ANTHROP OLO GICAL RE CORDS 14:4 - CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES BY E. W. GIFFORD UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES 1955 CENTRAL MI WOK CEREMONIES BY E. W. GIFFORD ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS VoL I4, No. 4 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Editors (Berkeley): R. L. Olson, R. F. Heizer, T. D. McCown, J. H. Rowe Volume 14, No. 4, pp. 261-318, 2 figures in text, frontis. Submitted by editors May 13, 1954 Issued March 7, 1955 Price, 75 cents University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles California Cambridge University Press London, England Manufactured in the United States of America CONTENTS Introduction. Informants Village officers ............. Ceremonial officials ........... Ceremonial house and dance paraphernalia Pattern of ceremonies and ritualistic actions Ritual of the living . . . . . . . . . . . . Sacred ceremonies and dances. Kuksuyu. . . . . . Salute (with kuksuyu); Uchupela. ... Akantoto . . . . . . . . . . . Uzumati . . . . . . . . . . . . Lileusi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Olochina . . . . . . . Helekasi; Helika; Helika . Kalea . . . . . . . Kalea (with pota) .......... Hekeke; Almna.. Henepasi . . . . . . . . . . . . . Kilaki; MaLnasu... ........ Tula; Lole ............. Mochilasi; Molokul. .. Wehena. . . . . . . . . . . Woochi . . . . . . . . . Kilaki totoyu . . .... .. .. .. Sule tumum laksu; Temayasu . . . . Salute (with temayasu); Tamula .... Yahuha . . . . . . . . . . . . Ayetme . . . . . . . . . Commemorative ceremonies and dances . . Pota . . . . . . . . . . . . Sule yuses.e........... Hiweyi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Sulesko . . . . . . . . . Profane dancesn.ce........ Ahana; Aletu. Humchilwe; Helikna; Helikboksu . Ulula. . . . . . . .. . . . . . . Dances at mountain villages .. .. . . .. Murphys . . . . . . . Soulsbyville and Tuolumne ...... Groveland . . . . . . . . . . . . Ritual for the dead ..... .. .. . . .. Funeral ceremonies. Hohi . . . Cremation. Memorial ceremonies Yalka . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Yame . . . . . . . . . . . . Conclusion . . . . 0 Works cited ................ ILLUSTRATION Central Miwok modern dance house at Pigliku, near Groveland . . . . . . . . . . . . . facing 261 Page 261 261 262 265 265 265 266 266 267 273 274 275 276 278 279 280 282 283 284 285 286 287 288 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 295 299 301 302 303 304 305 306 306 306 307 308 310 310 310 311 312 312 313 317 318 Central Miwok modern dance house at Pigliku, near Groveland I I I f 11% 1. k I i '. I ", ? I I . 11, CENTRAL MI WOK CEREMONIES BY E. W. GIFFORD INTRODUCTION The Central Miwok of the Sierra Nevada region of uth central California live in the foothills of Stanislaus punty and the foothills and lower mountains of Tuolumne Calaveras counties. S. A. Barrett has published a kp f the three Sierra Nevada Miwok dialect groups, to h he gave the county names of Amador, Tuolumne, ariposa Miwok (Barrett, 1908, map 3), but which now designated as Northern, Central, and Southern, pectively. A. L. Kroeber, in his Handbook of the In- s of California, presents a map of the Miwok areas shows the location of the principal villages, based rt on my data (Kroeber, 1925, pl. 37, name list on 45). 1926, I published an eighteen-page paper on Miwok (Gifford, 1926a), which presented theoretical inter- ons and something of an outline of what follows in per. The materials in the present paper are there- asic and make available the Central Miwok details of the four principal religious systems of California, the Kuksu or god-impersonating cult. In scope the compares with Kroeber and Gifford's work on the Renewal Religion of Northwestern California (1949). eories as to the relative age and derivation of the ceremonies and dances are set forth in Miwok which should be consulted by the reader, who also read my Southern Maidu Religious Ceremonies for a similar analysis of the ceremonies and of the northern neighbors of the Sierra Miwok. Central Miwok ceremonies discussed in this paper the heading of "Ritual of the Living" belong to the ead Central Californian god-impersonating, or cult. The name Kuksu is usually employed for t because of the frequent impersonation of this supernatural being under this name, the name by which he is known among many Penutian and Hokan tribes in the Central Californian culture area. Kroeber, Barrett, Dixon, Loeb, and Gifford are the principal contributors of papers dealing with this cult. Kroeber gives general pictures of the Central Californian Kuksu cult in chapter 26, "The Wintun: Kuksu Cult," in his Handbook of the Indians of California (1925, pp. 364-384) and in his paper on the Patwin (1932). Incorporated in the Central Miwok god-impersonating cult are certain performances dealing with the dead and ghosts, presented in this paper under the heading "Com- memorative Ceremonies and Dances.' It seems doubtful that these can be regarded as part of the "Ritual for the Dead,'" whose purpose is to honor the recent dead and to assuage the grief of the surviving relatives. The com- memorative ceremonies deal with enemies, disease, and ghost impersonation and have traditionally recent and local origin. The Central Miwok ceremonies discussed under "Ritual for the Dead" are much broader in distribution than the Kuksu or god-impersonating cult and are part of the stand- ard mourning observances in both Central and Southern California and in adjoining Baja California. They cannot be considered part of the god-impersonating cult. Except for the brief terminal section on "Dances at Mountain Villages," the dances described, unless other- wise specified, are largely those of the foothill region from Knights Ferry, in the lower foothills at about 200 feet elevation, to Jamestown, about 1,500 feet elevation. I am writing in the present tense, even though most of the matters discussed are now things of the past. INFORMANTS Central Miwok data in the body of the following were obtained during the second and third decades century for the most part from Molestu or Tom 8s, chief of the Central Miwok village of Chaka- Kroeber, 1925, pl. 37, no. 62) near Jamestown, ne County. (See Barrett, 1908, map 3, for loca- modern American towns and villages.) His wife's r's son, John Kelly, was interpreter. Tom, an rian, had lived the greater part of his life in the of Jamestown and of Knights Ferry, Stanislaus The Miwok village near Knights Ferry was Tuyi- oeber, 1925, pl. 37, no. 45). As is the rule in California, the ceremonies were more numerous U villages than higher in the mountains, for ex- t Soulsbyville, Carter (now called Tuolumne), Grove- Murphys. Tom had witnessed and described to f the ceremonies except the dances at mountain and had participated in many of them at Knights nd at Jamestown. The section on "Dances at Moun- ges" was recorded from other informants. r Central Miwok informants who supplied data for the present paper were the following. George Anderson, principal chief, of Ward's Ferry. Mike Anderson, son of George Anderson. Consulted along with Louis at Knights Ferry. Mrs. Lena Cox of Big Creek, near Groveland, daughter-in-law of Mrs. Mallie Cox. Mrs. Mallie Cox of Tuolumne. William Fuller, chief at Bald Rock, near Soulsby- ville. Kopetme or Yanapayak, chief of Hangwite (Kroeber, 1925, pl. 37, no. 55), near Soulsbyville. The nickname, Kopetme, refers to an injured foot. Louis, a man of Knights Ferry, eighty years old in 1923. Marikita, an old woman at Tuolumne. Mrs. Sophia Thompson of Big Creek, near Groveland, chieftainess and mother of Mrs. Lena Cox. Old Walker, at Vallecito, Calaveras County. Mrs. Susie Williams, wife of Tom Williams. [261] ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS VILLAGE OFFICERS To follow the description of the Central Miwok cere- monies an understanding of the duties of the hereditary chief (hayapo) or chieftainess (mayengo) and their ap- pointed aides is necessary. The chieftainship is trans- mitted in the male line to a son or brother of the chief, although at times, when through paternal descent a woman becomes ehieftainess, her son succeeds her. At Big Creek near Groveland Mrs. Sophia Thompson (Pile- kuye) is chieftainess because she is the oldest surviving heir of her father, the chief Nomasu (Gifford, 1916, p. 170, genealogy 1). Her brothers died young, leaving her and her youngest sister, Hutamsi, as the only surviving children. Her oldest son, Alec Thompson (Anawuye), is regarded as her successor. The term oisayasui is applied to a chief's wife who is not a chieftainess by descent. A man who marries a chieftainess sometimes becomes chief, but as a rule he acts as speaker (yeyichbe) for his wife; Tom Thompson (Sapata) the husband of Sophia Thomp- son, is her speaker. Sometimes a chief is chosen by the people, especially if the hereditary line has died out; "goodness of heart" seems to be the determining quality in the selection. Very often a village where the line of chiefs has expired may go several years without a chief. If a chief dies when his son is only a child, the boy's mother acts as regent until he is twenty or twenty-one years old, when he takes full control himself. If the mother marries again, the boy does not lose his right to the chieftaincy, even if his mother marries a very noted chief. While the young chief is a minor, he receives daily training, especially in the matter of addressing the people, his instructor being the speaker or the courier of the village. When he comes of age and assumes the chieftainship, he gives a small fiesta. He sends out knotted strings (sutila) with four knots, one for each day before the event. These are carried by the courier and the speaker, who visit every house in the neighboring villages. At each the courier presents a knotted string and the speaker makes a short speech, telling the people that this is the first fiesta given by the new chief and that he would therefore like everyone to come. The visitors arrive on the third day, that is, one day before the time set for the fiesta. They assemble at the young chief's new house, which has been built for him by the men of his village without cost to him. The young chief makes a speech to his people and the visitors, who are fed by the villagers. The fiesta, on the following day, lasts only for the single day. The people feast, talk, and listen to speeches. There are no dances, and the celebra- tion ends at sundown. The young chief, sitting on a bear hide, speaks about his deceased father, explaining that he is succeeding him. Those relatives of his father who are present weep. The people all give the new chief presents -shell necklaces, belts, baskets, bows and arrows-which are laid beside him on the bear hide. Following this brief fiesta the visitors go home. About a week later the new chief tells the speaker to have the men make a new ceremonial assembly house. The old one has of course been burned after the death of his father, and there have been no dances in the village since. The speaker, when ready to begin the work, tells the young chief's mother that they are going to make a ceremonial house for her son. She in turn tells her son, who replies: "Go ahead; it is all right." The speaker in-l augurates the building of the ceremonial house by an ad- dress to the villagers. (See Barrett and Gifford, 1933, pp. 200-205, for the construction of the ceremonial asse bly house.) Figure 1 of this paper shows the interior plan as a basis for understanding the descriptions of dances. A phonograph recording of the speaker's instructions to the people for the building of the new ceremonial hous was made by Tom Williams in Miwok. Translated, the address is as follows. That boy is getting to be a chief. Now all of you people get ready for him. Get everything ready. Be prepared to set up the poles and to fix the ceremonial house. The young chief is going to do the same as his father used to do. Now all of you men get ready. Put those poles up for him. All of you men get ready. Ha the ceremonial house ready just the same as for his father. The young chief is going to do just the same a his father. He is going the same way as his father di It is just the same, just the same. That is what his words tell us. All of you people get ready, for he is going to make a big celebration when the ceremonial house is completed. Listen, all of you women. All of you women get th pine needles, get the pine needles [tukuwila]. He is going to do the same as his father did. He is going th same way as his father. He has thought of himself. H has thought of himself. He has prepared himself sinc his father died. He has prepared himself since his father died. He is going to do the same as his father. He is going to do the same as his father. He is going to do things as his father did. Get the things ready. Get the things ready. Fix the ground. Make the gro level. Get the poles. There are lots of poles around us; lots of poles around us. Get those poles which ar nearest. He is all right; he is all right. He is becoming a chief just like his father. That is what you will do. That is what you will do when the big celebration co He is just the same. He is going to be just the same kind of a man that his father was. There is nobody around us close by, so he is going to make the celeb tion himself. He is going to get ready. He is going to get ready for a big celebration after that ceremonial house is finished. Do not say "I am not in it.' Do no say that. All of you people act the same as you used to. He is going to go just the same as his father and take care of us well. If you say that you are not like the old-people, it will go different with you, it will different. Things will turn out differently. We are going to do the same things that the old people in the early days used to do, the people who told us what a real celebration was and what a real chief should be: We follow the customs of those ancient people, and do what they used to do in the early days. We will t to do what they used to do, when the time comes, w the night comes. He is doing the same way. He is well. He is going to be a good chief. He is doing we, You can fix the ceremonial house and fix the gro for the ceremonial house. He is doing all right. He doing all right. He is doing all right. I am glad he i I a i I I-1 'I 262 GIFFORD: CENTRA going the right way. He is doing all right. Get the brush and the pine needles for the ceremonial house. Get those poles that go across the top, those that go across. Have the ceremonial house ready, so that we shall all be glad from now on. All of you people, I guess you have heard what I have said. Get ready. Get ready. This speech is made in ceremonial (archaic ?) lan- e, or, as the informant expressed it, "chief's talk.' erpreter had a hard time understanding it and had the assistance of the informant throughout. en the new ceremonial house is finished, the young prepares for a "cry" or mourning ceremony (yame) emorative of his father. He sends out invitation s with twelve knots, one for each day before the ony, to every village he can reach, often at a con- able distance. He sends his speaker and courier, er with special messengers to neighboring chiefs. one man is sent to each village. The chiefs to whom tted strings are sent make new ones and send them other villages which cannot be so readily reached original messengers.1 en the speaker returns he goes directly to the young s house and reports. He tells the young chief that ef whom he has visited is going to bring his people rthermore, that he has sent the message to other a. Similarly, all the messengers report at the chief's house as soon as they return. visitors arrive a day before the time set. On the of their arrival, and on the two following nights, ry within the new ceremonial house. The first part cry takes place on the night preceding the last day ed by the knotted strings. The cry is for the old the young chief 's father, even though he may have ad for many years. Some of the visitors think heir own dead relatives when they wail, but offi- he cry is only for the dead chief. Before they begin, ring the ceremonial intermissions, the speaker bout the dead chief. The young chief does not make eches; he cries like the rest of the people. As in ual cry or mourning ceremony (see p. 313) which a year after a death, there is no singing. The stamp around the ceremonial house for two or ours each evening, circling the fire and wailing. itors sleep in the ceremonial house each night, and dents in their dwellings. No offerings or presents de. he morning after the third night of the cry the wash- he mourners takes place. The visitors remain out the ensuing day and night, after which they go Sometimes such dances as aletu and tamula are the fourth day. chief is the most powerful man in the community e not only of birth but also of wealth. He usually re shell money and other forms of wealth than any- and he also owns numerous dance costumes. Fre- the informant Tom Williams, in describing dances, ed that the chief would lend a costume to a dancer none. Thus, in the mamasu dance, the chief may he dancer: "I think we had better have a little ,the people are lonesome.' The chief then lends cer an outfit if he does not have one. 'ient times some villages furnished the chiefs certain assistants utas. For instance, the chief of one village might supply the other the dancers, another the guessing-game people. The Hiangwite, which is said to have had a population of about 60 in eber, 1925, pl. 37, no. 55), was ruled at that time by a head had five sons. Each was called in turn by the chiefs of various to take charge of fiestas or cries. LL MIWOK CEREMONIES A powerful chief usually has two or three groups, of perhaps a half-dozen young men each, usually unmarried, who hunt for him and are entirely supported by him, being supplied with food and shelter. Certain chiefs also have official fishermen, who are fed and housed by the chief exactly like the hunters. Tom Williams once served as fisherman for a chief. In a small village where there is no village speaker, the chief addresses his people directly. When he wishes them to assemble, he calls from the top of the ceremonial house: "Uke, uke, aitun" ("Get in, get in, all.") Usually a chief does little public speaking, but he must be able to. George Anderson, chief at Ward's Ferry, gave an ex- ample of a short speech. "Get up. Get up. All the people get up. From the next house and the next house. Wash yourselves, wash your faces. After you wash yourself eat breakfast. Go hunt for something. You will get hungry. After you get some- thing you will eat something if you find something. Get up. Get up. Get up.' A longer address, delivered in Miwok by chief Yanapa- yak at Bald Rock, was recorded in 1913 on the phonograph. It begins as the usual morning speech made each day from the top of the ceremonial house, then, in the second para- graph, turns to an address before a cry or mourning cere- mony. The old chief was well over ninety years old when he made this recording and apparently started to give the ordinary morning speech, then included the reference to the mourning ceremony: "Get up. Get up. Get up. Get up. [Repeated five times.] Wake up. Wake up. Wake up. People get up on the south side, east side, east side, east side, east side, north side, north side, north side, lower side, lower side, lower side. You folks come here. Visitors are coming, visitors are coming. Strike out together. Hunt deer, squirrels. And you women strike out, gather wild onions, wild potatoes. Gather all you can. Gather all you can. Pound acorns, pound acorns, pound acorns. Cook and cook. Make some bread, make some bread, make some bread. So we can eat, so we can eat, so we can eat. Put it up, and put it up, and put it up. Make acorn soup so that the people will eat it. There are many coming. Come here, come here, come here, come here. You have to be dry and hungry. Be for awhile. Got nothing here. People get up, people around get up. Wake up. Wake up so that you can cook. Visitors are here now and all hungry. Get ready so we can feed them. Gather up, gather up, and bring it all in, so we can give it to them. Go ahead and eat. That's all we have. Don't talk about starvation, because we never have much. Eat acorns. There is nothing to it. "Eat and eat. Eat. Eat. Eat. Eat. So that we can get ready to cry. Everybody get up. Everybody get up. All here, very sad occasion. All cry. All cry. Last time for you to be sad. Go ahead and cook. Go ahead and cook. Get all of your stuff cooked. Get all your stuff cooked. People are hungry. People are hungry. Get ready for tonight. Get ready for tonight. Gather it up. Gather it up. Go ahead and distribute it. Distribute it. Go ahead and eat. You people are hungry, hungry. Eat, eat. "Crying ended. Crying ended. Cook and cook and cook, if you have any left. A person always gets hungry. People are hungry and have been traveling a long way, a long road. People always return homne. They always want a little to take along. You never want to think 263 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS people have too much. Better to have people speak well of us, than to say that we were stingy. "Everybody come here. Everybody come here. Brothers and brothers. Fathers and fathers. Every- body come here. Rest up, rest up. Tiresome walk- ing. Tiresome walking. You have starved and starved and starved. We have nothing. We have not got it ready. You will have it, we will find something for you. People, get something. Hurry up. Get ready. They are dry and thirsty. Here we are. Here we are. Eat and drink. Not so very much. We cannot have so very much. We are always starving. People from all around gather to come. Watch the people coming in. People whom you do not see all of the time. Come in and associate with them. Those at home have rela- tives that they always like to talk about. Come in and associate. You people always talk about your parents or friends. 'I wish I could see them. I wish I could be with them. I wish the chief would put up some sort of a gathering.' That is what you always say when there is nothing going on. You always speak about your old folks, the ones who are dead. There are not many fiestas going on, all big men are dying off. There will be no opportunity for more fiestas. That's all!' The appointed aides of a chief are the village speaker or orator (yeyichbe) and the messenger or courier (li- wape), who have ceremonial as well as civil functions. Oratorical ability is apparently the requisite for either office. The terms have synonyms: at Knights Ferry the village speaker is called yeyuche, the courier husi or nenabe.2 At Coulterville, in Southern Miwok territory, the courier is called kotewu, in reference to his duties as messenger in connection with a "big time" or fiesta (kote). The speaker (yeyichbe) talks to the home people from the top of the ceremonial house each morning and even- ing (and sometimes at noon), giving orders on behalf of the chief about the gathering and preparation of food. In addition he is responsible for the division and passing of the food at a fiesta. The account of the kuksuyu dance (p. 269) gives a detailed description of this part of his duties. The messenger or courier (liwape or yayumbe) talks from the top of the ceremonial assembly house (hangi) to the visitors invited to a fiesta and also speaks on the occasion of a death. He serves, too, as the chief's mes- senger to other villages, delivering the invitations for a fiesta; sometimes he is accompanied by the village speaker. He usually delivers his message direct to another chief, giving him the sutila or knotted invitation string, on which each knot represents a day before the date of the fiesta (Barrett and Gifford, pl. 63, fig. 1). When he orates at home, the liwape is called yayumbe; when he serves as courier abroad, he is known as liwape (liwa, "to speak"; yayume, "to preach or orate"). He takes orders direct from the chief and must go as di- rected, rain or shine. The chief sets the time for a fiesta. Tom Williams said that he had been a liwape for twenty years, under the chief George Anderson. He went around from place to place and talked to the people in the various ceremonial houses. He usually sat in the middie of the 2 At Knights Ferry nenabe is also the title of the war leader, an ap- pointive office. The war leader fights in front in a battle. ceremonial house with a basket in front of him, into the people threw coins for him. Wherever he went he feasted. As chief of the village of Chakachino he talk all chiefs who came there. Whenever a speaker or a chief speaks at a fiesta, kneels or sits on the ground. As he talks, he bows so that his head almost touches the ground. To emphasi his speech, he swings his clenched right hand horizo ly in front of his stomach close to his body. Tom W says that sometimes he himself bowed so low that his beard touched the ground. (See portrait in Gifford, 1 pl. 6.) Some men use both fists to emphasize their s On the occasion of a fiesta the orator talks about the ferent lineages of the visitors. Sometimes he names the nena (lineage or origin places) in a region "100 square!' (Gifford, 1926b, p. 389.) The minor aides of a chief are: hunters (hayapong lemingbek or wunutbek as distinguished from hotusbe hunters in general); salmon fishermen (kosumbek, lite ly "'salmon-ers"; singular, kosumbe); four male cere monial cooks for deer meat (hinubbek); and servers (walutbek) of food at a ceremonial gathering. The hunters receive orders direct from the chief. fore a fiesta he directs the hunters and fishers,3 sen some men for deer, others for jack rabbits, others f salmon. Ordinarily some chiefs get their own food, others do not. At a fiesta (kote) the village speaker vises the women, particularly in food preparation, takes charge of the distribution of food. The fisherman catches fish and others help him. T fisherman learns from his father, also a fisherman. Following a successful hunt in which many men in community participate, four of the slain deer are coo- ceremonially by the four ceremonial cooks, who do n take part in the hunt. When the hunters reach home at. night, the cooks immediately set to work to prepare f, of the deer, the rest being distributed among the peop so that the meat may be dried. The cooking is done at, chief's house and when the meat is cooked four to six girls and boys, called walutbek ("waiters"), 4 prepare carry it to the different houses. One of the cooks awa the chief, who has not been hunting. He arises and cal the waiters, giving each one a large piece of cooked m with instructions to take it to such and such a house. ' meat is delivered immediately, and, even though it be the middle of the night, everyone eats. The hunters proceed to their homes before the cooked meat is dist buted. This ceremonial cooking of deer meat takes place o at large villages. The chief receives an extra share o meat, more than anyone else. Shamans, however, do receive an extra portion. The same men do the cookin for each big hunt, but the boys and girls employed as waiters may be changed each time. When a man hunts himself and family alone, he may keep the game he ki At each village where there is a chief and a ceremo assembly house (hangi), there is usually a fire-tender, (chamusa wugube), for the funeral fire, who cremates8 dead. Whether he is the same as the fire-tender (wugu for the ceremonial house was not learned. 3A general term for hunter and fisher is loli, which means literal "not staying at home.' 4 Sing., walutbe; plur., walutbek, see below. The term is also app to any server at a gathering. Ua u o 264 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES CEREMONIAL OFFICIALS For the dances, there is often a drum major, called bobbe, who directs the actions of the performers. The nger (mulikbe) and the drummer (tumukbe) usually ear no special costumes; the singer in most dances Lrries a split-stick elderwood clapper (takatta). Drum- jng is done by stamping on the foot drum. The space round the drum, occupied by singers during dances, is gled adja. In some dances there is a whistler, who wears costume and carries a double bone whistle ('suleppa). K Clowns, called woochi, painted white, add a comic itre to some dances, and also present a dance of ri own. In the pota ceremony there are other clowns, sd ance gazing at the sun. [The generic term for dancer is kalangbe. There are, moreover, for the participants in each dance, specific designations, which are given in the dance descriptions beyond. These designations are words with the agentive suffix -be (plural -bek), comparable to English -er as in singer or drummer (Freeland, 1951, p. 151). Thus, the singer is mulikbe, the drummer is tumukbe, the drum major is sobobbe, and so on. The spirit imperson- ators are likewise designated. Thus, the impersonator of kuksuyu is the kukusbe, of mochilo the mochilbe, of osa (woman) the osabe (literally, "woman-er"), and so on. Usually chiefs do not dance, although the chief is the head of the dancers and dance organization. Feather regalia are usually in the chief's charge, and are kept in his house. The place where dancers dress and paint is called wole. CEREMONIAL HOUSE AND DANCE PARAPHERNALIA rhe Miwok ceremonial assembly house or hangi is ally a semisubterranean earth lodge (Barrett and Gif- 1, pp. 200-207, pl. 38), more rarely an openwork brush icture. A modern innovation is a board structure with gled roof, entirely above ground (frontispiece). These actures are described and pictured in the work just . The Central Californian earth-covered ceremonial varies slightly from group to group. Barrett has s hed a fine description of the Pomo ceremonial house 6 pp. 10-17), which is used much as is the Miwok. e foot-drum, an essential part of the equipment, is lowed arc of log placed over a pit which serves as a ce chamber. It is well shown in Barrett's Pomo rations (1916, pls. 9-11), but in the Miwok dance the drum occupies a different position. The long he Miwok drum is placed a short distance from wall opposite the door, the drum being placed at ales to the position of the drum in the Pomo dance Figure 1 shows the floor plan and position of the Miwok ceremonial assembly houses. The fire, rning during dances, occupies a central position en the four center posts, directly under the smoke the peak of the roof. ters mounted on sticks are-used as hair ornaments called variously makki, sonolu, and chalila; they o often referred to as tremblers (Barrett and Gif- 72). Sometimes the sonolu is carried in the hand. ds of salmon-pink flicker feathers are called tam- d., pl. 73). Some dancers wear on the back a fea- pe (metikila) composed of a net founidation with raven and chicken hawk feathers attached (ibid., pls. 64, 65). Down feathers, kept in pouches (ibid., pl. 63, fig. 5) are used on the faces of certain dancers. Each woman dancer usually carries a boa (patii) of goose down. Sometimes the dancers wear wooden earplugs and shell nose sticks (ibid., pl. 63, fig. 6). A hair net (wayaka) is used to confine the hair of male dancers and to make a firm foundation for inserting feather ornaments (ibid., pl. 62, figs. 3, 4; p. 223). A head ornament consisting of a bunch of yellow-billed magpie feathers is called achachu. Whistles of bone (suleppa) and elderwood are used by cer- tain dancers (ibid., pl. 57;p. 249). The split-stick elderwood clapper rattle (takatta) (ibid., p. 250), and to a less extent the cocoon rattle (sokossa) (Kroeber, 1925, p. 420, fig. 37f), along with the drum, furnish the accompaniment for the dances. The clapper, when used, is handled by the singer. Fig. 1. Ceremonial dance house. PATTERN OF CEREMONIES AND RITUALISTIC ACTIONS of the dances, especially the sacred perform- take place in the ceremonial assembly house; a sometimes danced out of doors. The musical mniment is furnished by singers and drummers, directed by a drum major,- occasionally by the br. The exclamations of this official give the for the musicians and dancers. Many of the songs ccompany the dancing consist, not of definite words, eaningless syllables or sounds and no translation obtained for them. k ritual is repetitive, four being the sacred num- ual acts are usually performed four times con- Iy; ceremonies last four days and nights. Cus- breach piece of regalia is passed over the wearer's r times before it is put on. Each dance is in four iith intervals of rest. The entry of the dancers and their taking up of their respective positions in the cere- monial house constitute a prelude, and their departure a finale, to the four parts of the dance proper. The movement of the dance is almost always counter- clockwise, that is, to the right of the entrance. In the following descriptions of dances "right" always means to the right as one looks into the house from the doorway. Women, once in position, usually dance in place, without circling the room except on their departure. In the ceremonies the scattering of seed is a common form of offering; seed is offered to the sacred birds used in the rituals and is scattered over the feather regalia. The regalia, stored in the chief's house between cere- monies, are periodically sprinkled with seed. The paral- lel with the Puebloan use of maize meal is obvious, as Heizer has remarked (1946, p. 191). I 265 RITUAL OF THE LIVING I have subsumed under this title those ceremonies and dances which, so far as I know, are not performed on behalf of the recently deceased but are presented for the benefit and enjoyment of the living. In a broad sense, of course, even the ritual for the dead may be thought of as benefitting the living, since by satisfying the dead and laying ghosts it prevents the spirits of the departed from annoying the living. The ritual of the living is described here under three headings: Sacred Ceremonies, Commemorative Cere- monies, and Profane (not sacred) Ceremonies. Actually, at any given fiesta, there may be performances in three of these categories in the four-day program. First fruits observances are common locally, t ceremony being referred to as a "little time," uwe (from uwe, "to eat"), as opposed to a "big time:' k characterized by gambling and dancing, to which n people are usually invited from a distance. Tom W said that "little times" are celebrated for new aco: but that as a rule no dances are held on these occa Since people from other communities are not inviti these affairs, no invitation strings are dispatched, SACRED CEREMONIES AND DANCES Not all the performances discussed under this heading are eq-ually sacred. Perhaps "sacred" is i-ot an entirely proper term to use for the quality in the ceremonies which the Miwok regard as a danger threatening both performers and audience. This danger lies in the feather regalia, which, if not properly made and handled, may cause ill- ness. The following accounts by the informant Louis of Knights Ferry reveal the native attitude toward the dances. Louis first saw ceremonial house (hangi) dances at Tuyiwunu, on the north side of the river at Knights Ferry when he was six years old. He felt scared in the hangi, scared of people in feathers. He knew they were people, but he was afraid of the feathers. The dancers were disguised so as to be unrecognizable. The adults kept back the children, for, if one touched the feathers, he would get sick. The sickness is called mo'tu, and it may afflict any part-head, stomach, knees, and so on. The next ceremony or fiesta (kote) seen by Louis was on the south side of the river at Knights Ferry several years later. Fiestas were not given every year. He was a pretty good-sized boy when he saw the second one, at which the following dances were per- formed: kuksuyu, lole, wehena, tula, uzumati, hiweyi, uchupela, olochina, temayasu, alte (aletu), and katwa (woochi). These were all danced at one fiesta, which lasted four days and four nights. The participants were local people. When necessary to fill in, outsiders took part. Kuksuyu was the biggest dance. About 1858, according to Louis, the Knights Ferry bridge went out. Louis was a boy then. At that time, the Jamestown people had learned dances from the Knights Ferry people, who in turn got them from the Alowituk (westerners, probably Yokuts and Costanoan). At the time the bridge went out the Jamestown people had already been taught the dances. The most sacred and elaborate of the ceremonies is the kuksuyu, which combines the kuksuyu dramatic per- formance with several others, the kuksuyu being the main performance. Although regarded as very sacred or dan- gerous, certain of its acts are comic. Other perform- ances which usually follow kuksuyu at the same fiesta are uchupela, uzumati, salute, akontoto, lileusi, and olochina. The only dances besides the kuksuyu in which the dan- cers wear masks or hoods are the helekasi and sul in these the dancers' heads are completely envelop hoods of deerskin. In the kuksuyu dance, the feathi cloak of the chief performer, the kukusbe, hangs fi the top of the head and completely conceals the dan In other dances, paint and feathers tend to conceal dancer's identity. The sacred dances of the Central Miwok, as ha8& said, are impersonations of supernatural beings. V little information was obtained on the nature of the4 beings. According to a Northern Miwok informant t tula (p. 286) is a kind of diminutive fairy that women sometimes see dancing in a hollow tree. Some dane are mimetic, the dancers simulating the movement certain animals: the salute, katydid; the akantoto, creeper; the olochina, owl; the hekeke, valley quaiI moloku, condor; the uzumati, grizzly bear. Tom W thinks that the kuksuyu is a sulesko, or sort of spir One night, when Tom Williams and George An son were passing a cabin near the first house bel the lowest gate at Chakachino, on the road to JaIA town, they were chased by a kuksuyu. This was I Hateya, a woman who acted as the osabe, had be buried with a kuksuyu costume. Tom and Georgei as fast as they could when they recognized the ku approaching. They knew what the apparition wi the big feather headdress and the sound of feathei dragging on the ground. This was near the creek place where once, when Tom was a child, some: were killed by an armed force of Spaniards and u Indians and left unburied. Cries and moans are a heard here. The Miwok kuksuyu impersonator does not scarU children, as is done among the Pomo (Loeb, 1932, 1 110). People avoid touching the kuksuyu's feathers and keep children away, because they would be sick next morning if they touched them. Children are all in the dance house to see the kuksuyu dance and othi dances. Mike Anderson saw the kuksuyu once at Wai Ferry when he was sixteen or eighteen years old. Y children were also present and were warned not to too close. On this occasion the husband of Susanna Chakachino was the kuksuyu. The mochilo was a Ba Rock man who died about 1903. The osabe was Char Gomez, a half-breed living at Knights Ferry in 1923 [266] GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES KUKSUYTJ here are three characters in the kuksuyu dance: the niyu, the mochilo, and the osabe. The first two are ys men, spoken of respectively as the kukusbe and hilbe. The third character, osabe, is usually a man; ire occasions, a woman (osa) takes the part. When Iuksuyu dance is decided upon, the chief asks the ku- a nd mochilbe to get crow and raven feathers. They men, usually ten to fifteen, to accompany them on rrand. These hunters are called hotusbek. Usually et young ravens or crows that have not yet left the some sixty to eighty altogether, and pluck the rs from the birds. kukusbe and mochilbe make the costumes and par- ia for the ceremony, with perhaps some help the speaker of the village and from other dancers. stumes are sometimes required, for when a kuk- cer dies, his costume is destroyed at his funeral. e, the assistants make the sinew string and cut ers. The man who takes the part of osabe also e the paraphernalia. If this role is taken by a however, she is not allowed to assist in making red objects. Paraphernalia may be made for other at the same time that they are made for the kuk- ce. When feather objects are made, the men must r days and four nights, four being the number d with all sacred matters. kusbe and mochilbe begin with the cloak, which er the kukusbe from the top of his head to his mpletely concealing him. They start by making of milkweed string. This string is made by two also make the deer sinew string used to tie the onto the net. While the net is being made, two a split the raven feathers down the middle of the tead of splitting some of the larger feathers, scrape away the base of the shaft for half its a so that they can bend the shaft more easily when to the net. The upper parts of the nets, which fit e dancer's head, are much narrower than the t and are covered with one row of the feathers split for their entire length. The feathers with e base of the shaft removed are tied on to the net ts; the split base is folded over through the knot ith sinew. The two separate nets are sewed to- form the complete cloak, one net for the front, for the back. Each net is about six feet long and ide at the bottom and always has forty knots e bottom. Kukusbe works on one net and mochilbe er, both singing as they work; sometimes the sing too, a song with no meaning. When making alia of this sort, the men work day and night finished. The term kuksuyu applies to the whole both the feather cloak and the headdress. usbe and the mochilbe also make the cape of feathers tied to a net (Barrett and Gifford, 64, 65), and the flicker headband (tamikila) 27, pl. 73). (tewela) or band of white oak wood-a thin branch, ed-is made by one of the helpers, so that it just sbe's head like the band of a hat. Two strings, t right angles, are fastened to the ring and rest h head to keep the ring from slipping down too pper edges of the two nets which have been er to make the kuksuyu costume are now tied ps to this wooden ring. The ring is placed on the kukusbe and the net falls down on all sides, m completely, from the top of his head to the which he stands. When he dances he has to hold up the feather cloak to avoid stepping on it. There are no armholes in the costume. A headdress, called yache, mostly of large hawk wing feathers, is tied to the wooden ring. This headdress is a sort of mat of string to which hawk feathers are attached so as to stand upright. The string with the feathers is coiled in a spiral to the right and sewed to form the mat. The central feather of this headdress is a large bald eagle's wing feather painted white with chalk (walangasu) (ibid., p. 224), which sticks up vertically above the hawk feathers. After the mat has been tied on to the wooden ring, other hawk feathers are attached at the periphery, so that they stick out horizontally. Later. when the whole costume has been put on, more feathers are sewed on or stuck into the mat above this horizontal row, bristling in every direction. Fastened to the kuksuyu cloak are little squares made of the salmon-pink shafts of the feathers of the red-shafted flicker. There are also four long flicker feather bands (ibid., p. 227, pls. 72, 73) reaching from the top of the cos- tume to about the knees, one fastened over each shoulder in front and one over each shoulder behind (see fig. 2). These are fastened only at the top, so they are free to swing and fly in all directions when the kukusbe dances. Just under the wooden ring on the kukusbe's head are fastened two white goosedown boas. One forms a semi- circle around the rear half of the wooden headband, the 2I ,, Fig. 2. Kuksuyu dance costume. 