ANGTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS t 4 ~~~~16:4 rTHE ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF ALAMEDA ND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES, CALIFORNIA BY S. F. COOK UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES 1957 E ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF WALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES, CALIFORNIA BY S. F. COOK ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Vol. i6, No. 4 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Editors (Berkeley): J. H. Rowe, R. F. Heizer, R. F. Murphy, E. Norbeck Volume 16, No. 4, pp. 131-156 3 maps Submitted by editors November 7, 1956 Issued June 21, 1957 Price, 50 cents University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles California Cambridge University Press London, England Manufactured in the United States of America CONTENTS Page Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 The Fages-Crespi Expedition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 131 The Anza-Font Expedition ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132 The Caiiizares Expedition ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 136 Exploratory and punitive expeditions, 1776-1811 .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 138 Fr. Antonio Danti's expedition ........................ . 140 Raymundo el Californio's trip ......................... . 141 Pedro Amador's expeditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Lufs Peralta's expeditions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 The Cuevas Affair ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 144 Fr. Jose Viader's first expedition ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Fr. Ramon Abella's expedition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 145 Aboriginal Groups ...... . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . 146 Location ....... . .. . . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . .. . . .. . .. . 146 Population estimates ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 148 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 MAPS 1. Outline map of Alameda and Contra Costa counties, facing . . . . . . . . . . 131 2. Map of the Port of San Francisco, 1776, by Jose Cafiizares .... . . . . . . 153 3. Revised map of the Port of San Francisco, 1781 .... . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 [iii] S~~~~~ A N PA L E AS A Y I UN BA 2 \ t>8ssiot S~~~~~~~~~ANTJOSE4 LE~ ~ R WA N Itu 10 Ml LES 0 ) LAFAYENT CAR D Map 1 uln a fAaeaadCnr ot onis hwn 1 h prxmtra inhabited ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~ ~D byI the prniaErblgop n 2 h nonacaooia aiainsts E ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF ALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES, CALIFORNIA BY S. F. COOK INTRODUCTION following pages have a twofold purpose. First, Hence it is proper to treat all the aborigines in the area a extended to new territory an analysis of aborig- on a common basis. ulation and ecology in California which has al- Second, emphasis has been placed upon setting forth encompassed the San Joaquin Valley (Cook, 1955) in detail sources of knowledge. There are a number of .north coast (Cook, 1956). The area treated here documents describing conditions in the East Bay from rtion of that occupied by the Costanoan linguistic 1770 to 1820. Certain of these, such as the Crespi-Fages , which extended from San Francisco Bay through- and the Font-Anza diaries, have been made available in interior ranges and along the coast as far south excellent translations, particularly by Herbert E . Bolton, latitude of Salinas and Monterey. However, in view and although they must be examined and analyzed with any accounts which have been written concerning care, only a few passages need to be reproduced tiement of coastal California and the establishment verbatim. Other documents, some of them of consider- issions, it seems preferable to devote attention able general interest, are almost unknown, not only to exclusively to one restricted region and to deal students of ethnography, but also to many others concern- ' as exhaustively as possible. The area select- ed with preconquest and early colonial California. races the east shore of San Francisco Bay and its Among these may be mentioned the Canizares exploration land, including what is now Alameda and Contra of San Francisco Bay, and the diaries of Father Danti counties. It is quite true that some of the tribal and Sergeant Amador. Therefore, although a good deal inhabiting this territory may not have been mem- of the material contained in these documents does not the Costanoan stock. On the other hand, in their bear directly upon either population or ecology, it seems i both to the native environment and to the invad- to me worth while to translate and reproduce them in e man their activity conformed in all important full. Their intrinsic interest is adequate compensation that of their bona fide Costanoan neighbors. for the moderate amount of extra space consumed. THE FAGES - CRESPI EXPEDITION earliest land explorations to Alameda and Contra village of heathen, very fair and bearded . . . they gave counties were those of Fages in 1772 and of Anza us many cacomites, amoles and two dead geese, dried Journals were kept of both these trips; for the and stuffed with grass to use as decoys in hunting others, Crespi, for the second, by Anza himself and also large numbers being attracted in this way" (Bolton, 1927, All are well known and are easily available in p. 2 91 ). ellent translations by Herbert E. Bolton (1927; On March 29, Crespi and Fages continued along the Therefore only the significant points are abstract- shore, reaching the western end of Carquinez Strait, referred to here. "traveling by treeless, grass-covered hills." They con- g up from Monterey, the Fages-Crespi expedi- tinued along the steep bluffs on the south side, probably ped (Bolton, 1927, p. 284) on March 24, 1772, nearly to Martinez. "In the whole distance we traveled pitas. On March 25 the party moved north along on these hills there was not a single tree. The bed of the n, which is described as being well-covered with estuary is very deep and its shores precipitous; on its ut treeless, as far as San Lorenzo Creek. Five banks we did not see so much as a bush . . ." The last * of natives were seen, situated on as many creeks, statement is interesting in view of the evidence contain- entrated within three leagues. ed in the accounts of Font and Anza (see p. 133). arch 26 the region of Fruitvale was reached Several native villages were seen. "On the banks of [1927, p. 2871 says Mills College). Many deer the other side we made out many villages, whose Indians en and also the tracks of elk. In the four leagues called to us . . and many of them, seeing that we were ed, five streams of running water were found, and going away, came to this side, crossing over on rafts, inity of the Oakland - Alameda Estuary is noted as and gave us some of their wild food." On the south side: bovered with oaks. No Indians were seen. On the "In this part of our day's march we came to five large fter crossing a grassy plain, the party reached villages of very wild heathen . . ."' It is probable that erry Creek. Seven arroyos were crossed, but the expression "this part of the day's march" refers to 10Indians were seen. On the 28th the party reach- the first portion, i.e., from Pinole through Rodeo and ?le. Six arroyos were crossed. At two leagues Crockett. There the natives had ''. . . pleasant faces, bached Wildcat Creek where ". . . we found a good and were of a fair complexion, bearded and white, all [131] 132 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS with long hair which they tied with twine." villages with some little grass houses . . ." Between On March 30 the expedition set out and in two leagues Danville and Pleasanton there were "numerous vill crossed Pacheco Creek (see Bolton, 1927, p. 295n), of very gentle and peaceful heathen, many of them of which was a " deep arroyo with much running water" complexion." From Pleasanton to the Bay no new and bordered with trees. This reference to "running villages or Indians are mentioned. water'" raises the question of local water supply, a From Milpitas north, Crespi saw five villages, as matter that will be discussed more fully in connection as San Lorenzo. In Oakland and Berkeley he saw non with the Font-Anza descriptions. The plain between There was one " good village " on Wildcat Creek and Walnut Creek and Concord is described as being well from Pinole to Crockett there were five " large vill covered with grass and grown with oak trees. In this In lower Walnut Creek Valley there were two more. valley two Indian villages were encountered. After cross- total is thirteen, and it is surprising that no more we ing the low hills northwest of Concord, Crespi and Fages encountered. Possibly the party kept too far inland th entered the delta region of the Central Valley and camp- see the shell midden sites along the Bay shore. ed somewhere near Pittsburg or Antioch. With reference to numbers of natives it should be The next day, March 31, it was decided to return. remembered that Crespi had seen Indian rancherias Accordingly, the steps of the preceding day were re- ranging in size from insignificant to the semi-cities traced as far as the area of Walnut Creek, whence they the Santa Barbara Channel. Hence a " large village' turned south to the night's camp near Danville. (This to him must have meant a really sizable place. If we itinerary has been worked out by Bolton and is no doubt ascribe 100 inhabitants to an ordinary village and 200 substantially correct.) On April 1 the party reached a " large ' or " good" village, we get a total of 1,900 Pleasanton via San Ramon and Dublin, and on April 2 persons. arrived near Milpitas. On the return trip through the interior hills Crespi The valley at and south of Walnut Creek is described notes three villages near Walnut Creek and numerow as being covered with grass with the stream beds over- villages in the vicinity of Livermore Valley. If we al grown with alders, cottonwood, laurels, roses, and other " numerous" to be half a dozen, there is a total of nine shrubs. The same type of land, " covered with grass and villages. The size was likely to be smaller than on t trees," continued as far as Pleasanton. Then: "It is Bay shore, say 50 persons. Then the total population evident that the land is not so good now, but it all contin- presented would be 400-500. For those portions of ues full of oaks and live oaks . . ." Crossing the hills to Alameda and Contra Costa counties visited a populat' the shore of the Bay the same rough, wooded country of at least 2,400 is therefore indicated. Since Crespi persisted -- essentially as it is today. probably did not see all the villages, the actual value During the three days many signs of natives were no doubt considerably greater. encountered. Near Walnut Creek "we came to three THE ANZA-FONT EXPEDITION Attention should be directed now to the Anza expedition, they saw "occasional Indians." Those whom they m which reached the East Bay in late March, 1776. The before reaching the "first arroyo" (probably Alamei three accounts will be considered collectively for present Creek near Niles) purposes and will be designated A (Anza's Diary), Fl . . . appear to be very poor and miserable, for (Font's Short Diary), and F2 (Font's Complete Diary). they have not even firewood by which to keep war Since this expedition was - with all deference to the and they go about naked . . . and eat grass and he efforts of Fray Crespi - much more carefully and exhaus- and some roots like medium-sized onions, which tively recorded than the Fages trip of 1772, it merits ex- call amole, and in which those plains greatly abo tended citation and analysis. One Indian who carried his provisions on the end If Bolton's reconstruction is correct (1930, III: 133, pole invited us to eat some of them. 263; IV: 352), the Anza expedition, having come down the peninsula from San Francisco, halted for the evening On or near Alameda Creek they met "about thirt March 30, 1776, near Agnew, between Alviso and Santa Indians" (Anza says 40), who greeted them peaceabl Clara. The following day, March 31, they crossed the Font here notes that "their language is distinct from Coyote River about two miles south of W'arm Springs those we had formerly heard and is very ugly; and w and moved north and northwest as far as San Lorenzo the gobbling which they made, all speaking together, Creek. was very disagreeable to the ears." Font also co They remained close to the hills, apparently, for Anza in another place on the language: "The Indians whom (A) says, "The road runs close to a small range com- saw along here are totally distinct in language from pletely bare of trees, for none are seen except some previous ones."' Since the Spaniards had been in which grow in the canyons."' After leaving Coyote Creek, Costanoan territory for many days, they must have e Anza (A) encountered an arroyo, "which has plenty of countered a sharp dialectic boundary at the southea trees and has water in abundance .. .," probably Mission corner of San Francisco Bay. 13oth Anza and Font ( Creek or Alameda Creek. Thereafter they crossed four describe the incidents of this encounter in graphic te arroyos "'with little water,"' the last one of which was Two leagues beyond the creek (somewhere near San Lorenzo Creek. Font (F2) states that after having Alvarado) a village without people was seen. Then: passed a "'salty lagoon" (north of Irvington) they crossed five arroyos. We traveled a league more and crossed anotE During the day the party saw six villages, says A nza arroyo, where we saw an abandoned village, and in (A), most of whose habitants had fled. On the other hand, hut many birds stuffed with grass, which some Ia about 40 "heathen" were met along the road. Font (F2) had to hunt with. Here the soldiers got some wild is much more informative than Anza. All along the plain tobacco of which there was a considerable amount. COOK: ABORIGINAL POPULATION. OF ALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES 133 gh Font does not mention the exact number of tion to the reports brought back by Crespi. He also says a seen, his account'in other respects closely the language is different "from that on the other side of Is that of Anza and does nothing to refute the the southern estuary." Font describes the people at the ent that there were six villages between Irvington second inhabited village, who Lorenzo. e appearance of these Indians Font and Anza are . . . were very happy to see us and very obliging. ive. Crespi had said the natives were light- They presented us with mary cacomites, which is a Font says (F2, p. 356), " They are somewhat little bulb or root alrnost round and rather flat, and gentle, and very poor, but in color they are the the size and shape of a somewhat flattened ball, and ,gentle, and very poor, but in color they are the lieiewt odsrn o ose ml,wihi Xall the rest." Elsewhere he reiterates his likewise with. a good string of roasted amole, which is another root like a rather long onion, all well cooked that Crespi was mistaken. Anza adds, regarding and roasted . . . The amole, which is their most usual ce (A, p. 136): food, tastes a little like mescal. It is the food which Indians who have been seen from the first most abounds, and the fields along here are full of it. orward are not short haired like those from Font (F2) adds the following description of the natives sion of San Antonio to the port of San seen at the final halt on Rodeo Creek: isco. These of which we are now speaking wear hair tied upon the very top of their heads where As soon as we halted thirty-eight Indians came to a piece of thread is to be seen. us unarmed, peaceful, and very happy to see us. At first they stopped and sat down on a small hill near 3ourney on April 1 brought Anza's party to camp the camp. Then one came, and behind him another, o Creek (Bolton, 1930, II: 138n). It is noteworthy and so they came in single file like a flock of goats, e explorers saw much more timber than ha?d leaping and talking, until all had arrived. They were tor perhaps they were merely more circumstan- very obliging, bringing us firewood, and very talkative, eir account. Font (F2) says: their language having much gobbling, nothing of which we understood. They go naked