, no. 2. Berkeley. Lucas, A. 1948 Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries. London. Lutz, Ho Fo 1924 Geographical Studies Among Babylonians and Egyptians. American Anthropologist, vol. 26, pp. 160-174. McCall, A. JO 1882 The Great California Trail in 1849. Bath, New York. Mallery, G. 1886 On the Pictographs of the North American Indians. Bureau of American Ethnology, 4th Annual Report, pp. 1-254. Washington. Means, P. A. 1936 Ancient Civilizations of the Andes. Scribners, New York. Mllhausen, B. 1861 Reisen in die Felsengebirge Nordamerikas. Leipsig, 2 vols. Noronoa, D. 1951 Maps Drawn by North American Indians. Eastern States Archaeo- logical Fqderation, Bull. 10, p. 6. Powers, S. 1877 Tribes of California. Contribs. to North American Ethnology, vol. 3. Washington. Sample, Lo 1950 Trade and Trails in Aboriginal California. Univ. of Califor- nia Archaeological Survey Report No. 8. Berkeley. S6lver, C. V. 1957 Eskimo Maps from Greenlando Archaeology, vol. 10, pp. 188-90. Steward, Jo H. 1929 Petroglyphs of California. Univ. of California Publs. in Ameri- can Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 24. Berkeley. -8 - Steward, J. H. (cont'd.) 1933 Ethnography of the Owens Valley Paiute, Univ. of California Publs. in American Archaeology and Ethnology, vol. 33, no. 3. Berkeley. Waterman9 T. To 1920 Yurok Geography. Univ. of California P-ubls. in American Arch- aeology and Ethnology, vol. 16, no. 5* Berkeley. Whipple, A. W. 1856 Reports of Explorations and Surveys to Ascertain the Most Typical and Practicable and Economical Route for a Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean. 33rd Congress, 2d Session, Executive Document no. 78, vol. 3, pt. 1. Whipple, A, We. To Ewbank and W* W. Tumner 1856 Report Upon the Indian Tribes. In Whipple, pt. 3. - 9 go 64. Determining the General Source of California Olivella Shellas Joan M. Silsbee As Olivella shell beads are frequently found in California Indian sites, it is useful to have a simple system of determining the origin of the shells. Species identification is difficult unless the entire shell is intact, but since the archaeologist usually only needs to know the general geographic source of the shell, two characteristics of the callus or raised ttglassy"t area next to the aperture can be used to distinguish Gulf of California species from those of the California coast. Fortu- nately, the callus is enough harder than the rest of the shel3L that it generally remains in good condition, so that structural differences in the callus may be used to distinguish the origin of fragments as well as shell beads which lack apex and base due to the stringing processo These two differences appear to be independent of the size, age, proportions and coloration of the shell; to judge from the specimens in the paleontologi- cal collections at the University of California at Berkeley and at Los Angeles and at the Los Angeles County Museum, the differences must have existed since the Late Miocene. Olivella species from the West Coast, 0. biplicata and 0. baetica, respeiv are shown in Figs. la, b. Bofh species are now found from Vancouver, British Columbia, at least to Magdalena Bay., Baja California, although the slender, smaller 0. baetica is more comuon south of Point Conception, California. Figs, lc d, e, f show Gulf of California spe- cies; illustrated are 0. dama, 0. undatella, 0. tergina and 0. anazora, respectively. The Coast species are distinguishable by the curved, short callus which does not extend towards the apex of the shell beyond the aperture, i.oe.,v the callus does not go above the open space. The Gulf species s7ow a straight, long callus which extends toward the; apex to the suture above the attachment of the outermost side of the apeiture: the callus goes well beyond the top of the opening (see Figs. lg, h). A second characteristic which is not as definite as the boundaries of the callus is the shape and indentations of- the ridge at the base of the callus. The Coastal species show a single, high ridge sometimes divided by as many as four or five but generally fewer indented lines; whereas the Gulf species have a relatively flatter ridge with many lines almost as deep as the level of the rest of the callus--sometimes the shells appear to be engraved with a series of lines rather than having slight ridges. This character does not appear to be satisfactory on all fossil shells, and occasional modern specimens vary almost to the point of overlapping the opposite type. In a series of specimens, however, the two groups are quite distincto - 10 -