267 ml%? ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS other a semicircle around the forward half. The ends of these boas hang down on each side of the kukusbe, reach- ing nearly to the knees. They swing about as the kukusbe dances, sometimes in front of his shoulders, sometimes behind. The mochilbe, impersonator of the mochilo spirit, wears a net cape like a metikila with raven or crow feathers sewed on it. This cape, called by the special name of chakala, is worn on the back and is fastened under the armpits across the chest, hanging down behind to about the level of the knees. The mochilbe's hair is held in place by a net. Before his eyes he wears two loops of twigs painted red, joined by a connecting stick over his nose and held in place by a string which passes around his head. These look much like large spectacles. On his brow he wears a flicker headband which sticks out about six inches on either side. A long feather thrust into his hair projects from the center of his forehead and droops downward in front of his nose. He carries a. five- foot cane of elderwood with a big feather bunch on the upper end and three small ones tied one above the other on the sides. Another ornament of the tail feathers of the magpie (achachu), eight or ten inches long, stands up from the back of his head. A double bone whistle hangs on a string about his neck. His skin is painted red all over, except where the garment covers his middle. The word mochilo, untranslated by the Miwok, suggests the Yokuts word for "old woman." The osabe is dressed like a woman. If a man takes this part, a woman's hair is represented by a wig of black horsehair.5 If a woman takes it, she simply lets her hair hang loose. The horsehair is actually fastened to a net, which is tied on the head of the dancer, the hair hanging to about the waist. A separate crest of horsehair is fastened to the net at the top of the head and hangs down the middle of the back of the head, forming a nar- row crest about an inch and a half high. A goosedown boa is tied around the head, with the ends hanging behind to the waist. Like the mochilbe, the osabe carries a double bone whistle fastened around the neck with a string. The osabe's face is painted solid red. A flicker headband is worn across the brow. Like a real woman, the osabe wears a deerskin skirt consisting of front and back pieces and carries a five-foot goosedown boa in the hands. When a woman takes the place of a man, the long horsehair is omitted; but she wears a horsehair crest on top of her own flowing hair. Before and after the paraphernalia are finished, they are sprinkled with seeds. The singer, who has been present throughout, now chews and spits monoyu (jimson- weed) and hopolisa (unidentified) over the objects. These two plants are used only by shamans, therefore the singer has to be a shaman. Both plants are considered very dan- gerous to ordinary people, a belief probably based on ac- tual fact. If the singer is not a shaman, he cannot chew the plants to spit upon the garments. Then the mochilbe, provided he is a shaman, performs the ceremony instead. The singer or mochilbe sings as he spits upon the sacred garments. As soon as he finishes spitting on one, he picks it up, passes it four times around his head, and starts on the second one, at the same time changing his song slightly. When the kukusbe is dressed for the dance he holds a sort of whistle, which is a hollow elderwood stick, fifteen inches long, covered with deerhide tied on with sinew. The s Before the Americans came, the horses were stolen from the Mexi- cans, or else wild horses were shot. The hunters watched at the spring or creek where they came to drink and then shot them with bow and arrow. lower end is plugged with pitch and there are no holes the sides. The kukusbe holds the whistle in his right ha under the cloak, the lower end pressed tightly between, upper arm and his body, the open end held so that he blow across the mouth of the tube, making a noise lik that produced by blowing across the mouth of a bottle. holds the whistle in a slanting position to get the best sults. Thus when he dances he holds the whistle with right hand, while his left hand holds up the cloak, usu clasping it in front on a level with his thighs. Each time before the elderberry whistle is used th kukusbe urinates in it to offset the effects of any "poi which may have been used against him by a shaman. puts his finger over the end and shakes the tube, thus washing it out. This practice is effective not only for poison put in the whistle, but also for any poison used directly against the kukusbe himself. The informant pointed out that the Northern Miwok Ione in Amador County use a real flute in the kuksuyu dance, and also that the flute is held horizontally. An difference he mentioned between the kuksuyu costume Knights Ferry and lone is that the Ione dancers wear front of the feather cloak open so that the face and up part of the chest are visible. It takes altogether four days and four nights to co the paraphernalia for the three people who take part kuksuyu dance. All of the paraphernalia is made outi bush a little way from the village. It may be finished either in the morning or in the evening. The speaker the village, who has been watching the workers, help a little in minor jobs, and singing, tells the chief that they have finished. The chief goes to the houses and t the women to bring whole manzanita berries, hulled acorns, and tuyu seed. Each woman brings one of the sorts asked for. As the women pass by the place whe costumes were made, the kukusbe stands there wear his costume; other sacred articles are beside him on ground. As each woman passes she throws some seed acorns, which she takes out of a small basket, over and over the costumes and paraphernalia. After all of the women have thrown these offerings over the dancer and the paraphernalia they stand back while the kukusbe dances to a song by the regular or cial singer-the song which he later sings for the re kuksuyu dance. Even the drum major, too, is present sits to one side and exclaims "Bau wai! Bau wai! " kukusbe dances thus for four periods. Each time the comes to the end of a period he ends his song with the pression "Uiya! " After the fourth period of dancing kukusbe takes off the costume and puts it on the pile the others. The kukusbe dances alone; neither the mo nor the osabe dance, nor do they wear their costumes this time. After this ceremony the village speaker rolls up paraphernalia in a tule mat (linga) made at the same as the costumes, and takes it to the chief's house, w it is stored. After depositing it, he goes around to th houses of the people of the village and tells everyone the chief requests their presence at his house that ev That evening, when the people come, the chief faa up inside his house a knotted string with four knots to cate that in four days the kuksuyu dance will be given the people of the village. After this visit to the chief' house the speaker announces the coming dance each ing and each evening from the chief's doorstep. At this little fiesta for the people of the village all dances which usually accompany the kuksuyu are reh These rehearsals are held only when the kuksuyu d given, not for any other dance. The regular fiesta, t I 0 L 268 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES outsiders are invited, may come any time after eliminary one, whenever the chief feels inclined e it. haps a week or ten days after the rehearsal, the tells his speaker to call the people together. The r stands in front of the ceremonial house and a short speech before sunrise: "Come on every- get together at the chief's place." He asks the e to assemble at the chief's house a little after e. n after the people have breakfasted they all gather chief's dwelling. The chief takes them to the cere- house and leads them into it. Not only the men, so women and children are present. The speaker re already and there is a fire burning, for the speak- given orders to have it built early in the morning. entering the ceremonial house the chief talks to eaker, telling him that he wants to give a fiesta at he will have the kuksuyu dance. He asks the speak- get things ready for a big fiesta. e speaker then addresses the people, as follows. "Have you people anything? Have you people any le things of one sort or another? The chief, I guess, getting ready for a fiesta. The chief said to me: 'I nder if they have any food to help me with. I want m to help me when the visitors come.' That is what chief said to me. That is what the chief said, and wanted me to let you know about it. All of you men, I guess you will listen. You men, I guess you go out for deer and any other game. The chief d that he would give a fiesta. 'You can get ready,' hat the chief said to the kukusbe. He said, 'You get ready with the feather costumes that have en made recently.' That is what the chief said. 'I glad,' is what the chief said. That is what the ef said: 'I am glad the feather costumes are fin- ed.' "After a while the chief will send some of you men different directions with knotted strings [sutila]. 'I 1 send the knotted strings in different directions to e people,' is what the chief said. That is what the ef said when he told me to tell you people. "Now, you people, listen; you people listen to what e chief said to me when he thought about having a sta. 'Man, watch them dance; watch them dance m different sides.' That is what the chief said to me. I guess all of you people have listened to what I tave said. When the guests come, all of you women be sure to have the things ready. Don't say no, and don't say you have nothing. Every little bit helps. Now all of you people, I guess you heard him [the chief], you heard him, you heard him. Now all you people listen:" The message of the chief is thus transmitted to the ple by the speaker. The chief himself ties eight knots string given him by the speaker and hands it to the tlchbe, who counts the knots. The speaker himself i ties two more knots. This addition by the speaker is rtomary in the preparations for the kuksuyu dance. in the speaker has counted the knots and put two more the string, making ten, he hands it back to the chief. t chief counts the knots and says that it is all right. i chief himself then ties ten knots in each of the other kted strings which are to be sent out, counting the gt on each string as he does so. The number of strings makes depends on the number of chiefs he intends to ite. Each time the chief completes a string he hands it over to the speaker, who inspects it and then hands it back to the chief. This ceremony of making the knotted strings takes place in the presence of the people inside the cere- monial house, after the speaker's address. Four or five knotted strings are usually sent out; one is kept by the chief himself. The ones to be sent out are handed to the speaker when the chief has finished making them. The speaker and the courier select men as messen- gers. If there are five knotted strings, the speaker may pick out two men, while the courier selects only one. The speaker gives two of the knotted strings to the courier and he in turn gives one to the man he selects. Each man is given one of the knotted strings to carry, while the courier and the speaker take one each. Sometimes, if there are five strings, the speaker gives three to the courier instead of keeping three himself. There seems to be no rule for this, except that both speaker and courier choose at least one additional messenger. When the messengers deliver the knotted strings they say: "Our chief has sent us over here to give you this, and to ask you to bring some people with you.' They also say that there is going to be a little dance, but they do not tell the name of it. The chiefs to whom the knotted strings are delivered make new ones with the necessary number of knots. These are made without the ceremonial handing back and forth described above. The distribution of these new strings is carried out by the messengers of the chiefs who make them. The news of the intended fiesta is thus spread con- siderably farther than the original messengers have car- ried it. A messenger sent out by the chief proposing to give the fiesta remains at the village to which he has been sent until the messengers sent out from that village have returned. Upon their return the messenger sets out for home again. A third relay of knotted strings is never sent; the second relay seems to reach the most distant villages which are expected to attend. When the original messengers return to their home village, they tell the chief the results. The message they bring him is invariably favorable; they say that the guests are all going to come. After all his mes- sengers have returned, the chief himself goes from house to house and tells the people that everyone is going to come. Every morning and evening until the last day the speaker speaks from the top of the ceremonial house, reminding the people of the number of days left before they must enter- tain their guests. The gathering of the food is left to the judgment of the people; the speaker gives no specific or- ders. On the last day before the fiesta the visitors come, usually arriving in the afternoon. When the first one arrives, the speaker gives a long shout from the top of the ceremonial house. He calls to the visitors: "Keep coming; just go right inside"; meaning, of course, inside the ceremonial house. The speaker remains on top of the ceremonial house and continues to shout welcome to the incoming visitors. The chief, in the meantime, goes from house to house telling the people to get some food ready to feed the visitors. Then the speaker makes a speech from the top of the ceremonial house to his own people. He shouts: "Bring the food here, bring the food here. We are going to feed them." Then everyone brings the food which he has prepared to the front of the ceremonial house. The speaker counts the visitors inside the ceremonial house, then goes out and looks over the food and divides it up for the different groups. The speaker selects men and women to carry in the food. The food is not handed directly to the visitors but is turned over to the chief of each group. The groups are served from right to left around the interior of the 269 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS ceremonial house, each group being given all of its food before the next one is served. The visitors are not ar- ranged in any special order within the ceremonial house; each group takes its place where it pleases. There is no place of honor or anything of that sort. The speaker leads in the waiters who carry the food. As each lot of food is brought in for the respective groups of people, the speak- er says to the chief of the visiting group: "Here is your food, now you can feed your people!' Each visiting chief has with him his own speaker and courier. He tells them to divide the food among his people. This is not done, however, until every group within the ceremonial house has its food, when it is divided simultaneously for each group. Then all eat. The people do not play games or dance, but spend the evening and night visiting, talking, and laughing, the people of the village coming in and visiting with the guests. The chief of the village who is giving the fiesta calls on each of the visiting chiefs in turn, telling them what the dance is going to be and conversing. In the early morning hours two clowns (woochi) dress in the bush. They cover themselves all over with white paint and tie cocoon rattles (sokossa) on their ankles. A feather ornament (sonolu) is fastened in the hair, sticking out directly in front (Barrett and Gifford, pl. 72, fig. 5). The hair itself is held in place with a net. About sunrise, after the visitors have arisen, the two clowns come in from the bush. Instead of entering the ceremonial house directly they circle it four times, then they enter. The visitors are now at breakfast. The two clowns, once they are within the dance house, start to run around counter- clockwise, begging for something to eat. They do not actually ask for food, but each one holds out his hand and exclaims "Wo! " They walk on people, walk between people when they are talking, go up very close to people they see eating, and play many other annoying tricks. In- variably everyone refuses to give them food. However, after making the rounds once or twice they discover some- thing they like and now proceed to sneak up quietly. If the owner of the food is not watching, each clown seizes what he wishes, exclaims "Wo! " and dashes out through the door before he can be stopped. This food the clowns carry to the kuksuyu dancers, who are in the bush pre- paring for their dance. In due time the clowns return to steal more food. The people, however, have learned a lesson and many of them hide the food so that it cannot be stolen. After two or three incursions into the ceremonial house for stealing food, the two clowns come in and start to shove back from the fire the pine needles with which the floor is covered. They do this in a very unceremon- ious fashion, knocking people over, throwing pine needles on them, and making themselves generally obnoxious. They make this clearing for the kilaki totoyu dance, which is to take place about eleven o'clock in the morning. The home people now come into the ceremonial house to see the dance. The chiefs of the various villages have been talking with each other, but they now proceed to move their people back towards the sides of the room so the dancers will have space. The dance is then performed. (p. 290). While the dance is taking place, the two clowns play about among the audience, sometimes going outside, but spending most of their time within the dance house. Some- times they climb up on top and look in through the smoke hole. It is their business to watch and pick up any feathers that may fall off the dancers. After the kilaki totoyu dance is over the clowns remain among the people, running about and now and then giving I the characteristic exclamation "Wo! " It is their duty to see that no one goes to sleep. If they catch a person sle ing, they shake a rattle in his ear. Meanwhile the singe and drummer go out with the totoyu dancers to the dres ing- place in the bush and bring back another set of dan for the wehena dance (pp. 288-289). During the dances the intervals between, the clowns are constantly on the move. They watch for feathers during the wehena just in every dance. After the wehena, the dancers retire to, the dressing-place in the bush, where they wash and dr in their ordinary clothes again. The dancers in the who series of dances at this fiesta are almost exclusively natives of the village. Following the wehena dance and the luncheon, the aft noon is spent playing games both inside the ceremonial house and outdoors. The luncheon consists of food left over from the night before. Everyone does not eat at th same time; each group eats when it is ready. Gambling commences immediately after luncheon and lasts until suppertime. It commences with guessing hand games, and a dice game played with half acorns, called chuta. Another game, olcha, is played with forty-two small wormwood sticks, which are held together and then sep- arated into two handfuls. The opponent guesses the num- ber in each hand. The sticks are counted by fours, and tb opponent pays for the number of points that he misses. The clowns continue to steal at every opportunity, and especially at mealtimes. A person may be cooking meat at the fire and placing it in a basket as fast as it is cooke A clown sneaks up behind the cook and steals the meat as fast as it is placed in the basi,et, until he is discovered, when he scampers out with it. Throughout the day the clowns are on the lookout for sleepy people and wake the by shaking in their ears a single cocoon rattle which the carry on a stick. This rattle, when not in use, is carried in the clown's tail, which is about two feet in length and composed of feathers. Each clown wears a sonolu feath ornament in his hair. He also carries one in his hand, this has, tied to its handle, a whistle about two inches long and half an inch in diameter, made of a piece of s elderwood, the halves of which are hollowed out to make a sort of trough. Between these halves is stretched tigh a piece of skin (without feathers) from the scalp of the California woodpecker, and the whole whistle is bound with deer sinew. This whistle is used by the clowns whe they discover a dancer eating alone or in his home, for dancers are forbidden food until the dance is over, whe they are all supposed to eat together. If the clown sees the dancer eating, he blows his whistle, and the dancer immediately throws away any food he has. Sometimes a clown, in his hustle and bustle, loses his whistle, or a dancer who wishes to eat on the sly may surreptitiously cut it off without the clown's knowing. If a clown with n whistle discovers anyone eating, he steals very quietly up to the breaker of the taboo and places a bird head fr his necklace alongside the dancer. When the dancer see it, he quits eating. The bird head is returned to the co later. Each clown wears a necklace of bird heads and b skins, sometimes of the California jay. The clowns are no respecters of persons. They even go so far as to awaken a chief if they see him sleeping. If the clown hi self is seen eating by a dancer, the dancer blows his double bone whistle and the clown has to stop eating; h clowns usually steal away a couple of miles with food b fore they attempt to eat it. The first evening of the kuk dance, the two clowns already mentioned are joined by more. From that time on there are four clowns. Every afternoon is spent, like the first one, in pla games. The totoyu and wehena may be danced each day 270 I I GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES the afternoon two chiefs may decide to have a foot- me, at the suggestion or wish of their people. cks out his team of fifteen men. Two balls of de, about a foot in diameter, are used, both being red with moke (probably red ochre) (Barrett and p. 224). They are stuffed with soaproot fibers ed together with deerhide string. The ball itself ed posko and the game, witpo. Two men on each rm goal posts, the length of the field being about dred yards. The space between the goal men, the players pass through, is called wowa, and is d by a line on the ground connecting the two goal each side. Each contestant tries to put its ball e opponent's goal. The ball is started from the man at the goal, and is kicked first by a man side to which it belongs, who comes up from be- * goal line. Once the ball is in the field, it is with the hands as well as kicked. The game gives of opportunity for gambling. Each time a ball is r a goal the betting is settled, and new bets are in for the next ball. ther game, called amta, is for women. It is played Bingle ball about the size of a baseball. There are nineteen women and one man on each side. The of the field is the same as for the football game scribed. The goals, however, are marked by long two,at each end. The two men who play in this are called pochupek. The ball is not kicked, but is with a racket. 1 the games, each chief stands at the goal of his Sometimes sides are taken by the two moieties rd, 1916, p. 145). This, however, is not the rule, in the vicinity of Groveland. The games vary from day. On one day a football game may be in progress e and a hand game going on within the ceremonial Still another game, bokup, or javelin-throwing, yed quite frequently. The javelin used is about four length. Its blade is sharp on both edges but has a d end. The javelin is thrown underhand so that it s the ground and rises again, traveling for a long ce. Shooting contests with the bow and arrow are ommon. second night of the fiesta is the initial night of the yu performance. Late each afternoon, someone who andle feather ornaments without their harming him 'the kuksuyu costume. Sometimes the chief himself this. The man who is to put on the costume is se- by the kukusbe. Both the act about to be performed e man who performs it are called sola. The sola Ig the kuksuyu costume circles the ceremonial four times, blowing the elderwood whistle at inter- getting closer with each circuit. He holds the e vertically below the lower lip, instead of obliquely e kukusbe does when he dances. The first circuit of use is made at a distance of over a hundred yards, rth and last about twenty-five yards away. The man rcles the ceremonial house four times from right to keeping very close to the wall. He is followed through- two clowns who are on the lookout for any feathers may drop out of his costume. then climbs up on the roof close to the smoke hole, e he blows his whistle four times. Then he returns dressing-place in the bush, where he takes off the le. This ceremony is said to be performed so that ople will know what the dance is going to be. It is ed each evening by the same performer just about er the sola has returned to the dressing-place the Oaker calls all the dancers to the chief's house to pre- pare for the night's performance. People who have re- mained outside the ceremonial house now enter and take their positions so that they may witness the dances. The costumes are now taken to the house of the chief, who remains at his home while the dancers dress there. In the meantime the speaker joins the audience at the cere- monial house but makes no speech. When the dancers are about ready, the chief precedes them to the cere- monial house. The first dancers to don their costumes are the ku- kusbe, mochilbe, and osabe. The performers in other dances dress at the chief's house a little later in the evening. The singer leads the kuksuyu dAncers from the chief's house to the ceremonial house and sings as he goes, keeping time with his hands, not with a clapper. He swings his arms in an arc, clapping his hands first on one side, then the other. When he claps to the right, the right hand is on the bottom; when he claps to the left, the right hand is on top. As he walks along he changes the words of his song (which is untranslatable), and with each change he reverses the motion of his arms, swing- ing them in an arc from side to side. The final phrase of the song comes as they reach the door of the ceremonial house. Just before the dancers enter the ceremonial house, the clowns, now four in number, sing. The song has a few words, which may be translated as follows: "I am from the east; from the middle; from the mountains; from down in the ground; from up in the sky.' In the song they also tell the people from the east, west, north, and south to have a good time during the ceremony. The singer, drummer, and drum major, in ordinary dress, enter before the dancers. All three go to the back of the ceremonial house and sit down in front of the drum with their backs to the fire. As they sit there the singer sings twice the song he has sung as the dancers approached the ceremonial house. Then he sings the regular kuksuyu dance song twice, after which all three performers arise. The singer steps to his regular place to the right of the foot drum, the drummer takes his position on it, while the drum major stands to its left. Once the dance has started, no more spectators are allowed to enter the ceremonial house. When the singer starts singing, the kukusbe dances in backwards, followed by the mochilbe and osabe, also dancing backwards. Kukusbe takes up his position to the left of the door, the mochilbe in front of the door, the osabe to the right of the door, all facing the entrance. The singer stops his song as soon as the three are inside. He begins again, clapping his hands to mark the time, and the drummer starts to drum. At the same time, the drum major exclaims three times "Bau wai! " Just as he ends the third exclamation, the singer exclaims "Uiya," and the drum major stops, but the drummer keeps on. As the singer exclaims "Uiya," he changes his song, reversing the motion of his hands at the same time. After the change in the song, the drum major exclaims "Bau wai! " and keeps on exclaiming until the singer changes the song again. The kukusbe starts to dance across in front of the mochilbe and osabe, between them and the door, facing forward and passing in front of them and moving over to the right of the osabe, on the right. As he nears the osabe he swings in a quarter turn to the right so that he is facing the fire when he comes to a standstill. Now the mochilbe and osabe make a quarter turn to the left and dance, facing forward, to the kukusbe's original position, where they, too, swing to the right so as to face the fire. They then dance sideways to the right, passing in front of kukusbe, their backs of course being to him, for they are facing 271 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS the fire just as he is. The mochilbe is in the lead. After the osabe has passed the kukusbe, the latter starts to dance towards the drum also. Holding his cane horizontally in his right hand, the mochilbe flexes his knees slightly as he lifts his feet and stamps. His arms are at his sides, but he lifts them a little so that his elbows stick out and as he does so he turns his head to one side. At the same time he blows a blast on his whistle. He and the osabe both dance side- ways, facing the fire, as they pass the second position of the kukusbe near the door. The osabe blows the whistle at each step and lifts the goosedown boa which he carries, raising his hands alternately. As soon as the osabe has passed the kukusbe, he stops blowing the whistle and starts to dance more vigorously. The osabe and mochilbe continue to dance sideways up to the drum. The kukusbe follows them, also dancing sideways but turning to each side as he goes, so that he is actually making turns of more than one hundred and eighty de- grees. He sticks out his buttocks as he dances and blows vigorously on the elderwood whistle held under his right arm. With his left hand he holds up his cloak in front. All three dancers go past the drum and down towards the door, always keeping to the right. As they near the door, the mochilbe steps towards it and proceeds to mark time in one place, still facing the fire and dancing as described above. The kukusbe now steps closer to the fire and dances past the osabe and mochilbe, thus taking the lead. The mochilbe remains in his place, marking time. The osabe, however, follows the kukusbe to the right side of the ceremonial house and stops there. The kukusbe dances on and, as he approaches the drum, the drum major exclaims "Bau wai! " very rapidly a number of times. When the kukusbe reaches the drum, the singer exclaims "Uiya"; all movement and sound cease, and the kukusbe swings far enough around to the right so as to face the drum. He now stands in front of the drum with his back to the fire. This completes the elaborate prelude to the main performance. In the silence the kukusbe walks to one of the two posts which support the roof, near the drum. He looks at the post and blows a blast on his elderwood whistle. Then he blows a second blast and whirls around to face the drum. He walks to the other post near the drum and repeats the performance. Then he stands in front of the drum again, as at the end of the prelude. Now the drum major ex- claims "Bau wai! " three times, slowly, while the drum is beaten very slowly and the singer sings briefly, end- ing with the expression "Uiya.' In a moment the drum major exclaims again, repeating the exclamation a little faster this time, the drummer and singer keeping time. This is the signal for the dance to start again. Now be- gins the real dance. The kukusbe now moves back and forth in front of the drum, and the mochilbe in front of the door. The osabe dances in one place on the right side of the ceremonial house. The movement is much the same as in the prelude, except that the kukusbe now turns in all directions. The mochilbe dances back and forth sideways near the door, facing the fire, without turning. This is kept up until the singer stops the dancing with his signal, "Uiya.' In the interval the kukusbe does not look at the posts again. The dance is performed four times, with the usual intervening rests. After the fourth time comes the finale. At first there is no musical accompaniment nor does the drum major exclaim. The osabe starts to go out first. He faces the drum from his position on the right of the fire, blows four slow blasts on his whistle, and then shuffles rapidly up to the drum, whistling in time to his shuffling. Arrived at the drum, he kicks it with his right foot, then turns quickly to the right and walks back to his original position. As he turns to do so, the singer and drum major exclaim "Hiah" the syllables being very long draw'n out. This performance is repeated three times, making the ceremonial four. Meanwhile the other two dancers stand still, the mochilbe near the door, the kukusbe at the left post, near the drum. Returning to his position for the fourth time, the osabe now starts to shuffle up to the drum, in silence except for a single very long drawn out "Hi" from the drummer, singer, and drum major. The osabe shuffles rapidly from the drum towards the door, facing forward and moving to the right of the fire. He shakes his knees and body and whistles rapidly. On the way to the door, he revolves three times, and finally goes out backwards. The kukusbe now dances out following exactly the same route, revolvin in the same places, and whistling continuously. He, too, goes out backwards, following directly after the osabe. The mochilbe, who till now has been stationed near the door, runs around to the left (clockwise) up to the drum as the kukusbe starts to leave it. He dances around behind the kukusbe, but does not turn three times as the kukusbe and the osabe have done. After the kukusbe and the osabe have danced out, the mochilbe continues to move clock- wise around to the drum, without attempting to go out. Arrived at the drum, he kneels down in front of it, facing the fire. As he does so the drum major, singer, and drummer exclaim "Hi! " very long drawn out. The people now shout at the mochilbe and make fun of him, saying that he is angry because &ukSiyu has stolen his girl. The mochilbe makes a move as though about to get up, and the people all exclaim "He's going now." But he merely chan from a kneeling to a sitting position, with his legs crosse in front of him. The people shout at him still more and st that he is angry. He makes another move to get up, but instead, sits down with his legs straight in front of him. All this time he is holding his cane in vertical position, one end on the ground. The singer, drummer, and drum major now shout at him and tell him he is jealous. Thro out all this the mochilbe does not crack a smile. Then the three singers say: "We will try him"; and they exclaim: "Hi! Hi! Hi! " The mochilbe makes another feint at gettj up, but sits down again amid the shouts of the people ac- cusing him of being jealous because kuksuyu ran away wi his girl. The singer, drummer, and drum major try four times to make him get up. They are successful with the fourth attempt. He arises, holding his