like all the rest, and e road followed the foot hills of the range which they are by no means white, but are like all those tioned on the 8th of March. In all its exterior whom we saw on the other side near the mouth of the ange has very few trees, except a grove of red- port. After they had been a while with us they bade us in front of the mouth of the port, although in its goodby and we made signs to them that they should go r it has thickly grown groves and is quite and get us some fish with two hooks which I gave them. n ... They apparently understood us clearly, but they . brought us nothing and showed very little appreciation notes also "a large grove of pines of redwoods." for the hooks, because their method of fishing is with Island is described as having "a very thick nets. oaks and live oaks on the banks of the estuary." e grove is shown on Font's sketch of the area On Tuesday, April 2, the Anza expedition continued 1930, IV: 362) with the legend: "'Bosque que esta along the southeast shore of San Pablo Bay, the south deste de la Boca del Puerto." bank of Carquinez Strait, and halted on Walnut Creek, me of the streams there is said to be a prolific near Pacheco (the place called Santa Angela de Fulgino f trees, on others very little. Thus Font (F2) by Crespi). Water was scarce; no mention is made of San Leandro Creek (Bolton's identification) crossing any creeks during the march until they arrived very deep bed grown with cottonwoods, live oaks, at Walnut Creek in the evening. fand other trees." The creek near Mills College The descriptions of the vegetation along Carquinez ost without trees." Somewhere in Oakland the Strait are somewhat ambiguous. It will be remembered ssed two arroyos with "a heavy growth of that the impression given by Crespi for this stretch is North of Oakland the vegetation apparently one of total absence of trees. Anza says (A): - The general impression one gets is that the treams were bordered by oak, willow, and ... for half a league up the river [by which he d, whereas the smaller ones were essentially means Carquinez Strait I we kept very close to the of trees. Sierra which we have had on our right and which we paniards had considerable contact thi6 day with skirted until yesterday. And we now again came to es. Font in the Complete Diary makes it clear have it on the same side, so improved in abundance land and Berkeley were crossed and Wildcat of firewood, and timber of oak and live oak that all ached before the first Indians were seen. At its canyons are well provided with one and the other, , however, an abandoned village was found. On the very opposite of what is seen on the other side s of the next arroyo was an inhabited village con- of the river [i.e., the north shore of the strait ], 3 men and 7 women, others being away foraging. where in four leagues we have not seen a single tree. ys this was a village of about 100 persons. Font s that on the next arroyo was a "fair-sized In describing the strait Font (F2) says: Although Anza does not specifically mention In some places its banks are very precipitous, and ge, both he and Font agree that at the camp (on in others it has a narrow beach on which, near its Creek) was another town, which Anza says "is mouth [i.e. the. western end ], there are great piles of than the two mentioned." Font concurs, in effect, fresh-water mussels. The hills which form this estatement that when the expedition halted, they channel are without trees, but those on this side have reeted by 38 Indians - - presumably adult males. plentiful pasturage, while those on the other side Iauthors comment on customs. Anza emphasizes appeared bald, with little grass, the earth being red- Lthat these Indians are not white, in contradistinc- dish in color. 134 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS During the afternoon the party traveled from the vicin- A little afterward a rather old Indian woman ity of Crockett "two leagues east along the top of the out, and in front of us, for we were on horsebac hills close to the water, and one east-southeast up the body having dismounted. She began to dance alo canyon which had some oaks and other trees, by which making motions very indicative of pleasure, and we again came out at the top of the hills near the water." times stopping to talk to us, making signs with According to Bolton (1930, IV: 375n), this point was on hands as if bidding us welcome. After a short w the bluffs just west of Martinez. I said to the commander that that was enough. The implication of Anza's account and the rather gave presents of glass beads to all the women, t specific statement by Font seem to support Crespi's regaled us with their cacomites, and we said go description. There was little oak or other type of woody to everybody in order to continue on our way. plant on the south shore west of what is now Port Costa. were apparently sad because we were leaving,a From there to Martinez the canyons held a fair growth was moved to tenderness at seeing the joy with of oak. In those areas not bearing oak, the primary we were welcomed by those poor Indians. Their plant cover was grass. Neither Crespi nor Anza nor and other qualities of nakedness, slight beard, et Font gives any hint of the heavy infiltration of shrubby are the same as those seen hitherto, and the sa vegetation, such as Baccharis. poison oak, or other those we saw farther on. Some wear the hair lo chapparal species, which now extend down the entire others short, and some have beards rather long slope of the hills from Crockett to Martinez. The deduc- heavy. tion is reasonable, although strict proof is lacking, that the modern vegetation has entered the region since 1775. Font and Anza had an excellent opportunity to ob8 On this day Anza and Font made the acquaintance of aboriginal methods of navigation and fishing. At the' two new species of fish, the sturgeon and the salmon, western end of Carquinez Strait, says Anza (A, p. 1 good descriptions of which are recorded by both five tule rafts crossed the strait in less than a qu explorers. Furthermore, the day was notable for encoun- an hour, the tide being slack. Font says, regarding ters with the natives. Shortly after breaking camp the craft (F2, p. 320): Spaniards were met by ten Indians who invited them to the nearby village (which Bolton says was at Tormey, We saw there some launches very well made about 2 miles west of Crockett). This village was large; with their prows or points somewhat elevated. T Font estimated the population as 400 persons and Anza had been anchored near the shore with some sto as 500. Font's account (F2) of his visit is long and anchors, and in the middle of the water some In circumstantial, but its value for ethnographic detail is were fishing in one. . . I saw that they were fis such that it merits reproduction in full: with nets and that they anchored the launch with very long slim poles. Their method of welcoming us was like this: at sunrise the ten Indians came, one behind another, These poles were measured and found to be about singing and dancing. One carried the air, making varas long (roughly 35 ft.). Font goes on to descri music with a little stick, rather long and split in the actual taking of fish: middle, which he struck against his hand and which sounded something like a castanet. They reached Among other fish which they caught the Indi the camp and continued their singing and dancing for who were fishing pulled out two very large ones, a little while. Then they stopped dancing, all making two varas long, and their method of catching the a step in unison, shaking the body and saying dryly this: as soon as they felt from the pull made by and in one voice, " Ha, ha, ha! " Next they sat down fish that it was in the net, which was tied to the t on the ground and signalled to us that we must sit poles, they began gradually to raise one of the ph down also. So we sat down in front of them, the and as soon as the fish and the net came in sight, commander, I, and the commissary. Now an Indian out taking it from the water they gave the fish arose and presented the commander with a string of blows on the head. Once I counted fifteen blows cacomites, and again sat down. Shortly afterward he succession and in another case twenty-odd. Now;; rose again and made xne a present of another string it was dead and had lost its strength they took it' of cacomites, and again sat down. In this way they the net and put it inside the launch. went making us their little presents, another Indian giving me a very large root of chuchupate which he A soldier traded a piece of cloth for a fish. But began to eat, telling me by signs that it was good. Indians This compliment being over, they invited us to go to their village, indicating that it was nearby. The . . .before delivering it took the spawn from t commander consented to give them this pleasure, and stomach and an intestine like a pocket, and right at once we began to travel. They followed after us there on the spot they ate the spawn raw and put with their singing and dancing . . . After going a short was left over in the intestine. They then went to distance we came to the village, which was in a little the other fish, which they dispatched quickly. M valley on the bank of a small arroyo, the Indians wel- a little fire they put it in, and in a short time, al coming us with an indescribable hullabaloo. Three of before it was hot, like brutes they ate it as it was them came to the edge of the village with some long almost raw. poles with feathers on the end, and some long and nar- row strips of skin with the hair on, which looked to Some war equipment was seen. Near the camp me like rabbit skin, hanging like a pennant, this being Walnut Creek at Pacheco, the party was visited by their sign of peace. They led us to the middle of the Indians with whom there was a little trouble. village where there was a level spot like a plaza, and then began to dance with other Indians of the place Some of them came to see us, carrying bows with much clatter and yelling, arrows, for all had very good ones and well madl COOK: ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF ALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES 135 of good wood, small and wound with tendons like then eat it, judging from the piles of its shells which we e we saw on the Channel, and the arrows of little saw in the abandoned huts." A reasonable inference ds, very smooth, well made, and with flints, trans- from Font's account is that in this area there were no ent and very sharp. One came with a scalp hang- permanent Indian settlements but in places there were from a pole. This did not please me, for it sug- temporary camp sites, used in the time of maturity of ted war. the local tree-crops (buckeye and perhaps acorns). On April 6 and the first part of April 7 the party de- r the camp there were two villages: one, says scended Coyote Creek, through Gilroy Hot Springs to the A, p. 143), "which we left behind" and another, valley of the Pajaro River. The country throughout this we have immediately ahead." Between the large stretch is described as hilly and rough, but little further ria of Tormey and the two just mentioned there description is given. to have been no Indian settlements whatever. day of Wednesday, April 3, was spent in cross- In all this journey we did not see a single Indian, low hills east of Concord and in traveling along although we found some tracks of them, and in places thern shore of Suisun Bay as far as Antioch a few signs and traces of ruined huts and small e Neither Anza nor Font has particular comment villages; for it is known that at times they go to the sing the one and one-half leagues, which brought sierra and camp, especially during the seasons of the o the summit of Willow Pass, overlooking the area pifion and the acorn. sburg. Beyond this point the explorers entered the From the Font-Anza diaries, together with that of est corner of the San Joaquin Valley, or the Crespi, certain tentative conclusions may be reached. 'n tip of the delta. They probably had just left 1. The distribution of vegetation in 1775 was substan- oan territory, although, to be sure, the exact tribal tially the same as described by the American settlers of ies are unknown. At any rate it is preferable to 1850 and thereafter and, allowing for the devastating the present discussion to the region west and south influence of the white man, more or less as it is today. low hills which extend from Port Chicago south- inlec ftewiemn mr rls si stdy low hillsiwhich extend from PortnchriashicagosoutThe exceptions are the removal of forests, such as the arthe vicinity of Byron. The rancherias which were redwood stand on the Oakland hills, and the spread of iear Antioch would therefore be more profitably introduced plants which has possibly occurred on the red in a survey of the valley tribes than in one of southern shore of Carquinez Strait. In the relatively un- St Bay and adjacent coast ranges. touched interior ranges there has been no significant rsday, April 4, was spent in the famous attempt to alteration. the great tule swamps. In the course of this effort 2. There is some question with regard to water supply. ty bore southeastward along the margin of the In his trip of 1772, between Milpitas and Pinole, Crespi s far as the latitude of Bethany (Bolton, 1930, III: mentions seeing or crossing 31 arroyos, all with running Thence they turned inland over Patterson Pass water. The date was from March 25 to 29. Anza and Bolton's reconstruction is correct, followed up Font went at almost the same time of year (March 31 - ge to the east of Arroyo Mocho. No trees or April 1, 1776) from Warm Springs to Rodeo, and report were encountered until a point was reached not far 20 or 21 arroyos. Of these only 2 or 3 contained abundant ast of Livermore. In the meantime, no Indians water; approximately 10 had only a small amount. The seen and no traces of villages observed along the rest were either not described or were without water. f march. Since there can have been no profound alteration in e journey of Friday, April 5, took the party into the climate or geography in the few years between the two country due east of Mt. Hamilton as far as the expeditions, the difference must be accounted for on the *astern edge of San Antonio Valley at the head of basis of relative precipitation during the preceding st fork of Coyote Creek. The terrain was extreme- winters. Such a theory is supported by Font's statement and was covered with oak and coniferous trees, (F2, p. 418) regarding the marshes and lagoons in Gilroy ly principally digger pine, although Font says he Valley: "Since it had not rained much this year it was Spruce." Great stretches of chamise (Adenostema quite dry. . ." ulatum), which Anza calls "Mattal," were observed. Examination of the modern maps is instructive. The scriptions make it clear that the type of vegetation U. S. Geological Survey quadrangles for the Bay Area e general appearance of the country were essential- were mapped in the decade 1895 to 1905, with subsequent ya few streams are mentioned: Arroyo Mocho is re-editing. Thus the picture presented antedates the d amfewtrelyams are mentioned:rroyo inaocThee i disruption of natural conditions caused by the population 'bed merely as an "arroyo in a canyon.' There expansion of this century. The USGS sheets now show 20 everal small watercourses near the upper end of streams between Milpitas and Rodeo which were named etonio Valley, and water in pools was found at the on the maps, or whose names are otherwise well recog- end near the night's camp. These streams may nized. These are, from south to north: Arroyo Coches een Sulphur Spring Creek and San Antonio Creek. Creek, Calera Creek, Scott Creek, Toroges Creek, Agua e area was destitute of natives. The only mention Fria Creek, Agua Caliente Creek, Mission Creek, ans is by Font (F2,p. 414). Alameda Creek, San Lorenzo Creek, San Leandro Creek, the creek flowing past Mills College, the creek flowing In the course of the valley [ San Antonio Valley I out of Diamond Canyon through Fruitvale, Indian Gulch, saw some ruinous and abandoned little huts, but Claremont Creek, Strawberry Creek, Codornices Creek, only Indian seen was at a distance and running, for Wildcat Creek, San Pablo Creek, Pinole Creek, and soon as he saw us he fled for the brush of the Rodeo Creek. In addition there are approximately 12 un- rra like a deer. named creeks or arroyos descending the front slope of the hills onto the plain. The total, 32, conforms very o, referring to the fruit of " a plant like a fig tree" closely with the descriptions left by the Spaniards in 1772 appears to be the buckeye, he says that "the hea- and 1776. 