arms stiff at his sides, and walks clockwise toward the door. The singer,. drummer, and drum major exclaim: "Hi! Hi. Hi!" asr moves and the audience makes fun of him all the way out. He whistles with each step, making three turns as he go out backwards as the others have done. After the mochilbe has gone out the singer walks back and forth in front of the drum singing a song called the wausi song. He does this while the drummer and drum major, who are now sitting down, exclaim "Hoh! Hoh! Hoh! " The song is sung four times, ending each time with the long drawn out 'iHi! " The purpose of the song is to remove the supernatural influence of the feathers whi have passed in front of the drum. If this song were not sung, any ordinary person who passed in front of the dr would become ill, for the feathers have contaminated the atmosphere. After this song the singer and the drum ma go out, but the drummer remains. The same singer re- turns for the next dance, the salute, and the same dru also takes part in that. 2 72 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES SALUTE (WITH KUKSUYU) The salute dance, which usually follows the kuksuyu, y be called the katydid dance, since salute is the Miwok d for that insect. After the kuksuyu dance the singer s to the dressing-place in the bush where four men preparing for the salute dance. They do not dress at e chief's house since they have taken all their parapher- ia to the place in the bush. The name for the salute cer is salutbe. The same drummer and singer who e accompanied the kuksuyu furnish the music for the ute dance too. No woman takes part in this dance. Each of the four salute dancers wears a headdress of rk feathers somewhat like that of the kuksuyu, although s one is a little more in the style of a Plains Indian war net, It consists of a ring of feathers around the head er than a mass of feathers sticking out in every direc- , as in the kuksuyu headdress. Both styles, however, called yache. The hair is held against the head with tnet. The dancers do not wear flicker headbands, nor do Fey carry anything in their hands. Each dancer wears a ather cape on his back. The bodies of the dancers are ted in front from head to toe with horizontal white pes. Stripes are also painted on the arms, but not on back, which is mostly covered by the cape. Each cer has a double bone whistle on a cord around his ack. The singer leads the dancers to the ceremonial house o the di essing-place, singing a special song (not trans- able) and accompanying himself with an elderwood clap- r. He continues the song as they enter the ceremonial se. The dancers merely walk in; they do not dance. ey walk around the room, counterclockwise, to a posi- -behind the drum, between the drum and the wall of .building, where they form a line facing the rear wall. VWhen they are in position, the singer resumes the g which he sang outside. He now passes in front of ~e drum and leads the four dancers out from behind it, roving counterclockwise around the ceremonial house. !e dancers follow him, and, as he reaches the drum in, they pass behind it as before. This time, when r get behind it, they reach up and grasp the rafters terhead, but do not take their feet off the ground. As r grasp the rafters they make a churring noise and n their heads from side to side, in imitation of the tdid. Throughout the performance the drummer ces on the drum. After the dancers have held on to the rafters for a rt time, the singer leads them around the ceremonial se again. This time they follow him on hands and es, single file. As they proceed, they swing their s from side to side, making the churring noise con- ally. Sometimes they lift their heads up and back, roll them around in a complete circle. As he leads around, the singer continues the song which he outside. This time the dancers stop in front of the drum. The kr stands, but the remaining three still kneel, facing drum The leader now dances back and forth sideways kfront of the drum. He dances with his knees slightly ed and his arms at his sides, turning his head from ! to side, and whistling as he does so. When the singer nges the words of his song, the leader revolves once ie right. His three followers, still on their hands and es, are arranged one behind the other, so that the one he end is close to the fire. ;As the leader dances back and forth, the singer now ngs the regular salute dance song. Neither of the songs Vfhis dance can be translated. The singing and dancing is kept up for four periods, with intervals between the periods. Each time the singer stops he ends with the ex- clamation "Uiya! " which is the signal for a rest. The three dancers remain quietly on their hands and knees. This ends the main part of the dance. After the last rest interval, the singer takes the lead. The dance leader gets down on his hands and knees like his fellows and all four crawl after the singer, swinging their heads and churring as before. They proceed to the right, that is, counterclockwise, as usual. When the singer gets to the door, he steps to the left of it, while the dancers crawl out. Then he goes back to the drum and walks back and forth in front of it, singing the wausi song described above in connection with the kuksuyu dance. He sings this for the customary four periods. Both he and the drummer remain inside the ceremonial house. UCHUPELA During the salute dance the four uchupela dancers have been getting ready at the dressing-place. A dancer in the uchupela is called uchumpe. They are all men; no woman takes part in this dance. After the fourth rendition of the wausi song the singer sings the salute song again. He is standing; the drummer is seated. Suddenly a clown comes running in and with his right hand seizes the singer's left arm. He half drags and half pulls the singer out of the ceremonial house to the dressing-place in the bush. The singer then brings in the uchupela dancers, who follow him, walriing in single file. Each dancer wears on his head an eagle or vulture feather wound around with string and so fixed that it curves in a semicircle. Held in place by a band which passes around the head, it is fastened so that its base rests on the upper part of the nose, the feather projecting in front of the dancer like a sort of proboscis. At the tip is fastened a small square abalone pendant about a half-inch wide. Each dancer wears a flicker headband across his brow, standing out on each side of his head. The hair is held in place with a net. The front of the body, the face, arms, and legs are covered with white spots. There is no paint on the back. The dancer wears a cape tied around the body under the armpits and hanging down the back just below the shoulders. Each carries a single bone whistle on a cord around his neck. When the dancers are led into the ceremonial house by the singer, they walk in and face the drum. The singer sings the uchupela song as they come from the dressing- place and enter the ceremonial house, but he stops singing when they reach the drum. In a moment, however, he be- gins again and, to the accompaniment of the drum, leads the dancers around to the door. They do not dance but merely walk after him. The singer beats time with his elderwood clapper, which is of exceptional length, being about two and a half feet long. As the singer leads the dancers, the drummer exclaims "Hi! Hi! Hi! " rapidly. At the end he opens his mouth wide and exclaims "We! quite long drawn out, breaking the sound by tapping his crooked finger against his lips. The sound might be com- pared to the bleating of a sheep. The singer, who is in the lead near the door, taps the ground with his long clapper. The dance leader flexes his knees and shakes them rapidly, at the same time blowing his whistle and swinging his head slowly from side to side. Then he jumps to the place tapped by the singer. There he kneels down and whistles and swings his head. The signal for the jump is a change in the song. The dancer remains kneeling until the singer changes the song again, when he I 273 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS rises and continues to dance with flexed knees, dancing ahead a short distance. Then the singer repeats the per- formance with the second man. By the time the second one is through, the leader has danced a little ahead, with bent knees, shuffling steps, arms at sides, whistling and turning his head from side to side. He now swings to the right (counterclockwise) back to the spot from which he jumped; this movement brings him closer to the fire. He does not, however, go around the fire but passes between it and the other dancers. The singer now taps the ground in the same place again, and the leader jumps for the second time as before; but when he gets up from the kneeling position he continues to dance face first towards the drum. The second man repeats the leader's actions. While the first and second men have been jump- ing, the third and fourth have been standing with their arms at their sides, whistling, keeping their knees trembling, and turning their heads from side to side in time with their whistling. After the second dancer has jumped the second time, the third and fourth men go through the same movements. They then dance, in the same fashion as the first and second, up to the drum, the singer bringing up the rear. The leader, who has arrived at the drum first, has gone to its left end and now lies on his belly with his head to the drum and his feet to the fire. The second, third, and fourth dancers throw themselves down beside him, lying side by side. The singer now stands at their feet near the fire. He stops singing and the drummer ceases drumming. While this has been going on, two clowns have been sitting one on each side of the door. They now run up to the drum, one on each side of the fire. Each has a bird's head (si'i) in his hand, with which he rubs the backs of the two dancers on his side, four times from head to foot. He rubs one man four times and then proceeds to the other, beginning each time with the man lying on the out- side. Throughout this performance everyone is silent. After they have rubbed the dancers with the birds' heads, the clowng return to their places on either side of the door. The singer and drummer resume the music. The leader of the dancers whistles a number of times, stands up, and faces the house post nearest him. The singer points to the post with his clapper as though show- ing it to the leader. The singer says: "Lile he haye! " meaning "Jump up there! " The dancer jumps on to the post and hangs on by his hands and feet. He whistles and looks around the post; then, when the singer taps the ground with his clapper, he jumps down. The leader now stands beside the post, knees flexed and shaking, and blows his whistle. The fourth dancer now arises and faces the pole nearest him; on a signal from the singer as before, he repeats the actions of the leader. He jumps down when the singer taps the ground with his clapper, and stands beside the pole, behaving in the same way as the leader. The leader now dances around counterclockwise until he is between the two posts on the left side of the house. The singer walks over to the second post on that side, the one nearest the door. There the performance of jumping up on the post is repeated by the leader under the direction of the singer. The leader now walks counterclockwise around to the other side of the house and shows the fourth dancer the post on the right side, near the door. At a signal from the singer, the fourth dancer now jumps up on this post. The second and third dancers are still lying on the ground in front of the drum. The leader and the fourth dancer, standing by the posts upon which they have jumped, whistle and dance without changing positions. The singer stands near the drum in his usual position. The second and third dancers arise simultaneously and look towards the fire. Then they dance sideways back and forth in front of the drum, facing the fire. The leader and the fourth dancer, who are on opposite sides of the fire, dance towards the drum, turning in every direction as they do so. When they arrive at the drum, the music stops. All four now stand in a line facing the drum. This concludes the main part of the dance. The singer and drummer start the music for the con- clusion of the performance, and all four of the dancers dance, facing the drum. As the singer begins his song, the drummer exclaims "Hi! Hi! Hi! " The leader and the second dancer dance in counterclockwise direction, while the third and fourth dancers move clockwise, the pairs passing on each side of the fire. They dance sideways, facing the fire and moving very slowly, for they shuffle rather than step. As they proceed towards the door they whistle and turn their heads from side to side. When eac pair has gone a little over halfway to the door, they work back towards the drum. As they approach the drum, the drummer exclaims: "Hi! Hi! Hi! Hi! Hi! " On the last syllable the dancing and the music stop. This performan of dancing halfway out and then back to the drum is repe three times, making four times in all, with four rests at the drum. After the fourth interval the dancers go strai to the door without doubling back. They go through the d sideways without making any turns; it makes no differen which pair of dancers goes out first. The musicians re at their posts. AKANTOTO This dance may rightfully be called the creeper danc akantoto is the name for either the creeper (Certhia fami iliaris) or one of the species of nuthatch (Sitta). I could not definitely decide which; perhaps the term includes There is only one dancer, called akantbe. A drummer a singer furnish the music for this dance. The drummer, acts as drum major, directing the dancer; the singer ha an extra long elderwood clapper, about two and a half fe long. Both have remained at their stations in the dance house after the preceding dance, the uchupela. A white clown comes running in during the intermissi and silently seizes the singer by the left arm with his ri hand, pulling him out of the dance house to the dressing place in the bush, where the dancer has been getting re The drummer remains sitting at his post. The dancer has a headdress (yache) like the one used in the salute dance, and wears a cape on his back, tied around his body under the arms. He also, of course, we a piece of buckskin about his middle. His face is painted with white horizontal stripes, but there are none on his body. He carries nothing in his hands, but has a double bone whistle fastened about his neck. The dancer has r bed himself all over with powdered human legbones, to make him immune from the heat in the upper part of the ceremonial house, where he mostly performs. The pow- dered bones are obtained from a hole near Vallecito, C veras County, where the rock giant Yayali is said to ha thrown the bones of people he devoured. These bones ar also used for medicine. (For further information about caves, see Heizer, 1952.) The singer, followed by the single dancer, walks in, singing the dance song, which cannot be translated. The pass to the right of the fire, the singer taking his place at the right of the drum, where he stands. The dancer, turning and looking in all directions and, jumping about and whistling, dances up to the drum, where he lies do I 2.74 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES rone in front of it, feet to the fire, head to the drum. he singer now leaves his place and, singing, starts to Slk to the right around the fire, passing in front of the rum. The dancer gets up and again dances behind the 6ger. They circle the fire, the singer then stepping to b former position and the dancer dancing up to the drum. In this prelude the drum has not been used. Now the I'ummer starts to drum and calls, "Hi! Hi! Hi! Hi! " a er of times, keeping time with the singing. As the er speaks, the dancer jumps on to the right-hand near the drum and clings, head down. Gripping the trmly with his legs, he lets go with his hands, looks nd the post, and whistles. Plainly his antics are in ation of the creeper. After a bit he slides straight the post without any further signal from either the r or the drummer. e goes to the next post to the left and repeats his per- ce at the same signal from the drummer. He then nues clockwise to the other two posts and performs Then he goes to the drum and lies down as be- Two white clowns come in, one passing on each f the fire. Each rubs him with a bird's head four down the back from head to foot. The music has d during this part of the ceremony, which is per- d in silence. as the singing and drumming commence again, mier ejaculates, "Hi! Hi! Hi! Hi!" several times re. The dancer, at this signal, again climbs the st to the right near the drum. He climbs up among rs, regardless of the heat, whistling continually. s he hangs from the rafters and when he gets close smoke hole, he hangs head down by his feet, still . Then he goes out the smoke hole, returns, about some more, and finally comes down to the the same post he went up. The drumming and continue throughout. music stops. The dancer again lies down prone two white clowns rub him again with the birds' As the music begins, the dancer dances around m to the right, whistling and acting as he did in de. At a signal from the drummer, he now jumps to the nearest post to the right. Clinging to the his legs, he lets go with his hands and turns kwards, so as to hang head down with his back st. He slides straight down in this position. Then s the performance on the other three posts, tak- in order clockwise; each time the drummer ex- "Hi! Hi! Hi! Hi! " as the signal for him to jump. has slid down all four posts backwards, the continues clockwise to the drum, where he lies before. The two white clowns rub him again. concludes the main part of the dance. The dancer up and dances out counterclockwise in the same i in the prelude. When near the door he turns to and dances out backwards. This is done without 1 from the singer or drummer, who both remain ce house after the dancer has departed. The s es as the dancer goes out. UZUMATI mati dance may be called in English the grizzly ce, since the dancers plainly imitate this animal. and four men take part; a male bear dancer is uzumpbe. The music is furnished by a singer, and drum major, all dressed in ordinary garb. r and drummer are the same as in the lileusi y have both remained within the ceremonial house. 275 When the dancers are about ready to come in from the dressing-place a clown comes into the ceremonial house after the singer and pulls him out by the arm, as in the dances previously described. The unique feature of the costume of the four male dancers is the imitation bear claws of obsidian. From the informant's description these are clearly nothing more nor less than the celebrated Stockton "curves" excavated in mounds near the city of Stockton, San Joaquin County (Holmes, pl. 25), and also in archaeological sites in the Southern Maidu or Nisenan area. The obsidian "bear claws" used by the Miwok are the same as these problematical objects from the mounds. The idehtity of the Miwok bear claws with the Stockton "curves" is further corroborated by the report that the uziimati dance was borrowed from Yokuts people to the west. Each male dancer wears four of these curved obsidian blades on his left hand. Each blade is bound with deer sinew in the split end of a stick about the diameter of a lead pencil, and the four sticks with the blades are then tied together with string made of blackbird (wankule) feathers to form an imitation bear paw (sopolo). This is fastened to the dancer's left hand, the obsidian blades curving inward like claws. Each male dancer wears several necklaces of limpet shells of various sizes. These necklaces hang down below the waist in front, and suspended from them are ten large abalone pendants about four by six inches. Each dancer has a stick about a foot long which he holds crosswise in his mouth, like a bit, and this stick is decorated with ten narrow abalone pendants. A single pendant hangs on each side of the stick near the corner of the dancer's mouth, and beyond this at each end of the stick are four long nar- row abalone pendants, hung lengthwise one below the other. The hair is held in place with a net. Each man wears a feather headdress (yache) and a feather cape hanging just below his shoulders, the tie strings running around under the arms and across the chest. A skirt made of split tule stems is tied around his waist. He carries a feather wand (makki) in his right hand (Barrett and Gifford, pl. 72, figs. 1-4). The four male dancers are not painted. The single woman dancer wears a goosedown boa around her head, the ends hanging down her back to about the waist. She carries a makki feather wand in each hand. Her face is painted solid red. In her ears are quail-crest earplugs from which hang pendants of shell beads and aba- lone which reach to her breast. She wears a belt, a neck- lace, and a headband of shell beads, and her buckskin dress is also ornamented with shells. She does not dress at the dressing-place but puts on her costume and paints her face inside the ceremonial house, on the right side of the fire. The drum major dresses her. The singer leads the four male dancers to the ceremon- ial house, singing as he comes. He leaves the dancers out- side and walks into the ceremonial house himself, up to the drum. The drum major has entered ahead of him to adorn the female dancer. The singer stands to the right, the drum major to the left of the drum. The singer begins the dance song; the drummer stands motionless on the drum. The male dancers now come in. As they enter, the woman stands up at her position on the right side of the house. She dances in that place through- out the performance. The male dancers walk in time to the singing, stepping all together. They take two steps, bring- ing the feet together on the second step. At each second step, when the feet are together, the dancers stop for a moment and make a growling sound in imitation of bears. At the same time, they stick first the left hand, then the right hand out in front, all four putting out the left hand to- I ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS gether, then all four the right. The dancers shake their heads as they growl. Starting from the door they circle the ceremonial house four times, with corresponding stops, not at the drum as usual, but at the door. With each stop the singer stops singing. After the fourth stop at the door the dancers proceed up to the drum in the same fashion. At the drum they kneel in a row side by side, all fac- ing the fire. When the singer exclaims "Yaha! " they all extend the left hand and lean to the left. He exclaims again and they repeat the performance. Then he exclaims twice more and they do the same with the right hand, leaning to the right. After that the singer exclaims "Yehe! " and they all bend forward once, holding the forearms hori- zontally, with the elbows at the sides. Then the singer calls "Wile! " and all four arise and revolve once counter- clockwise. They then start tg dance around the ceremonial house, beginning to shuffle with the left foot; the left hand is ex- tended. As they do this, they look to the left and growl. The performance is then repeated with the right hand. All of this time the stick with the abalone pendants is carried in the mouth and the pendants rattle against the large aba- lone pendants on the necklaces. The ceremonial house is now circled four times in this fashion, with correspond- ing stops at the drum. Throughout these four circuits the singer sings "Hui! Hui! Hui! Hui! " only stopping when the dancers arrive at the drum. After the fourth stop at the drum the singer sings the regular dance song and the drum major exclaims "Hoh! Hoh! " the last syllable being very long drawn out. When the drum major exclaims thus, the drummer starts to drum for the first time. At the same time the woman dancer at the right side of the cere- monial house lifts her hands with the two feather wands alternately. She stands in one place but keeps rising on her toes and lowering herself, coming down hard on her heels. The four men dancers begin to dance around the fire again. They dance in a stooping position with buttocks slightly protruded, inclining the head from side to side and looking downwards. As they near the door the drum major exclaims "Huiya! " and they straighten up and dance erect, turning from side to side. During this part of the dance, that is, after the fourth stop at the drum, they swing the hands upward toward the face, moving the arms alternately. The arms are crooked at the elbows. They continue counterclockwise past the door and towards the drum again, but as they do this their whole manner of dancing changes. They now run at the people and threaten them with the obsidian claws, making vic- ious swipes at them, and growling very loudly. The sing- ing and drumming are kept up throughout this perform- ance. To add to the excitement the drum major now ex- claims "Hoh! Hoh! " as above. Very shortly he slows his exclamations as the leader approaches the drum. When the dancers reach the front of the drum, the drum major exclaims "Huiya! " and the dancers stop with their backs to the fire. They perform this threatening dance move- ment four times, as they circle the ceremonial house. The first and third times around, they threaten the people on the right side, the second and fourth times the people on the left side of the house. After the fourth circuit of the ceremonial house, end- ing with a stop at the drum (the eighth stop or interval for the entire dance), comes the finale of the dance. The singer starts his song again and two of the dancers go out, dancing sideways, one on each side of the fire. They dance bent over, landing hard on the heels, knees flexed, buttocks protruding slightly, hands raised alternately toward the face. Each dancer on arriving at the do counterclockwise and goes out backwards. The se of dancers repeat the actions of the first pair, dan the door on opposite sides of the fire, turning at t and backing out in the same way. It does not matt dancer goes out first but the two pairs follow the der; if the first dancer to go out is the dancer on siae of the fire, the right-hand man of the second goes out before his partner. While the dancers m exit, the drum major keeps exclaiming "Hoh! HohI woman continues to dance in her place. When the f cers have gone out, the woman walks out. The siL drummer, and drum major remain behind. The two songs for the uzumati dance, one sung one inside, the ceremonial house, cannot be trans LILEUSI This dance is performed by one man, who must an acrobat and a ventriloquist. There is a singer, ' drummer, since the dancer occupies the drum part time. However, the drummer for the preceding dane as drum major in this dance. The dancer, called li3 has been rubbed all over with powdered human bone the akantoto dancer. He wears a cape tied under hi and hanging down his back just below his shoulders.d has been sprinkled with water or saliva, so that dow ers will stick to him. His breast, abdomen, and upp are adorned with patches of white down from geesej or chicxen hawks. His hair is held up with a net, ax wears a headdress of the war-bonnet type, like thatA the salute dance. He is not painted, nor does he cart thing in his hands. A double bone whistle is fastened string abort his neck. One clown remains within the ceremonial house preceding dance, while one goes off to the dressing, to help the dancer get ready. The clown inside the d house collects unburnt ends of sticks and puts them., fire to burn. Two more clowns act as police to keep sitive people away from the dressing-place. When th is about ready, his clown assistant runs back to the- monial house, seizes the singer by the arm, and pul out to the dressing-place. The clown who has been tending the fire inside th monial house now runs out. He comes back in, folla the singer and the dancer, one behind the other. Thi cer blows his whistle rapidly as he enters. They noi the fire four times, the singer singing, the dancer behind and blowing his whistle. As the clown goes at fire he heaps up the coals with two pieces of pine bai the end of the fourth time around, when they stop at the dancer lies down on his right side, with his bre4 the fire and his back toward the drum, and blows hi4 once. Then he gets up and moves counterclockwise the fire, blowing the whistle once on each of the othi sides of the fire; he has then blown it for all four ca directions. After that he pipes rapidly and jumps ar fire counterclockwise, covering it with dirt. He mal circuit and comes to a stop in front of the drum. All time the singer is singing. The drum major now goo fire and covers it more thoroughly with dirt. All is now dark and, except for the singer's song is silence. The four clowns, who have all come into dance house, are now passing through the audience sure that no one is trying to sneak up toyrards the fi These clowns now put a piece of hide over the smok4 They also make the people move back from the danc: since the feathers of the dancer's costume are supp 276 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES be very deadly to ordinary people. When al, is dark and no one can see him enter, the kuksuyu comes in and stands in the doorway. He spreads his cloak so that no one can go in or out. He takes no part in the noise- making; his sole business is to guard the door. The dancers who have taken part in the previous dances are scattered about the ceremonial house in ordinary cos- tume, each of them carrying a clown's whistle. Another man, called hakai liwanokupo, has a hollow tube of elderwood about two feet in length and one inch diameter. With this he makes a moaning noise like call of a male elk. Later he simulates the call of an elope. The dancers with the clown whistles use them different ways. Some of them imitate the call of the d-shafted flicker, others quail calls, and still others e cries of various birds and beasts. They make these nds at the same time. No female dancers are allowed take part in this chorus of animal and bird calls. Mean- e the dancer stands on the drum, and the singer has pped singing. When the animal and bird calls have sed, he resumes his song. The singer stops his song four times. When he begins after the fourth stop, he is accompanied by the id whistling of the dancer. When the whistling ceases, singer exclaims "Hoh! Hoh! Hoh! Hoh! " four times, e which he starts to sing again. In his song he says: had better dance around high or else I will step upon people. " Then he sings a little bit more (the song is anslatable). Again he says: "I had better walk around e ground or I may step on the people." Following he exclaims "Hau oh! " four times, and then "Yi! " long drawn out. With this he stops singing. He ex- ms several times quite rapidly: "Hai ye ha! " and r the last time the dancer whistles rapidly. A voice, rently from under the drum, exclaims: "Hoh' Hoh' Hoh! " The singer repeats "Hai ye ha! " six times, dancer whistles, and the voice from under the drum exclaims. ext, the drum major exclaims "Hi! Hi! Hi! " rapidly ral times. The dancer stamps hard on the drum and ties. Continuing to whistle, he leaps and lands with ud on the ground in front of kuksuyu at the door. The 1 is in total darkness and he apparently jumps entire- cross the ceremonial house. In front of kuksuyu he s rapidly on his whistle. The drum major exclaims: Hi! Hi! " again, and the dancer, still whistling, leaps e drum again, apparently jumping across the cere- house. Standing on the drum he pipes rapidly. i the drum major exclaims as before, which is the for the dancer to kick the drum again. Again he s to fly through the air, whistling, landing apparent- the roof rafters near the smoke hole, on the side ds the door. Again he blows his whistle rapidly. At m major's signal he drops to the ground, whistling drops. He pipes again rapidly. When the drum major ms again, the dancer appears to leap from the ground at of the door to the roof above the drum, accompanied teady blast on the whistle. After this last feat, the r starts to sing again, telling the people to light the they do not believe that the dancer is hanging to the rafters. Someone starts the fire and the audience sees e dancer is really where the singer claims he is. fre is put out and the dancer jumps down on to the eptical people in the audience have hung a string of from the rafters on each side of the ceremonial This is usually done just before the fire is put out beginning of the dance. The drum major now says e people: "Hang on to your beads, he is going to take them away from you." The drum major exclaims "Hi! Hi! Hi! " as before. The dancer stamps on the drum and leaps clockwise to the right side of the ceremonial house, whist- ling as he does so. His headdress can be heard scraping against the roof. He whistles rapidly, and then leaps back to the drum. The drummer now warns the people on the left side of the house to hold on to their beads. At a sig- nal from the drum major, the dancer strikes the drum and leaps to that side of the house, whistling as he goes. When he lands on the drum again, he gives both strings of beads to the singer. One of the clowns now starts the fire and the singer walks back and forth in front of the drum, holding up the beads and singing. The dancer is nowhere in sight; he is probably under the drum. After the song, the clown puts the fire out, so that all is dark again. The drum major exclaims, and the dancer seems to come whistling through the air and land on the drum, piping on his whistle rapidly. The performance is now repeated. At the next exclamation from the drum major the dancer lands on the ground in front of the kuksuyu, near the door. He whistles as he goes, and whistles rapidly afterwards. At the next signal from the drum major he lands on the drum. Then from the drum he goes to the roof, on the side toward the door; then to the ceiling above the drum; then he drops back to the drum. He whistles continuously and pipes afterwards. After the dancer alights on the drum the singer says: "Listen now as closely as you can, he is going out." The drum major exclaims: "Hi! Hi! Hi! " and the dancer hits the drum and shoots through the air, whistling as he goes. Apparently he strikes the hide which has been stretched over the smoke hole and knocks it to one side. After he has disappeared through the smoke hole the singer sings and tells the people to build the fire. The dancer mean- while proceeds to the nearest stream or pond and washes off the down feathers. When the fire blazes up, the down from his body can be seen sticking to the rafters. After the fire has lighted up the dance house, the people start to go out. The kuksuyu, however, stands at the door, and refuses to let the audience out without payment. Every- one, except dancers, must pay him a basket, or some arrows, or other articles. He does not say a single word, he merely whistles. The people do not hand him the pay- ment but put it on the ground near him. No one dares touch him, since his costume is supposed to be harmful to ordi- nary mortals. When anyone tries to go out without paying him, he blocks the way until something is put on the ground for him. The kuksuyu does not stay till everyone is out. There are two songs for the lileusi dance. One song (which cannot be translated) is sung outside the ceremonial house and also when the dancer is entering and making the preliminary circuits of the fire. The song sung while the dancer is performing may be translated as follows. That is what he said when he came. He came from Mt. Diablo [Supemeneviu]. The dancers get just like this fellow when they start to be this kind of a dancer. When they come to possess supernatural power, they do this kind of a dance. That is what the dancer says when he speaks. That is what he says when he speaks. He is taking his time, he is going slow, he is going slow. "I'll play; I'll play up high. I'll go high; I'll go low!' That is what he says before he begins. He is just the same as any of us; he is not any different. "I'll go toward the door; I'll go toward the drum!' the dancer says. He is just like us, he is not a regular shaman, he is different. He says: "I'll go around the dance house, I'll go around, and I'll go around. I'll go low, I'll go low. I'll go high, I'll go high." That is what he 277 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS said before he started. That is what he said when he spoke. That is what he said when he told the people to keep still and not say anything, not to say a word when he started. He said not to get close to the fire. "Tell them not to get close to my stopping-place, my feathers are likely to hurt them. Keep them away from it.' That is what he said when he started. "Peo- ple who do not believe me may hang things on the rafters. Anyone who does not believe me can do that,' That is what he said. He said: "I'll go high, I'll go high!' That is *hat this dancer said when he did his tricks. That is what he said, that shaman who used to do the dance that this shaman now follows. Now he is doing the same thing which in early days the dan- cers used to do. If you put up anything, hold it tight, whoever does not believe in this dancer. Hold it tight if you do not believe. That is what this shaman's words say when he is going to dance. He says: "I'll go high, I'll go high!' That is what he said. He has gone, he has gone. Did you listen to him when he went? He approached right close to the door. He said: "I'll go close to the ground!' That is what he said, that is what he said. Do not get near him, do not get near him. He is just starting now, do not get near him. "I cannot do it when anyone is close to me!' That is what he said. Do not get near him. If you do not believe him just make a little fire before he gets down. He is right over the drum. He is a shaman, not a regular kind of a shaman, but just a shaman for this dance. Now just watch him closely. OLOCHINA The olochina or owl dance is usually the last of the kuksuyu series, following the uzumati (grizzly bear) dance. The singer and drummer of the uzumati are re- tained for the olochina, but there is a different drum major. The dancers, four men, dress in the bush. The drum major is already there with them when, before the dance begins, a clown comes into the ceremonial house and leads the singer out to the dressing-place. The drummer remains at his station inside. The costume of the first three dancers consists of a feather cape, a hair net, and a flicker headband across the brow. A magpie (achachu) feather sonolu, consider- ably larger than the usual one, is worn on the back of the head, projecting above. Down of the vulture or goose, or other white down, is stuck with paint all over the face, only very small apertures being left for the eyes. The idea is to give the dancers the appearance of owls. The body is not painted. Each dancer carries a quiver with arrows in it. The costume of the rear dancer, who is called the kalepbe, is different from the others. He wears two feather capes, one in the usual position hanging down his back below the shoulders, the other suspended from the top of his head by a string tied under his chin. The dancers dance from the dressing-place to the cere- monial house, led by the singer, who claps his hands in- stead of using an elderwood clapper and sings while the drum major exclaims. They make one or two stops en route to the ceremonial house. The drum major wears a net over his hair and a mag- pie feather ornament sticking out backwards from his head. He dances with his arms dangling at his sides, bending each knee alternately as he steps along, and exclaims "Hui! Hui! Hui! Huiya!" On the last word, "Huiya" the drum major comes to a stop facing the dancers and stand- ing very erect, with his hands held rigidly at his sides. While he exclaims, the dancers crouch so that the p of their hands touch the ground. They move their he from side to side like owls and cry "Wheu! " at the time revolving slowly counterclockwise. The drum, major now exclaims "Hiye'" and the dancers gradu assume an upright position, but with the buttocks sti stuck out. Each man slowly raises the quiver and ar in his right hand above his head without straightenin arm. They turn their heads from side to side as the straighten up and work their hands up and down in f them, palms in. They dance with the legs far apart, each foot very high and keeping their hands working down alternately like pistons. The singer, of course, enters the ceremonial ho The drummer is already there and steps on to the he sees the singer enter. When the singer reaches h tion beside the drum, he and the drummer start the The drum major comes in next, the four dancers fo close behind him. As he enters he exclaims "Hoh! Hoh! " and dances at the left side of the door, exclai continually and turning in every direction. In his ri he carries an elderwood cane with a big feather orn (sonolu) on the end and three smaller ones fastened its length. The four dancers enter and dance to the r of the fire near the door. As the leader approaches the drum major exclaims "Huiya! " and all four crou down, with the palms of the hands touching the grou Then he exclaims "Hiye! " and they rise and continu dance counterclockwise toward the drum. The drum dances as he did outside the ceremonial house, with arms loose at his sides and his cane horizontal, but a bit upward in front. When the leader of the four dancers gets near the the drum major gives the signal again for them to cr- and revolve counterclockwise. When the drum major claims "Hiye! " again, they rise and continue dancing ward the drum. The third time he exclaims "Huiya' " the dancers are in front of the drum and facing it. Tl time they do not go down upon their hands at the signa Instead, they stop dancing, and the music stops at theX same instant. This ends the prelude of the dance. When the singer begins singing for the main part of dance, the drum major exclaims "Huh! Huh! Huh! " remains at the drum from now on. As the music begi the dancers start to dance as before, moving counter clockwise. When they get halfway to the door, the dr major's "Huiya! " sends them down on their hands ag When he exclaims "Hiye!" they get up. When they get way round on the opposite side of the fire, he repeats exclamations, with the same effect. He does not excl when they are near the door. When they arrive at the he exclaims "Huiya! " and music and dancing cease. circuit is made four times in all, and each time the d major makes the dancers crouch. The fourth circuit c cludes the main part of the dance. As the singer starts to sing for the finale, the dru major exclaims "Huh! Huh! Huh! " and the dancers be their exit, dancing counterclockwise. When halfway t door the drum major signals them down on their hand again, and when they near the door he repeats the sig The second time they rise, the dancers dance straigt facing forward. The dancer with the two feather apro (the kalepbe), who brings up the rear, dances much h throughout the performance than any of the others, w far more violent movements. After this last dancer with the two capes has gone through the doorway the singer continues his song and1 drum major continues dancing near the drum. He now dances out, doubling back frequently and exclaiming " 278 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES !" in staccato fashion. He dances out backwards. has gone, the singer and drummer walk out. e are two songs for the olochina dance. One is tside the ceremonial house as the dancers ap- it; the other is sung inside. dance concludes the kuksuyu series. HELEKASI des the singer and drummer only two men, called take part in this masked dance. Neither the nor the drummer has any special costume. The 'costume is very simple, consisting, besides ing about the middle, of a feather cape on the ed under the arms and across the chest; and a deerskin that completely envelops the head. This nds below the chin and is tied in back of the neck; toles for eyes, nose, and mouth. The eye holes oad black lines around them; one hole is circular, r oval. Similarly, one side of the face is stuffed other normal. The nose hole is small and with- oration. The mouth hole is also small, but some- ed lips and white teeth are painted on the mask. cer carries a double bone whistle. dress in the bush with the assistance of the ad the drummer, who then lead the way to the ouse, the former singing until he reaches the door, e stops. He and the drummer walk in to their The singer carries an elderwood clapper and is position to the left of the drum. music begins; the singer sings, to the accompani- the drum, the regular song for this dance, which rent from the one he sings while approaching the ouse. As the music begins, the dancers enter in file and dance to the drum, moving to the right of , looking straight at the singer. They dance with s protruding, stooped forward with arms dangling, prt, knees flexed. At the drum they stop as the ceases, standing side by side, stooped over, facing m, backs to the fire. n they start dancing again as the music begins, rn to the right so as to face the fire. Both together ce sideways facing the fire, looking first to one and then to the other. When they reach the door the stops, and they turn to the left to face the door, acks to the fire. When it starts again, they turn right to face the fire. They now dance sideways to gt of the fire up to the drum, where they turn to to face the drum, just as the singer and drummer When they start again, they turn to the right and as before facing the fire. They make three more at the drum (four in all for this main part of the e). They also make three more stops at the door, a of four there. The last stop for the main part of the e comes at the drum; the first was made at the door. er this last stop, the dancers separate, one dancing each side of the fire toward the door. In this conclu- or finale they dance facing the fire, looking from side Bide and making half-turns, first one way and then the Each dancer raises his hands alternately to his as he looks sideways and upwards. They do this occasionally, not every time they turn their heads. makes two independent and complete turns to the between the middle of each side of the dance house e door. They dance out backwards, either one going first. The singer and drummer then walk out, passing whichever side of the fire they wish. The words for the two songs for this dance are untrans- tale. HELIKA A singer, in ordinary dress, and four men are the only participants in this dance, which is performed about three or four o'clock in the afternoon. The singer carries an elderwood clapper. The leader of the dancers is called hoiuche, his followers echutok. The dancers wear their hair in a net, with a sonolu feather ornament in the hair on the right side of the head, sticking out obliquely behind the ear. The faces are painted, sometimes in three colors (red, white, black), sometimes in two, each side of the face, however, being painted a solid color. One side may be red, the other white, with a median line of black; the next man may have his face all white with a black median line. The breast and abdomen are painted with horizontal stripes of all three colors. Here again the breadth of the stripes and the ar- rangement of the colors vary. One may have three broad stripes of the three colors; the next may have many stripes. Some may leave bare patches of skin, while others paint solidly. The front of each arm is painted in the same man- ner as the body. The back and legs are not painted. The dancers dress in the bush, and the singer leads them to the dance house, singing as he comes. When they arrive at the entrance all stop and the singer enters. He does not sing as he walks in but starts singing the regular dance song when he gets to his place at the right of the drum. As soon as he begins, the dancers come in sideways, one after the other, dancing towards the drum but looking at the fire all the time. They dance sideways to the drum, stepping instead of shuffling, yet moving very slowly, lift- ing the feet about three inches off the ground-really almost marking time. The arms are carried loosely at the sides, the head is turned from side to side to synchronize with the leader's movements. The leader dances up to a little beyond the left end of the drum. When his followers reach the front of the drum, the singer strikes a resounding clap with his clapper and all stop, turning about to face the drum in a line parallel to it. This ends the prelude. When the singer resumes in a minute, the men dance a little in front of the drum, facing it. They take the same kind of steps as in the prelude, but now merely mark time. The arms are held loosely at the sides, the head is turned alternately to the right and left as before. After a moment thus facing the drum, the men turn about and dance counter- clockwise, facing the fire as before, the leader going first. They now circle the fire four times with the corresponding stops each time at the drum. At each stop they turn about to face the drum, exactly as they did at the end of the pre- lude. The singer stops them each time at the drum with a sharp clap of his clapper. They dance out to the right of the fire, dancing sideways as during the prelude and body of the dance but without turning or making any special turns at the door. The leader goes out first. After the dancers have gone, the singer walks out. There are two songs for this dance, neither of which can be translated. One is sung outside the dance house, while the dancers are coming from the dressing-place; the other is the regular dance song. HELIKA In this dance there is a singer, a drum major who acts as drummer, six men, and one woman. The male dancers are called helkiyanik; the female dancer is called osabe. The singer wears a net and a goosedown boa on his head. I 279 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS The boa is tied around the head with the ends hanging down the back to the waist. Instead of an elderwood clap- per, he carries a cocoon rattle with only two cocoons on it. The drum major has a net over his hair and wears a feather ornament (makki) stuck in the hair on the right side of the head somewhat over the ear. He has a broad stripe of white paint along each side of his jaw, but not on his chin. He wears a cape on his back, tied under his arms and across his chest. A six-foot elderwood cane with a feather ornament (sonolu) completes his parapher- nalia. The men dancers wear a net over the hair and a flicker headband, and a cape and feather ornament (makki) like the drum major. Each one carries a six-foot cane with a feather ornament (sonolu) on top. Men dancers are painted differently from the drum major, however, with horizon- tal stripes of white on the face and front of the body, but not on the arms or legs. Each man carries in his mouth an elderwood whistle, nine inches long, plugged at one end with a hole on the side. The woman dancer wears a flicker headband across her brow so low that it almost covers her eyes. She also wears a cap made of the scarlet scalps of the California woodpecker (Melanerees formicivorus) sewed to a fine net. This cap is called noiuni. It fits closely on the head and the hair hangs down loosely from under it. Around her head she wears a goosedown boa, the ends of which fall to her waist in back. In each ear, she wears a pen- dant called lokanu, consisting of a string of clamshell- disk beads with small abalone pendants on the lower end. The dancers dress in the bush. The singer is with them and accompanies them to the dance house. They walk one behind the other, stepping very high with legs far apart. The woman brings up the rear, walking naturally. They proceed thus until they reach the door of the dance house, where the singer stops the song with which he has accompanied the marching. All walk in together, the six men proceeding to the drum, the woman to her stationf on the right side of the dance house. The men face the drum, standing abreast. This ends the prelude. Now, as the singer begins to sing, and the drum major to drum and exclaim, the dancers separate; three go to the right of the fire, three to the left. The drum major exclaims, "Heh! Heh! Heh! Heh-heh! Heh-heh!" The dancers do not move until he exclaims "Heh-heh! " The drum major now leaves the drum and dances toward the door, counterclockwise, passing between the fire and the three dancers on that side. He repeats his exclamations at the middle of the left side and at the door. From the door he works first to the right side, then to the left, driving each trio of men dancers back toward the drum, where they arrive simultaneously. As he dances he turns in every direction. He holds his cane vertically in his right hand, sonolu up. As he drives the dancers toward the drum, he moves the cane slowly in front of him in a wide arc. The men dancers dance sideways facing the fire, in a stooping position, stepping high, swinging their arms alternately back and forth at their sides. As one arm swings forward, the other swings backward. Each dancer holds his cane nearly horizontal in his right hand, and whistles in time to his steps, not turning his head, but merely inclining it from side to side. The feet and the arms move together. The woman dances by twisting her body, with her el- bows at her sides and her forearms horizontal. She does not move her feet. The dancers do not change their step when the dri major exclaims. Both trios arrive at the drum toget where they turn to the right and stand abreast, facds drum. The drum major steps on the drum from the I side, as the music stops. This ends the first quartel of the body of the dance. The performance is repeati three times. After the fourth time, the dancers make their exi drum major remaining on the drum. All six men dan sideways to the right, facing the fire. The drum maj exclaims as they leave the drum and again as they ni the door. As the singer begins the song for the fina2> the woman starts to dance from her position, passin counterclockwise in front of the singer and the drund coming up behind the last of the men. The drum maj the meantime has been dancing on the drum in a stod position, turning in every direction as he dances. El dancer passes out sideways to. the "Heh-heh! Heh-h of the drum major. The dancers are about three feel They dance and whistle throughout the finale, as thej done during the main part of the dance. After the wdi goes out, the drum major follows, turning and stoop every direction. He exclaims as he leaves the drum, way to the door, and as he dances out the door. The walks out afterwards. This dance has two songs, one for outside and omn inside the ceremonial house. Both are untranslatabli dance is performed independently of other dances ell at night or by day. KALEA Six men and four women take part in this dance.6 musicians are a singer with an elderwood clapper, 4 drummer, both in ordinary clothes. One of the six mi dancers acts as drum major; another as whistler (tu the other four men are called ukantbek. In addition, are two white clowns in the audience, who follow th# dance with a form of the clown dance (p. 289) althoua do not have the customary four dancers. The dancers dress in the chief's house. The men hair nets. They have white paint on their faces and t but not on their arms or legs. Each is painted in a d. distinct from that of his comrades. Some are spotte over; some have one side of the body spotted, the oti decorated with horizontal or vertical bars. The four bek carry bows and arrows. The bow is drawn but tl string is merely held against the side of the arrow, inserted in the notch, for fear of accident during the The drum major carries a feather wand (sonolu) in i hand. The whistler wears a flicker headband acrost forehead, projecting at the sides, and above this, a) projecting at the sides, a feather ornament (makki). The costume of the women dancers consists of a O skin skirt with fringes and a shell-bead headband tWl inches wide, its ends hanging down in back. The fad painted, a horizontal line of white paint extending be from the corners of the mouth; above this line there! paint, but some of the dancers have spots on the chti others are decorated with painted lines. Their bodii not painted. A string of spire-lopped olive shells cr; the back of the neck, the ends being drawn back undi arms from the front. They cross in back and the tiW then pass around the waist to tie in front, the tie stP being very long. Each dancer carries in her hands 1 6 The kalea and moloku (p. 280) dances are danced at Kotolosaku, village on.the McCormick ranch near the Byrne's Ferry road. 280 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES rn boa about ten feet long. IAfter dressing, the dancers leave the chief's house I go in a group to the ceremonial house, accompanied the musicians. The singer enters first, singing and lowed by the drummer and drum major. He passes to Fright of the fire and stops singing when he reaches sposition at the right end of the drum. The drummer Op onto the drum and the drum major takes his stand ,he left of it. When the music begins, the drum major pes to the front of the drum, where he dances during [following performance. Nlow the first dancer rushes in and springs across the itowards the drum, threatening the audience with his Oand arrow. The singer starts his song and the drum for exclaims twice, "Hoh! Hoh! Hoh! Whiyi," the last sable "yi" being very long drawn out. The second time uaises his-feather wand (sonolu) with his right hand as Sxclaims "Whiyi" and the dancer starts to dance from drum around the fire to the right, with his bow and l,w drawn but now pointed at the fire, not the audience. Fthe dancer approaches the door the drum major ex- Ims twice: "Hoh! Hoh! Hoh! Huiya! " the syllable i' being very long drawn out. After the second "Huiya" exclaims "Whiyi," as before, and lifts his feather id At the syllables "Hoh! Hoh! Hoh! " the dancer ceeds very slowly, but when the drum major calls hiyi" he dances vigorously. As the dancer nears the im in his circuit of the fire, the drum major exclaims ce in quick succession, as above, each time swinging feather wand upward. He does this a third time as the icer reaches the drum. On the final "Whiyi" the dancer, sician, drummer, and drum major all stop. Only this It dancer makes the entire circuit of the fire. n a moment the singer begins again, accompanied by *drummer and drum major. The latter exclaims "Hoh! Ul Hoh! Whiyi! " twice. The dancer begins to dance in West on the second "Whiyi " dancing beside the drum or. Now a second man dances in, followed by one of the aen. He dances to the right of the fire up to the drum; woman remains on the right side of the house, and ces there. The second dancer threatens the people h his bow and arrow as he dances up to the drum, and ,drum major makes the usual calls as the man nears drum. This second dancer stays and dances with the m major and the first dancer. I third man and a second woman now dance in. This ,M man dances to the right of the fire around to the m, to the accompaniment of the usual exclamations signals by the drum major. The woman, however, tes to the left side of the house. Mhe fourth dancer now comes in, followed by the third ban. He repeats the performance of the two men who ceded him and now dances with the drum major in front he drum. The fourth man and the third woman both ce to the right of the fire, the woman taking her posi- k-on the right side of the house next the first woman. a the fourth woman enters; she is followed by the stler. She dances to the left side of the house, where takes her position beside the second woman. Xhe whistler dances directly up to the fire, then back he door, as the drum major exclaims, and out again. dances in a second time and the drum major exclaims De as upon his first entry. The whistler dances to the It of the fire up to the drum, where the four men dan- B and the drum major are dancing back and forth. At usual signal from the drum major, the whistler joins > group, coming into his final position in front of the m on the second "Whiyi," and the second upward swing of the drum major's wand (sonolu). All music and dancing cease upon the second "Whiyi.' This concludes the elabor- ate prelude; now follows the body of the dance. Very shortly the singer resumes his singing and, as he does, the whistler jumps across the fire towards the door. Then the drum major exclaims as before and the whistler whistles in time to the drum beats. The whistler now dances near the door; the drum major continues to dance in front of the drum. The four men dancers start from the drum on the first exclamation of the drum major. On the second exclamation they bend very low. Then they dance to each side of the house, going only as far as the door. Two men dance on each side of the fire, between the women and the fire, facing the fire and pointing their arrows at it. They twist their bodies from side to side as they dance, panting or breathing very audi- bly in time to their movements. The drum major exclaims twice again, which is the sig- nal for the men dancers to work back towards the drum. They do so, this time without threatening people with their bows and arrows. The whistler dances back to the drum, passing on whichever side of the fire he chooses. Only the women remain dancing in their places. As the men dancers reach the drum, the drum major signals again, and on the second "Whiyi" all music and dancing cease. After this stop the performance is repeated-all of the actions being carried out as described. This is done four times altogether. For the finale of the dance, after the men dancers have returned to the drum for the fourth time, the first dancer dances to the right of the fire, towards the door. He starts with the usual signal from the drum major, who dances with him halfway to the door, then dances back to the drum. When the first dancer reaches the door, the drum major exclaims twice, and the man dances out backwards. Each of the other three men dancers now dances out in the same way, the drum major accompanying each to the door. The women then follow. Sometimes all four women dance out together on the signal from the drum major. More usually, however, the drum major leads two of the women out, the whistler leading out the other two, the men performers pre- ceding the women. The whistler and the two women following him go out first. Before they start, the whistler dances back and forth between them and the drum, whistling very rapidly. The drummer dances back and forth in front of the drum, until the whistler and his two companions have left the ceremon- ial house. As the whistler approaches the women, before leading them out, the drum major exclaims twice, as be- fore, "Hoh! Hoh! Hoh! Whiyi! " On the second "Whiyi" the whistler turns to the right; the women follow him to the door, dancing sideways facing the fire and swinging the goosedown boas they carry. As the trio nears the door, the drum major exclaims twice, at which the women face the door, one behind the other, while the whistler dances towards the fire. He dances up to the fire, then dances straight backwards out the door, followed by the women, who, however, face him as they dance out. The drum major now prepares to escort the other two women. He exclaims twice at the drum before he starts to dance towards them, the exclamations being followed by dancing in front of the drum, with a great variety of move- ments. He holds his feather wand (sonolu) horizontally, pretending that it is an arrow. Finally he dances over to the women. They follow him, facing the fire like the other pair. When they all near the door, the drum major ex- claims twice, and they face the door, one behind the other. He dances in front, near the door, for a short while. The two women precede him, thus reversing the order in wrhich 281 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS the first group made its exit. When the women are out- side, the drum major exclaims twice again, raising his feather wand as usual. Then he dances up to the fire. From the fire he dances backwards towards the door, facing the fire. When quite close to the door he exclaims: "Ah! Ah! Ah! " as he goes out backwards. The singer and drummer walk out last. There are two songs connected with this kalea dance. One is sung by the singer outside the ceremonial house as the dancers are approaching it after dressing at the chief's house. The second song is the regular dance song sung inside. Neither song was translated by the informant. KALEA (WITH POTA) When the kalea dance is performed in connection with the pota ceremony (p. 295) it differs somewhat from the dance just described, in which there are ten participants in all, four women and six men, two of the men serving as whistler and drum major respectively. When the kalea is performed with the pota ceremony, there are two whistlers and eighteen to twenty-three performers, eight women and from ten to fifteen men. Both versions of the dance, however, have one singer, one drummer, and one drum major; the singer carries an elderwood clapper, and singer and drummer are dressed in ordinary garb. Also, in both dances, the movement is counterclockwise. The men dancers are clad in a kilt of deerskin, with a grass skirt hanging down over it to below the knees. This skirt is made from a tall, broad-bladed species of grass that grows on the banks of streams and ponds. The dan- cers wear hair nets and flicker headbands that project on each side of the forehead. Three or four crow or raven tail feathers are stuck in the hair over the ears, each feather split partway down the shaft so that the two halves diverge. Each man wears a necklace of clamshell beads and abalone pendants. The men are decorated with white paint made of crushed white rock (walangasu) mixed with water, applied to the face with the fingers. Bird down is then stuck to the damp paint on the face; the informant said the idea was to make the dancer look like an owl. There are big blotches of black and white paint on the body, arms, and legs, the black pigment being charcoal. Each man carries a drawn bow and arrow. The women dancers wear fringed buckskin dresses reaching to the ankles, with belts of olive shells and clamshell beads, and have white goosedown boas around their heads, the ends hanging down behind. Large square clamshell pendants hang from their shell necklaces. Each woman carries a long goosedown boa, an end dangling from each hand. Usually there are only two whistlers, but there may be three. The whistlers are clad like the other men dancers but they carry a double bone whistle on a cord around the neck, and grasp an elderwood stick with both hands. They hold their hands in front, palms down with the index fingers side by side. Between the index and middle fingers of each hand are placed the wing and tail feathers of a Brewer's blackbird, sticking up vertically. The drum major carries a big feather wand (sonolu) in his right hand, which he waves slowly back and forth as he dances. He is dressed like the other men. The singer, drummer, and drum major enter first and take their positions. When the music begins, one of the whistlers comes in and dances up to the drum, then back to the door to bring in the second whistler, with whom he dances up to the drum, leaving the second man in front of it. He then returns to the door and brings in one of the male dancers, leading him up to the drum putting him on the right of it. Again, he goes to the d and brings in a woman, whom he leads to the right si the house; then another man, whom he places on the 1 side of the drum, then another woman for the left side the house. He keeps this up until all the dancers are the women standing, four on each side of the house, they remain throughout the dance. Their part in the formance is to raise and lower their hands, alternatel as the right hand is raised the left is lowered and vice versa. When the performers are all in, the drum major, lowed closely by two whistlers and the dancers, be dance in front of the drum. The dancers move very 8 passing to the right (counterclockwise) around the roo in front of the two groups of women, who dance in the' places, facing the fire. As the men dancers near the the singer sings slowly and the dancers bend forward, Immediately the drum major exclaims "Ah! " repea the exclamation a dozen or more times, as the signal the dancers to rise slowly from the stooping position an upright position. The dancers circle the hall counterclockwise until reach the drum again. As the drum major comes to drum he repeats his exclamations. On the last syllab he stamps his feet, and the dance and music stop ins Then the circuit of the ceremonial house is repeated t make the prescribed four ceremonial acts. For the finale of the dance the two whistlers take places on opposite sides of the house, each standing a the end of a row of women-the end nearest the door. drum major dances in front of the drum. One of the dancers dances towards the door-passing on the left the fire if he has been dancing at the left of the drum; otherwise to the right. He draws his bow and arrow at points the arrow at the ground as he dances out, faciw forward. When he gets to the door the singer and dru mer stop the music and the other dancers stop. Once man is outside, the music starts again, and the man o the end of the row of dancers on the opposite side of house dances out in the same way. This is continued all the men are out. Then the women make their exit, at a time, one from each side, those nearest the door first. They dance slowly to the door, alternately rais and lowering their goosedown boas, each pair going o side by side. When the last woman has gone out, one of the whist starts to dance counterclockwise from the drum aroun ceremonial house. When he reaches the drum again in circuit, he dances in a stooping attitude, turning four, five times in one direction, then in the other. At the a time, the drum major is dancing on one side of the dr exclaiming "Ah! Ah! Ah! " continuously. The whistler tinues to the right around to the door. When he gets to door he dances out backwards; all the others before hi' have gone out forward. As this whistler goes out, the music stops, but begins again immediately. The other whistler goes through the same performance and leave the ceremonial house. The next person to go is the drummer, who merely walks out. As soon as he leaves the drum the drum m steps on it and starts to dance, making more noise th the drummer. He turns this way and that as he dances stooping and rising, bending backwards, and going thr a variety of movements, all the while exclaiming, "Hu Huh! Huh! " When he has danced a bit, he interjects a- long drawn out "Heh! " at the same time making a big 4 with his feather wand (sonolu). Then he goes on dancl and exclaiming as before. He then steps off of the druv I 282 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES and dances in front of it; then he dances to the right, past the fire, and out to the door. He does not go out directly but dances back and forth and around. Meanwhile the people poke fun at him, but he never cracks a smile. The more they banter him, the more comic antics he performs and the more time he takes to make his exit. When the drum major has gone out, the singer, who has stood at the right of the drum throughout, stops sing- ing and walks out himself. After the singer has gone, the people may stay or leave, just as they like. I was unable to obtain a translation for the song for this dance. There seems to be only a single song, that used within the ceremonial house for the dance itself. HEKEKE Hekeke is the onomatopoetic name for the valley quail (Lophortyx californica), and the name of the dance may be translated literally as the "quail dance.' A singer and a drummer, both in ordinary costume, and four men dancers form the entire dance company. The leader of the dancers is called hoiuche, the other dancers echutok ("followers"). The singer carries an elderwood clapper. The four dancers wear hair nets and flicker headbands, with a feather ornament (makki) sticking out from the hair on the right side behind the ear, and wooden earplugs seven inches long. These have a winding of valley quail .crests, called somayu, on the front end, the feathers being arranged like those in a flicker headband, that is, with tops and bases alternating along the edge. A four- foot elderwood cane, painted red, completes the para- phernalia. Each dancer is painted with a vertical black stripe down the face from the hair at the middle of the forehead to the Adam's apple, the rest of the face being pted white right to the stripe. A semicircular black d, three inches wide, goes from shoulder to shoulder, middle of the stripe passing over the lower part of sternum. Broad, black horizontal stripes are painted the arms, and narrow ones on the abdomen. The dancers dress in the bush and then walk to the ce house. The singer and drummer are already at ir posts and start the music, and then the dancers ce in. They come in sideways, single file, shuffling g with their feet apart, knees flexed, buttocks very htly protruded, arms held loosely at the sides, and e in the right hand. In their progress toward the drum pass to the right of the fire, facing it. The leader es three separate turns between the door and the m, making a complete revolution to the right each e. Each dancer does the same when he reaches the e spots. There is no signal from the leader, the er, or the drummer for these turns. The singer, ever, signals a stop with a sharp clap of his clapper the dancers reach the front of the drum. They stop ont of the drum, still facing the fire. When the music starts again, they dance in the same around to the right, this time without making the s they made earlier. They circle the fire thus four s, with the usual stop at the drum each time. The ping and starting are controlled by signals from the r. After the fourth stop at the drum, they begin to out sideways, facing the fire as before, and pass- to the right of it. As each one nears the door, he slightly to the left, to face the door, and then goes ere is only one song for this dance, there being no tal one for the prelude or to be sung outside the dance e. The song has no meaning, but the first few bars to be a repetition of the word "hekeke.' ALINA A singer, a drummer, a white clown who acts as drum major, and fourteen dancers-four men and ten women- take part in this dance. One of the four men dancers is the hoiuche or leader; the other three are spoken of as echutok or esubek, meaning "followers" or "helpers.' The women are called osabek. The singer and drummer are dressed in ordinary clothes, and the drum major is a white clown wearing a tail, as described in the woochi dance. The men dancers wear hair nets. A single feather ornament (makki) pro- jects at a right angle on the right side of the head, the stem being shoved into the hair and net at the back of the head. The leader, however, wears a makki on each side of the head and has, besides, a bunch of magpie tail- feathers (achachu) sticking up from his hair at the back. All four dancers carry elderwood canes about four feet long. The face and body, but not the arms or legs, are painted with white blotches. The faces of the ten women dancers are painted with a line of white paint extending horizontally back from the corners of the mouth and with three more or less vertical lines on the chin, one in the middle, the others drawn from the corners of the mouth. The loose hair is held in position by a goosedown boa tied around the head, the ends of the boa hanging down to the waist in back. Each woman also carries a boa, five feet long, of crow or raven down or small feathers. Otherwise the women wear ordinary garb. The drummer is already in the dance house when the singer leads the dancers from the dressing-place, singing as he comes. The dancers walk to the dance house, where they stop outside. The singer goes in, but stops his sing- ing. He walks to his position at the right of the drum, where he resumes the same song he has sung outside. As he sings he walks counterclockwise past the drum, keeping around to the right of the fire until he reaches the door. As he passes the door, the dancers begin to enter one at a time, the leader first, then the other three men and the ten women. The singer passes around the fire to the door again, the dancers following him in single file. As he reaches the door in this circuit, the last woman is just coming in. The men now keep inside the line of women, passing between them and the fire and forming a second line of dancers. The singer takes the lead of the outer line, formed of women. As the singer reaches the drum, he stops singing and the two lines of dancers come to a standstill. The fire is then circled by all, three or more times, with a stop each time the singer reaches the drum. All this time he sings the same song that he sang outside the dance house. Throughout this elaborate prelude the drum is not used. During the prelude each man dances or walks, planting his cane on the ground directly in front of him with each step. He grips the cane firmly with both hands at the top and holds it perfectly vertical at arm's length, as he turns his head, first to one side, then to the other. After that he takes the next step and repeats the whole performance. The women meanwhile move their shoulders alternately as they walk. They keep their elbows at their sides, forearms hori- zontal, and palms up, with the black feather boa held in the hands. At the fourth stop, which ends the prelude, the women line up abreast in front of the drum, facing the fire. Three of the men stand in front of them, also facing the fire, and in front of these stands the leader. One of the white clowns in the dance house now acts as drum major. Now the singer and drummer start, the former singing the regular alina dance song, which is different from the one sung in the prelude and outside the dance house. As 283 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS the drum major says, "Huh! Huh! Huh! Huh! Huh! Huh! Huh! Huh! Huh! Huiya! " the dance leader dances in place, grasping his cane tightly at the top and holding it at arm's length planted vertically on the ground. His followers do the same, moving their shoulders and swinging their canes sideways at the top only, the lower ends being held firmly on the ground. The leader turns his head from side to side, and swings his buttocks slightly. The drum major exclaims "Huiaya! " and the dance leader starts to dance sideways to the right around the fire, followed by the three men. As he starts to move, he slides his