136 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS It is further to be noted that the government surveys valleys, west and north of Mt. Diablo. The narrow of the period of 1900 showed all these streams as inter- canyons and the brush-covered belts of the main axis' mittent and therefore dependent for their flow upon the the Coast Range were destitute of inhabitants. winter rainfall. Thus it is quite probable that in late 4. The numerical value of the population was esti March the amount of water might be copious (as in 1772) ed from the Crespi diary as 2,400. We may assay a or relatively scanty (as in 1776). The conclusion seems parable estimate from Font and Anza. warranted that, apart from dessication induced by such The six villages seen on the way from Warm Spri factors as soil damage, overgrazing, and diversion for to San Lorenzo were largely abandoned by the inhabit minor irrigation projects, the local water supplies have who had fled in terror. Hence no population estimate not diminished since 1770. It then follows that under given. However an average of 100 persons each would primitive conditions the natives had substantially the a reasonable assumption. same quantity of water at their disposal as is available North of Berkeley an abandoned village was seen, in the same area today. probably on Wildcat Creek (possibly Strawberry Cree 3. The distribution of Indian population was quite Then a village of 100 persons was found on San Pablo clearly marked. Crespi (see above) encountered 5 Creek and another "'fair sized" village probably on villages from Milpitas to San Lorenzo. Anza mentions 6 Pinole Creek. At Rodeo Creek was a village larger villages in the same distance, most of which were north the other two. Allowing 100 persons each for the aban of Irvington. Both Crespi and Anza describe seeing no doned village and the "fair sized" village and 150 for further villages until they reached Wildcat Creek. There- one on Rodeo Creek, the four sites may be considered after they saw a village on each of San Pablo, Pinole, and represent at least 450 inhabitants. The village at Rodeo Creeks. Crespi puts 5 villages between Pinole Tormey had a population of 400, according to Font, and Crockett. Anza refers to only one, in addition to the 500, according to Anza. No others are mentioned exc one on Rodeo Creek, viz., the large village at Tormey. the two in Concord Valley to which may be ascribed 1 All accounts agree that there were no settlements persons each. If we use Font's estimate of 400 for the between Crockett and Concord Valley, where 2 villages largest town, the total from Warm Springs to Concord were found by both parties. On the return journey, Valley is 1,650. This is reasonably close to the value Crespi traversed the valley from Walnut Creek to Dublin, 1,900 derived from Crespi. Pleasanton, and near Niles, and noted a scattering of For the remainder of the Northern Costanoan terr rancherias at least as far as Pleasanton. The Anza expe- ry, since Anza found no inhabitants south of the dition, after leaving the delta, crossed the hills back of Livermore Valley, we have to use the figures derived Mt. Hamilton and emerged near Gilroy, all without noting from Crespi: approximately 500 for the interior valle a permanent habitation site. From these accounts it is The total, then is 2,150 as comparedcwith the 2,400 b clear that the heavy concentration of population was along upon Crespi's account alone. In any case, the present, the Bay shore, locally centering on the large arroyos and estimate is purely tentative and must be considered in avoiding the strip where Oakland and Berkeley now stand. the light of the Mission baptism records which are su Secondary centers were in the broader and lower interior quently described. THE CANIZARES EXPEDITION During the period of initial land exploration attempts boxes is very faint and blurred. To facilitate reading, were made to secure information by water. The most these legends have been copied, with translations. T important such episode was the voyage, if one may call symbols used on the map are the Latin alphabet, usin it that, made by Jose Cafiizares in 1775. Cafiizares was capitals, for twenty-three items; they then continue as the first mate of the ship, San Carlos, under command Greek letters, which are difficult to decipher and do of Juan Manuel Ayala. Ayala was commissioned to sur- run strictly in sequence. Hence, for convenience, I ha vey the entire San Francisco Bay area, but was unable substituted in the legends numbers for the Greek lette to complete the task because of illness. He therefore number 1 following Z of the alphabetical series. The delegated the interior exploration to Cafiizares, who ful- of these numbers in conjunction with the Greek letters filled the mission in late- August and early September. the map will not be difficult. In the left-hand column The results of the trip are embodied, first, in a series the Spanish text; in the right-hand column, a literal of maps, and second, in a letter by Cafiizares (1775) to translation. No attempt is made to correlate the n Ayala. (For historical background, the work of Cutter, given by Cafiizares with those applied at the present 1950, may be consulted.) The third map (map 3) copies the second, is caret The maps are three in number, all versions of the done, and gives essentially the same information, but same map drawn by Cafiizares, and dated respectively varies in minor points. Cafiizares remained in San B 1775, 1776, and 1781. The first is very poorly executed for several years after his visit to San Francisco. and shows little more than the outline of the Bay; it is ing this period his 1776 map was apparently redrawn not reproduced here. Manuel Villavicencio, in 1781, presumably under thea The second (map 2) is carefully done and gives an pervision of Cafiizares himself. Whether it is more extensive list of localities. The original is in the Minis- accurate than the 1776 map is open to question. Small try of War, Madrid, Spain. It is an elaboration of, and and capital letters are used for the localities on the a very great improvement on, a map drawn by Ayala in and in the legends. 1775 which showed merely the outline of San Francisco, The letter describing the survey of the Bay was wri without detail. Ayala's map has slight value, hence it is ten by Can'izares and adressed to "Senior Capitan," not shown here, but a copy is available in the Bancroft obviously Ayala. It was dated September 7, 1775, "en Library, Berkeley. este nuebo Puerto de S. Franco al abrigo de la Islad Since the present map is itself reproduced from a Los Angeles." This document, which is an account of photograph of a photograph, the text of the legends in the the first boat trip throughout San Francisco Bay, has| COOK: ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF ALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COIJNTIES 137 Wer, to my knowledge, been published. Its intrinsic vailing winds are from the southwest. Having exam- erest, consequently, as well as its bearing upon prim- ined its shores exhaustively, I found no fresh water, ye geography and ethnography, warrants its presenta- nor even indication that there had been any in former b. A translation follows herewith. Various matters times. uiring comment are discussed immediately subse- Starting at the gorge which is at the northeastern ent to the translation. end, the land forms a strait a mile and a half wide, clear, and capable of being sounded. At the eastern Caniizares' Report part of the entrance there is located a rancheria whose population might exceed 400 souls. I traded On the four occasions when I went out to explore with these people, not to buy anything from them, but this port and survey its northeastern and north-north- to present them with the beads which your Excellency eastern portion I discovered what is shown on the map has given me for this purpose, together with some of and is set forth here. To the north-northeast of the my used clothing. Contact with them was very useful Island of Los Angeles, at a distance of one mile, there to me and the crew on account of the many gifts they is a bay which runs north-northwest to south-southeast. made us of very choice fish (among them salmon), t The distance across between the points which form it seeds, and ground meal. After visiting them on four is about two leagues and its length two and one-half. occasions I found them as they were the first time, In its northwestern part there are three little islets, and observed in them an urbane courtesy, and what is forming with the coast a narrow channel, which is shut more, much modesty and neatness among the women. off at its southwestern mouth by a shoal. Around all They tend to beg for nothing except for that which one the margin of the bay are folded hills, with very few gives them freely; without pressing to the limit of .groves of trees and these which there are consist in impertinence, like many others whom I have seen in part of laurel and live-oak; there may be seen in the this conquered territory. This rancheria has some interior to the west-northwest a forest of trees, which rafts, better described as canoes, of tule rushes so from afar seem to be pines. In the middle of this carefully wrought and woven that it caused me admira- sound there is situated a great high cliff with some sub- tion of their handiwork. In these they embark four - merged rocks on the northeast side. As the map shows men to go fishing, each one rowing with a double-end- its depth is sufficient for anchorage; it no doubt is a ed oar. tJsing the latter they travel with such dexter- roadstead for such vessels as have good cables and ity, as I found out, that they go faster than the launch. anchors, for much trouble would be caused by the These were the first and the last Indians in this part current which flows here and which would not be less of the north with whom I had communication. than four knots. Following the above mentioned channel, at a dis- To the north-northeast of the said bay is a gap, the tance of a league from its mouth, the coast forms a width of which might be two miles, in which are four cove so spacious, navigable, well provided with fire- white islands of small size, the northernmost forming wood and watering places, and protected from all with those on the southern shore a channel of 9 winds that I judge it to be one of the best interior fathoms. These islands form the separation from an- ports which our sovereign possesses, large enough to other bay more capacious than the preceding, the anchor a fleet of warships. I gave it the name of Port diameter of which might be about eight leagues and of the Assumption [ Puerto de la Asumptal on account [- the form of which is a perfect isosceles triangle. The of having reconnoitred it on the day of this festivity. above mentioned gap separates into two channels. The To the southeast of this port the passage continues first, on the southwest shore, turns to the northwest until it merges with the channel of the rancheria. along mile distant, eventually disappearing in two big Then it continues three leagues in an east-northeaster- inlets, which are situated on the same shore, four ly direction. At the end of this distance it enters leagues away from the opening which communicates another bay with a depth of 13 fathoms, the latter di- with the first bay. If one goes a league and a half from minishing until it reaches four. Into this bay flow the northwestern end of the inlet running farthest to several rivers, as is demonstrated by the fact that, the north, he rounds a point and discovers toward the leaving the salt water, one is able to drink fresh water west-northwest a spacious sound. I did not explore from where the rivers come as if into a lake. One this because the channel which communicates with it river comes from the east-northeast (this is the is so restricted and narrow, there being scarcely largest, the width of which will be about 250 varas), ; three codos of water. From here a low island, level and the other, which is formed from quite small arms, with the surface of the water, runs toward the east- flows from the northeast through a very low-lying northeast, ending at a point where the mountains region among swamps and sand dunes. Its depth does .divide. The second channel, which is quite large and not reach two fathoms. These rivers have at their capable of being sounded, immediately trends north- mouths some sand bars (as the commotion demonstrat- east, one quarter east, until it reaches the dividing ed to me) at a depth of half a fathom. The reason why point in the mountains where it enters a canyon, follow- I do not consider them navigable is principally that the ingthe direction mentioned. second time I went to exprlore.them I penetrated into All this bay, which is called the round [bay I - al- the interior and ran aground both in the rivers and on though it is not such - is bordered by rough mountains the sand bars. In the bay into which these rivers dis- without trees except two groves in the coves which are charge is another port more extensive than that of la situated to the southwest. All the rest of it is arid, Asumpta in which it is possible to moor any vessel hilly and of melancholy aspect. Rside from these whatever, but it would be difficult to get wood because channels, in no part of the bay does its depth reach of the remoteness of its shores. From the rancheria five codos; at low tide there are two and a half, and at the entrance which communicates with them, to some areas are dry. It is not difficult to enter, but it the rivers themselves, all the coast of the east is will be difficult to get out of, for we found that the pre- covered with trees and all that on the west is arid, 138 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS dry, full of locusts, and incapable of ever being popu- of the strait. It is no doubt the same site described lated. Font. The foregoing is what I discovered in this part of One league, or perhaps three miles, from the ent the north, and proceeding from the above-mentioned Caniizares encountered what he regarded as a spaclo Island of Los Angeles the reconnoissance of the estu- inlet or cove. Wagner (1937) and Cutter (1950) both ary to the southeast I describe as follows. that this was Southampton Bay, opposite Port Costa.. To the east of this island at a distance of two (Puerto de la Asumpta). Cutter (p. 13) also claimst leagues there is another, rough, craggy, and of no it has been filled with mud since 1775 and largely ob value, which divides the mouth of the bay into two pas- ated, but gives no evidence in support of the opinion. sages through which the sea penetrates about twelve Caniizares describes Army Point, near Benicia (Pue leagues. The width in places is one, two and three de los Evangelistas on the maps), and then gives an leagues. The channel of this sound does not exceed account of Suisun Bay which he says contained nume four fathoms. Its width is adequate but on departing islands filled with tules. Toward the upper end of thi from it the distance of a pistol shot the depth does not on the maps, is shown fresh water. After attempting reach two fathoms. The tip of this sound, which faces penetrate the rivers, and running aground on sand b the east, forms, with a horseshoe-shaped headland, a Canizares returned to Angel Island before embarki pocket which, at low tide, is mostly dry. In this inlet a reconnaissance of the southern area of the Bay. are some logs to which are fastened black feathers, description of the lower delta region is too confusi bunches of reeds and snail shells, which gave me the be of value. He evidently did not fully understand th idea that they are fishing floats, since they are in the relations of the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers middle of the water. Beyond three leagues from the their junction. entrance of this estuary I estimate that nowhere is it Cutter (1950, p. 113) states, regarding vegetation. possible to anchor, due to the lack of shelter. How- Cafiizares found the north shore of the Bay covered ever, if such is the case, position ought to be main- trees and the south shore arid and dry. Cafiizares s tained by force of cables because the same