hands down to the middle of his cane, which causes him to stoop still more. His followers hold their canes at the top as before. All four dance sideways, stooped and facing the fire. They have their buttocks protruded, legs spread far apart, and knees flexed. As they move along, they all turn their heads from side to side in time. The women, meanwhile, stand without moving their feet, heads slightly bowed, and swing their arms side- ways. They do this as the drum major exclaims, "Huh! Huh!" When he says, "Huiaya! " they too start dancing at their position in front of the drum. They hold their elbows at their sides, forearms horizontal, and raise and lower the hands alternately, holding the black feather boas, right hand up, left down, and vice versa. At the same time they raise and lower themselves on their toes, coming down hard on their heels, but do not move from their position in front of the drum. The clown drum major jumps up and down on the drum with the drummer, landing first on one foot, then the other; his tail bobs up and down violently with his ex- tremely active movements. As the men dancers near the door, the singer changes his song for a moment and the drum major repeats his call, "Huh! Huh! Huh! Huh! Huh! Huh! " The dancers stop and stand still as he calls. Then the drummer calls, "Hia! " and the dancers stamp their feet and start dancing fast again. When, at the drum major's call, the men stop, the women also stop, and bend their heads forward slightly. Instead of alternately raising and lowering their hands, they now swing their arms sideways, as they did when the men started to dance, all keeping time until the drummer's "Hia! " signals them to resume the regular style of dancing. The men near the door now resume their dance to the right of the fire towards the drum. As they near the drum the drum major says, "Huh! Huh! Huh! Hi' " the last syl- lable being very long drawn out. Instantly everyone stops short-dancers, musicians, and drum major. After this stop the performance is repeated three times, making the ceremonial four. At the fourth stop, the drummer walks right out. The singer now takes the lead for the finale and the dancers, forming a single line, follow him counterclock- wise from the drum around to the door. The men go first, passing in front of the women, who dance in their places, raising and lowering their hands as described, until the men have gone by, when they follow in a single file. The drum major remains on the drum, jumping up and down as before and exclaiming "Huh!" continuously. Instead of going out, the singer stops at one side of the door and the dance leader makes his exit first. All the dancers, both men and women, go out backwards. The singer, by a change of song, gives the signal for each dancer, as he nears the door, to turn to the right and change from dancing sideways to dancing backwards. As the last one goes out, the singer and the drum major stop. The singer steps out. The drum major, on the drum, looks from side to side at the audience, then breaks into the characteris- tic giggle of the white clowns and dashes out, passing on whichever side of the fire he wishes. As he reaches thi door, he shouts "Wo! " The informant commented that; acts as though he was ashamed of his actions on the dz' The two songs used for this dance cannot be transl4 HENEPASI Four men and four women take part in this dance, 1 gether with a singer and a drummer, who acts as drum major also. Each man wears a hair net and a single large featho (hawk or some other kind) thrust in the hair, pointing. forward and upward from the back of the head. The ma are dressed in ordinary clothing. Each man carries aE elderwood rod, four feet long, with a cocoon on one em The women are dressed in everyday clothes, with the loose, hanging sometimes partly in front of the should sometimes entirely down the back. They have no spec paraphernalia. The dancers are led by the singer and drummer to I ceremonial house. The singer does not sing until theyl enter. As they go in, some dancers step to the left of fire, some to the right, the four men going up to the e the four women taking their stations, two on each sidei the dance house. When all are in position, the singer begins to sing. drummer drums, exclaiming "Hui! Hui! " as the men; At his first call the men take positions, one near eact of the drum and slightly in front of it, the other two it corresponding positions near the door. The pairs dan simultaneously. The two men in each position dance towards each other, and when they are close together, each taps the ground in a certain spot with the cocoon.4 the end of his stick, which he holds slanting. They co tinue dancing in this fashion until the drummer exclalq "Whuiya! " when they stop. The women, in the meantl3 are dancing on each side of the dance house, facing th fire. They bend the knees, at the same time swinging body sidewise from the waist. The elbows are held til against the sides, the palms of the hands turned towar the abdomen. This movement of the dance is performed four tim with the corresponding stops. Then the four women 8t to dance out, facing forward toward the door. Either may go out first. The four men continue their dance the women make their exit. When the last woman has stepped out, the singing and drumming cease. Very shortly the singer and drummer start the mu again, the drummer exclaiming, "Hui! Hui! " as befo4 The two men near the drum now start to dance toward door, on opposite sides of the fire. They turn in all d tions as they dance, arms straight down at their side, their right hands they hold their canes, nearly horizoa but with the forward end raised a little. When they ner the two men at the door, the latter face the door and I all dance out facing the doorway, the pair from the dr going last. The drummer and singer keep up the muui until the dancers are out of sight, when they also wal The singer sings very slowly and not very loudly f the henepasi dance. There is some correlation betwe the words of the song and certain movements of the cers. Part of the song may be translated as follows: "That's the way the dancers act when they dance this dance. That's the way the dancers acted when they da it in early days." Whenever the singer says "That's way," each man dancer raises his left hand to his for head, palm down. The song continues: I i I I 284 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES That's the way they are looking at the ground when they dance. That's the way they dance.... That's the way the two go when they approach each other when they are dancing that dance. . . . That's the way the old-timers used to dance it in early days. In this dance they are dancing the same way. KILAKI The kilaki dance is said to be a special dance per- formed at Kotoplana, the village near Rawhide in the othill region of Tuolumne County, a few miles from amestown (Kroeber, 1925, pl. 37, no. 65). There are iur men dancers, a singer, and a man who acts as oth drummer and drum major. No women take part. The leader of the four dancers is called kilakbe, the three followers, kalepbek. The dancers dress in the bush, where no one can see them. The singer and drummer are in ordinary clothes; the singer carries a split elderwood clapper. The four dancers have pieces of deerhide about their middles. They wear hair nets, and each man has, sticking forward from the sides of the head, a pair of feather ornaments (sonolu) of Brewer's blackbird feathers tied on the end of a stick. Their flicker headbands are not worn across the brow, as are those of most dancers, but run back across the head from the forehead, between the two feather ornaments, and hang down below the waist in back. These headbands are longer than the usual ones and are fastened to the hair net in front and back. The dancers are painted with a vertical white stripe from each shoulder down the back. Each leg is decorated with four rows of white spots-one down the front, one down the back, and one on each side. A stripe of red paint (moke), beginning in the middle of the forehead in front, runs down the ridge of the nose, over the chin, and down Ithe body to the deerhide about the middle. There are two vertical rows of white spots on each side of the face. The dancers usually practice the dance a bit outside the dance house. On their way to the dance house they go in single file. The singer leads with a song; then comes the drummer, then the dancers. The singer and drummer enter first, the former singing. They pass to the right of the fire and stop at the drum, and the singer stops sing- ing. When he begins again, all four dancers come in to- gether, in single file, just as they came from the bush. Each dancer carries two feather ornaments (makki), one in each hand, feathers up. The dancer holds his arms straight down at his sides, when he is dancing forward. Whenever he turns, he holds the left arm at his side, but bends the right arm at right angles, the forearm thrust forward horizontally. On the way to the drum the leader makes a complete turn to the right, just inside the dance house near the door, thrusting his right fore- arm forward as described. Each dancer, when he reaches the spot where the leader turned, repeats the performance. On the turn, the dancer holds his head rigidly, facing for- ward. When the dancers are moving directly forward, they bob their heads first to the right, then to the middle, then to the left; then to the middle, then to the right, and so on. Each time they bob their heads they make a hissing noise, like escaping steam. After the fourth dancer has made the turn just inside the door, they all dance straight ahead, following their leader in single file. When they reach the drum the music stops and the dancers cease all movement. This ends the prelude. The singer and the drum major now start the body of the dance. The singer resumes his song, the drum major 285 exclaims, "Ah! Ah! Ah! Ah! Yi! " At his last call "Yi!" the dancers start to move to the right. The drum major ceases his exclamations and simply drums; the singer continues his song. The dancers dance, nearly abreast and half-facing the fire, until the leader nears the door, when the drum major exclaims as above. All four dancers turn simultaneously, extending their right hands, As the first dancer approaches the drum again, the drum major exclaims as before, continuing until the leader reaches the farther end of the drum and stamping on the drum the whole time. In fact, the only time the drum is silent is during the rest intervals. When the drum major stops, the singer also stops singing and the dancers halt. After this halt, the whole movement is repeated, the ceremon- ial house being circled four times in all. For the finale, the dancers leave the drum, upon a sig- nal from the singer and drum major, and move toward the door. When they are halfway between the drum and the door, the drum major exclaims again: "Ah! Ah! Ah! Yi!" and they all turn once to the right. They go a little further, and the drum major exclaims: "Ah! Ah! Ah' Yi! " again. First the leader makes a complete turn, while the others mark time in place. Then, at the drum major's signal, each of the others in turn revolves in the same way. When the leader nears the door, the drum major exclaims again: "Ah! Ah! Ah! Yi! " and at the last syllable, "Yi! " the leader revolves once more and goes out, each dancer re- peating the leader's performance. The drum major gives the signal as each dancer reaches the spot near the door where the leader turned. When the last dancer has left, the singer and drummer walk out. There are two songs for the kilaki dance, one sung by the singer when leading the dancers from the bush to the ceremonial house, the other sung inside the ceremonial house. Part of the first song may be translated as follows. That is what kilaki said: "Listen, fire, I am coming." That is what he said when he was coming in the door. Tell the door to listen. That is what the singer says when singing the kilaki song. That is what he sings after all of the people have crowded into the dance house so that it is full. That is what he sings when he comes in and is going around the fire. MAMASU The mamasu dance differs from most of the Miwok dances in having no prelude or finale. There are, to be sure, four sections in the dance, but the single dancer enters on the first of these four movements and makes his exit on the last. The single dancer is called a ma- masbe. A singer and drummer, in everyday clothes, accompany him. The dancer is made up by the drummer, in the bush. He is painted with blotches of white clayey rock (walang- asu) and has a long red stripe down the front from the middle of his forehead to the buckskin about his middle. When he is painted he puts on a flicker headband and thrusts a stick, with feathers on the end of it, in the hair at the back, the feathers appearing above the crown of his head. He wears a hair net to keep his hair in place. Two feather ornaments (sonolu) project in front, one on each side of his head. When the dancer is ready, the singer goes to the cere- monial house, perhaps a minute ahead of the drummer and dancer. The singer and drummer walk into the cere- monial house, the singer carrying the usual elderwood I 286 ANTHROPOLOGI( clapper. The dancer waits outside for the music to begin before he makes his entrance. When the music starts, the chief makes the people stand back so that they will not be too close to the dan- cer, who is evidently regarded as possessing exception- ally harmful supernatural power. Upon hearing the music, the dancer comes in and dances directly up to the drum, keeping to the right of the fire. He dances back and forth in front of the drum, first to the left, then to the right, but not up to the fire. In each hand he carries a forked feather ornament (makki), holding them so that the two ends of the feathers stick out from the side of his hand, beyond the little finger. The feathers thus point down- ward, and, at the same time, slightly toward the wrist when the hand is bent. The dancer moves his hands in horizontal arcs almost as though he were sweeping, moving each hand independently. As he dances, he bends so far over that his head almost touches the ground. The whole dance is performed in front of the drum; the dancer does not make the circuit of the dance house. When the singer and drummer stop the music, the dancer stops dancing and kneels in front of the drum, facing it. When the music begins again, the dancer rises and dances as before. Altogether he rests three times and dances four times; the fourth time he dances to the right around to the door of the ceremonial house. When he starts to dance from the drum in this fourth quarter of the dance (that is, after his third rest), he dances side- ways, facing the fire. When he gets to the door he re- volves four times counterclockwise and dances out back- wards. The song for this dance appears to be untranslatable. The expressions "Huiy! Huiy! " which occur in the song are not signals, as in other dances, but merely a part of the song. TULA Four men and one woman take part in the tula dance. The music is furnished by a singer and a drummer, who are in everyday clothing. The drummer also acts as drum major. The men dancers dress in the bush. They are painted with white horizontal stripes on body and limbs down to the wrists and knees. They wear hair nets and flicker headbands running from the forehead back over the head and hanging behind down to the knees or ankles. A feather ornament (sonolu) projects forward on each side of the head. Each dancer carries a large sonolu in his left hand and an elderwood rod, four feet long, in his right. The dancers walk to the ceremonial house, preceded by the musicians. The dancers wait outside while the musicians move counterclockwise to their positions. The woman who is to take part is already inside. She is dressed in everyday clothes but has four horizontal white bars painted across her face, and carries a goosedown boa. Her hair hangs loose at her back. When the music begins the dancers come in. As it starts, the drum major exclaims "Uh! Uh! Uh! Uh' Uhiya! " On the last expression, "Uhiya! " the four dan- cers leap in, landing on their hands just inside the door. Then the drummer exclaims "Yuhia! " and the dancers rise and dance counterclockwise toward the drum, in single file. When the leader gets halfway to the drum, the drummer exclaims again, and all four dancers go down on their hands, rise to an erect position when he says "Yuhia! " and continue dancing towards the drum. When the four men first enter, the woman dancer arises CAL RECORDS and starts to dance, near the singer at the right of the drum. Without moving her feet she sways from side to side, swinging the goosedown boa in the opposite direction to that in which her body moves. When the four dancers approach the drum, the drum major exclaims again. When he says "Uhiya! " they go down on their hands in front of the drum and facing it. As they drop, the music stops and the men say "Hi" twice, very long drawn out. He exclaims "Yuhia! " and they rise but do not dance. This ends the prelude. In the body of the dance, the drum major's exclama- tiongs-when the dancers are halfway to the door, at the door, halfway to the drum, and at the drum-are signals to the dancers to drop on their hands and to rise again. When he exclaims, "Uhiya! " they drop on their hands; when he exclaims "Yuhia! " they rise. At the drum they do not drop down, but the drum major's final exclamation is a signal for the dancing and music to stop. The dancers circle the fire four times in all, moving always counterclockwise. Whenever they stop at the door or sides of the house, they go down on their hands. The woman dancer bows her head at the drum major's signals. She raises it when he exclaims "Yuhia! " In the finale, the drum major signals the dancers, who trot with short steps from the drum to the door. When they are near the door, the drum major exclaims and the leader makes a half-turn to the right and dances out back- wards. The other three dancers do the same, each turning in the same place as the leader. After the last man has gone out, the woman, drum major, and singer walk out. LOLE One man dancer, four women dancers, four singers, drummer, and a drum major, take part in this dance. T singers and drummer are dressed in ordinary clothes. The four women dance behind the drum, with their ba to the drum. They wear flicker headbands and are paint with a streak of white paint running back horizontally fr each corner of the mouth and four vertical stripes on the chin. The four singers carry elderwood clappers. They usually stand at the left end of the drum. The man dance wears a flicker headband across his brow, and a hair ne He has two long feathers sticking forward and upward from his hair, projecting seven or eight inches in front above the headband. He is painted with black and white blotches scattered over his entire body. He wears a ca on his back and a deerskin loincloth. The drum major is dressed somewhat like the drum major for the kalea dance performance with the pota ce mony, except that he has black and white paint all over his body and wears a magpie feather ornament in his h He carries a long elderwood cane with magpie feathers fastened o'- it from one end to the other, but with no b of feathers at either end. He holds this cane vertical at arm's length when he dances, the bottom of the cane re ing on the ground. When the drum major and the man dancer come in th singers go up to the drum on opposite sides of the fire. the drum they stop. This ends the prelude. The dancer starts to dance from the drum counterclo wise around the house. The drum major dances in place between the drum and the fire, holding his cane steady the ground, and exclaims "Ah! Ah! Ah! " while the danc whirls wildly this way and that. When the singer exclai "Hui! Hui! Hui! " the dancer bends over and dances mor vigorously. When the singer sings in the ordinary way, the dancer stands up. When the drum major exclaims' GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES loh! Hoh! " the dancer dances to the fire, drops on his :knees, and touches his breast to the ground. Then, as the singer again exclaims "Hui! Hui! Hui! " he rises nd dances. Both singer and drum major exclaim when the dancer B in front of the drum. As he leaves the drum he falls or bends backwards, striking the ground with his shoul- ders; then he springs right up again, as the singer ex- kelaims, "Yi! " very long drawn out. The singer calls bus each time the dancer starts to dance from the drum. The dancer circles the fire four times in all, with a ItOp at the drum each time. At the end of the dance, the rum major and dancer go out, each on the side he en- ered. They are followed by the woman. When all the dancers are gone, the singer and drummer walk out. MOCHILASI A singer and a drummer, who also serves as drum inajor, furnish the music for this dance. There are two ancers-a man, sotokbe (the mochilo or mochilbe of he kuksuyu dance), and a woman, osabe. Although the haracter mochilo appears in both the mochilasi and the uksuyu, the two dances do not seem to be related; they re not given in the same ritual group. The most conspicuous feature of the man dancer's ceostume is the spectaclelike ornament of white-oak wood painted red which he wears in front of his eyes. This consists of two rings, held together by a curved piece of white oak about nine or ten inches long, also painted red. This curved piece, jutting out in front of the d-ancer's nose and curving downward, resembles the long feather worn by the mochilbe in the kuksuyu dance (p. 265). A long, narrow abalone pendant hangs from its end. On the sides of the spectacles are strings to tie around his head. The dancer wears a hair net and a flicker head- Fband, which sticks out about seven inches on each side of the head. He has an ornament of very long magpie tail fathers thrust into the back of his hair, the feathers itanding up some fifteen inches above the crown of his ead. He is painted red from head to foot, except for his ears, and has a deerskin loincloth. A feather cape, with the tie cords passing behind the neck and under the rms, hangs down behind. He carries an elderwood cane, ye feet long, with a feather ornament (sonolu) on top and ee small sonolu fastened, one above the other, at the [de. The role of osabe is taken by a woman (osa); it is never yed by a man as it usually is in the kuksuyu dance. The tume is said to be the same for both dances, except t the dancer in the mochilasi dance does not wear the rsehair wig which the man dancer who takes the osabe t wears in the kuksuyu. The mochilasi woman dancer dressed in the usual buckskin dress, without beads or er ornaments. Like the man (sotokbe) she is painted all over. She wears a flicker headband. A horsehair St (soesa), about three inches high, extends from the ehead back over the head to the nape of the neck. She ries a goosedown boa eight or ten feet long, doubled so the ends will not drag on the ground. The singer has two songs, one sung outside the cere- al house as the dancers and the musicians approach the other sung inside during the dance. The dancers y outside the ceremonial house while the musicians ter. When the singer, standing near the drum, begins a song, the man dancer runs in. He dances back and rth in front of the people, poising his cane like a spear nd blowing a small single bone whistle. He circles the fire counterclockwise and goes out the door. The music stops. When the music begins again, the two dancers shuffle in backwards, the man first. They move counterclock- wise until they are halfway to the drum. Then the male dancer turns and works back toward the door, still shuf- fling backwards, but facing the fire. The woman continues until she is in front of the drum, where she turns slightly to face the fire. On her arrival at the drum the drum major calls, "Bau wai! Bau wai! Bau wai! Huiya! " He exclaims thus four times. When the drum major says "Huiya! " the dancers make a complete turn, counterclock- wise, which brings them facing the fire again, the woman at the drum, the man at the door. The man dancer, holding his cane in the right hand, then dances back and forth between the fire and the door. He raises his foot and simultaneously bends his elbow so that the forearm makes a ninety-degree angle with the body, moving the foot and arm on the same side together, first the right side, then the left. As he does this he turns his head to right or left in accordance with the movement of his limbs. As he does so, he looks downward, expelling his breath each time. The woman, meanwhile, dances back and forth between the drum and the fire. Her arms are crooked at the elbows, and she raises her hands alternately in front of her with a violent motion, blowing her double bone whistle at the same time. With each upward jerk, one end of the goose- down boa she carries swings up. As she dances toward the drum, the man dancer moves toward the door. Both approach the fire at the same time, but on opposite sides of the house. Each time the drum major exclaims "Huiya!," the dancers turn simultaneously and the music stops. This is repeated four times. The singer regulates the dancing and gives the signals for the ceremonial rests; in these intervals, the music is stopped and the dancers rest, the man between the fire and the door, the woman between the fire and the drum. This concludes the body of the dance. When the singer starts to sing after the fourth rest interval, the woman begins dancing sideways towards the door, counterclockwise. As she approaches the door, the drummer exclaims as before. On the final word "Huiya!" the woman whirls to the right and jumps out of the door. The male dancer has been dancing back and forth between the door and the fire, as described above. After her exit, the drummer repeats his exclamations. On the final word "Huiya! " the male dancer, who has continued to dance back and forth between the fire and the door, whirls to the right to face the door. As the man dancer reaches the spot where the woman turned, the drummer exclaims as before. The dancer whirls and jumps out. After that the drummer and singer walk out. As mentioned above, there are two songs for the mochi- lasi dance; one sung outside, one inside, the ceremonial house. The singer accompanies himself by clapping his hands instead of using an elderwood clapper. In the song sung as the dancers approach the ceremonial house, the words "Hima wana! " are interjected at intervals. As the singer sings these words he turns his hands over each time he claps; first the left hand is down, then the right, then the left again, and so on. For the rest of the song he claps his hands without reversing them. MOLOKU The moloku (condor) dance, as well as the kalea (p. 280), is given at Kotolosaku on the McCormick ranch near the Byrne's Ferry road. There is only one dancer, a man, I 287 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS called molokbe, who impersonates the condor. The musicians are a drummer, who acts as drum major, and a singer. The dance is performed to celebrate the killing of a condor. The bird is usually killed by one of the chief's hunters and presented to the chief, who must then give a fiesta. If the hunter keeps the bird, he must give the fiesta himself. If the ceremony is not performed, it is believed, illness will strike the hunter or chief or their families. When a condor is killed, the skin is kept for a dance. The hunters cut the skin from the mandible to the anus. They save the wings and the skin over the body, but not the feet or head. The body of the bird is burned, because, as the informant expressed it, the hunters feel sorry for him and do not want to see his body rot. They throw tuyu seed over the body while it burns and dance around the fire and sing.7 The skin is stretched on sticks, and when the hunters get back to the village, it is rubbed down with deer marrow to make it soft. While skinning the condor, the hunter sings. We have killed the bird chief. Now we are going to take him home for a fiesta. Our chief will give a fiesta in honor of this bird chief. Our chief, we think, will have a fiesta now. Assisted by the singer or drummer, the dancer puts on the condor skin in the chief's house, lacing it up the front of his body and sticking his legs through the skin where the bird's legs were. The condor's wings are tied to his arms and his head projects from the neck of the bird. The skin is usually so large that the tail drags on the ground. The dancer's face is painted with a broad circle of red paint over his forehead and chin. He wears a hair net and a very long flicker headband across his brow, sticking far out on each side, and two small feather ornaments (sonolu) projecting obliquely one on each side of the head. A feather ornament (makki), thrust in the hair at the back, points forward from the crown of the head. Singer, drummer, and dancer march from the chief's house. The singer sings the same song that he sings in- side the ceremonial house for the dance. The singer and drummer go in first; the dancer waits outside. When the singer starts the music inside, the dancer walks in. He walks around the ceremonial house, counterclockwise, looking from side to side, his wings at his sides. He does not stop at the drum but continues around the room. As he reaches the drum the second time, the singer stops singing and the dancer stands still in front of the drum. This ends the prelude. In a moment the singer starts his song again, accom- panied by the drum. Now the dancer dances slowly, keep- ing his body moving up and down by flexing his knees. He circles the ceremonial house, counterclockwise, turning in various directions and raising the wings to a horizontal position, sometimes both at the same time, sometimes alternately. From time to time he makes a hissing noise like escaping steam, as he looks from side to side. Some- times he bends far forward, and then again stands very erect. He circles the ceremonial house four times in the same way, stopping at the drum each time. At the end of each circuit he sits on the drum, care- fully putting the condor's tail behind him so as not to crush it by sitting upon it. He sits with the wings raised 7 Another informant stated that only a shaman (alini) would kill a con- dor. Beads and seed are scattered over the body, which is buried care- fully. but not spread. In a few minutes he rises and walks around the house again, this time, however, without music. Ar- riving at the drum, he stops a moment. Now the singer and drummer begin the music again and the dancer dances back and forth in front of the drum. He raises his wings, both together or alternately, and turns in every direction, alternately bowing and returning to erect posture. He dances thus back and forth from four to eight times. Finally he dances up in front of the singer, with his wings out- i spread, as a signal for the singer to stop. He dances thus,i stopping the singer each time, for four periods altogether.1 At the end, when he is ready to dance out, and the music begins for the finale, the drum major exclaims "Heh! Heh! Heh! Hehye! " the last syllable long drawn out. At this the dancer begins his exit, dancing counter- clockwise around to the door, going through a variety of motions, including raising one wing over his head. When he is about halfway out, the drummer exclaims again as above, and the dancer drops to his knees, facing the fire and beating the ground with his wings. He rises slowly as the drummer stamps hard on the drum. This same performance is repeated near the door. When he rises from the ground near the door, he dances towards the fire, and then goes out backwards, raising each wing alt nately. As he nears the doorway the drummer exclaims "Heh! Heh! Heh! " until he is out. The singer and drum- mer then walk out. WEHENA Five dancers, four men and one woman, participate i this dance. There are also a drummer, singer, and dru major, all dressed in ordinary clothing. The drum majo wears his hair loose, with no hair net. The men dancers dress in the bush, the woman inside the dance house, where she awaits the entrance of the m The men dancers wear hair nets and flicker headban that project on both sides. About twenty straight sticks, foot long, pointed at each end and painted red, are thrust from left to right through the hair net. Set parallel and closely they form a sort of mat running from the forehe to the nape of the neck, the ends projecting on each side. The dancers are painted in front with white horizontal stripes, a half-inch wide and about two inches apart, which run down the body from hair line to toes. The ar are painted only in front, the legs are painted all round. Each dancer carries a bow and quiver of arrows. The woman wears ordinary clothes and has a white goosedown boa tied around her head, the ends hanging down her back to about the waist. Her hair is loose, no confined by a net. She carries a goosedown boa about te feet in length, which is doubled so that the ends do not drag on the ground. The singer, with the drummer and drum major, lea the men dancers from the dressing-place to the dance house, singing as he does so. The drum major dances exclaims on the way. The dancers walk along in a grou casually, and stop in front of the dance house while the singer, drummer, and drum major enter and go by the right-hand side of the fire up to the drum. Once at the drum, they start the music. In this dance the singer ke time with his hands and does not use a clapper. The d major stands near the drum, exclaiming "Hau! Hau! and clapping his hands. After a moment he exclaims "Huiya! " and then "Hau-hau! Hau-hau!" At this, the dancers enter the dance house, passing to the right of fire up to the drum. All this time the drummer drums. When the dancer I I 288 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES st enter, they dance slowly sideways, just shuffling their t and looking toward the fire. Their arms hang loose at r sides, the bow in the left hand, the quiver and arrows the right; the knees are slightly flexed. When the leader rs the drum, the drum major halts them by exclaiming. e dancers revolve slowly to the right with the right d raised a little above the head. When all four of the cers are close to the drum, the drum major exclaims iyal " and all stop, facing the drum, and swing their s sideways in front of them, with the arms bent so t the forearms are at right angles to the body. This s the prelude. The main part of the dance begins with the singer sing- and the drum major exclaiming "Hau! Hau! Hau,.. ya! " This is followed again by the exclamations u-hau! Hau-hau! " At the "Hau! " the dancers just e their feet a little, but when they hear the exclama- "Hau-hau! " they start to dance more vigorously. ey now dance counterclockwise around the dance house. y dance as though very loose in the knees, shaking over as they come down on their heels. They turn eir heads and bodies in various directions, but remain 'fectly erect; they do not bend forward or stick the tocks out as in some dances. All the while they move o knees and hips almost constantly and the shoulders ye with the movement of the arms. As they come down their heels, they exclaim, "Hai! Hai! Hai! " not very dly. The quiver and arrows are carried in the right d, and the dancers swing the quiver and bow as they n. Sometimes one dancer will hold the bow over his d and the quiver at his side for a moment. Sometimes ncer will carry the bow in front of him and the quiver hd, or he may reverse the position of the bow and ver as he dances. They dance in this way around the m to the drum. The body of the dance consists of four circuits of the ce house like the one just described, each ending in a remonial rest in front of the drum, when the dancers t upon a signal from the drum major. The drum major r this dance does not dance and jump around as in many ces. He merely stands quietly at the left end of the drum. e singer is at the right end, the drummer on the drum. Meanwhile, except in the rest intervals, the woman sabe) has been dancing on the right side of the dance use. She dances practically in one spot, swinging her sedown boa and flexing her knees. For the finale, one dancer dances to the right towards e door while the other three dance in front of the drum. 1 four dance in the same style as before. The first man nces facing the fire for the most part, but turning this y and that. As he gets near the door, the drum major claims "Hoh! Hoh! Hoh! Hoh! Hoh-hoh! Hoh! Hoh-hoh! h! Huiya! " On the last call of "Huiya" the dancer lasps his quiver on top of his head lengthwise, his bow l in his left hand, turns to the right so that he faces the door, and dances out forward. The singing continues. After the first dancer is out, the next one starts. As the drum major exclaims "Hoh! Hoh! Hoh! " for the first dancer, the second one starts to move his feet a little, and when the first one is out, the second one dances out in the same way. The third one starts in the same fashion, but when he gets halfway to the door, he turns half around Eupon the drum major's signal and dances out backwards. The fourth and last man dancer repeats the performance of the third one exactly. The singer, drummer, and drum major, followed by the woman, then walk out. There are two songs for the wehena dance: one sung outside the ceremonial house while the singer and drum major are leading the dancers from the dressing-place, the second sung inside the ceremonial house. 289 WOOCHI The woochi dance is performed by three white clowns. The singer for the dance is dressed in ordinary fashion and carries an elderwood clapper. The dance requires no drummer or drum major. Usually in other dances, in the kuksuyu series for instance, the white clowns act as police- men among the audience (p. 270). In the kuksuyu series they also act as messengers between the dancers. The clowns dress and make up in the chief's house. They paint each other solid white all over. They wear hair nets, and a black feather ornament (sonolu) is fast- ened in the hair, sticking out directly in front. At Knights Ferry, this sonolu, of crow or raven (kakulu) and chicken hawk (suyu) feathers, is called nichi. From the middle of the sonolu an extra long feather projects directly over the nose of the clown. On each ankle he wears a cocoon rattle. Each clown wears a necklace of bird heads, called si'i, composed of the heads of bluejays, owls, woodpeckers, sparrowhawks, magpies, crows, and hummingbirds. Quail are not used for this necklace, nor are most small birds, except the hummingbird, the heads of which are mixed in with those of the larger species. Each clown carries a stuffed crane head in his right hand and has a feather belt with a tail about three feet long. If anyone seizes the clown's tail, the clown throws at him a little bunch made up of a piece of jimsonweed root tied with two other plants, called kokisa (or hukosha at Knights Ferry) and hopolisa. This is supposed to stupefy the mischievous spectator. The clowns get these plants from the shamans and after the dance they take the bunches and hide them in some secret place in the hills so as to have them ready for the next fiesta. Clowns will talk to dancers but not to other people; if anyone else talks to them, they simply reply "Wo! " They are usually quite impassive, seldom changing expression, but when they laugh, they giggle, "Kix, kix, kix, kix," sounding like someone choking. The singer does not sing on the way from the chief's house. When he has entered, the clowns follow in no par- ticular order, coming in as the singer begins his song. Their hands are placed palms together, the thumbs touch- ing the upper lip, and they hold the crane's head between their hands, the bill pointing forward and upward. They may pass on either side of the fire on the way to the drum. When they get in front of the drum, they run back and forth in every direction, bowing and bending but keeping their heads bowed and their hands in the position described above. Suddenly the leader of the clowns exclaims "Wo! " The singer stops instantly, and the clowns run toward the door, passing either right or left of the fire, and sit down. The singer resumes his song, the leader of the clowns arises and dances to the right towards the drum. He dances as before, turning in every direction, with his hands held to- gether in the same position. In this dance the clown dan- cers actually step about; the do not just shuffle or mark time, like the dancers in many other dances. Upon reach- ing the drum the clown leader exclaims "Wo" and the music stops, the clown standing still in front of the drum. Immediately the singer resumes his song and the next clown dances up towards the drum, passing to the right of the fire and dancing in exactly the same manner as the first. When he reaches the drum, the leader exclaims "Wo! " and the singer stops. While the second clown has been dancing up to the drum, the leader has been dancing back and forth in front of it. The third clown now dances to the drum while the first two dance in front of it. Again, as the third clown reaches the drum, the leader exclaims, "Wo! " as the signal for a stop. This ends the prelude to the dance. I L ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS When the singer starts singing for the body of the dance, the leader dances back and forth between the drum and the fire, dancing first towards the fire, then towards the drum, stooping and turning in every direc- tion. The other two clowns dance towards the door, on opposite sides of the fire. At the door they meet and pass each other, continuing on opposite sides to the drum. Thus they make a complete circuit of the dance house in opposite directions. All three clowns dance with their legs far apart, knees flexed, feet moving together, heels striking hard; the body swings from side to side, with the buttocks slightly protruded. The arms hang loosely at the sides during this part of the dance, the crane head held in the right hand. Each clown turns his head from side to side alternately, looking straight ahead after each side glance. They stoop and turn in every direction. They dance with wide open mouths, hissing and snarling like coyotes and always with angry looks. While they dance, the audience shouts at them derisively in an effort to make them laugh. The names which the people shout at them all refer to the coyote: katwa, aseli, situ, wayu, suniniksi, kasultaliliksi, wocholi, yuyuwaksi, matopolal- iksi. The clowns, however, invariably preserve their composure and do not allow the audience to upset them. Sometimes the spectators will call out various directions in which they want the dancers to turn-east, west, north, south, up, down (hisun, olowin, tamalin, chummech, lile, walin). When this is done, the clowns invariably turn in the direction opposite to the spectator's command. The singer, too, shouts the same orders. When he does this, the clowns turn as he directs. Each time the singer orders the clowns to turn in a certain direction, they respond by exclaiming "Wo! " The two clowns who make the circuit of the dance house stop at the drum as the leader exclaims "Wo! " The per- formance is then repeated three times to make the cere- monial four. Each time the leader dances back and forth between the fire and the drum. This ends the body of the dance. In the finale the leader goes out first, the other two following him. All the dancers start from the drum, stooping and turning in every direction. As the leader jumps into the doorway, he exclaims "Wo! " With his departure the singer does not stop singing, because the other two clowns are still dancing. Each one, as he reaches the door, exclaims "Wo! " and springs out. After that the singer walks out. After the dance the clowns play about the village in silence, never uttering a word. They enter houses, poke into things, and turn everything upside down. Usually they separate, each one playing about by himself, and they may keep this up until morning. The song for this dance is untranslatable, except for the directions which the singer interjects into his song. KILAKI TOTOYU In this dance there are eight participants-four men dancers, one woman dancer, a singer, a drummer, and a drum major. The leader of the men dancers is called a totoibe, the other men dancers, subek. The singer, drummer, and drum major are dressed in ordinary cloth- ing. At the end of the dance, however, the drum major puts on a flicker headband. The men dancers dress at a rocky place instead of in the bush. They wear the same sort of headdress as in the regular kilaki dance (p. 285). They are painted with white horizontal stripes, as in that dance, but do not have red paint on their faces. The stripes extend from the fore- head to the feet but are on the front of the body only, ex- cept on the legs, which are painted in the back as well. Each stripe on face, body, or legs runs across one side only, the succeeding stripe being on the opposite side, just below the preceding one and overlapping it. In other words, the stripes alternate, first one on the left side, then one below it on the right, then one on the left, and so on, the ends overlapping in the middle. Each man car- ries an elderwood cane about four feet long, decorated with variously colored feathers tied on it from one end to the other. A cape of hawk feathers hangs down the back to about the knees. It is fastened by a tie which passes across the neck behind and then is drawn back under the arms. The woman dancer makes her preparations inside the ceremonial house. Like the men she has white horizontal stripes painted on her face and down her body to her wais A boa of white goosedown is wound twice around her head. She carries a similar boa, about one and a half inches in diameter and five feet long, an end dangling from each hand. When the men dancers are ready, the singer leads them to the ceremonial house. They walk in single file, followed by the drummer and the drum major. The singe sings a special song, different from the one he later uses for the dance inside. The singer, drummer, and drum major go directly into the dance house, passing to the right of the fire to the drum. As the music starts inside, the four men dancers enter in single file. When they are halfway between the door and the drLm, on the right side of the fire, the dr major exclaims "Oh! Oh! Whuiya! " Upon the last expre sion the dancers bend down with their knees flexed until their fingertips touch the ground, all facing the fire, an exclaim "Hai! Hai! Hai! " bobbing their heads from sid to side. Then the drum major repeats his exclamations and the dancers rise slowly to an upright position. Then they dance again. When the leader nears the drum, the drum major exclaims as before. The dance and music cease on the final word. Then the dancers step quickly forward and line up in front of the drum, with their ba to the fire. This ends the prelude. While the men dancers dance from the door to the fir the woman dances on the right side of the ceremonial house. When the men bend down at the drum major's ex clamation, she dances slowly, bowing her head, and swinging it from side to side. The drum major exclaims as before, and the dancer start to dance again, from the drum, moving countercl wise. Just as they leave the drum, the woman moves u and dances in front of it. The men dancers now run ar the dance house, swinging their hands back and forth, alternately, in time with their footsteps. When they re the front of the drum again, they dance in grotesque fa turning their heads from side to side and sticking their buttocks out also from side to side. They make a seco circuit of the dance house in the same way. As they ap proach the door on this second round, the woman, who been dancing in front of the drum, dances back to her ginal place to the right of the fire. She swings her goo down boa from side to side continually. When the men the door on the second round, the drum major signals them to bow, as in the prelude. Then they rise again a before. As they near the drum, still moving countercl wise, he gives a signal for the music and dancing to 8 After this interval the dancers step into line in front o drum, backs to the fire, as at the end of the prelude. This dance figure is repeated three times, making ceremonial four performances. 290 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES During the fourth interval, which ends the main part of thie dance, the woman walks out of the ceremonial house. Then the men dancers, on a signal from the drum major, run once again around the fire and then dance from the drum to the door, where they go out backwards, one after the other. When they have gone out, the drum major puts a flicker headband on his head, placing it lengthwise so that it hangs down his back. He then circles the fire once before making his exit. As he nears the drum in his circuit, the drummer exclaims "Oh! Oh!.' When he stops, the drum major takes up the exclama- tions, pointing his finger at the drummer as he exclaims. When the drum major is in front of the drum again, they all-drummer, singer, and drum major-stop together. The singer now starts to sing again and the drummer to drum and exclaim "Oh! Oh! " and the drum major dances toward the door. The nearer he gets to it, the harder he dances, trying to make the audience laugh. When he reaches the door, he exclaims "Oh! Oh! Oh! " and dances ut backwards. The drummer and the singer follow. The songs for this dance are untranslatable. SULE TUMUM LAKSU This dance, whose title may be translated "spirit or ost emerging from the drum," is supposed to have a miraculous origin. The originator is said to have learned it while watching the ghost of a shaman dance upon a m in a ceremonial house four days after the death of the shaman. Visitors who come from a distance think at the dancer, called lakusbe, is a real spirit. He is inted with alternate black and white horizontal stripes rom his head to his feet, even his fingers being painted. Se wears no clothing except his loincloth. He carries a ouble bird-bone whistle. There is no drummer or drum ajor; the singer alone furnishes the music. Before any spectators enter the ceremonial house the cer secretes himself in a trench under the drum and O accomplices lie down at either end of the drumn to nceal the openings. These men appear to be asleep 'when the audience enters. Often people try to make them ove, but they always refuse. When the audience is seated, the singer, standing at e right-hand end of the drum, begins to sing. The cer under the drum whistles softly four times, con- uing to do so as the singer sings. The two men at the ds of the drum have now moved away. Suddenly the cer pokes his head out from one end of the drum; then moment later he pokes it out the other end. He does is a good many times, making the people laugh. After has done this for some time, he suddenly jumps out m the right-hand end of the drum and steps up on top. peers this way and that way, whistling as he does so, does not dance. When the singer stops his song the cer goes into the pit, head first, and remains there etly. When the singing is resumed, the dancer repeats his formance. He does this four times altogether, re- ining perfectly quiet during the ceremonial rests. At end, after he has come from the drum for the fourth e, he crawls out through an underground passage, ex- ding from the drum pit to the back of the house, so that exit is not observed by the audience. Suddenly, he ks in the door of the ceremonial house, jumping about he goes up to the drum. He pops under the drum again, s out through the hole to the outside, and down to the rest stream, where he washes off the paint. The song which accompanies this dance explains it s follows. That's what the ghost danced. That is how he danced after he died. That is the way he used to dance on the drum. He came out each side of the drum after he died, four days afterward. The original dancer of this dance used to be a shaman. Four days after he was buried, he came back to the drum where he used to dance. This man does the same dance that the ghost of the shaman used to do. Just watch this fellow dance. He dances the same as the ghost of the old shaman used to dance. This is the ghost's song which I am singing. TEMAYASU Eight men, ten women, and one singer take part in this dance; there is no drummer or drum major. The dancers dress at the chief's house. The men wear hair nets and each has a single feather ornament (makki) stuck in his hair, sometimes projecting in front, some- times behind, but always so that it points upward. On each side of the head there is a small ornament (sonolu) which projects forward. The men wear no paint and no clothing except the loincloth. Each carries a plain elder- wood cane about five feet long. The women wear the usual deerskin skirts and flicker headbands that project on both sides of the head. The hair hangs loose down the back. They carry long goosedown boas. The singer leads the procession, beating time with his elderwood clapper. The dancers, first the men and then the women, enter the ceremonial house in single file. Directly behind the singer comes the dance leader, called temayasu; the men who follow him are called seyapbek. If it proves too crowded, one or two of the men step to one side and watch the others. An exceptionally hot fire burns in the middle of the room. As the procession moves counterclockwise around the fire, the singer steps to his place at the right of the drum. The dancers do not stop at the drum but continue around the fire. The ten women separate, five taking up their position at the right of the fire, five at the left. They stand in line thus throughout the dance. The eight men arrange themselves at equal distances around the fire. As they march in around the fire, the dance leader keeps on the lookout to see if anyone is laughing at him. If he sees someone laughing, he sticks his cane in the fire and gets some coals on it. Then he strikes the rafter over the head of the person who laughed, scattering the coals everywhere. The dancers themselves are very solemn, no one cracks a smile. If the dancer leader smells "wild onion" on any dancer's breath, he seizes the offender by the hair and pulls him out of the ceremonial house, sending him home. If the audience laughs at this, he showers them with coals. The other dancers do not have this privilege. The men, standing equidistant about the fire, now dance facing the fire, holding their canes firmly at the top with both hands. They step sideways, with feet far apart, turn- ing their heads to look in the direction opposite their move- ment, and keeping in time with the song. In this dance the ceremonial rests do not coincide with the completion of the circuit of the fire, as in other dances. The dancers move so very slowly that this would make the dance too long. The stops are therefore made at the pleasure of the singer, regardless of whether the fire has been circled or not. There are the usual four rests. After the fourth, the dancers all go out in the same order as they entered, the men first, then the women. In a very few minutes after this finale, they return to give a form of the salute dance. I 291 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS There is only one song for the temayasu dance and it has no meaning. SALUTE WITH TEMAYASU The same dancers who danced in the temayasu perform in this dance also-eight men and ten women. Two of the eight men act as drummers; there is no drum major. The same singer serves for both dances. When the dancers enter for the salute, the women go directly to their places at the sides of the ceremonial house, five women to each side. They wear the same costumes as in the temayasu dance. The chief of the village has his tule roll containing ceremonial paraphernalia near the drum and he shows the articles to the dance leader. The leader dons a feather cape, then a feather headdress like a war bonnet. He passes the headdress around his head four times be- fore putting it on. Each of the other men dancers puts on a big feather ornament (sonolu). Its stick is thrust into the hair at the back, so the feathers project above the head. The dancers, like the leader, put on capes. They have left outside the canes they used in the temayasu dance and now each man carries a double bone whistle. This changing of costume inside the ceremonial house is a quite unusual procedure in Miwok dances. When the dancers are ready, the singer takes the lead. The men dancers follow him on hands and knees, inclining their heads from side to side, and making a churring sound, plainly in imitation of the katydid, for which the dance is named. As the singer walks, he changes the words of his song. At the change the dancers lift their heads up and back and roll them in a circle from left to right. After circling the fire, they all lie flat on their bellies, side by side in front of the drum, feet to the fire and heads to the drum. A white clown now steps up and, rubbing his hands in the ashes of the fire, rubs each man down the back four times from the shoulders to the feet, beginning with the dance leader. After that he runs to the door, sits a moment, peers around at the specta- tors, who laugh at him, then jumps up and scampers out. The singer and drummer are silent during the clown's performance. This completes the prelude. After the clown goes out the dancers rise and stretch their arms straight up, all standing abreast, facing the drum. The singer and drummer then start the music for the body of the dance. The dancers, following the leader, no longer crawl on hands and knees as in the prelude, but dance on their feet, dancing backwards with a shuffling motion. They circle the fire counterclockwise. When the dance leader nears the drum, he turns to face it, each dancer doing the same as he reaches the drum. The music ends as the last man turns at the drum. The whole performance is repeated three times, with a rest interval, only about a minute long, after each circuit. Throughout, the women dance in their places at the sides of the cere- monial house, stopping only in the intervals when there is no music. After the fourth stop at the drum comes the finale of the dance. The dancers move counterclockwise to the door, where they go out backwards, the men first, the women following. Later the singer and the two drummers go out. After the salute dance the spectators gamble or do anything else they wish to amuse themselves. About two or three o'clock in the morning the clown and the singer return. The singer sings and the clown dances back and forth in front of the drum. The audience laughs at his buffoonery, and many shout at him, telling him which direction to look in. Each time someone tells him to lo in one direction, he looks in the opposite. At the end of the dance he exclaims "Wo! " and runs out the door. Th singer stops singing as he leaves. He resumes his songi very shortly, and the clown comes running in again and repeats the performance. Altogether he goes through it< four times. Then both he and the singer withdraw. Thrc out the performance the clown does not talk or laugh. H only exclamation is the word "Wo!" The song for the se ute dance is untranslatable. TAMULA Six men dancers (tamulbek) and four (sometimes onl- two) women dancers, a drum major, a singer, and a drummer take part in this dance. The men dancers wear hair nets and flicker headban across the forehead. Two sharp sticks with a white feal at one end, called chalila, are thrust through the hair at the back, sticking out on each side of the head. The dan. cers are painted all over with white blotches. Each carr a bow and a quiver full of arrows. The drum major is dressed very much like the danc but his flicker headband is exceptionally large and he do not carry any weapons. He has a cane, five feet long, M feathers fastened all over it, some of them being small rectangles cut from flicker headbands. The women dancers also wear flicker headbands. Ih hair hangs loose down the back. They are painted with | horizontal white stripe that extends back from each cor of the mouth, with another stripe running diagonally do and back from the corner of the mouth on each side of t chin. Only the face is painted. The singer, singing a special song, leads the proces4 sion to the ceremonial house, the dancers following himn and entering in no particular order. His singing is accoi panied by exclamations from the drum major, which ar not signals to the dancers. The song is untranslatable. the dancers enter, the women separate, half going to o side of the house, half to the other. The men proceed counterclockwise to the drum. This ends the prelude. After the men dancers arrive at the drum, the music starts for the body of the dance. The singer sings, and J the drummer drums, using both feet. The drum major now exclaims "Hoh! Hoh! Hoh! Hi!" at which signal the men dancers run rapidly around the fire. The drum ma' repeats the exclamations. At the second signal of "Hi! "t the dancers dance away from the drum, holding the bowl the left hand, the quiver full of arrows in the right. Th4 movements are not synchronized. One dancer may danci with his head bent over so that it almost touches the gr the next one may be dancing erect, with arms stretched. straight down the sides. They dance in single file, one behind the other, thrusting downward with the hands alti nately, first with the hand in which the bow is held, thea with that which holds the quiver. As they do this, they lower the shoulder; the motion involves not only the han or arm but the shoulder as well. As they circle the fire thus, the drum major dances outside of the line of danc that is to say, between the dancers and the audience. A the dance leader approaches the drum in his circuit of ceremonial house, the drum major dances beside him. holds his cane in his right hand and exclaims "Ah! Ah' When he reaches the front of the drum, he ends with "H and all music and dancing stop. In the meantime the women have been dancing in pla0 with their hands across their breasts, palms in, fingers U 292 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES slightly flexed, the backs of the fingers of one hand just touching those of the other hand. The elbows project out- ward on each side. After the first stop at the drum, the drum major starts the dancers exactly as he did at the beginning, and the performance is repeated to make the usual four in the body of the dance. For the finale the dancers dance out in the same way as they danced in the body of the dance. The drum major .-dances on the left side of the drum and in front of it, re- maining in the dance house after the men have made their exit. As the men begin to dance away from the drum, the two women on the right side of the house dance sideways up to it. They then follow along behind the men. As each man gets to the door, the drum major exclaims "Ah! Ah' Ah! Ah! " (without the expression "Huiya"). Upon this signal each dancer turns halfway counterclockwise and oes out backwards. The two women from the right side ove toward the door, the two on the left following them. e women turn counterclockwise and go out backwards t the signal of the drum major, just like the men. i When all have gone, the drum major continues to ce in front of the drum. After a bit he exclaims "Ah! Ah! Whi! " the last syllable very long drawn out. e music stops for a moment. In a minute the musicians tart the music again, and the drum major starts to dance exclaiming "Ah! Ah' Ah! " all the way out. He dances way to the door and then doubles back to the drum. He ces to the fire and then back. He makes several feints leaving before he actually does so. After he has left, singer and drummer walk out. The tamula dance song is different from the song sung ptside of the ceremonial house; both are untranslatable. YAHUHA The yahuha dance, according to Tom Williams, was inetimes danced to ensure an abundance of food, rab- its, acorns, and so on. On such occasions, not many pople were invited from a distance. Four men and four women dancers, a singer, a drum- er, and a drum major take part in this dance. The men cers are called yahubek. The men dancers wear hair nets and flicker headbands. Tied around the head over the lower edge of the net is a goosedown boa, the ends hanging down the back to the buttocks; the headband is fastened over this boa. A trem- bler-chalila, an eighteen-inch stick with two white feath- ers two and a half inches long attached to it near its dis- tal end-projects sideways from each side of the head. A feather cape is fastened on the back, the tie strings pass- under the arms and around the back of the neck. The dancers' faces are painted with four stripes of red on each side, slanting back and down. Each man has a double bone whistle in his mouth and carries a bow and arrow, the bow in the left hand, the arrow in the right. He wears ,.a foxskin or dogskin quiver, with arrows, at the right -side in back. During the dance the bow is not drawn but ,Is carried obliquely; the right hand holds the arrow close to the body. The women dancers wear goosedown boas around their heads, the ends hanging down in back to the waist or but- tocks. The hair is not confined by a net, but they wear flicker headbands across the forehead, and small abalone ear pendants, about an inch long. Each has also, thrust through the septum, a shell nose stick (pileku), four inches long, with an abalone pendant hanging from it (Barrett and Gifford, p. 254, pl. 63, fig. 6). The women wear deerskin skirts and are painted, but on the face only. A horizontal black stripe runs across the entire face just below the nose and below the stripe are white spots. Each woman carries an arrow in each hand, held vertically, point up. The arm is bent so the forearm is at right angles to the body, the elbow held close against the side. The dance is exceptional in having the drummer in a special costume. He wears a hair net, a flicker headband, and two tremblers (chalila). Sticking up from the back of his head is a cocoon rattle (sokossa), made of four cocoons. It is worn in the same position as the feather ornament (sonolu) of the drum major. The drummer has no cape nor does he carry anything in his hand. Sometimes he is painted like the dancers and the drum major, but as a rule he is not. The drum major is dressed a little differently from the dancers. He is painted in the same way and wears two tremblers. His flicker headband is exceptionally long, and a tall feather ornament (sonolu) sticks up slanting forward from the back of his head. His cape is fastened like those of the dancers, and, like the dancers, he wears a goose- down boa. Instead of a bow and arrow, he carries a cane of elderwood about four feet long, painted solid red, and like the dancers he has a whistle. The singer is dressed in ordinary clothes and carries a slender elderwood wand about eight feet long, stripped of bark, not painted. A small cocoon with pebbles in it is fastened to one end. He holds the wand vertical, and in the dance house, when he sings, he taps the ground with it, producing a rattling sound. The dancers dress in the bush and walk in single file to the dance house. The singer, drummer, and drum major, who have dressed with them at the dressing-place, go first, then the men dancers and the women dancers. The singer sings a special song on the way. When they reach the door, the singer and drummer walk in to their respective positions at the drum. Then, when the music begins, the drum major enters, exclaim- ing, "Ya-heh! Ya-heh! Ya-heh! Heh-e-e, heh-e-e-e!" On the last "Heh-e-e-e" a man dancer comes in. The drum major dances, turning in every direction, bending very low and then straightening up, lifting each foot very high so that his thigh is horizontal. His arms hang limp at his sides, and he carries his cane horizontal in his right hand. After the first dancer's entrance, the drum major pipes his whistle rhythmically to the song, keeping time as when he exclaims. The first dancer dances, stepping high, the arrow held under his right arm, point up, the bow horizontal in the right hand. He turns his head from side to side, whistling with each turn, and dances side- ways, face to the fire. The drummer keeps dancing back and forth on the drum, with flexed knees and buttocks slightly protruded. The singer keeps time with his wand. Each time the drummer stamps on the drum, the cocoon rattle he wears in his hair makes a rattling noise. The drum major escorts the first dancer up to the drum, the dancer following close behind all the way from the door to the drum, whistling as he dances. When the drum major gets halfway to the drum, moving counterclockwise, he ex- claims "Ya-heh! Ya-heh!" He does this again as he reaches the drum, when he ends with a long drawn out "Heh-e-e" The dancer has turned to face the drum, and on the final quavering syllable everyone stands motionless and silent. As the musicians begin again the drum major exclaims "Ya-heh! Ya-heh! " and proceeds to dance towards the door in counterclockwise direction. Halfway, he repeats his exclamations, and again at the door, this time adding "Heh-e-e, heh-e-e! " Upon the second "Heh-e-e" a woman [ 293 I ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS enters. The drum major now dances as before towards the drum, to the right of the fire, and the woman follows him, dancing sideways with a shuffling movement and facing the fire. She sways from side to side, bending forward with the knees flexed. She swings her arms from side to side in a wide arc in time with the body movement, She holds her arms away from the body, an arrow in each hand. The drum major dances halfway to the drum, as he did with the first man dancer. He leaves the woman on the right side of the room and she remains there, facing the fire. The drum major goes on to the drum and the woman dances in her place, stopping when the drum major exclaims at the drum. Now the music starts again and the drum major dances from the drum to the right, towards the door, as before, the woman and the man standing quietly in their places. The drum major escorts the second man dancer to the drum, as he did the first. The second woman, however, goes all the way to the drum. As she reaches it, the music stops and she walks counterclockwise to her posi- tion on the left side of the ceremonial house, opposite the first woman. The drum major brings the rest of the dancers in, escorting the men to the drum and placing the third woman on the right side of the ceremonial house, the fourth on the left. As the fourth woman walks from the drum to her position, the drum major and the four men are all in place at the drum. This ends the prelude of the dance. As the music begins for the body of the dance the drum major takes the lead, dancing to the right. He exclaims "Ya-heh! Yaheh! " as he starts, and he turns i.l every direction as he dances, piping continuously on his whistle. The four men dance sideways only, facing the fire. The women dance in their places, as described above. When the drum major reaches the door he stops piping and ex- claims. The four men dancers following him do not change their step but continue dancing as before, blow- ing their whistles continually. As the drum major nears the drum in his first circuit of the room, he exclaims again. When he gets a little beyond the drum, he says "Ha-e-e," and the dancing and music cease. The dancers face about so that they are looking towards the drum in- stead of the fire. Three more circuits of the ceremonial house are made, which ends the main part of the dance. The drum major, dancing always counterclockwise, escorts the dancers out one at a time, the first man, then the first woman, and so on. When he takes the man out, he exclaims at the drum, halfway to the door, and at the door itself. When the dancer, dancing sideways all the way, makes his exit, the drum major exclaims "Ha-e-e!" He then dances on, counterclockwise, and leads the first woman out, exclaiming as he passes the drum but not pausing, and exclaiming a second time when he reaches the left side of the ceremonial house. A third time he exclaims at the door, and as the woman goes out, he adds: "Ha-e-e! Ha-e-e! " He continues to the drum and takes the second man out. He escorts all the dancers out of the ceremonial house in this way, men and women alternately. When the last dancer is gone, the drum major dances back and forth between the door and the fire, bending and turning in every direction. He exclaims "Ya-heh' Yah-heh!" as he dances. He exclaims a third time as he exits, danc- ing backwards. Then the drumme-r and singer walk out. AYETME The ayetme, according to the informant, Tom Williams, was originally a first menstruation dance. His knowledge was only hearsay, based on what old people had told him; he had never actually seen it danced on such an occasion. Evidently there is some such connection, for the word X ayetme is derived from ayea, "first menstruation." ' Moreover, the Miwok regard the first menstruation a particularly significant. It is possible that the prelude o the dance, with its jumping step, is a survival of an ear lier ceremony in which dancers jumped beside the pit in which the menstruating girl was confined.9 The participants in the ayetme dance are a singer, a drummer, and four men dancers called kichaumek, a term obviously derived from kichau, "blood." The sing and drummer are dressed in ordinary clothing; the sing carries an elderwood clapper. The dancers wear only loincloths. The hair is allowed to hang loose, and they wear no nets or ornaments. Their faces are painted wi three vertical red streaks on each cheek. The dancers make ready outside the dance house. the singer and drummer leading, they all walk in silen The singer takes his place to the right of the drum; the drummer stands on it. The dancers are grouped in fro' of the drum in such a way that they form the four corne of a rectangle with its greater length parallel to the When the singer and drummer begin the music, the dancers start dancing in front of the drum. The pairs a the short ends of the rectangle change sides, jumping rather taking a single very long step, passing midway. They continue jumping back and forth in this fashion, j ing simultaneously and in time to the music. They alwa make the jump, or long step, with the right foot. On 1 ing, each dancer faces about quickly, turning to his ri Then they jump back to their former positions. This is kept up until the singer signals a stop by striking his h an extra heavy blow with his clapper. The drummer sto at the same instant. This ends the prelude. The singer then resumes his song, accompanied by drum. The dancers now line up in front of and parallel the drum with their backs to it. Once in line, they danc in place, raising and lowering their heels with knees fl arms at sides, buttocks protruded. They all four glanc first to one side, then straight ahead, moving their hea simultaneously-the two men on the right look to the ri the two on the left look to the left. The singer stops his song four times during this part of the dance and each t the drummer stops also and the dancers halt and stand position, facing the fire. When the singer and drummer begin again after the fourth interval, the dancers start towards the door, onef following the other at a distance of about four feet. They do not step, but move their feet sideways, legs apart, knees flexed, buttocks slightly protruded. Each dancer keeps his head turned to the left, looking over his shoul straight at the drum. They dance thus towards the door, facing the fire as they proceed counterclockwise. Each dancer, as he reaches a certain spot near the door, tu to the right so that he is facing full towards the drum, the singer changes the words of his song for a moment, while the dancer makes the turn and dances out backwar There are two songs for this dance. One is sung dun the prelude of the dance, when the dancers jump. The 0 sung during the body and conclusion of the dance, consi 8 Subsequent menstruations are called sisea. The word for menses in general is kich'awi, derived from kichlau, blood. In the mountain villages of Bald Rock and Tuolumne the term ayetme applies only to the first menses observances, not to a dance in the asse bly house. A few people may be invited to celebrate with the family, but the affair is not termed a fiesta (kote). The girl uises as a scratching sti an oak sprout ten or twelve inches long, decorated with circling bands of,, red paint. It is believed that, if she scratches with her fingers, her hair will fall out. The girl bathes at the end of her confinement. I I I 294 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES of a constant repetition of the word ayea, "first men- struation." In this connection it seems well to give a description of the first menstruation observances as performed with- in the memory of the informants. When a girl began to menstruate for the first time, her mother dug a trench inside the dwelling house for her; it was about a foot and a half deep, sufficiently long and wide for the girl to lie in it comfortably. A deer hide was laid in the bottom and another deer hide or a jackrabbitskin blanket, was used by the girl as a covering. She remained in this pit four days, eating only acorns prepared for her by her mother. The rest of the family ate their usual food. The mother attended the girl throughout the period. For scratching her head the girl had four little pieces of greasewood tied together like a comb, which she stuck in her hair when not in use, or hung from her neck on a string. Greasewood was always used for these head scratchers, not that other wood would be harmful, but because it was customary to use it. It was believed that, if the girl used her fingers in scratching her head, she would be afflicted with a great deal of dandruff, or her hair would fall out. These scratching sticks were used only for the first menstruation. After four days in the pit the girl came out in the morning and was bathed inside the house with warm water, heated with stones in a basket. After the bath she was painted all over by her mother with white hori- zontal stripes, which remained until they wore off, usually in six or eight days. For thirty or thirty-eight days, the girl ate only acorns, tanga seeds, and watak- sa greens (Lupinus latifolius). It was believed that she would become crazy or sick and waste away if she ate meat. At the end of this period the girl's father gave a celebration at his house and the girl was allowed to eat flesh for the first time after her menstruation. She ate apart from the other people, however. Guests from neighboring villages, but not from a distance, were bidden to the celebration. This began with a breakfast on the first day and ended with a breakfast on the fourth day. There were no dances, but people ate and talked. Some did not stay throughout the four days. Although the girl's father was supposed to furnish the food, guests might donate a deer or other edibles, if they wished to. At the first breakfast an older girl, of the opposite moiety but not related to the girl, exchanged dresses with her. At this feast the girl's parents re- placed all her property, consisting chiefly of baskets, beads, and dresses. A girl was not allowed to marry until after her first menstruation. No ceremonies were held for subsequent menstruations, but there were certain restrictions. A woman in that condition could not attend a dance; if she did so, it was believed, the dancers' legs would give way. Such an occurrence betrayed the presence of a menstruating woman. She was supposed to remain at home and go about her usual work, including the pre- paring of her husband's meals. At the end of the fourth day, she bathed in the river, after which she might enter the ceremonial house. COMMEMORATIVE CEREMONIES AND DANCES The four ceremonies described below commemorate events of the recent past. Two, the pota and the sule yuse, are a kind of victory dance to celebrate the kill- ing of murderers. The other two, the hiweyi and the sulesko, are concerned with disease and sickness. F These four performances are distinguished from the observances discussed under "Ritual for the Dead," which are occasions for mourning recently deceased relatives. POTA The most important and spectacular of these commem- tive ceremonies is the pota, which takes place outdoors, in a ceremonial house, and usually in a large open ce beyond the village. The ceremony is arranged by village chief for the purpose of affording satisfaction e relatives of a person who has been killed by vio- e or witchcraft. This is accomplished by a ritual ting of effigies which represent the killers, and among guests are their relatives. The ceremony is thus con- ted with definite patrilineages (nena). ccount by Tom Williams. -The chief selects the per- who are to take part, usually people who live in or to his village and always people who have lost rela- a by violence or witchcraft. These losses need not be t; sometimes the death has occurred years before the effigy may be made by a person who was only a at the time of the death. An effigy cannot be made of anyone until he has been dead a year. When no one has been killed since the last ceremony, the same killer may be displayed in effigy again. It is not always certain that the persons represented by the effigies were actually killers, as some of the informants' accounts below show. The guests are usually not told the names of the murder- ers who are represented by the effigies. Probably this is a precaution against trouble at the time of the ceremony; also, many of the visitors might not join in the shooting if they knew who were represented by the effigies. They find out the names after they return home, usually in an offhand way. 