current the vegetated shore was "east" and the arid shore is found here as in the northern part of the bay. "west." Both maps depict trees on both shores, but On the northeastern shore this bay is surrounded the heavier concentration on the south side. The 17 by high ranges of hills. At the mouth there is a map uses for "Bosques de buenas Maderas" the s luxuriant forest of live oak and another even larger at "Q." The latter appears at the southeast end of San the upper end, together with a heavy growth of red- Francisco Bay, in the vicinity of Oakland and Alame wood. On the southwestern shore is a small estuary on the south side of the rivers at the head of Suisun navigable only by small boats, and on the same shore and on the north side, well above Suisun Bay. Small two inlets in which anchorage is possible. Another, groups of trees appear on both maps at each entranc to the east, has a rancheria of Indians like those at Carquinez Strait, in the vicinity of Pinole and of M Monterey. This coast appears to have locations very There is no real evidence that there were trees on t suitable for missions, although I examined them only north side of Carquinez Strait. from a distance. Although the data in the letter are scanty, the dis All that is set forth in this account is what I have tion of Indian population indicated by Crespi and Fo observed, witnessed, measured, and sounded during substantially confirmed. The text of the letter ment these days when, on orders from your Excellency, I only one rancheria, the one at or near Pinole or Se went out to explore the interior of this port of San which Cafiizares (on the strength of four visits) ascr Francisco. For the record I am composing this a population of 400. This is the exact value given by account in this new port of San Francisco under the Font, and seems to constitute very reliable evidence shelter of the Island of Los Angeles, today September Other villages are shown on the 1776 map, under the 7, 1755. bol "q," as "Rancherias de Indios Amigos," one on north side of Southampton Bay, one near Martinez, It is clear that Canizares, starting from what is now apparently near Bay Point (or Port Chicago), and on called Angel Island, crossed the Bay south of Point somewhere near Pittsburg. The same number of s Richmond and proceeded northward between Point San (here "O") is shown on the 1781 map, but those on Pablo and Point San Pedro into San Pablo Bay (Bahia de south side of the strait are displaced several miles Guadelupe or Redonda). He explored Petaluma Creek west. We can be reasonably sure therefore that (Estero de Nuestra Senora de la Merced) and the sloughs Cafiizares found four rancherias, including the one near Mare Island. Except for the southwest he found this described in the letter, three on the south shore, on bay surrounded by arid, treeless hills, thus agreeing with the north. In view of the vague placement on the ma the opinion of the explorers by land. Just before entering is scarcely worth while to insist upon the precise lo Carquinez Strait, he saw a large rancheria. Although tion. As far as population is concerned, what infor this village is not shown on the 1776 map it appears on can be derived from Caniizares lends support to the the 1781 map at the southwest side of the western mouth clusions based upon Crespi and Font. EXPLORATORY AND PUNITIVE EXPEDITIONS, 1776-1811 After the return of Anza to Monterey in 1776 the San Jose Cafiizares and Father Pedro Cambon, sailed up Francisco Presidio was founded. After this a joint Bay to a point quite close to that described by Canliz expedition was sent out under Jose Joaquin Moraga and in his first trip. The only account we have of this jo Francisco Quiros. The latter was to proceed by water ney is contained in Palou's New California (1926, IV: and the former by land to a junction near the mouths of 127-130). No details of ecological interest are giver the rivers. The plan, however, miscarried, and Moraga and there is no mention of natives. For a detailed d' went off on the earliest and the least known exploration cussion of the exploration, reference may be made t of the main San Joaquin River. Meanwhile Quiros, with Cutter (1950, pp. 24-26). COOK: ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF ALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES 139 further document requires mention at this point: Prov. St. Pap., XIII: 455-456.). ( This, and many other storical, Political and Natural Description of letters cited here, are also to be found in the Archivo nia, by Pedro Fages, as translated by Herbert I. General de la Nacion, Mexico City, Ramo Californias, ley (1937). Written in 1775, this little volume Vol. 65, Expediente no. 3, entitled "Sobre la Muerte que come a classic for its thorough and sympathetic dieron los Indios Gentiles a siete Indios cristianos de la tion of the Indians of California by one who was Mission de San Franco.") He now announced the sition to write on the subject. Unfortunately, murder by the heathen of seven Christian Indians sent r, Fages discusses the Indians of the San across the bay by Fray Antonio Danti to hunt for runaway isco Mission area and of the Central Valley of the neophytes. The culprits belonged to the rancheria of the r, but he does not specifically refer to the natives Chaclanes, and, says Perez-Fernandez, "these East Bay. Hence his essay must be passed over rancherias of the Chaclanes are in the country where the s brief citation. said Father Danti wanted to go , and whom I prevented owing the series of explorations which culminated from going, as I told your Excellency under date of Anza Expedition of 1776, little further official November 29 last." was taken of the East Bay counties until approxi - A lively correspondence ensued, reference to most of 1794. There is an item in the Bancroft Library which may be omitted. An investigation was inaugurated cript series (hereafter designated Bancroft Tran- and some type of scouting party was sent out. At least, or Bancroft Trans.), consisting of a letter from we have record of a letter dated at Monterey, June 2, to Moraga, January 23, 1783 (Prov. Rec., III: 83), 1795, from Governor Borica to Jose Perez (Bancroft that the latter had pursued the "indios gentiles Trans.,Prov. Rec., V: 56) in which the Governor orders os" who had killed 18 head of livestock belonging Perez "to tell Sergeant Amador that he has received the Mission of San Jose. It is probable that many report he sent concerning the reconnaissance to the unrecorded punitive expeditions were being under- Alameda, and that he shall continue this with the others throughout the two decades from 1775 to 1795. who went with him." This is no doubt the expedition by 1793 there was activity along the coast, in the Amador referred to by Danti in his diary (see below). of which Lieutenant Francisco Eliza spent On June 23, 1795, from Monterey, Governor Borica mately two weeks exploring the Bay, but the rendered a full and final account of the affair to Viceroy nts available (Cutter, 1950, p. 29; Archivo Branciforte (Archivo General de la Nacion, Californias, Ide la Nacion, Mexico, Ramo Historia, Vol. 71, Vol. 65, Expediente no. 3, "Sobra la muerte . . ." etc. ente on Matute and the Bodega Settlement, and Doc. no. 122, MS p. 79). Parts of this document are by Eliza, dated November 4, 1793, at San Blas) worth quoting. One of the survivors was a neophyte no details of topography, vegetation, or ethnog- named Othon, whose story follows. worth recording. e in the following year, 1794, trouble began with Five old Christian Indians set out from the San ives of the Contra Costa. The immediate cause Francisco Mission, including the alcaldes Pasqual s to have been the zeal of the missionaries to push and Rogerio, together with nine new Christians of the sion in the area. On November 30, 1794, the mili- rancherias from the other shore of the bay, with mmander at San Francisco, Perez-Fernandez, orders from Father Missionary Fray Antonio Danti to to Governor Borica (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. bring back all the Christians who had run away. On XII: 29-30) that "the missionaries of San Francisco the first day they crossed the bay in their boats and quested an additional two or three men for the slept on the beach. On the second day at dawn they in order to go from Santa Clara to the other shore, set out for the rancheria of the Chaclanes where they rtherly direction, as far as opposite the port [of arrived at nQon, and not having found any people in it, ancisco ] to make conquests of the heathen. . ." they kept on all that day and all night, travelling with- quest was refused for reasons which in themselves out sleep or rest, in spite of the rain, and reached light on the status of the East Bay natives: the rancheria of the Chimenes at about two o'clock in the afternoon. They encountered there a great multi- 1st. Because it is almost unknown country: there tude, as many as there are in the mission [ perhaps indications that the heathen who occupy it are un- 900, according to Borica]. The men, armed with bows perative. and arrows, came out of a big temascal with such a ~2nd. He [the CommandantlI does not believe that a rush that they broke it to pieces, immediately st, with two or three soldiers and some Christian beginning to shoot arrows, shouting, "Kill our ans, constitutes a party sufficiently strong to cross enemies." The alcaldes, seeing this violence, tried camp overnight in strange territory. to persuade the natives that we had not come to -fight rd. Although the Fathers believe this to be a or to do harm, but the others took no heed and kept on rable opportunity, because the heathen lack food, shooting until they killed as many as seven. . . g lost their crop due to the severity of the drouth, this will facilitate catching them, he does not have Governor Borica goes on to say: means at his disposal for expeditions of this type. This Othon and others told me that these Chimenes ertheless, such forays were already in progress, Indians are of a rough and valiant nature. They are rez-Fernandez reported that the Fathers at San at continual war with the neighboring villages, and Lsco "sent by sea to the islands and other shore particularly with the Tegunes. They live toward the te the mouth of the port some Mission Indians in north coast in the vicinity of the Port of Bodega. kf tule on the 4th of this month to capture heathen." Their food is amole, bellota and pinole and their chiefs the rafts was carried as far out to sea as the are called Mule and Yuma. ones, and two men were lost. March 3, 1795, Perez-Fernandez again wrote to The identity of these Chimenes is something of a or Borica from San Francisco (Bancroft Trans., mystery. Certainly the Christian Indians, after leaving 140 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS the rancheria of the Chaclanes (i.e., Saclanes), some- there is the stone called cantarra [ a type of clay where behind the Oakland hills, could not have even This is not far from the camping place. A little approached the port of Bodega, for they could not have farther on is the lime pit, which is no more than crossed the Bay and the rivers on foot. Yet they travel- caliche I crude, soft limestone ). We arrived at ed twenty-four hours, if Othon's account is even approxi- Alameda, but before reaching it there are three mately correct. Hence they must have covered fully creeks, one of which could irrigate a garden. T twenty-five or thirty miles, a distance which would have other two, if widened, could serve as watering pI brought them to some point on the south shore of for cattle. We went on to the river of the Alamed Carquinez Strait or Suisun Bay. If this is true, then which is filled with many large boulders from fl they encountered representatives of the Huchiunes, the and is heavily overgrown with willow, cottonwo Karkines, or the Chupunes, the only tribal groups known some laurel. Where the water runs, the streaml definitely to have inhabited the area. The statements of half a vara deep and 4 varas across, and in other Othon, as transmitted by the Governor, regarding the it widens and contains more water. We proceede number of Chimenes, as well as their ferocity, must be along it with much effort for about a league and heavily discounted (although the smashing of the temescal at which point it is joined by another arroyo fro is a touch which would hardly be supplied by imagination north, the main stream continuing on to the east. alone). One hundred, or even fifty, infuriated warriors examined the feasibility of removing water and f would no doubt have appeared to be thousands to the four it to be not impossible but very difficult. This it teen terrified Christians, and the Governor would hardly because of the gravelly nature of the soil and bec want to report to the viceroy that his Mission Indians had several ditches would have to be constructed to been routed by a handful of wild natives. On the other regulate the floods, and in case these occurred hand, the incident proves the existence of a sizable annually a dam would have to be built. Following rancheria somewhere in northern Contra Costa County arroyo farther down, we saw where the water din in 1795. appears, perhaps a quarter of a league from the At a distance of a league the water comes out ag FR. ANTONIO DANTI'S EXPEDITION In all this stretch [ p. 1981 the bed of the river, arroyo, is deep and the removal of water imposs In the late fall of the year 1795, following the recon- In this locality the arroyo is covered with a de naissance of Sergeant Amador, of which no written record stand of woods: cottonwoods and willows. A sho survives, another and more pretentious expedition cover- section through which the river flows is reached ed the lower east side of San Francisco Bay. There are the tides of the bay. two accounts available describing this trip. One was 24th day: We left for the north, staying close written by Hermenegildo Sal (1795), a soldier from the hills. There are very fine plains and very Monterey, and the other by Fray Antonio Danti (1795). pasturage. We encountered several water holes The two documents are very similar in form and give cattle might drink. indication of collaboration in the writing. Sal's "Informe" From the Alameda, which is called San Cleme is the longer and the more circumstantial but is so badly to the first arroyo northward, which is called S executed as to be nearly incomprehensible in some of Juan de la Cruz, the distance is about three leag its passages. Danti's "Diario" is very succinct but The latter creek has little water and a few cotto clearly written. Since both accounts cover the same We followed along the hills until the Mission of events, only one needs to be presented in full. Here Father San Francisco came into view. At this po follows the "Diario" of Danti, commencing with line 5, we turned around; the plains run to the parallel page 196 of the Bancroft Transcript. presidio. After eating, we surveyed the shore of bay where, after about a league with no water, w Diary of Fr. Antonio Danti (1795) came upon some salt marshes which without dou those which Sergeant Amador mentions in his di 22 October: After lunch we set out (from Santa At the present time they do not contain salt, from Clara) for the place called the Alameda. We arrived which I infer that they are marshes like those of by nightfall at the first arroyo, which is [the one Mateo where in dry years the salt crystallizes o mentioned byl Sergeant Amador. At sunrise of the 25th day: We returned [p. 1191 to the first w 23rd we went on our way upstream, as far as we could ing place, called San Francisco Solano, at whichI go on horseback, which will be about one league possible to establish the mission, although there, distant from the camping place. We wanted to likely to be much damage inflicted by the horses examine the origin of the stream but the soldier told town. A cross was placed on a small hill, for in. us that it emerged opposite the town. When the the region we covered there is no place more s various sections of the arroyo had been explored, the The unconverted heathen are fairly numerous, a water was found to be of the same quantity through- ing to the many trails which are to be seen. In out and in my opinion can irrigate two or three same plain there are three moderate-sized ditches of corn at the same time because of the rancherias. slope of the land. The removal of the water is not a The above is what I consider adequate