'O An important, indeed an essential, feature of the cere- mony is the use of captive living birds, an example of what I have elsewhere described as the "Bird Cult" (Gifford, 1926a, pp. 394-398). These are usually prairie falcons (wekwekul, Falco mexicanus), though the bald eagle (wipayako) may be used if no falcons are available. A preliminary ceremony is held at the village near which the falcons are captured. During this ceremony a woman dances in the open space before the ceremonial house with a falcon on her head. The birds are kept in the village for ten days before the ceremony and are offered food ritually. On four consecutive days the yahuha dance is performed (by dancers without feather regalia) in honor of the birds. If this observance is neglected, it is be- lieved, people will fall ill and die. There is a village called Pota near Springfield in Tuolumne County and it is said that the ceremony was 10 This statement was later contradicted by other informants, see p. 298. 295 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS formerly celebrated there every year, although it was also performed at other places. The village chief usually asks two persons whose relatives have been killed to take charge of some of the arrangements. They are responsible for making effigies to represent the murderers. The invitations to the cere- mony are carried in the usual fashion by four messen- gers, each bearing a knotted string-usually it has ten knots indicating the number of days before the ceremony. Much of the preparation has to be made several days in advance. The sedge used for the effigies has to be cut and dried, and a young pine tree has to be cut down for use as a ceremonial pole (helme). The chief selects twenty men, called welupek, to go out and cut down a young pine; he does not go with them. They are painted with alternate horizontal stripes of black and white (land moiety); or sometimes one side of the body and face is black, the other side white. Some- times their bodies are decorated with black or white hand marks (water moiety). They all sing on the way and while they are cutting the tree, but they do not take part in the dance later. They fell the tree with a sharp frag- ment of quartz. The men go for the pole in the morning and bring it back from the hills in the evening. It is peeled in the village that night, and then painted with red horizontal rings from top to bottom, the paint being ap- plied with the bare hand. Or it may be painted white with chalk (walangasu; found in a spring at Springfield) and then with a black charcoal spiral running from bottom to top. Tne designs are said to have no symbolism. When the men are peeling and painting the pole, they sing the same song they sang as they went to get it in the morning. Two persons whose relatives have been killed make the effigies that represent the killers. They wind sedge (kissi) around the pole to make two bulging bundles about ten feet apart. The sedge they use is Carex, which is found in swampy places, and it is bound on the pole with a vine (pipila) resembling grapevine. The upper bundle represents the chest, the lower and larger one the abdo- men, of the dead killer. For the head they make a ball, about a foot in diameter, of deer hide stuffed with broken sedge, which they tie to the top of the pole with a vine called umazi. Using a bone awl, they pierce the deerskin ball and thrust through the hole an arrow with a flint point, the ends of the arrow projecting beyond the ball on each side. Small baskets, the size of a cup, are tied with umazi vine to the tips of the arrows to represent ear pendants. These baskets are made by the chief's wife especially for this occasion and are of the reddish brown bark of redbud (Cercis occidentalis) twigs. Some of this bark, which is called tapatabu, is buried in the ground for about ten days to stain it black, and one bas- ket is made of this black material, the other of the un- stained bark. Either the black or the unstained basket may be used on either side of the ball. Besides the helme pole, there is a shorter pole, bound about with sedge to represent a standing person. This effigy is called "mother" (uita), and, like the other, it is made by a relative of the murdered people. Men shoot arrows at this effigy, which is then attacked by women with clubs and knives. There is also a bear hide, which is brought to the ceremony by one of the victim's rela- tives; it represents another killer. Each of the three effigies is called sule ("dead person, ghost"). Sometimes each sedge bundle tied on the pole represents an individual killer; thus this one pole may carry effigies of three killers. The short pole stands on the ground-it is not elevated -but the effigy may be pulled from side to side by ropes tied to it. The bearskin, with strings attached to its feet4 is hoisted on a tree. During the ceremony it is pulled back and forth by two boys to avoid the arrows shot at it by the dancers. All the work on the helme pole is done while it is on the ground. Then it is set up in a hole about three and a half feet deep in the center of a clear space outside the village. About a hundred feet on one side of it, the short4 pole, with the second effigy, is set upright in the ground. The bear hide is hoisted on a tree about a hundred feet away on the other side of the helme pole. Four clowns, called monoyu (cf. monayu, monoya, ji~ sonweed, Datura meteloides), officiate specially at this ceremony; they have two songs for this occasion. They are quite different from the white clowns, woochi, de- scribed in connection with the dances inside the ceremon- ial house. The monoyu clowns are also wizards (tuyuku), Their special feat at the pota ceremony is gazing at the sun while they dance, without being blinded. These sun- gazers are not natives of the village where the ceremony is held, but come from places north, south, east, and west, respectively. They usually appear at the village where the ceremony is to be held some five or six days in advance. These sun-gazers are selected by the chief who gives the ceremony and for twenty or thirty days beforehand they travel around from village to village. People know that their visit is connected with the pota ceremony, though they speak in a fantastic way, talking backwards ("reverse speech"). They may throw dirt or ashes into the face of someone who is asleep or deep in thought and then run off, and they help themselves to food Each clown wears the tail of a fox or a coyote and imper- sonates Coyote. They have red paint on the face and blac, on the body and they wear in each ear lobe a bird-bone tube four inches long, ringed with alternating black and white stripes. The visitors assemble on the day before the ceremony They camp on the four sides of the open space in which tb ceremony is to be held, but not in the space itself. Durin4 the afternoon and evening the sun-gazers keep running back and forth across the clearing from one camp of visl tors to the other. Once in a while a sun-gazer will dance for a few moments around the pole. The people dance and gamble and eat, and have a good time generally. The su gazers report to the chief who is giving the affair that there are many people waiting for the ceremony to begin on the following morning. Much of the time these four sul gazers attend the chief. Early in the morning twenty or twenty-four dancers w bows and arrows come into the clear space from the four cardinal directions. Land moiety dancers have alternate black and white horizontal stripes on the body, face, aro and legs. Water moiety dancers are spotted with black ai white. Each dancer wears a flicker headband which pro- jects on each side of his forehead. There are four singers and four chiefs, one for each of the four sides. They are dressed in ordinary clothes and wear no paint. Each singer enters with the group of dancers from his side. The singer carries a straight elderwood rod about half an inch in diameter and about eight feet in length, with a single cocoon rattle on one end, containing a piece of quartz. In beating time for the music each singer strikes the ground with the end of his rod, shaking the cocoon rattle. The dancers come into the clearing in four groups an4 stop about one hundred feet from the pole, where they dance, one group on each of the four sides of the space, the north, south, east, and west of the pole. While they are dancing, four dancers break away from one of the I I I 296 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES groups and run towards the village of the chief who is giving the ceremony. They have their bows drawn and arrows in place as though ready to shoot. When they reach the village, they scatter and run among the houses, shooting at any baskets they see. If they see a dog in the open, they kill him, shooting him with arrows. The home villagers have no right to object since this is part of the ceremony. The chief of the four dancers who carry out this raid on the village makes a speech to them. The chief who is giving the ceremony is leaning against the pole in the center of the field, and the leader of the marauding dancers also addresses him, saying: "Help me out with a little food, for I am going to throw away my arrows. My men are going to throw away their arrows, therefore help me out with a little food. My men are going to dance around your pole." The chief who is giving the ceremony, and owns the pole, replies: "Help me out with your arrows; help me out and I will give you some food for your men." After these speeches, the singer for this particular roup, followed by twenty dancers, advances towards the ee pole, singing, and leads them around the pole. He od his rod upright and keeps time to the song by strik- g it on the ground as he walks. The two chiefs are stand- against the pole as the dancers go around it, counter- ckwise, shouting as they make the circuit four times. en the two chiefs and the singer step away from the e, and the dancers now run around it, shooting at the bundles of sedge and at the ball on top of it. They ot the ball so full of arrows that the white feathers of arrows make it look as though covered with snow. ch dancer has about forty arrows, which he shoots at ball and the sedge bundles. Some of the dancers also t at the other effigies and the bear hide. When this t group of twenty dancers starts to shoot, the other e groups, who have advanced from their respective s, retire and sit down well out of range of the arrows. When the first group has exhausted its arrows, the run back to their side and sit down. A second group ancers, who may come from any one of the other e sides, now goes through exactly the same perform- e as the first. Four men break away from the group ncers and run about the village of the chief who is g the ceremony, shooting baskets and killing any y dogs. The singer for this group sings the same as the singer for the first group. After all four groups of dancers have gone through the ormance, the chief who is giving the ceremony makes eech, telling his own people, who are camped in the re made by the visitors, to get ready to feed the ers. When the dancers have been fed, this chief the four sun-gazers to summon the spectators for The sun-gazer from the north tells the people e south; the sun-gazer from the south, the people e north. The sun-gazer from the west tells the le on the east, and the one from the east tells those e west. The chief who is host now tells the people of llage, who have been serving the dancers, to feed ther people also. The food is in baskets; one big et about "five" feet high is full of acorn soup. ter everyone has eaten, they all go into the cere- 1 house of the village. The people of the village 'give the kalea dance (p. 282), while the visitors watch. After that, about noon, the visitors go out and dance counterclockwise around the effigies, shooting at them- some shooting many arrows, others only a few. It is then that the four sun-gazers have a contest, each trying to overcome his opposite with "poison." The poison they are supposed to shoot at each other is jimsonweed (Datura meteloides) root, obtained from the Stanislaus River Valley. Two of the sun-gazers fall to the ground, "poisoned." The two who are not overcome dance, looking straight at the sun, throughout the rest of the day. At sun- down they suck the two "poisoned" sun-gazers and bring them back to life; both men seem to be dead. Next day the contest is repeated but the two who were overcome on the first day now get the better of their opponents. The night following the first day of the pota ceremony is spent in the ceremonial house, where the kalea dance is given again by dancers of the village. On the second, third, and fourth days the ceremonies about the pole are not performed, except the contests of the sun-gazers. The people spend the time gambling and playing games in the ceremonial house. A boy climbs the pole and removes the arrows, which are given to the chief for later distri- bution to the home people. On the fourth day the twenty men who got the pole from the woods take it down. They are dressed in ordinary clothing and they do not sing. The pole is laid on the ground. The bearskin is given to the visitor who speaks for it first. He simply has to say, "I am going to have that," and it is given to him. The sedge effigy on the shorter pole, which was simply set up on the ground, is now thrown to one side and allowed to go to pieces. Any visitors who want the two baskets from the helme pole, representing ear pendants, may have them. As can be seen, there is no special ceremony connected with the dismantling of the effigies. On the night after the pole is taken down, the lole dance (p. 286) is performed in the ceremonial house. After it, the chief hangs up in the dance house a string with four knots, indicating that four days hence he will have a feast for the people of his village. The next day the visitors leave. Four days after their departure, the chief of the village gives a feast for his own people in the ceremonial house. At this feast, which is the evening meal, the chief gives each grown man a bundle of arrows. The feast is called sipuapu, "pulling the arrows." There is no dancing on this occasion. Data from various informants.-The chief of Pota village, according to one informant, asks other chiefs to have their people bring him food when the pota ceremony is held at Pota. He then passes the food to people camped in the field opposite the donors. Pota is probably the place of origin of the ceremony, but no origin tale was obtained. 11 One informant stated that the poles at Pota were left standing till the next Pota ceremony. Other villages for which the pota is mentioned are Tulana, Suchumumu, Hunga (Kroeber, 1925, pl. 37, nos. 47, 63, 82, respectively), and Vallecito. Tulana is up- stream from Knights Ferry but on the south side of the Stanislaus River at Rushing's ranch near Keystone. Mrs. Susie Williams and her father Tosusu, chief of Pots, were invited from Pota on one occasion to give the ceremony at Tulana. Later it was given at Suchumumu. Susie said she was given a name which connotes the helme pole of the pota. In 1883 the ceremonies were given consecutively at Suchumumu near Jamestown, at Hunga, and at Vallecito 1" Marikita, from Tuolumne, said that in her early youth a Pota chief, whose name she could not recall, was killed. He was followed as chief by Susie Williams' father, Tosusu. 297 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS in Calaveras County, the same prairie falcon being used at all three places. Mrs. Mallie Cox saw the ceremony that year at Suchumumu. Louis, of Knight Ferry, saw the third pota of 1883 at Vallecito, where Old Walker's father and the father's two brothers were contemporary chiefs for the occasion. All the informants emphasized the importance of cap- tive birds in the pota ceremony. The pota was usually given in summer when the manzanita berries were ripe and young birds were available. The captive birds were kept in the village and offerings of seed were made to them; the act of throwing the seed was called chuke boken. A short pole, topped by a small basket ornamented with valley quail crests, was set up outdoors and around it the yahuha dance was performed on four consecutive days in honor of the birds. The dancers in this did not wear feather regalia. It was believed that, were the dance omitted after the birds had been captured, people would fall ill and die. Generally the victim would be the chief or one of his close relatives, rather than a common person. The prairie falcon was regarded as a chief among birds. The birds used in the pota were always raptorial species. The prairie falcon (wekwekul, Falco mexicanus) was pre- ferred, but the bald eagle (wipayako) was also used. The informant Louis, at Knights Ferry, said that the obser- vances described in the preceding paragraph were neces- sary only for the prairie falcon; other informants, how- ever, said they were required for the eagle also. Mari kita, aged informant of Tuolumne, maintained that the pota was never given without a prairie falcon, though she later said that a young bald eagle (wipayako) might be used instead. After the pota at Hunga a bald eagle was captured and sent to Vallecito, so the chief there had both an eagle and a falcon for the ceremony. Thereafter they were released. Anyone may capture a falcon in its nest, but it is kept in captivity by the chief of the village. Marikita said that, at the time (1883) of the pota at Hunga, Tom Williams captured one prairie falcon and a Knights Ferry woman found a nest of four young prairie falcons on a cliff. These last birds died, but Tom's lived. There is no special ob- servance in taking the birds from the nest, and the captive falcon is not given an individual name. When a person who has caught a falcon comes to the village, people go out to meet him and scatter seed of various kinds over him and the bird. If a man is attacked by a parent bird and touched, he is likely to die within a day or so. Once, at Suchumumu, a young chief named Sikaaiwa (Wilson) was carrying a young falcon, which got out of hand and lit on the head of Kesupa, his mother-in-law. The old lady died next day in spite of the shaman's efforts. The bird was recaptured and used for a pota ceremony a month later, while the chief's wife was still mourning her mother. Mrs. Emmaline Shorts, who saw the pota ceremony at Hunga in 1883, said that one prairie falcon was carried in a baby basket or cradle with sticks across the front to make a cage. Captive birds are fed with small birds like quail and so on. According to Marikita, in the old days the falcon was not tied in the cradle but was confined by rods placed over the top to form a cage. One falcon, very tame, was kept in a box at the Hunga ceremony and turned over afterwards to the chief of Vallecito (Walker's father), who celebrated the pota a month later in his vil- lage. When an eagle is captured, it is kept in a cage and fed; it is not carried in the dance, because it is too big and powerful. If anyone feels ill after handling it, a shaman doctor is called. The sickness usually attacks the throat first, then the chest, and the doctor, to cure it, sucks' out claws or eagle down. In the old days neither falcon nor eagles were ever killed. The feathers of these bir4 are never plucked out, for people are afraid of them. hawk feathers used in dance regalia are from the chic hawk (suyu). In 1883 the prairie falcon captured by Tom William was kept for ten days, along with four others, at KnigW Ferry. The four died in that period. At the end of that time Tom took his bird to Suchumumu from which invit tions to a pota ceremony had been dispatched twenty d in advance. The falcon was later passed on to the chie at Hunga and then to the chief at Vallecito. In the cour of the ceremony at Suchumumu, Susanna, Mrs. Susie William's father's sister (ene), who was named after prairie falcon, carried the bird on her head. She also danced with it at Hunga, where the ceremony was held, next that year. The prairie falcon is a totem of both the land and w moieties; the bald eagle is a land moiety totem. The c who keeps the bird may be of either land or water moi Women, one at a time, dance with the prairie falcon, would dance with the eagle if they dared. The chief tal the falcon out of its cage and hands it to the dancer, holding it on her head by its feet, runs with it four tin around the helme pole, counterclockwise, making it n its wings. Dancing with the prairie falcon has no adve supernatural effect. People of either land or water m? sprinkle the bird with offerings of seed. They are afra of it and think they may fall ill if they do not. They m also tie presents on it. At Hunga, Mrs. Shorts saw a M moiety person decorate the falcon with a necklace. As has been stated, the effigies (the sedge bundles the poles) represent men who have killed relatives of of those present at the ceremony. Some informants sa in contradiction of Tom Williams' statement, that the names of these killers or "enemies" are made public advance. Marikita, an old woman from Tuolumne, sa that the names of the killers are announced when the courier (liwape) visits the villages which have been in vited to attend the pota. He does this a month before ceremony so there may be ample time to prepare arr The killers or "enemies," always men, are called sul "ghosts," because they are dead. Sometimes the person represented by an effigy or the bear skin may be known and may be defended. Beft the pota the chief of the village assembles his peoplei the ceremonial house and assigns to certain prominen people the defense of the killers. At Suchumumu and in 1883, the head (hana) on the helme pole represente Susie Williams' father, Tosusu, and it was arranged Susie and other land moiety relatives of her father's lineage (nena) should defend it. The water moiety peo) attacked the effigy, shooting arrows into the head, ex Susie's own sons, who were water moiety too but wo shoot at the effigy of their grandfather on account of relationship. The head, as well as the pole itself, ma owned privately by several people. At Hunga, Susie' father's sister (ene) danced around the helme pole wi the prairie falcon on her head. Five people-Susie W Susie's aunt Susanna, a woman named Artima, a wo from Murphys, and Sam Casoose, all of them land people of the Pota lineage (nena)-owned the head. Th "baby" on the same pole was also a land moiety pers The water moiety people have a "mother" (ilta), an effigy of sedge, made on the short pole and decorate The land moiety people attack it and, if they win over defenders, tear it to pieces. The head (hana)-as well the pole itself-may be owned privately by several I I .1 p 298 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES The helme pole, twenty feet high or more, stands in the center; the bear and "mother" (uita) poles are on the sides. The helme pole may have a basket on top instead of a buckskin ball to represent the effigy's head; the body is made of sedge and cloth. The bundle in the mid- die is called "baby" (eselu) and is owned by either moi- ety. Louis, of Knights Ferry, saw the third pota of 1883 at Vallecito and says there was no short pole; there was only one pole, the helme, which stood for the water moiety. The bear skin at Vallecito stood for the land moiety. It was attached to a short post, just high enough for it to clear the ground. Mrs. Shorts says the bear skin on the pole is always defended by the land moiety people, even old women taking part in the defense, when water moiety people try to pull it down and trample cut it. Mrs. Cox, too, said that even women shot arrows at the effigies in the ceremony at Suchumumu in 883. * In the 1883 pota at Suchumumu the bear skin repre- ented the land moiety people who had their origin (nena) Pota: the "baby" (eselu), owned by Suk'k'a and his smen, represented the land moiety people whose ori- place was at Kulamu, 12 The "mother" (u1ta) was ed by people whose origin place (nena) was Wu1yui ber 49 on Kroeber's map, 1925, pl. 37), a village the Stanislaus River near Melones on the line of the road from Jamestown to Angels Camp. According to Marikita, there are always four killers ed and represented by the bear pole, the "mother" le, the head, and the "baby," the two last effigies being the helme pole. A land moiety killer is always repre- ed by the bear pole because the bear is a land moiety Mal. The big pole (helme), as well as the head and the by" on it, may be either land or water moiety, and so the "mother pole." Before the ceremony is announced, decided which of the various objects will belong to moiety. One day when Marikita was attending the pota at Hunga, was cooking acorn mush near some brush huts. It a hot September, so they were using brush huts. A came rushing in among them, his bow drawn. Some- ad tied up a dog in one of the huts to conceal him, he dashed out to bite the man. The man turned sudden- with drawn bow, but he did not shoot because the chief etme's father) had ordered them not to kill any dogs. whites had objected. Mrs. Shorts said that some were killed on this occasion, however. ouis of Knights Ferry said that at the third pota of at Vallecito, some dogs were killed. The men also at baskets of acorn soup. rs. Cox said that women, too, shot arrows at the es in the pota ceremony at Suchumumu in 1883. On econd and last day of the pota at Hunga, Mrs. Shorts an old woman (the mother of Mrs. Plummer) of the moiety defending the bear skin, dancing around the like a bear and threatening people with her claws. managed to stop the first water moiety man who ran th drawn bow to shoot the bear skin, grabbing him e arm. Then a dozen or so water moiety men with and knives and some women without weapons rushed e man slashed the bear hide with his knife and d it off the pole. Then they dragged it off into the trampling and cutting it. After about a hundred they dropped it, because the land moiety people ta is at Springfield and Kulamu at Luke Camp, both in Tuolumne nos. 69 and 84 on Kroeber's map, 1925, pl. 37. were pursuing them hotly. If the land moiety people had caught their opponents, they would not have injured them; they would simply have chased them away from the bear skin. The water moiety marauders-Sophia Thompson was among them-returned to the center pole, which was the rendezvous for everybody. SULE YUSE The sule yuse, or sule sikanui, may be called the hair dance, or the scalp dance (sule yuse, "dead person's hair"; sule sikanui, "dead person's scalp"). Like the following dances, the hiweyi and the sulesko, the sule yuse com- memorates the deed of a shaman. Like them, too, it is said to have originated within the lifetime of the informant Tom Williams, who described the first performance. His story of the dance's origin follows. There was once a big bad man called Chimio who lived somewhere in Mariposa County. He was exceed- ingly bloodthirsty, and he shot women and children, as well as men, with his arrows. Chimio was of ferocious appearance, for he had long hair which reached to his knees. Everyone kept away from him since he was very much feared. Yet they tried to kill him, for he was a heartless murderer. Finally a wizard (tuyuku) from Knights Ferry went south to search for Chimio. When he found him, he shot "poison" at him and killed nim right away. Then the wizard cut off Chimio's scalp just around the hair line and took it with him. On his way he stopped at La Grange. Nearby there lived a man whose brother had been killed by Chimio. The wizard turned the scalp over to this man and together they proceeded to Knights Ferry. On their arrival they found that the chief was giving a fiesta. When they told the chief that they had the scalp of Chimio, the bad man, he decided to give a scalp dance. He said: "We will dance it tomorrow morning." They planned the dance and made up a song about the bad man Chimio. The wizard, three middle-aged men (called kalepbek), and two rather elderly women were chosen to take part. The chief asked the singer to compose a song. The singer said: "Yes, I will sing by his name. I know him. I will sing by his name." No drum was used in this dance. The dancers were dressed in ordin- ary clothes, except for abalone shell necklaces. Later dances followed the same pattern as the original but were not necessarily performed by the original partici- pants. The same scalp, however, was used for some time afterwards. Later, too, the part of the wizard was not always taken by a real wizard as it was on the first occa- sion. The people are assembled in the ceremonial house for the dance. The dancers start dancing outside, perhaps a hundred yards away. The singer, with an elderwood clap- per, walks on the right of the men dancers, who dance four abreast. The two women, side by side, follow them. They dance on their way to the ceremonial house. As they near it, the wizard tosses the scalp into the air, calling the name of the bad man at the same time. The singer stops singing and the dancers stop dancing when they reach the ceremonial house. The old women go in with the singer, while the four men remain outside. The singer passes to the right of the fire and takes his position near the drum. The women walk in and one goes to one side of the ceremonial house, one to the other. The singer begins a different song, to which the women dance, 299 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS moving their shoulders from side to side and stamping their feet very hard in time with the shoulder movement. Their hands are clenched and they hold their fists against their stomachs. They dance thus four times, stopping each time when the singer ceases singing. When the singer begins his song for the fifth time, one of the men dancers enters. He dances to the right of the fire, stoop- ing and turning in every direction, until he reaches the drum. When he gets to the drum, the singer stops, and the women and the man halt. When the singer starts again, the second dancer comes in. As he, too, dances up to the drum, the first man and the women dance as before, the first man dancing in place in front of the drum. After another stop, the third dancer comes in, while the first two male dancers continue to dance in front of the drum. When the three men dancers have entered, the wizard follows them. He dances, squatting. He squats so low that his buttocks almost touch the ground. He tosses the scalp up into the air, calling the bad man's name. Once in a while he throws it on the ground and dances on it, at the same time calling Chimio's name. While he is danc- ing in this way towards the drum, the other three men dance in front of it. On the original occasion the cere- monial house was full of people, who watched the per- formance in speechless amazement. When the wizard reaches the drum, the singer stops. Soon he begins singing again and the men dancers dance back and forth in front of the drum, the women remain- ing at the sides of the house. As the four men pass each other, they throw the scalp back and forth among them. They turn in every direction as they dance, and as one throws the scalp to the other, he calls the bad man's name. They dance thus for four periods, stopping each time when the singer ceases his song. After the fourth interval, the two women dance out from their positions at either side of the ceremonial house. They dance out facing the door, while the four men dance in front of the drum. As soon as the women go out, the singer stops his song, resuming it almost immediately. When the singer begins singing again, the dancer who came in first dances out to the right of the fire, stooping and turning in every direction as he did when he entered. The two others dance out in the same way. Meanwhile the wizard dances in front of the drum. He continues to dance for some little time after the three men have gone. The stop which follows the third man dancer's exit is marked by an unusual act. The chief steps up in front of the drum and hands the wizard an arrow with his right hand. The wizard sticks the arrow through the middle of the scalp from the under side, and hands the scalp and arrow to the chief. The chief steps back and the singer resumes his song, while the wizard dances back and forth in front of the drum, and then starts to dance out. When he has danced halfway out he retraces his steps back to the drum, so he is slow in going out. He dances to the right of the fire, dancing in the same fashion as when he came in, squatting very low and then straightening up. As he goes backwards out the door, the singer stops singing. The scalp is kept with other dance paraphernalia, rolled up in a tule mat with other articles, like the kuk- suyu costume. The chief keeps the bundle. The informant, Tom Williams, said that the purpose of the scalp dance was to ridicule Chimio. It did not hurt him, Tom said, but it made his relatives feel badly. Tom Williams was the singer for this dance after the original singer died. During his time they still continued to use the original scalp. The song for the sule dance may be translated as-8 follows. That's what he [the wizard] said when he came, when he brought that bad man. That is what he said when he brought that bad man. That's how he got the; song from the spirit. That's what he said when he brought him; when he brought that bad man named Chimio. The wizard said: "I guess I'll take him to fellow who lost his brother." That is what the wis said after he had killed the bad man. "I am going take him toward the north; I guess I'll have lots of with him. I killed that fellow who always killed the people he met." Now the wizard is going, going towards the nor "I'll take Chimio's scalp to the man who lost his b through Chimio. Then he can do whatever he please with it." The wizard said this while he was carryi Chimio's scalp to the north. The wizard is crying the way as he is coming from the south. He is c for the "poison" that he lost in killing Chimio. He 1 Chimio's body and head under the big rock. He left there for the wild animals to eat. "That is how they are going to handle Chimio's s I suppose, when they get it over there [Knights Fer I suppose they will have a dance when they see this of Chimio's." When the chief saw the scalp he said: "Go ahead dance now!' That is what he said to the people. "He a fellow who used to hate us very much. This hair b longed to Chimio," the chief said. From each side of the fire two old men dance. No one says a word whe they dance the spirit dance. This fellow Chimio used to make the people cry the time when he killed their brothers, their father and their mothers. He used to laugh at them after h stabbed them, and while the poor people were suffe and crying for help. Victims used to do their best their fathers or their brothers. They did that when was killing them. When they spoke thus he used to at them and hit them with stones. He used to be a b man and it seemed as though nothing could happen Now he is dead and we will have a dance over him. hair and scalp are over here now. We have his hai we will make fun of him through his scalp. His hai over here, away from off the place where he lived, scalp is away off from his body and head, which a the place where he was killed; where he took his 1 breath. The chief has hold of his scalp now. He it until it is rotted. That's how they sing about the man's spirit. That's how they sing. When the chief got hold of his scalp, he told his to get an arrow, so that he could give the arrow to wizard after the dance. The chief said that he that Chimio had been killed and that he was glad scalp had been brought to him. "Now we shall al have a scalp to dance upon. We have been afraid of this man Chimio. Now I guess we will dance his scalp and hair up in the air. We will dance no That is what the chief said when he told the singe make up a song. The wizard who killed Chimio was a very youn He understood how to handle the poison. When he the poison at Chimio he shot two kinds at him. hit him it lifted him off the ground. When he stru ground with his face he died. Now we will dance and have a good time. "That how we handled him." That's what the dancers sa they throw his scalp up in the air. After he was 300 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES no one found him. He just rotted away out in the hills, and the wild animals ate half of him. HIWEYI The hiweyi dance, like the preceding sule yuse and the sulesko that follows, celebrates a shaman's perform- ance. All three dances are said to have originated during the lifetime of the informant, Tom Williams. The dance is also given among the Northern Miwok at Ione, Amador County. Tom Williams, who took part in the first dance, accounts for its origin as follows. A Costanoan [some informants said Yokuts] from Pacheco, Contra Costa County, settled near Knights Ferry when he was about ten years old. He went by the name of Chiplichu, 13 and when he grew up, he married a Miwok woman of Knights Ferry. He became a sucking shaman (koyabi). [Tom Williams said that his practices as a shaman were peculiar, that they were Costanoan practices rather than Miwok, which is not unlikely, for he probably learned them from his father.] After becoming a shaman, Chiplichu danced and sang in his home every night, and he was V in the habit of talking with the spirits. His house was situated half a mile from the ceremonial house at Knights Ferry. One day some Northern Miwok from Ione visited k Knights Ferry and said that there was an epidemic of smallpox at Ione. They said it was traveling towards Knights Ferry. The Knights Ferry people were very much frightened by this news and many of the men went up into the hills. The women were left behind in the ceremonial house, which was closed up tight. Twelve men [one of them my informant] sat down just below the summit of a high hill, where they sang under the direction of the shaman, Chiplichu, who was behind them on the summit of the hill. He danced on the sum- mit, and as he did so, he kept pointing a large cocoon rattle towards Ione. The singers who were in front of him were facing Ione also. He and the singers sang four songs. While he was dancing during the last song, he kicked the ground very hard with his right foot and sank into it waist deep. Then he stooped down gnd talked to a spirit in the ground. He asked the spirit if the Ione people were telling the truth. The spirit re- plied: "There is no sickness coming at all. There is no sickness over there." Then the shaman told the singers that there was no sickness coming, and the singers went back and told the people that everything was all right. The informant said that a shaman who practised as one did is called a hiweyi. The four songs sung on ihllltop by the shaman are, in order of singing, the lmina, the hoholoyu, the hahayua, and the hahamaka. informant was unable to give the meaning of any of se songs, except the last. He said that the songs were erstood by Ione, Livermore, and Pacheco people. 