for the great problem, for the heathen took it out in two mation of your reverence. If anything be lacking distinct places. There is much fine land and easily will advise me so that your reverence may form worked. The timber in this place is scarce, as is appropriate opinion. also the firewood. It is to the north of Santa Clara about 6 or 7 leagues. In this arroyo are three The itinerary may be followed with reasonable pr empty houses. sion. The journey of the 22nd brought the party to a Having examined all that has been described, we creek 6 or 7 leagues (Sal says 6) north of Santa Cla went along the foot of the hills. We encountered ( p. Taking the league as 2.7 miles, this distance puts t 197) another watercourse which was dry, and where Mission Creek not far from Mission San Jose (calles COOK: ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF ALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES 141 San Francisco Solano). On the morning of the swamped many of them. Since they did not tell the ey penetrated to t he headwaters of this creek, same story, he [ Arguello I questioned Raymundo, who mately 2 or 3 miles into the hills. The idea that declared: having reached the other shore he found in rek came out opposite the town of San Jose is three rancherias of the Cuchillones several Christians, stly an error. men, women and children. On retreating to the beach urning to the starting point and then going along with them, he was attacked by the other Indians of the of the hills for 2 leagues, as Sal says in the place, but he succeeded in embarking in the boats with- -me," they reached Alameda Creek very close to out their having started a battle. Two of his group They then went upstream to the junction of who had lagged behind were pursued by the Indians rook Creek in the hills and then retraced their and were forced to jump into the water. Soon they to Niles. The water disappeared just southwest of were rescued by a boat, one of them having received n (1/4 league from the hills) and reappeared one a spear wound in the head, but of little severity. below, perhaps a mile southwest of Decoto and 3 While they [the whole party] were all retiring, a east of Alvarado and on the edge of the salt storm came up which dispersed them widely. When s. they tried to follow Raymundo, they were twice forced the 24th the party proceeded 3 leagues northward back to the territory of the Cuchillones. Seeing that stream called San Juan de la Cruz. From the their boats were being broken up and thinking them- es, this can have been no other than San Lorenzo selves lost, they abandoned the boats and went by land, If so, they went on out to the shore of the Bay without leaving the edge of the beach until they arrived w San Francisco from a point just west of San opposite San Francisco, where they came upon a o. A few miles now to the southward would have rancheria of heathen, named Santa Anna. The inhabit- them to the salt marshes just southwest of Mt. ants made them welcome and furnished them with tules The hills they ascended were the Coyote Hills near from their own houses, with which they constructed k. From this point they crossed the plain directly other boats and crossed to this shore. sion San Jose and thence to Santa Clara. ti notes on Mission Creek the presence of three The expedition sailed across, apparently to the region houses, indicating at least transient occupation by of Richmond or San Pablo. Later, the fugitives followed natives. Toward the end of the "Diario" he says the beach to the vicinity of Oakland and San Leandro. The e unconverted heathen are "fairly numerous" and existence of a rancheria of heathen, bearing the name of the plain there are three "moderate-sized" Santa Anna, is peculiar. The name was familiarly applied rias. Actually, therefore, he saw no indigenous without church sanction, or it was a village containing n, and could find traces of no more than would Christian converts rather than heathen. In either event, three rancherias of dubious size. It will be complete absorption of the natives into the Spanish bered that Crespi reported in 1772 that there were Colonial system as far north as Oakland is implied. Also lages between Milpitas and San Lorenzo, whereas noteworthy is the casual manner in which the Mission in 1776 found six. Danti, in a much more exhaustive Indians crossed and recrossed the Bay at its widest , located only three. It is evident that during the point in tule rafts. ening twenty years the native population in south- n Alameda County had been seriously depleted, PEDRO AMADOR'S EXPEDITIONS *dperhaps more than half. Accordingly it must be zed that the documents relating to the Danti-Sal On July 8, Sergeant Pedro Amador reported from San tion (and all later ones) are of little value for Jose to the Governor (Bancroft Trans.,Prov. St. Pap., XV: ting the preconquest population of the East Bay. 371-373) that two heathen, or wild, Indians were trying to duction was due, of course, to conversion by the stir up a revolt among the Christians of San Jose. ns and disturbance of the native economy, as well "These two Gentiles are from the rancherias of the introduced diseases. Sacalanes, from those which committed the offenses against the Christians of San Francisco. All of them are RAYMUNDO EL CALIFORNIO'S TRIP neighbors of those of the valley of San Jose in that part of the shore opposite San Francisco." Since the Valley ivity along the Contra Costa was again intensified of San Jose was-the valley of upper Alameda Creek, ex- 7. This time, as in 1795, the reason for attention tending from Sunol to above Pleasanton, this statement official records was a minor expedition which got tends to place the Sacalanes in the general area west of ouble. Reference to the purely routine correspond- Livermore and in the hills to the northward. s here omitted and citation is made only of those Two days later, July 10, the Governor answered s containing matter of intrinsic interest. Amador's letter, from Monterey (Bancroft Trans., Prov. June 20, 1797, the commandant, Jose Arguello, St. Pap., XVI: 71-72), ordering him to go with two from San Francisco to the missionaries at San soldiers and twenty civilians to the rancheria of the (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., XV: 213). He had Sacalanes and capture both the chiefs and all fugitive arned that a Christian Indian, named Raymundo el Christians. Amador carried out the order immediately rnio, had left the mission at the head of about 30 and, after his return, submitted a report to the Governor other Indians in pursuit of fugitive Christians on in the form of a diary, together with a letter, both dated er shore. He asked for confirmation of this July 19 at San Jose. The diary in full is to be found in .Within a few days he had his answer. In an un- the Archivo General de la Naci6n, Ramo Californias, Vol. letter, probably subsequent to June 22, from San 65, Doc. no. 1, MS p. 93. The essential portions are isco he informed Governor Borica what had hap- worth reproducing and are translated as follows. (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., XV: 216-217). Amador' s Diary ( 1797) T he Indians under Raymundo el Californio returned, ( July 6 to 12 inclusive were spent making prepara- mpletely dispersed because the winds and high waves tions. ] 142 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS July 13. We set forth [from Mission San Jose1 on July 18. We reached Mission San Jose at a dis the campaign in the evening. I traveled all that night of six leagues. till dawn and hid with the party in a brushy ravine throughout the day. Amador's diary helps us to estimate the location July 14. In the evening we arrived at the place numbers of the tribal groups in question. After leav where the rancheria of the Sacalanes was located. Mission San Jose in the evening, his party traveled July 15. At dawn we attacked the said rancheria. dawn. Since all the men were mounted, this means a& We met much resistance from the Indians in it. Al- probable rate of 4 miles an hour for at least six hou though we repeatedly told them that we did not wish or 24 miles. The following day, "in the evening," t to fight but only to take away the Christians, they ad- reached the first rancheria of the Sacalanes. Allow' mitted to no persuasion but began to shoot so as to kill a ride of three hours, the total distance would be 36 one of our horses and wound two others. Seeing this miles. Since there is no mention of the coast, the ro opposition, we used our weapons in order to subdue must have been the well-known inland trail through them so that they would surrender. Some were killed, Pleasanton and Dublin. Hence the destination was in for they refused for two hours to give up. Finally, it Walnut Creek-Lafayette area. This effectually dis was necessary to dismount and throw them back with I think, of any possibility that the Sacalanes could ha swords and lances, for they have some wells in the inhabited the Livermore Valley. middle of the village which are like walls and which Further evidence is provided by subsequent event can be strongly defended. There may have been about After spending presumably several hours subduing fifty persons, men and women. Sacalanes, Amador went over near the beach where' There were three rancherias close together, and spent "all day," obviously meaning the rest of the d with the destruction of this one, the inhabitants of the Probably no more than three or four hours were co others fled. We captured only two from the second ed in the actual ride, or a distance of 9 to 12 miles.. rancheria, although in the first the number captured must be remembered that now Amador was burden was thirty, including both Gentiles and Christians. captives, who traveled on foot at a likely rate of no Having carried out an investigation and having than 3 miles per hour. Hence he must have reached ascertained the guilty ones and the Christians, I made bay shore in the vicinity of Richmond. it clear to the rest, through interpreters, that we did At nightfall, the party went on to the rancheria of not wish to do them any harm. They said they wanted Juchillones, which may have been a few miles up the to obey and that they well understood that we had no coast. No indication is given of distance, except tha evil intentions. I liberated the Gentiles and we set dawn they reached their destination. The most prob forth toward the region of the Juchillones. guess is that the rancheria was somewhere on the s We had gone but a short distance when there began east shore of San Pablo Bay between Pinole and Rod to assemble a great many Indians, uttering shrieks This view is supported by the account of the returnt and cries, so that we had to go into line of battle again. After having attacked three rancherias, conducte& Falling upon them, we killed one, and with this they all negotiations, identified and secured several dozen retreated. We followed our course in the direction we captives, Amador began his retreat "along the coast were going and concealed ourselves in a ravine near At night they reached a well watered arroyo, which c the beach. It has much timber, water, and firewood, have been San Pablo Creek or Wildcat Creek. Ont good for a settlement. There we spent all the day hid- 17th the party spent the whole day moving down the den until nightfall when we went on to the rancheria of to an arroyo, near some redwoods, which, according the Juchillones. the notation of the following day, was 6 leagues from: At dawn [of July 16] we reached the place where Mission San Jose. The arroyo which best fits the were gathered all the Christians whom we wanted, to- description and the distance (about 15 mi.) is San L gether with those Gentiles who had participated in the Creek. This, in turn, is just about a day's journeyf attempt to kill Raymundo and his people. We struck San Pablo Creek for a military party encumbered w' the first, second, and third village in the same numerous prisoners. There are therefore reasonab morning. When we reconnoitred the Indians of the last grounds contained in Amador's diary for placing the rancheria, which is very large, the inhabitants were Juchillones on the shore of San Pablo Bay from Po' just about to open hostilities, but being admonished by San Pablo northeast to Rodeo or beyond. the interpreters that we had not come to harm them With respect to numbers, it may first be noted t but to hunt for Christians, they were pacified. We Amador found three rancherias fairly close together pointed out to them that we had punished the others each tribal group: Sacalanes and Juchillones. The 0 because they had fought with us. Then we returned to indication of size for the Sacalanes is the mention o the first village with the Christians and Gentiles and men and women who participated in the defense of t there assembled all those who had been concealed in first rancheria; The other two rancherias had been the three rancherias. Having separated out all those deserted. Perhaps a maximum of 300 and a minimu we had caught and were taking with us, we set forth 100 inhabitants for all three villages is indicated. on our return journey. The Gentiles had been caution- the Juchillones, Amador states only that the third ed, the same as the preceding ones, that we did not rancheria was "very large." This may be taken to wish to injure them if they did not harm us. We a population of over 100, and on this assumption the followed our course of retirement along the coast. total might be set within the range suggested for the We reached an arroyo with little water and much tim- Sacalanes, i.e., 100-300. ber, in which we passed the night with sentinels in In the letter to the Governor covering his report, the camp and at two advanced posts. dated July 19 at Mission San Jose (Bancroft Trans., July 17. At night we reached an arroyo which has St. Pap., XV: 319-320) Amador says, regarding the' much water, much timber and firewood, and also has Cuchillones [ Juchillones l" '. . . it is certain that the nearby redwood, and very much good sand and some are many rancherias and very big ones; and this is very long valleys, reason why they assemble to hold their councils and COOK: ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF ALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES 143 seeds." This statement would favor a fairly large that, in conformity with orders to investigate the murder ion. Furthermore, in replying to Amador on July of two Christian Indians at Mission San Jose, Sergeant vernor Borica (Bancroft Trans., Prov. Rec., V: Amador went out with a large party to the "sierra." tes that the expedition brought back 83 Christians In another letter of Alberni to Governor Arrillaga, ntiles. This fact shows that the two tribal groups, Monterey, July 2, 1800 (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., es and Juchillones, had already been able to XVIII: 33-34), the people concerned are described as the losses occasioned by the missionization of 40 "the Gentiles of San Jose called Sacalanes, who were per tribe- - plus the conversion of probably committing depredations." Amador's own account, dated thers who were not fugitives or at least were not May 14, 1800, at San Francisco, is contained in another d by Amador, plus the attrition due to disease and transcript (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., ion of food supplies - - and yet were in a position XXVIII: 130-132). It reads thus: tain a total of 6 rancherias, each of moderate to ize. The preconquest population per group must Left Santa Clara on the 7th - - arrived at the cached at least 300 and very likely was much location of the rancheria he sought. It was not there r. - - it had been moved. On the 9th they found it. The r Amador's return in late July a full-scale investi- Indians fled to the sierra from which they threatened, was ordered. A great many Indians were interro- but did not attack. With the best horses a few of the n an effort to discover the cause, not only of the warriors were caught. To hold on to them sword and hostility of the East Bay villages, but also of the lance had to be employed and a captain was killed. gible fugitivism which plagued the local missions. Then the expedition retired from the rancheria, and ts of testimony are on record (Archivo General de waited about three hours to be sure that the Indians in, Ramo Californias, Vol. 65, no. 3, MS p. 101, were not going to attack, for it was not easy to reach 5, MS p. 109, dated respectively August 9 and the spot where they were. er 16, 1797) which are of interest to the student The expedition desended to the plains of San Jose psychology but of no particular ethnographic [ probably the western end of the Livermore Valley . ance. where it awaited the corporal and four soldiers sent while, more small expeditions were sent out. The to take the 10 captive Indians to the garrison at San of the pueblo of San Jose (Bancroft Trans., Dep. Jose. .,San Jose, I: 81-82) show that on July 2 an At 3:00 p.m. on the 10th the corporal and four men ion was ordered to capture and punish Gentiles who returned. They traveled all night to reach the ed two mares. Later reports indicated that this rancherias. re had been accomplished. Subsequently, in a The 11th he fell upon the seven rancherias to t Governor Borica dated at San Jose on September gather up the 21 Christians who were delivered by the ant Amador described another expedition chiefs. None of the Gentiles wanted to be made a ft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., XV: 317-318). He says Christian. In two of the rancherias the Gentiles almost e set out at 8:00 p.m. on August 26 in search of took up arms. . . The 12th the expedition arrived at cheria Pijugma. First they went to that of Juquili Mission San Jose. dawn fell upon the first rancheria [presumably aI where they did not find the chieftain they Since no specific information is given, it may be " However, they afterwards caught this chief, with assumed that this expedition penetrated the area lying hers, all of whom they took to the mission. between Mt. Diablo and the Livermore Valley, perhaps says the rancherias "will be about 10 leagues getting as far north as Walnut Creek. It is stated and o mission and are opposite the beach." The latter implied that the Sacalanes were in a condition of great nt, together with the fact that the distance was disorganization. They had been driven into the hills, in one night's travel on horseback, suggests the apparently widely scattered and probably seriously de- the Livermore Valley. pleted in numbers. Sacalanes and Cuchillones appear again in a letter vernor Borica to the Viceroy, dated at Monterey, LUIS PERALTA'S EXPEDITIONS 14, 1799 (Bancroft Trans., Prov. Rec., VI: 443-444). script reads: The last information we possess concerning this group of natives comes from the year 1804. In 1803, a letter, Says that only in serious cases should vigorous dated May 11 at Loreto, from Governor Arrillaga to the ures be taken against them [ Indians ]. The Viceroy (Archivo General de la Nacion, Ramo Californias, s fugitive from the Mission of San Francisco, Vol. 9, MS p. 433) mentions the fact that 20 Christians, anes and Cuchillones, are being recovered by sent out by the missionaries of Santa Clara, were attack- s of emissaries and parties of soldiers who are ed and routed by Gentiles who killed their "principal." ting them with the greatest gentleness and In connection with this murder, and with a supposed plot nity. In the month of June, last, 18 of all ages to destroy Mission San Jose, the testimony of witnesses sexes came back to their ministers. In the follow- was taken a year later (Archivo General de la Nacion, December the corporal of the guard of San Jose Ramo Californias, Vol. 9, MS pp. 437-439, June21, 1804, tght in 33 who wished to remain there [Mission San Jose, Luf's Peralta in charge). On September 27, Jose', as they had agreed with the Father 1804, from Santa Clara, in a letter to an unnamed captain, sident, because of the horror with which they Lufs Peralta (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., XVIII: 334) ard the Mission of San Francisco. advised that the expedition he made against Gentile Indians had no satisfactory results, because of lack of bar later there was another attack on these unfor- guides. On September 29, Arguello, at San Francisco, people. In a letter dated at San Francisco, May 20, wrote to Governor Arrillaga (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. he commander, Arguello, wrote to Governor Pap., XVII: 354) that he had ordered Peralta to go to the ga (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., XVIII: 32-33) "Sierra de San Jose'" in pursuit of Gentile assassins of 144 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Christians, but Peralta could not catch them. left," but the following day returned briefly to the Peralta went out a second time. Arguello, from San where they found no one. Then all hands returned Francisco, on October 26, wrote again to Governor mission. Arrillaga (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., XVII, 358- Despite the fact that at least 40 Indians were e 359) that Peralta could not catch the killers of the ered, there is no indication in the Peralta diary of Mission Indian Jorge, but he did catch 11 Christians, permanent habitation. The attack on Father Cuev and after leaving the women and children at the mis- occurred at a point where no trace of natives could sion, brought 32 "gandules" ("rogues," "rascals," a found. The battle in which Peralta was engaged t colloquial term for renegade Indians) to the Presidio. place among barrancas and in a forested area- -ag Since the "Sierra de San Jose" was the coast range no suggestion of houses or of even a temporary se behing the East Bay it is clear that the remnant of ment. the people who originally inhabited the interior had With regard to the name of the tribal group con taken to the hills in a last stand against the invader. there seems to be no question. In a letter of May After 1804 all mention of them ceases. 1805, from San Francisco to Governor Arrillaga The Cuevas Affair.-- In 1805 occurred what is (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., XIX: 42) Joe A called the "Cuevas Affair." This event has signifi- speaks of "the rancheria of the Luechas, where th cance for the Alameda and Contra Costa natives, attack against Father Cuevas took place." Much rather than those of the delta or lower San Joaquin Jose Maria Amador, writing for H. H. Bancroft in Valley, only if the Indians concerned were bona fide (Bancroft Manuscript, Amador, Memorias, transl aboriginal inhabitants of the inner coast ranges, as Earl R. Hewitt), referred to "Cuevas, who was go Cutter (1950) seems to assume. We must therefore instruct in the Christian faith the heathen at the review the evidence. rancheria. . . Here is a discrepancy, for the c On January 16, 1805, Jose Antonio Sanchez wrote porary documents state that Father Cuevas intend from San Jose to Jose Arguello (Bancroft Trans., exercise his religious functions at the rancheria Prov. St. Pap., XIX: 34-35) that Father Pedro Cuevas Asirenes. However, it is clear enough that the o had asked for a guard to visit and confess invalids in itself was perpetrated by the Luechas. a "rancheria of Christian Indians." The guard was The location of the people- -wholly apart fromn granted. When the party arrived at the designated question of where the attack occurred- -is equivoc rancheria, they did not find the invalids. Whereupon That the attack took place in the Sierra is beyond they continued farther to another rancheria, where but that the home of the offenders was likewise in they were attacked and badly mauled. The most re- hills is not so sure. Cutter (1950, p. 92) relies u liable account is probably that of Governor Arrillaga, statement of Amador (below) when he states: "The contained in a letter dated March 11, 1805, at Loreto, Indians had turned out to be the Luechas, residents to the Viceroy (Archivo General de la Nacion, Ramo hills between Livermore and the San Joaquin Valle Californias, Vol. 9, MS pp. 452-453). According to "this would place them at the foothills east of Moui him, Father Cuevas was intending to confess Indians Diablo at the entrance of the Valley." The pertine at a "nearby" rancheria called Asiremes. Jose sentence in Amador's Memorias (MS, p. 13) reads Arguello (January 31, 1805, San Francisco, letter to "rancheria de Loechas, como 14 leguas al orient Governor Arrillaga, Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., mision, arriba del actual pueblo de Livermore a 4 XIX: 36-37) calls it Asirenes and says it was in the leguas de dista." "interior of the Sierra." No other mention of this Allowing, conservatively, 2.5 miles per league, rancheria occurs, to my knowledge, in the contempo- total distance from the mission, if Amador is corr rary documents. would be 35 miles. The rancheria would be from 1 The Governor then recounts the casualties: the 12.5 miles from Livermore. The term "above" (' majordomo and two Mission Indians killed, Father de. . .") does not necessarily mean toward the ge Cuevas and two Indians wounded, all the horses killed. ical north, but the direction may be taken as in the He adds that Sergeant Luis Peralta immediately went quadrant from north to east. The arc of the circu out with a punitive expedition. ence of a circle with center at Livermore and rad Peralta's story is told in a diary dated January 30, 12 miles passes approximately from San Ramon in at San Francisco (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., northwest, well south of Mount Diablo, across the XIX: 33-34). He left San Francisco January 19 for rough lower spurs of the mountain massif to the Santa Clara to raise personnel. With 18 soldiers and of Kellogg Creek near Byron to the northeast. F some civilians he arrived on the 22nd "at the point here it runs along beyond Altamont, close to Mou where the evil doers made their attack." They found House and Midway, as far as upper Corral Hollow the body of the major domo, and "since, due to the southeast. This entire stretch is devoid of any in rain, they could find no trace of the Indians, they of substantial aboriginal occupancy, either in the camped in the Sierra." Very clearly there was no eenth-century documents or in modern archaeolo rancheria or other habitation at this point. research. Peralta continues that he found two Gentiles who Let us also note Amador's total: 14 leagues ea told them where the rancheria was. Early on January the Mission, or fully 35 miles. The horseback tr 23 they marched to the place designated. When the 1805 followed pretty much the shortest highways o occupants began hostilities, the Spaniards fell upon from Mission San Jose to Sunol and thence to Live them and killed five. The remainder "fired at us from via Pleasanton or directly across the low hills eai some barrancas, part of them from a wood [bosque] Sunol. By the first route the distance is 18 miles,1 which was located there. Soon all retreated to the second 16 miles. Using the larger value, 18 miles~ wood." The whites then attacked the wood and cleared rancheria would have been not 12, but 17 miles beg it out, capturing 25 persons, all women and children, Livermore, which would have put it definitely in, o, and killing another five "'Indios." At dark they re- the edge of, the San Joaquin Valley. tired for the night "to where the horses had been This conclusion agrees with Cutter's, referredt COOK: ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF ALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES 145 pect to the location of the attack, but the theory Fr. Jose Viader's Diary (1810) se Luechas actually were " residents" of the ast ranges and hence to be included in the area August 15. [ Left San Jose Mission and went 6 ing considered is contradicted by the following leagues north to the valley of San Jose. I August 16. In this day, following the same direc- indicated above, no contemporary account tion, north, we traveled about 6 leagues before noon, ly states that an inhabited village was encounter- and having killed two bears and a very large deer, we ntered by the Californians during the Cuevas stopped to rest at the headwaters of a stream called Walnut Creek. This stream, although it has good ere is no other documentary evidence for water, is running very little. In the afternoon, in the actually in the hills due west of the San Joaquin same direction, having traveled another six leagues, floor. having killed a deer and an antelope, and having ob- a letter to Governor Arrillaga dated February 28 served fine country well covered with trees, all with- rancisco (Bancroft Trans., Prov. St. Pap., XIX: out water, we arrived at dark at the end of Walnut Jose Arguello mentions a second expedition by Creek. This is at the beginning of some inlets on the Peralta "to the sierra where the Indians were northeast side of a well known plain, well covered with acked Father Cuevas." In the course of this trees (among others large walnuts). by Peralta: "A chief of the big rancheria on the August 17. We passed this day (without moving Francisco, called Pescadero, came to give camp) in scouting the plain and adjacent hills, the lands Peralta the assurance that neither he nor his of which belong to the Tarquines, most, or almost all, :had taken part in the attack against Father Cuevas of whom are Christians of San Francisco. We have guard." Since Pescadero was the main rancheria seen the mouth of the two rivers, one of which comes lbones, near Bethany, and since the latter were from the north and the other from the southeast. tribe of either Miwok or Yokuts stock, it is un- Uniting, they enter one of the estuaries which reach that the chief would have feared a confusion of from San Francisco. In all this region, very well with a tribal group which was indigenous to the known for its climate, fine lands, much wood and ry to the west. But if the guilty parties were walnut groves, the only water we found was one pool or delta people, he might well have been apprehen- of stagnant water, another with good water although its water could not escape, and a spring which flows a ador, in the Memorias (MS, pp. 14-15) says that little and which is next to the willow grove close to nant Gabriel Moraga and his troops set out to the inlet where it is said used to be the rancheria of the evildoers. The latter had already moved to the Tarquines. Granting what has been said and that Joaquin River and gone to a rancheria called Walnut Creek contains very little water, the area .' Pitenis was on the main San Joaquin River seems to me unsuitable for a foundation. In all this Lathrop. day we killed three bears and 11 deer. . . b again we see an affinity of the Luechas with August 18. We set out early from the above ey, rather than the hill habitat, for the refu- mentioned place, and going to the east we crossed the if traditionally and aboriginally sierran, would main range and in 7 leagues reached the San Joaquin, en very unlikely to seek sanctuary in the depths or, as they say, the Tulare River. This is one- Valley. quarter of a league wide and appears to be very deep henck (1926) has no hesitation in placing the and to feel the tides of the sea. Here we stopped to s (or Leuchas) in approximately the region of rest between the river and a very large oak forest. a and says Pitenis was one of their villages. This is said to be the land of the Tulpunes. We saw the whole, the writer feels that the evidence is in- neither them nor any sign or trace of heathen. . .In nt to warrant placing the Luechas in the coast the afternoon we went two leagues further, toward the as a group aboriginally native to that area. They east, in the middle of the oak forest. . and this place eferably to be regarded as a valley people, of un- also belongs to the Tulpunes, who -did not let them- ethnic affiliation, who penetrated the hills from the selves be seen. for some reason got into difficulty with Father August 19. (Went on southeast to Pescadero. ] and his followers. At all events they cannot be red Costanoans. FR. RAMON ABELLA'S EXPEDITION FR. JOSE VIADER'S FIRST EXPEDITION Abella's Diary (1811) years following the Cuevas episode numerous October 15. At 10 o'clock in the morning we left the ions were sent out which opened up the interior of embarcadero at the port and stopped at the Island of ala. Most of these are more appropriate to a con- Los Angeles because the tide was changing. At about ion of the interior valleys than to a survey of the 4 o'clock in the afternoon when the tide was favorable anges to the east of San Francisco Bay. Two, how- we set out and arrived at the point of the Huchunes, ntain sufficient pertinent material to warrant and stopped on the south side of this point. All day we Itation. They are the first expeditions by Father went about five hours, all by oar, the sea being calm. se Viader in 1810 and that by Father Fray Ramon The Island of Los Angeles and the points of Huchunes Ein 1811. Both these missionaries explored the and Abastos form a double bay. That on the side of the tgion and the rivers but on their way to the valley Port ( i.e., San Francisco 1, the big one, has eight ised through the East Bay and left descriptions of islands, most of which are small. One of them must erable interest. A translation of this portion of be passed in sailing to the point of the Huchunes. It xies is presented without comment and a discussion has a sandbar and must be passed a little distant to native tribes mentioned is deferred until a subse- the west. It is noticeable only at low tide and on the bection. western side is entirely covered with trees. 146 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS October 16. We left the said point of the Huchunes, siderable current. This is all the land of the Hu which we called San Pablo. Where we slept there is It is quite bare, although there are some oak tre a beach good as a camping place, with water and fire- As far as the strait of the Karquines, includi wood. This Point San Pablo has opposite it another what we have covered yesterday and today, we point which we called San Pedro, and between them have spent about eight hours, all to the northeast, are two little islands. From one point to the other quarter north from the Mission. Here ends the might be twice the distance from the fort to the mentioned bay, estimated at 8 leagues. The str opposite shore [i.e., across the Golden Gate]. These formed by an island [i.e., Mare Island I and the two points enclose the bay as we have said, and form land of San Jose. The island soon ends and is re another one, much larger, which we estimate to be 4 by mainland on both sides. The strait runs to thi leagues from the center to the periphery. This bay is southwest and makes a half-turn to the south. It. square in shape. On the north and west it has 5 carries a heavy current, depending on the rise rancherias which are still unconverted. On the fall of the tide. This strait is about two and a h western side is a cove which, according to the Indians, leagues long and about a quarter of a league wide is quite large. But Alferez Gabriel Moraga has some places somewhat wider. It ends in the la explored it twice, on the expeditions he has made to the Chupunes, where it becomes broader. Here those parts. stopped at half-past eleven o'clock at a little bea At a league and a half we encountered another head- which is dry at low tide and where the boats have land, which we called San Andres. [i.e., Point Pinole]. retreat 200 varas in order not to be stranded. H Between the latter and that of San Pablo, all mainland at low tide is seen a rock, which otherwise is co of San Jose, is an estuary which terminates in a with water and which might damage the boats on stream (i.e., mouth of San Pablo Creek I which, ac- ing. However, a little farther down toward the cording to those who have been there and to the a sort of little valley, which is good. This place Indians, is like that of the pueblo, except that it is called la Division [probably at or near Martinez deeper and is well wooded. From one point to the has a large pool of water and plenty of firewood. other the depth of the water is four varas, becoming we passed the night without incident. The shore* shallower to two, when one sails close to the shore. strait of the Karquines which is opposite the ma Farther into the bay conditions would be the same as of San Jose is very barren. at the port for there is a channel which carries a con- October 17. [ The party entered the delta. I ABORIGINAL GROUPS With the Viader and Abella diaries the formal docu- 1778: paraje ..... . Halchis mentary descriptions of Costanoan people and territory 1779: paraje ..... . Chapugtac east of San Francisco come to an end. Nevertheless, paraje ..... . Tupucantche there are certain other sources which convey information 1780: rancheria . . Genau (or Chynau) of use to the ethnographer. These are, first, some of the rancheria . . Tupine accounts left by travelers, particularly those by Chamisso 1780: rancheria . . Itenau and Choris in 1816 (translated by A. C. Mahr, 1932); rancheria . . Tumiamac second, the vocabularies and discussion of linguistics 1781: rancheria . . Torqui written by Fray Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta (1837); third, 1782: rancheria . . Putnatac the transcripts of the Mission baptism books made by rancheria . . Ocquizara Pinart (no date); forth, the accumulated habitation site rancheria . .. . Tacomui records of the California Archaeological Survey. These 1784: rancheria . .. . Ssichitca sources will be used here for further examination of the paraje ..... . Cosopo location of the aboriginal groups concerned and their 1786: rancheria . .. . Ilorocrochay population. paraje ..... . Guet LOCATION These records show, first, that from 1778 to 178 The subordinate divisions of the natives inhabiting missionaries from San Francisco recognized fiftee Alameda and Contra Costa counties can probably be habited places along the southeast shore of the Bay. allocated to five primary geographical areas. Some of Second, it is very clear that active search for conv these can be associated with reasonably well recognized was proceeding during these eight years. Finally, names; some cannot. They may be briefly considered. field must have been substantially exhausted becau Area 1. The Alameda.- -From Milpitas north to of the fifteen localities are noted after 1786. approximately Richmond, and west of the hills, the early Nevertheless, San Francisco did not get all the expeditions (Fages, Anza) found numerous rancherias, as because Santa Clara was much closer and was acti previously mentioned. The Sal-Danti party in 1795, ing the same period. Unfortunately we cannot dete covering the southern half of this area thoroughly, found the village of origin for these neophytes, since the almost no native inhabitants. An originally fair-sized baptism book (according to Pinart's transcript) allo population therefore must have been dispersed nearly the individual converts to rancherias, not according completely in twenty years. the native names of the latter, but by corresponding No general, regional name was ever applied to these Saint's names, which must have been applied, Mexie Indians, but a few individual rancheria names have been fashion, by the local missionaries. Only after 1801l preserved. These are all designated in the San Francisco Santa Clara change its system, and of course by th'g Baptism Book as lying on the "otra banda del estero" no heathen Indians remained locally. (or some similar expression): San Jose was founded and began conversions in 1 COOK: ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF ALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES 147 ptism book here has the converts identified accord- The next sure tribe on the east is the Julpunes, whose general area, not specific village. There are six western limit is near Antioch and who must be consider- egions, or categories: "Palos colorados," "de la ed a delta people. a," "delEstero," "del Norte," "del Este," "del Abella (1811) states that the strait ends on the east in Of these the first three are evidently local and in the land of the Chupunes, and on the strength of this state- gion now being discussed: (1) the redwoods back of ment Schenck (1926) places the Chupunes from Port Costa and San Leandro; (2) Alameda Creek and adjacent to Martinez. Schenck also cites Father Narciso Duran (3) the shore of the Bay directly west of the who, in 1817, mentions the Chupcanes as holding this n. The conversions, 1797-1802 inclusive, from territory. Yet Viader, in 1810, says it was the site of the three areas were respectively 31, 170, 130, former rancheria of the Karquines. ting that San Francisco and Santa Clara had by no The mission records are illuminating. San Francisco completed the conquest. reports its first baptism of a Karquin in 1787. The a 2. The coast from Richmond to Carquinez Strait.-- statement reads: "natural de la otra banda del paraje de hs strip was held by the tribal group known as Turis, o nacion Karquin." The next reference is in 1801 n (Cuchillones, Juchillones) has been supported by when eleven of this "nation" were baptized. In the mean- counts of Amador (diary of 1797) and of Abella time, scores of Huchiun had been baptized. In 1810, of 1811). The latter writer, it will be remember- Chupunes or Chupanes (or Chupkanes) begin to appear, iamed the Point of the Huchines, Point San Pablo, both at San Francisco and San Jose. This looks as if which it retains today. The point of the Abastos missionization moved progressively north and east along astos became Point San Pedro. The Abastos, it the shore: first the Huchiun, then the Karkin, then the pointed out, were neither Costanoan nor resident Chupunes, and finally the Julpunes, who begin to show up east side of the Bay. They lived on the Bay shore at San Jose in significant numbers in 1811. in County, as is abundantly evident from the San This concept of the original status of aboriginal units isco baptism records. in northern Contra Costa County is at variance with the * Huchiun are mentioned by Chamisso and by Choris arrangement postulated by Schenck, who places the ,1932) in 1816, jointly with various other North "Tarquimenes" and the "Tarquimes" eastward across ibes. Chamisso says that the Utschiun, together the delta islands nearly to Stockton. There is some e Guyment, Olumpalic, Soclan, and Sonomi, all reason to believe that many of these delta islands were the same language, a manifest error. Choris aboriginally uninhabited, but wholly apart from this con- s the mistake. Arroyo de la Cuesta gives a sideration, another explanation can be offered, which mvocabulary and says (1837; MS p. 21) "Karquin has been suggested by Schenck (1926) and by the present ichun is one language--Saclan is another, entirely writer (1955). It rests upon the probability that many of t." The Huchiun are noted in the San Francisco the delta tribes had undergone extensive migration, owing first in 1787 (Tuchiun) and subsequently repeat- to Spanish military pressure in the period from 1785 to til 1809, although they never appear in the San 1810. Thus the Karquines of the early accounts may ecord. Apparently San Jose derived converts from have moved east along the south shore of Suisun Bay, far rather than from up coast. into the delta, and hence may have been recorded by exact limits of the Huchiun are doubtful. Amador later visitors under a series of name variants. In the I night somewhere near Richmond and then went meantime the Chupunes, or Chupkanes, may have been h find them. Abella associates them closely with pushed southwest, as intimated by Kotzebue (cited by San Pablo, and implies that their land reached as Schenck, 1926, p. 130). It is pretty clear that the tribal the strait. We may tentatively draw their boundary territories as reported by a succession of explorers tn Rodeo and Crockett. from 1805 to 1820 did not conform to the aboriginal a 3. Carquinez Strait and Concord Valley.--We are pattern. Our best solution, for present purposes, is to here with the shore line from Crockett through consider the strip from Crockett to Port Chicago as z nearly to Pittsburg, and inland between Concord having been the range of the Karkin. checo. The principal Indian name associated with Area 4. The interior valleys from Lafayette to Walnut ea is Karquin, from which the strait takes its Creek and Danville.--Part of this region was traversed Just what group of 'people is involved is a puz- by Fages and Crespi, who reported several villages. It iuestion. is later identified as the home of the Saclanes. This ber, in the Handbook of California Indians (1925, tribal aggregate first comes into prominence in 1795 in ,466), includes the Karkin as a division of the connection with the murder of the San Francisco n Wintun, which would mean that the principal seat Christians, who slept on the beach and reached the tation was north of the strait. While there is no Saclanes by noon. Amador, on his expedition of 1797, e in the early records to exclude this completely, reached them in less than twenty-four hours from i certainly no question that at least a portion of the Mission San Jose. Other documents, cited previously, lived on the south side. Thus the mission records indicate that in spite of terminal disorganization and 'the settlement of the north shore report numerous scattering the original home of the group was in the small sof Karquines or Tarquines. Viader (1810) camp- valleys west of Mt. Diablo. Martinez. where the rancheria of the Tauquines The linguistic evidence adduced by Arroyo de la be. Arroyo de la Cuesta says the language of the Cuesta (1837) demonstrates that the Saclanes were a non- ais the same as (or similar to) that of the Ijuchiun. Costanoan people, perhaps related to the Plains Miwok. kter is Costanoan: the former could not be Wintun. This identification as Miwok, was first made, on the ie Karkin was said by Arroyo de la Cuesta to basis of the de la Cuesta vocabulary, by A. S. Gatschett, r"trocar," or "'to trade." It has been supposed was verified by C. Hart Merriam, and first published by iereference is to the rancheria which traded with M. S. Beeler (1955). Kroeber (1925) classes Saclan as res and other early explorers, doubtfully Costanoan, but shows the group as Costanoan ' Karquines (on the south side at least) probably on his large colored tribal map. Regardless of their Uear Crockett, adjoining the Huchiun on the west. linguistic affiliation, however, historically and ecologically 148 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS they must be considered as in the same position as the ically, therefore, the total baptisms should equalt Costanoans who surrounded them. population. However, during the process of conve The mission records are explicit. The tribe, at least a serious population decline was in progress for o under the usual name, was converted at the San Francisco reasons. Disease, fugitivism to the deep interior, Mission and no other. The first baptisms occurred in depression of the birth rate, economic and social 1794 and the last in 1798. upheaval, military butchery, all took such a toll of Area 5. The interior valleys from Livermore to Dublin nonmissionized, or surviving, Indians that certai and Pleasanton.--This territory was barely skirted on the more than one-half of the aboriginal number could west by Fages and Crespi and on the east by Anza and been actually baptized. At all events, the total nu Font, none of whom left any record of native villages. In of baptisms represents a subminimal estimate of fact, no data in the correspondence or diaries are of tion. significance except the reference, cited previously, to the The baptisms are here tabulated according tot rancheria of the Asirines. We have, on the other hand, mission and according to the five areas described some suggestive information from the baptism books of previously. No attempt is made to segregate the the mission at San Jose. by year, since we are interested in the total, not Until 1803 converts were identified in the San Jose annual increment. Certain particular problems d records largely by direction. Thus three of the comment. categories were "delNorte," "del Este," "del Sur." The San Francisco record is very precise, sin Of these, "del Este" seems to point to the Livermore allocates each neophyte to his rancheria, or at le Valley and nearby arroyos as the most likely inhabited the local region of his origin. Santa Clara, howev region. In 1803, the rancheria, or some other type of noted previously, gives no indication of the origin ethnic name, is substituted. From 1803 to 1808, all con- 1805. By this time, all the local natives had been verts were drawn from twelve places having recognizable ed and only valley tribes are mentioned. It is pr names, ending in -an, -en, -in, or -un, characteristic that from 1777 to 1789 the natives in the immediat Costanoan word endings. None of these places can be vicinity were being converted. From 1790 to 1801; identified as connected with the foothill or plains area inclusive, 1,392 baptisms of gentiles were record bordering the Bay. None are Saclan - to the northwest Some of these came from the south and the south of the Livermore Valley - since that group was extinct some from the hills to the east, and probably som by 1798. None can be referred to the San Joaquin Valley, represented early conquests in the San Joaquin V since no serious conversions were attempted there, as Many, however, must have come from the north indicated by the baptism book, before 1809. Consequently northeast, in particular, before the foundation of these places must have been in the interior valleys, east in 1797. A conservative guess for this fraction w and northeast of Mission San Jose. 400, and this figure will be adopted. The names are as follows: Saoan, Ssouyen, Seunen, San Jose, from 1797 to 1802 inclusive, indicate Irgin, Pelnen, Asirin, Causen (or Cusscun), Tannan origin of its converts only by general area or dir (Annan), Caburun (Calenrun, Carurun), Zuicun, Tuibun, as previously pointed out. Some arbitrary alloca Julien. The first three are clearly synonyms, and refer demanded. Hence, as a reasonable solution, thos to the tribe often called Seunenes. The others might from "Palos colorados,' "de la Alameda," "del perhaps have been rancherias subordinate to this tribal and "del Sur" are assigned to area 1. Those fro group, but such an hypothesis is negated by the rancheria Norte" are considered Huchiun and those "del E: Asirin, which is referred to in the documents relating to are allocated to area 5. After 1802, the San Jose the Cuevas affair as if it had an independent status. ords specify the villages, which are all from area Therefore, there were apparently several independent tabulated totals are shown at bottom of page. villages in the area as a whole. The total for San Francisco and San Jose equal baptisms. Adding an estimated 400 for Santa Cla POPULATION ESTIMATES makes 2,248. This figure, which has to be regard minimum for population since it covers only miss Since we have no other information and since there is baptisms from the region, is as great as the esti no obvious tribal designation associated with the region, based on the expeditions of the first decade of set the geographical description will have to suffice to and proves beyond question that those estimates designate the area. highly conservative. If we assume that the abori The aboriginal population of the East Bay was tentative- population was twice the value of the baptisms, t ly estimated from the village counts of the Fages and would have reached 4,496. If it be allowed that co Anza expeditions as 2,400 and 2,150, respectively. It is ion close to the missions was exceptionally rapid possible to arrive at a new and independent estimate by thorough, a somewhat lower figure may be accept means of the mission statistics. 3,000. This estimate, however, must be regarded The missionaries, or their agents, entered the area in lowest consistent with the known facts. question and sought converts to Christianity, who were Although little direct information pertaining to immediately baptized and entered in the mission archive tion can be secured, it is nevertheless interestin as Christians. Alameda and Contra Costa counties, consider the prehistoric sites in the East Bay w except for the extreme eastern border in the San Joaquin have been noted by California archaeologists. M Valley, were completely Christianized by 1810. Theoret- those which can be regarded as habitation mounds Area 1 Area 2 Area 3 Area 4 Area 5 Total San Francisco .. 33 206 211 297 15 762 Santa Clara . ... . ... . . . .. . .. . . . . .. . 400 San Jose . . ... . .. 347 . 136 . ... . .. . 603 . 1,086 Total . . ....380 342 211 297 618 2,248 COOK: ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF ALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES 149 ecorded by the University of California Archaeo- the strait and the southern shore of Suisun Bay the known Survey, and have been plotted on map 1. habitation mounds are less numerous, but there are st not be thought that each site represented on enough to indicate a reasonably high population density. by a dot was inhabited in 1769, or the years This area on the map has been ascribed to Karquin. ately preceding, for many of the mounds are Through the generally hilly interior of Alameda and t have been formed during the Middle Culture Contra Costa counties there are but two areas of sizable which antedated modern times by several extent in which preconquest village sites occur with s. The chief physical characteristic of these relative frequency. One is the Lafayette-Walnut Creek- ations is the very high content of mussel, and to Danville region and the other the Livermore Valley, west ktent clam, shell. From this feature it has been to Pleasanton and Dublin. These provinces were inhabit- that at one time a very large population existed ed in the late eighteenth century by the Saklan and Seunen te shore of the Bay. respectively, and are so designated on the map. Indeed, .record of known sites, as shown on map 1, is val- the correspondence between archaeological sites and the flot as an indication of the size of population, but occurrence of rancherias in early colonial times is of its distribution. Admitting that perhaps the ma- remarkably close. The conclusion is permissible that the sites along the Bay shore from San Leandro the pattern of occupancy found by the Spaniards had been ett were abandoned before 1770, it is still appar- established long previously and was fully stabilized at the areas designated on the map as Alamedan the time of their arrival. This condition in turn argues hiun contained a heavy concentration of inhabited a mature balance between the natural enviroment and the This conclusion is in conformity with the water- indigenous population. itat and the probable large food reserves. Along BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbreviations BAE-B Bureau of Ethnology, Bulletin UC University of California Publications -AR Anthropological Records -PAAE American Archaeology and Ethnology Abella, Fr. Ramon al mando el Theniente de Fragata de la Re MS Diario de un registro de los Rios Grandes. Oct. Armada Don Juan Manuel de Ayala en este 31, 1811, San Francisco. Bancroft Trans., de 1775. Santa Barbara Arch., IV: 101-134. Bancroft Library, Berkeley, California Photostatic copy in Bancroft Library, Berkeley, of a manuscript map on file att Arroyo de la Cuesta, Fr. Felipe Library of Congress. Said by Henry J. W MS Lecciones de Indios. Bancroft Library, (1937, II: 342) to have been drawn by No. C-C 63a. Caniizares. This document is one of several handwritten MS Map, 1776: Plano del Puerto de San Franc manuscripts left by Arroyo de la Cuesta. Photostatic copy in Bancroft Library, Be Original in Ministry of War, Madrid: Beeler, M. S. 9a-2a-2-27. See Wagner, 1937, II: 345. 1955. Saclan. Internat. Jour. Amer. Ling., 21: 201- MS Map, 1781: Plan del Gran Puerto de San 209. Francisco descubierto y demarcado por el alferez graduado de Fragata de la Real Bolton, Herbert E. Armada, Dn Jose de Cafiizares, primer P 1926. Historical Memoirs of New California, by Fray del Departamento de San Blas. . .y gravido Francisco Palou, O.F.M. 4 vols. Univ. Calif. Manuel Villavicencio Afn. de 1781. Photo Press, Berkeley, California. copy in Bancroft Library, Berkeley. See Wagner, 1937, II: 347. 1927. Fray Juan Crespi, Missionary Explorer on the Pacific Coast, 1769-1774. Univ. Calif. Press, Cook, S. F. Berkeley, California 1955. The Aboriginal Population of the San Joaq Valley, California. UC-AR 16- 31-80. Crespi's Diary of the Fages Expedition is translated by Bolton on pp. 277-303. 1956. The Aboriginal Population of the North Co of California. UC-AR 16: 81-130. 1930. Anza's California Expeditions. 5 vols. Univ. Calif. Press, Berkeley, California. Cutter, Donald C. MS Spanish Exploration of California's Centr Vol. III contains Bolton's translation of the Valley. Ph. D. diss. (1950),Universityof Anza diary of the second Anza Expedition (pp. California. Two copies on file in the 1-200) and Font's short diary (pp. 201-307). University Library, Berkeley. 275 pp. Caniizares, Jose de Danti, Fr. Antonio 1775. Letter to Ayala, September 7, 1775, San MS Diario de un Reconocimiento de la Alame Francisco. Archivo General de Indias, Seville, 1795. (Bancroft's title.) Bancroft Trans., Spain. Papeles de Estado 20 (Mexico). Santa Barbara Arch., Exped. y Cam., IV: Microfilm in the Bancroft Library, Berkeley. 192-199. Bancroft Library, Berkeley. Roll II, Reel 3M715, pp. 24-32 inclusive. MS Map, 1775: Plano del Puerto de San Francisco, A letter, dated December 2, 1795, add registrado por el Paquebote de S.M. San Carlos ed to P. Fr. Fermin Francisco Lasuen. [15o] COOK: ABORIGINAL POPULATION OF ALAMEDA AND CONTRA COSTA COUNTIES 151 ber, A. L. Priestley, Herbert I. 1925. Handbook of the Indians of California. 1937. A Historical, Political and Natural Description BAE-B 78. of California, by Pedro Fages, Soldier of Spain. Univ. Calif. Press, Berkeley, Calif. A. C. 1932. The Visit of the "Rurik" to San Francisco in Sal, Hermenegildo 1816. Stanford Univ. Press, Stanford, Calif. MS Informe qu el. Tente Don Hermenegdo Sal hace al Sor caronly Govor Dn Diego de Borica de ta, Luis los parajes qe se han reconocido en la Alameda S Diary, June 30, 1805, San Francisco. Bancroft conforme a lo prevenido por S. S. en Supor Trans., Prov. St. Pap., XIX: 33-34. Bancroft orden de 9 del presente mes, acompafiado del Library, Berkeley. R. P. F. Antonio Danti, ministro de la mision de San Francisco. November 30, 1795. t, Alphonse Bancroft Trans., Santa Barbara Arch., Inf. n.d. Transcripts of Mission records. C-C66, y Corr., 2: 24-35. Bancroft Library, Berkeley. Bancroft Library, Berkeley. Schenck, W. E. Transcripts of the personal names and 1926. Historic Aboriginal Groups of the California rancheria names of neophytes in certain Delta Region. UC-PAAE 23:123-146. missions made by, or at the order of, Pinart from the originals in the respective missions. Viader, Fr. Jose The date of the transcription was approximate- MS Diario, o noticia delviage que acab6 de hacer. ly 1880. August 28, 1810, San Juan Bautista. Bancroft Trans., Santa Barbara Arch., IV: 74-84. The transcripts are in poor handwriting, Bancroft Library, Berkeley. frequently difficult to decipher. There is no assurance that all pertinent material was Wagner, Henry R. copied. Because of the arrangement of the 1937. The Cartography of the Northwest Coast of names the tribal affiliation of the converts is America to the Year 1800. 2 vols. Univ. not always clear. Calif. Press, Berkeley, Calif. 152 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Left-Hand Box A Punta de Reyes Point Reyes B Punta de Almejas Clam Point C Punta de Santiago Santiago Point D Punta del Angel de la Guarda Point of the Guardian Angel E Punta de S. Josef o Cantil Blanco Point St. Joseph or White Cliff F Punta de s5n Carlos Point St. Charles G Ensenada del Carmelita Carmelite Cove H Ensenada del S-Lo Evangelio Cove of the Holy Gospel Y(I) Bahia de Na sa la Marinera Bay of Our Lady the Mariner J Punta de Langosta Grasshopper Point L Bahia de Na sa de Guadalupe o Redonda Bay of Our Lady of Guadalupe, or Round Bay M Estero de Na S?-de la Merced Cove of Our Lady of Mercy N Puerto de la Asumpta Port of the Assumption 0 Rio de San Roque St. Roch River (Sacramento River) P Agua dulce entre tulares Fresh water in the tule swamps, San Joaquin River Q Rancherias de Indios Amigos Villages of friendly Indians R Punta de los Quatro Evangelistas Point of the four Evangelists S Bosques de Palo Colorado, Pino, y roble Forests of redwood,pine, and oak T Punta de San Antonio Point St. Anthony V Remate del Estero del Sueste End of the southeast bay X Punta de Concha Snail shell point Y Ensenada de los Llorones Cove of those who weep or cove of the spurs. Thefor is Castilian, the latter an Americanism. Z Primera ensenada del estero First cove of the Bay 1 Ensenada de Consolacion Consolation Cove 2 Real Presidio Royal Garrison 3 Nueva Mision del Puerto New Mission of theport, i.e., San Francisco Mission 4 Laguna de los Dolores Lake of the Sorrows 5 Laguna del Presidio Lake of the Garrison 6 Laguna de la Merced Lake of Grace 7 Isla de Alcatraces Alcatraz Island 8 Isla de los Angeles Angel Island Right-Hand Box 1 Isla de Carmen Island of Carmen 2 Pico y Cerro de Reyes Peak and hills of the Kings [ The hills of Marin Co. a Mt. Tamalpais are included. I 3 Sierra que mira a la Voca del P. Range which overlooks the mouth of the port [ i.e., the East Bay hills ] 4 Cerro de SE Juan Hill of St. John [ The hills of northeastern Contra Cos Co. 1 5 Islas Bajas de Tulares Low islands covered with tules 6 Estero angosta Narrow bay 7 Agua dulce en baja mar Fresh water at low tide 8 Agua dulce en Pleamar Fresh water at high tide 9 Remate de lo Reconocido este afio de End of the reconnaissance this year, 1776, because the 1776 por impedirlo los Tulares y tule swamps stopped it and because fresh water w venir el agua dulce por entre ellos. coming through them 10 Tulares Tule swamps 11 Laguna de Sn Juan Nepomuceno Lake of St. John of Nepomuk 12 Lugar en que deven fenecar las Place where ships should be stopped in order to secur embarcaciones para tener a mano el water, ballast, and firewood agua, lastre, y lefia. 13 Fondeaderos pa toda embarc-S Anchorage for all ships 14 Farallones de San Francisco The Farallon Islands 15 Entrada del Puerto Entrance to the port 16 Lugar en donde desde unos Arvoles se Place where, from some trees, it could be seen that vio no haver mas vaca que la del there was no river mouth except that of the Rio de Sn Roque. St. Roch River ..J'an del c ~ Salln Jr tic,c S ? _ _ _ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ - __ __ _ __ _ ,,~ , : ! ett %l m "Ca,.".'. ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~a esm w * ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~&m i: l i6s.~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ,6 jrAw iftmufte~~~~~~~~~~~~~a , U a t t I I f ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ I~2;.. re I ~ ~ I ff, ~ ~ ~ ~ lfi .? ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Map 2. Map of the Port of San Francisco, drawn by Jose Canlizares, 1776. The original is in the Ministry of War, Madrid, Spain. 154 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Left-Hand Box Z Punta del Angel de la Guarda Point of the Guardian Angel a Punta de afio nuebo New Year's Point b Rio de la Salud River of Health c Punta de Almejas Clam Point d Farallones de San Francisco The Farallon Islands e Quantioso canal a la entrada del Sizable channels at the entrance of the Port Puerto de 38 brazas 38 brazes [ deep? I f Ysla de Santa Maria de los Angeles Angel Island g Ysla de Alcatrazes Alcatraz Island Right-Hand Box A Punta Recalada Recognition Point B Punta de Reyes Point Reyes C Punta de Santiago Santiago Point D Punta de San Carlos Point St. Charles E Ensenada a del Carmelita Carmelite Cove F Ensenada del SO- Evangelio Cove of the Holy Gospel G Bahia de Na Sa del Rosario, la Marinera Bay of Our Lady of the Rosary, the Mariner H Gran Bahia Redonda o de Na $a de Guadalupe Great Round Bay or Bay of Our Lady of Guadalupe Y Estero Cove J Puerto de la Asumpta Port of the Assumption K Punta de los Evangelistas Point of the Evangelists L Yslas Razas entre agua dulce Flat islands in fresh water M Agua dulze entre tulares Fresh water in the tule swamps N Gran Rio sin acabar de descubrir su fin Great river the end of which was not discovered 0 Rancherias de Yndios Amigos Villages of friendly Indians, traders in tobacco and comerciantes en tabaco y Pescado. fish P Punta de San Antonio Point St. Anthony Q Bosques de Buenas Maderas Forests of wood lumber R Remate del Estero y fin reconocide de End of the bay and end of the salt water as agua salada de Cafiizares. determined by Cafiizares S Punta de Concha Snail shell Point T Entrada del Estero Entrance to the bay V Nueva mision de S. FrarxS_ fudada en New Mission of San Francisco founded on 4 de OctHr d. 1776. 4 October 1776 X Rk-Presidio establecido en 17 de SepLe Royal Garrison established 17 September 1776 de 1776. Z Punta de San Jose o Cantil Blanco Point St. Joseph or White Cliff AC. 1. Ral Awts &I AstweiidaCi)oisdeCnivave Ptiner Pltldcos J de ise Deraml dc P aa d - toBa.riI4d a g MaA w 4r. AjAftnL~d~ 'rt 7' f miuh.i, 4/corl'r Licafa~~N- de lud,'a/*'uarranaa. Ar it, n t .4myer y X'i t^nap WI~~~~~~~ DNeplvent driS BA-rooimia. 1s~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~~~ ?usf tal-ita wr la Jrlfoni .l Aptt sco lra Litf Xva/~~~~~~~~ A"a dular rmlrWranc&rrt Map 3. Revised map of Caniizares, apparently redrawn by Manuel Villavicenijo in 1781, presumably under the supervision of Can'iizares himself.