'The hahamaka song has the following words. Tell me, spirit, is the smallpox going to come this way? All of the people are afraid; they are scattered oUt in the hills. People do not believe that I can find our whether the smallpox is coming. That is why they No translation was obtained for this word and it is perhaps Yokuts or told me to ask you if the smallpox is coming. I want you to tell me if it is coming or if it is not coming. Well, spirit, if there is no smallpox coming, we will go home now. We will tell all the people to come back, so that they will not be frightened any longer. After this the Knights Ferry people held a ceremony, called the hiweyi dance, for four nights. The ceremony was in charge of Chiplichu, who, it is said, learned this dance from the spirit whom he talked with on the hill. The informant said that all subsequent performances of the hiweyi were imitations of the original ceremony per- formed by Chiplichu in the ceremonial house at Knights Ferry after he had discovered that the Ione people were lying. Each evening the ceremony was begun by Chiplichu scratching each person in the dance house with a white stone, then sucking a little blood from each and spit- ting the blood into a basket, a performance well in line with his profession of koyabi, or sucking doctor. After he had sucked everyone he danced. He was accompanied by the same twelve men who had sung on the hill with him. In addition, a singer, of the kind that usually sings on such occasions, accompanied Chiplichu in the ceremonies in the dance house. The original singer was named Koho; he was a cripple who could not walk but had to pull him- self around by his hands. Koho was the stepfather of a half-breed, Charley Gomez or Wininu, who lived at James- town and Knights Ferry. Each night Chiplichu danced from a little after dark until about midnight. After midnight the people who had come from a distance slept in the ceremonial house. The people who lived in the neighborhood went home. Chiplichu stayed in the dance house at night. The following songs, sung in the ceremonial house on each of the four evenings on which the hiweyi dance was originally performed, were also used in subsequent per- formances of the hiweyi dance. In the first song, Chiplichu reassures the people in the ceremonial house. There is no smallpox. That is what the spirit said. That is what he said. The people wanted me to find it out and I did find it out. That is what the spirit told me when I talked to him out on the hill. Now you people must not be frightened, for no smallpox is coming. That is what he told me when I asked him. No smallpox is coming. You people do not need to be frightened. You do not need to be worrying about yourselves and running over the hills for nothing. People, come home. Tell your folks to come home. There is no use to be running around out in the hills just because you are. afraid of smallpox. The people over there [Ione] just fooled you. They frightened you by telling you about smallpox. There is no smallpox over there. There is no smallpox over there. Do not you people become frightened. Never believe what those people tell you again. After this the crippled singer, keeping time with an elderwood clapper, sang a song, while Chiplichu danced. The song follows. Listen people, listen. He is going to dance his song for you. He is going home. He is going to dance, going to dance. He is hungry, having had nothing to eat since he went out in the hills. He is dancing before he eats. That is the way he dances in a ceremonial house. All of you people watch him. You will not see him dance again for quite a while. He is dancing, he is dancing. All of you people are now all right. He has done your 301 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS people a favor, a favor to all of your people out in the hills. You people can stay home now, you need be afraid of nothing. That is what he said when he came to the dance house from out in the hills. After Chiplichu had danced awhile he sat down. Then both he and the singer sang two songs called mulupu. The informant did not know the meaning of these songs. When Chiplichu danced again, the following song was sung by the crippled singer. That is what he says when he gets ready to go. That is what he did for the people while he was over here. But he is going home today. Now all of you people had better watch, for he is going to give you his last dance. That is what he did when he was danc- ing. Just watch him turn in different directions while he is dancing. This song was sung while Chiplichu made one circuit of the fire in a counterclockwise direction. When he reached the place where the singer was sitting near the drum, he stopped. When he started to dance again, the song of the singer was somewhat changed. As Chiplichu danced around the ceremonial house once more, the singer sang as follows. People, watch him dance now. He is going, he is going. You know he is not dancing for fun. The people towards Ione fooled us. This is his last dance in this ceremonial house. He said to me, "Singer, sing. Sing loud. I am going to dance a little bit harder. This is my last dance; then I will go home." At the end of his circuit of the fire, Chiplichu stopped again near the singer at the back of the ceremonial house. For the next circuit by Chiplichu, the singer continued to sing as follows. The hiweyi said to me: "I am going home now. Will you sing that song for me? I am going home.' He said, "I am going to put these rattles away:' Going, going now. Everybody should be satisfied now. He is going, see him going out. See him going out. He is going out backwards. He is going out now. You people can have a good time. He is going home. Chiplichu wore a feather boa called hichli, which passed across the back of his neck and was drawn back under his arms from the front, the two ends being joined behind to form a tail. He carried a cocoon rattle, called wasilni, in each hand, and a third cocoon rattle was fastened in his hair. He wore a wreath on his head, made of stems and leaves of mugwort (Artemisia vulgaris) twisted together, and his hair was held firmly by a net. Four bunches of split crow feathers attached to sticks completed his headdress. Each of these feather orna- ments was about two feet long and tied with deer sinew. They were thrust in his hair, one sticking out in front, another in back, and one on each side. The cocoon rattle which he wore on his head was fastened at the back, with the rattles up. A tule mat, said to be six inches thick, with armholes, was worn very much like a shirt and reached to the knees. It was held by a string around the neck, tied in front. Under the mat, Chiplichu wore a piece of deerskin about his middle. He was not decorated with paint. As he danced, he held a cocoon rattle upright in each hand. He held the rattles away from him at about the level of his breast and swung them together from si side. While the ceremony was going on, the people supposed not to smoke. Whenever Chiplichu saw ant smoking while he was dancing, he turned around fou times, then danced up to the offending individual. on dancing, but rubbed his hands four times down th of the offender that held the pipe. After the fourth took the pipe away from the man. Then he danced ut the fire, made four passes with the pipe over the f4 and finally threw it into the blaze. He did this beca was told in his "dream" to allow no one to smoke danced. ] Although the fate of Chiplichu is not connected in way with the hiweyi dance, it is of interest to tell story here. The account may perhaps be taken as a ern adaptation of the story of the rolling skull. Ac to Tom Williams, Chiplichu was murdered by In about 1859, stabbed through the side with a sword. laughed at his four assailants, and they stabbed from the front, just below the breastbone. They a him all over, but could not kill him. They felled the ground, and hit him with great numbers of sto all to no avail; he still lived. Then Chiplichu spoke assailants and said: "There is no use to stab me, not kill me that way. You will have to cut my head you just merely stab me in the body I will not die." cut off his head, but he still lived. In fact, he conti talking after his head was cut off, because, as the i ant explained, a spirit was holding him. While Chip was being murdered, his wife, who was present, cn vain for help. The murderers threw his body into th" Stanislaus River. The murder was committed at Knights Ferry. Ati Chiplichu's death his head remained in the vicinity o bridge across the Stanislaus at Knights Ferry. It is s to roll after people who cross the bridge at night. Th formant Tom Williams stated that he had seen the ha and that several white people had also seen it. Inforu Louis had heard of a "rolling head" which used to be4 Knights Ferry, but he knew no name for it and did nMl know where it came from. Tom Williams said that Chiplichu was murdered bi cause he was a shaman and hence better than ordinar3 which made them jealous. They hated him also becats was a foreigner. Additional but somewhat contradictory information Chiplichu was obtained from the informant Louis at K Ferry in 1923. He stated that Chiplichu was a dancer an alini (shaman), and his people were all Yokuts and to come to Knights Ferry to dance. From observing t the Knights Ferry people learned new dances, of whic hiweyi was one. When Chiplichu came to Knights Fer: Louis was already a young man. (In 1923 he asserted he was eighty years old.) Chiplichu danced hiweyi (as scribed by Tom Williams) on the tablelike hill to the below which the highway now runs. The hill is called choyu. At the time of his death, which, according to Loui natural and not by murder, Chiplichu was living beloi Grange on the Tuolumne River. Louis was thirty-five forty years old at that time. Louis did not know the n of Chiplichu's original home. SULESKO The sulesko may be properly called the devil or Sl or ghost dance and is said to have originated at Suchu near Jamestown. Like the hiweyi and sule yuse, this 302 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES said to have originated within the memory of the in- rmant, Tom Williams. He described the original dance d the occasion which prompted it, as follows. A man saw a ghost [lesisko] one day on Table Mountain near Suchumumu. He became sick after he saw it, and he said to the doctors [koyabi]: "I guess you fellows can try to get that ghost out of me:' A doctor sucked on the sick man and extracted the ghost's fingernails and skin, but the man still re- mained sick. They could do nothing for him, and it seemed as though he would die. They thought the ghost had got the sick man's "wind:' so the chief said Fto some of the men: "I guess you fellows can dance around and give him a song:' That is what the chief said to the men who were with the sick man. The men said they would do so. Four men went out and got a deer hide and made masks which just fitted over the -face. There were holes for the eyes, nose, and mouth, and the mask made the face look like a skull. They rubbed charcoal around the eyeholes, to make them -iblack. All of this was done about midnight. Except for these masks the dancers wore only the buckskin about their middles. The leader of the dancers was called sulesbe, his followers sulesbeng ayumetis. After all was ready the sick man was taken into the ceremonial house and seated near the drum, with a woman on each side of him to support him. A singer and two drummers supplied the music. The singer sang the sulesko song, while the two drummers stood on the drum and stamped on it very rapidly, making a rumbling noise. Then the four men with the masks crawled in through the door on hands and knees, one hind the other. The leader went a little way, then raised his head and looked at the sick man, who was atching him. Then the leader ducked his head, and the other three came up, one after the other, raised their heads, looked at the sick man, and ducked their heads again. They all made curious gestures at the -Same time, getting closer and closer to the sick man. They kept this up until they were very near the invalid In front of the drum. Suddenly all four dancers sprang at him and seized him. They all carried bone whistles and they now blew short quick blasts. They stopped in a moment and each cer took one of the limbs of the patient and rubbed wn it with their hands. After this, they crawled out of the dance house on their hands and knees, as they ad entered, the last one to enter going out first, the ader bringing up the rear. After a pause the singer and the drummers started e music again. The four dancers returned, standing s time, two dancing to the right, two to the left. ey kept watching the sick man as they danced up to , two on each side of the fire. They made all kinds PROFAN The profane or common dances are recognized by the ;rok as a separate category. These dances present no of gestures and never took their eyes off him. The two pairs passed each other, directly in front of the sick man, and the couple which had danced in to the right of the fire and facing forward now danced out backwards to the left of the fire. The other pair went out in the same way, but to the right of the fire, reversing their earlier routine, in similar fashion. All the time they kept their eyes on the sick man. This second part of the dance was repeated three times, making the ceremonial four, and may be con- sidered the body of the dance; the part described at the beginning, when the men crawled on hands and knees, may be considered the prelude. There was, however, no actual conclusion. After the dancers had gone out, three sucking doctors [koyabi] came into the ceremonial house and sucked the sick man, one at a time. There was a big audience looking on. This narrative describes the original performance of the sulesko dance, which was arranged for the benefit of a sick man. The story was given an effect of great prob- ability by the fact that the informant gave me the names of the sick man and of the dancers who took part. Later performances of the sulesko dance usually serve only amusement or ceremonial purposes, and on these later occasions there is no doctor [koyabi]. There are merely the dancers, the musicians, and the sick man, with the attending women. The song for the sulesko dance may be translated as follows. That is what the spirit sings when he comes from Sinenu. 14 That is what he sings when he comes, when he comes on his trail from Usnekkotimo. 15 That is what he says when he comes from Kakulchakama. That is what he says when he comes from Yangatamfl,'6 where he goes to get the yangata. That is what he sings when he comes to the edge of the mountain. That is the place that the spirits came from to get that sick man. When he saw them, then he became sick. He saw the spirits when he was standing on top of the rock. They were just nothing but bones. That is how he became sick. Now we will try to get that sickness out of him. That 'is the only way we will try to make him well. It is a pretty hard thing to make him well. The spirit comes from Sinenu to kill this man. He comes through Usnekkotimo. That is what the spirit sang when he came out from Kakulchakama. That is what he sang when he came out from YangatamiL. That is what the spirit sang. He said that the people were always afraid of him. 14 A place four miles east of Knights Ferry. Is Two miles east of Sinenu. 16 A big cave near Goodwin's ranch. IE DANCES element of danger to either the participants or the audi- ence, and are performed purely for entertainment. U 303 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS AHANA The participants in this dance are two singers, eight men dancers, and six women dancers, all called ahant- bek. The men belong to one moiety, the women to the other. It makes no difference to which moiety the singers be,ong. The singers and dancers do not live in the village at which the dance takes place but are visitors who come to attend the fiesta. The singers and dancers wear no re- galia and are dressed in ordinary clothes, as are the vil- lagers who act as hosts. The dance is held outside the ceremonial house and no drum is used. The two singers start singing in the early morning out in the bush, where the dancers have assembled. The visiting chief, who has accompanied his dancers from their village, goes to the chief who is giving the fiesta and tells him that his dancers want to dance the ahana. The chief who is host then instructs his people to prepare food and presents for these visitors. The chief of the visi- tors goes back to the bush and tells the dancers to get ready. About noon the dancers start for the ceremonial house of the village. There is no singing or dancing on the way. The dancers line up in two lines facing each other, out- side the entrance of the ceremonial house, the women on the left of the doorway, the men on the right. There is a singer at the end of each line of dancers, at the end farth- est from the dance house. The singers carry elderwood clappers and sing and clap in unison. When they change their song for the first time, all the dancers sing too. When the singers stop, the dancers stop singing and danc- ing. When the singers begin again, after a very short interval, the dancers continue to dance, but do not sing. The dancers in each row stand three feet apart and dance in their places. The women bend their knees slightly, but do not move their feet. The arms are held at the side and the forearms, with closed'hands, are alternately raised to a horizontal position. The men, like the women, dance without moving the feet but simply bend at the knees, at the same time sticking out the but- tocks a little. They swing their arms upward from the shoulders, both at the same time. On the return motion the arms drop to the sides. While the dance is going on, the villagers give the visiting dancers presents of food, baskets, arrows, and so forth. Perhaps one dancer will get only one present, while another gets several. Each donor dances for a moment beside the dancer to whom he is making the present, long enough to receive a small present in return, perhaps a string of beads. After the donor leaves, another villager may come up and give a present to the same dancer, dance for a moment at his side, receive a pres- ent in return, and then step out of the line of dancers again. The hosts always give their presents to a visitor of the same sex but of the opposite moiety from the host. After all have given their presents, some of the home villagers make other gifts: for example, a horse, an olive shell necklace, a bear hide, a basket, a bow with arrows, or a tanned deer hide. These are given to indi- cate that the donor wishes to become a friend of the visi- tor. Here again the same distinctions of sex and moiety are observed. The home villager who wishes to have the friendship of one of the dancers walks up to him and lays the present down in front of him or ties it to one of the dancer's feet while he is dancing. If a horse is presented, the donor ties a horsehair string to the dancer's foot. Most other presents are laid in front of the dancer. The present is never carried but is dragged in the dirt. The dancing is kept up throughout these presentations. The dancers continue dancing after the last present has be made. When the visiting chief thinks his people have danced long enough, he tells them to stop. After that 4 go inside the ceremonial house to eat. It is not a matt of ceremonial importance who enters first. The sing sing right up to the time the chief gives the word to s At a later time, usually the following summer, the visiting dancers or, rather, they and their fellow vil; act as hosts to a group of dancers from the village w has entertained them. On this occasion they make gl equal value to the guests who presented them with pr as described above. It sometimes happens, however,-, the original dancers may make a second visit and da ahana before their hosts have called upon them, The ahana is not danced by every group of visitor fiesta; in fact, it may not be danced at all. The cerex is held only at the wish of a visiting chief or his peop is evidently an expression of friendship. Anyone can cipate in the dance, since no sacred objects are usec song for this dance cannot be translated. A Southern Miwok informant tells me that the Cent Miwok have borrowed the ahana from his people. Amr them, however, the ahana has a very different chara It is performed when property is being destroyed at a funeral or at a "cry" or mourning ceremony. In its a tion by the Central Miwok, the essential feature, whi consists of giving away property, has been retained, is placed in an entirely different setting. ALETU Like the ahana, no costumes or regalia are l"sed it aletu dance, although it is held inside the ceremonials house. Four or five men and the same number of worw take part. Like the ahana and ulula (p. 306) anyone wb4 wishes may take part; unlike most other dances no spi training is required. Two of the men are called aletb4 the other two or three nutupbek. The women have noA tinctive name, but are spoken of as osabek, as in mot other dances. There is a singer (but no drummer or,4 major) and two black clowns called humchilwek, who I part of the audience and perform a short dance at the1 the humchilwe. X The singer (sometimes two singers, only one of wi has a clapper) is already seated in the dance house, 4 ing a song in time to the beat of his elderwood clappi when the dancers enter. He sings a different song, h. when the dancing starts. The dancers troop in togeth* and as they come in, the singer stands up. The womI go in a group to one side of the fire-it does not mattq which side. The men walk along until they reach the front of tM drum. Then two of the men (the aletbek) dance from drum to one side of the fire, one on either side. If tl are only two nutupbek, one goes with each aletbe; if t are three, one goes with one aletbe, two with the ot These nutupbek stamp the feet, at the same time mo their shoulders backward and forward, first the righ shoulder, then the left. Their arms dangle at their a They accompany this movement with a loud panting. aletbek dance in the same way as the nutupbek, but w panting. They turn in every direction. The singer ch the words of his song as he sings. At the change, th aletbek utter a long drawn out "Huh'" at the same tiE raising the right hand high in front but leaving the leA dangling at the side as before. Each aletbe, as he ra his right hand, dances up to the fire. After that he d I -4 i r. I 11 304 .i t? GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES up to his nutupbe and starts with him toward the drum. When both the aletbek are in front of the drum, they raise their right hands and say, "Huh! " as before. The singer stops and all rest. In the meantime the four or five women have been dancing sideways back and forth along one side, facing the fire. First they dance side- ways towards the drum, then towards the door, stamp- ing their feet in time with each other. The performance described above may be repeated as many times as the aletbek wish. In this respect, the aletu resembles the ulula and ahana. It is not neces- sary to perform the dance figure the customary four times, as is usual in the sacred dances. The aletu also resembles the ulula and ahana in the absence of a definite prelude and finale, which are such conspicuous features of the sacred dances. The dance is brought to an end when one of the aletbek raises his right hand and says, "Huh' Huh' " He does this when the men dancers are near the drum. The alet- bek tell the singer when they decide to stop dancing. The dancers go out or remain inside the ceremonial house just as they please. There is no ceremonial exit as in the sacred dances. The two songs for this dance are un- translatable. During the dance the two black clowns (humchilwek) have been passing about in the audience. They are com- pletely blackened with charcoal, and each wears a large rabbitskin blanket hanging from his shoulders to his heels. They have no rattles on their feet, as the white clowns have, nor do they carry whistles or anything else. They wear rabbitskin ear pendants about a foot and a half in length, and their hair is made to stand up straight and stiff. They maintain a complete silence and never even smile when passing about the audience. The informant knew of only one aletu dance where these clowns were not present. That took place at Knights Ferry. An informant near Groveland in 1913 gave me a vague description of a dance he called the aletu, which may be a local variation of the one just described. He said that ten or twelve women with spots of red and black paint on their faces danced it. According to the informant Louis, the Knights Ferry Miwok learned the alte dance (presumably the aletu) from the shaman Chiplichu and his people. Louis thought that Chiplichu was a Yokuts. HUMCHILWE The two black clowns who give this dance are mentioned in connection with the aletu. There is no regular singer for this dance, which immediately follows the aletu. The clowns sing themselves, and the song is untranslatable. Sometimes they dance in front of the drum, sometimes near the door, sometimes on one side of the fire, but always side by side in one spot, facing the fire. While they dance, they hold their rabbitskin blankets close to- gether across the chest, grasping the edges. They dance by bending the knees, merely lowering and raising them- -selves in one spot, and looking straight ahead. After four stops they walk out, looking from side to side at the people as though "crazy." On the spot where they danced the audi- ence sees a large pile of white bird down, sometimes six inches deep, which they have dropped while they danced, concealing it from the audience by the long rabbitskin blankets. HELIKNA The helikna is usually danced by one woman called a welupe, although sometimes there are two dancers, who dance side by side. The dancer is accompanied only by the singer with his elderwood clapper. He enters the cere- monial house first. The dancer dresses outside the house. She wears a white goosedown boa around her head, the ends hanging down her back to her waist. Her hair hangs loose, being held in place only by the boa. The woman fastens the boa on herself; she does not have to pass it four times over her head, as she would for a sacred dance. She is not painted, but is dressed in ordinary fashion in her buck- skin skirt. When the singer begins to sing and clap, the woman dances in backwards, keeping to the right of the fire. The singer stops singing as she reaches the drum, and she halts. Her dance is a sort of shuffle, the shoulders moving slightly in time with her steps. She carries a goosedown boa about eight feet long, doubled so that the ends do not drag on the ground. She holds her upper arms close to her sides, the forearms folded across the stomach. The singer resumes his song after the brief stop, and the dancer dances sideways, keeping her face to the fire. She dances around to her right until she reaches the drum again, when there is another brief ceremonial rest. She circles the fire three more times in the same way, stop- ping at the drum briefly after each circuit. When the dancer reaches the drum for the last time, the singer gets up and walks to the door, passing to the left of the fire. At the door he starts to sing again, and the woman dances forward from the drum toward the door and goes out, followed by the singer. As will appear from the translation of the helikna dance song, given below, it was the custom of the spectators to make presents of various objects to the dancer. The song emphasizes the profane character of the dance and tells the visitors not to fear the dancer. It runs as follows. Now you just watch her dance, watch her dance. She is not a dancer like the others; she did not get this dance in her dream. This dance, she is dancing, does not "get" her head, does not "get" her body. It is not like other dances. Tell your people, chief, not to be afraid of this dance. It is not like other dances. This dance is no dream dance. Now you can tell your people to get ready to give her whatever they have. Just throw it close by her. Every little helps, will help her. Tell those people of yours, chief, to get ready to give little things. It does not make any difference what you give her. Give her any- thing-arrow, basket, hide, anything you have to give away. The informant said that in bygone days women danced the helikna in the streets of Jamestown and Sonora for money given them by the whites. The informant particularly impressed upon me the fact that the helikna was not a sacred dance, hence was harmless to ordinary people. The helikna does not belong in any series but is frequently danced in the daytime for mere amusement, like the aletu. HELKIBdKSU The helkib8ksu is classed by the Miwok with such dances as the ahana, ulula, aletu, and helikna. It has no drummer, singer, or drum major. The single man dancer sings for himself. He is usually from the village giving the fiesta, 305 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS but the chief of the village may ask someone from another village to dance. The dancer is dressed in ordinary clothes and wears a hair net. His face is entirely blackened with charcoal. His body, arms, and legs are not painted and he wears no feathers. He makes his preparations inside the cere- monial house, near the drum, in the presence of the audience. When he is ready, he throws a basket down in front of the drum and starts to dance, facing the fire, and dancing first to the right. He jiggles up and down, mov- ing slowly sideways at the same time. His legs are spread pretty far apart, his hands are clenched, but not tightly, and his arms hang straight down at his sides. He looks straight ahead as he dances and alternately sings and exclaims "Hai! Hai! " He dances back and forth in front of the drum as many times as he likes, finally stopping midway in front of it, at the place where he started. He rests only for a moment or two, then dances and sings again. At the beginning of the dance the chief of the village makes a speech, saying: "Well, give him whatever you have: beads or hides or anything." He speaks in this strain for a couple of minutes only. The chief has no special position in the ceremonial house at a fiesta, so he makes his address from whatever place he happens to be. The people then begin to give things to the dancer, putting them in or beside the basket. The dancer dances four times, stopping four times in front of the drum. After the fourth stop he dances counterclockwise around the fire, keeping his gaze fixed on it. He dances in the same way as he did in front of the drum. He makes four circuits of the fire, stopping after each round at the drum. After the fourth time he picks up his gifts and gives them to his chief, who then gives the presents to the old people who live in the village. The chief distributes them himself, taking for himself all the bows and arrows and one large basket. If there is a bear hide or deer hide, he takes that too. The dancer does not leave the ceremonial house at the end of the dance, as is done in sacred dances. When asked for the meaning of helkib5ksu, the inform- ant said that it meant the "give-away dance," or rather, "dancing for the things." No translation was obtained for the song which accompanies this dance. ULULA The ulula dance, which is not given at every fiesta, is danced, like the ahana and aletu, purely for amusement. It resembles the former in being held outside the cere- 1 monial house. No special costumes are worn-and anyon may take part. The dance takes the form of a processio with a singer at each end, and is said to be proposed by the singers. The singers do not have clappers. Some- times as many as sixty or one hundred people take part, even children being allowed to join, but no one is re- quired to. It is danced shortly after sundown or in the moonlight and before any of the regular sacred dances begin. The procession dances around the outside of the cer monial house in one long line, one dancer behind the other. Each person clasps the person in front of him around the waist, placing one hand over the other, pro. viding the person clasped is not too stout. Behind the singer at the head of the line is a woman who clasps hi around the waist, and behind her is a man, and so on, men and women alternating to the end of the line, which is brought up by the second singer. The procession is composed of water moiety and land moiety people indis criminately, of neighbors and visitors. The procession forms on the left side of the ceremo house and curves around it, the leading singer being n the entrance to the house. None of the dancers cross front of the doorway. When the leader gets near the doo he turns out and back, passing outside the original lineo of dancers, who continue up to the door before turning, The singer, with the line of dancers following, goes around the ceremonial house to the other side of the entrance, where he turns back again in exactly the sam faslhion. Each dancer tarns in the same spot as the lea They keep this up as long as they wish. They use a sh dragging or scuffling step in time to the singing. The procession starts when the leader begins to sin While he sings, the rear singer exclaims continuously: "Hunh! Hunh! Hunh! " When the leading singer stops, the song is taken up by the rear singer, while the leade exclaims as above. The singers alternate thus throug the dance. The same song is repeated for the whole d The chief of the village, and his wife take no part in dance; the chief stands to one side to watch. Sometime visiting chief who feels inclined to amusement joins in merrymaking. Shamans also share the fun. Some of th men, particularly the older ones, take liberties with women ahead of them. This license is considered pro in the ulula, and no husband has the right to take offens As the informant expressed it, each husband has the s opportunity. The song for this dance is untranslatable. DANCES AT MOUNTAIN VILLAGES The mountain villages have fewer dances than the foothill villages at Knights Ferry and Jamestown. Many of the dances are frankly spoken of as having been learned or borrowed from other places. MURPHYS At Murphys, Calaveras County, a half-caste named Duncan volunteered the information that at a pota cere- mony, two caged prairie falcons were always present. He said that these have to be captured before the cere- mony can be performed. Old Walker, an old man of the land moiety at Murphys, is named for the prairie falcot The name of the Central Miwok village one mile northe of Murphys is Humata; the village at Six-mile Gulch, three miles east of Angels Camp, is called Kosoimunot (Kroeber, 1925, pl. 37, nos. 39 and 41 respectively). The following information was recorded in 1917 fror the shaman, Doctor George or Chochubi, of the land moiety, whose name refers to the sun (Gifford, 1916, F 158). He was born at Umemuk, probably near Strawber Tuolumne County, at the foot of a huge rock or precipic He said he had lived forty years at Columbia and forty I I i 306 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES hears at Murphys. The interpreter was John Jeff, a lorthern Miwok of the olichko or olechu moiety, which B the Northern Miwok equivalent of the tunuka or land poiety of the Central Miwok. He was then living at losoimunonu. For one year after a death, no dances are held except he yame or mourning ceremony. The night following the gshing of the mourners, which terminates the yame, ,e people dance in the assembly house. The chief asks ke girls to dance and they cannot refuse. Ordinarily the lger teaches the girls to dance. The informant, Doctor George, described his own hace activities as follows. He said that he spent no line in the woods, nor did he dream when he was learn- wg to dance. He was merely taught by an instructor and ~as not confined in the assembly house while learning. kcording to him, boys were never seized and confined w initiation, which indicates that the dancers did not *nstitute a secret society. Doctor George said, however, hat the quantity of food he was given was restricted. He Szced in the hiweyi and tula dances at a dance house Oar Murphys. For the tula he wore a flicker headband Oich ran from the forehead over the top of the head down k back of the neck. On each side of his head he had five ther ornaments, chalila (makki, at Jamestown). A er at Murphys taught him both the tula and hiweyi .ces. The chief at Angels Camp asked him to come fwn from Murphys to take part in the dances at Angels 4mp; there were four tula dancers from Murphys and ir from Angels Camp. The hiweyi was also danced on is occasion. At Murphys, the tula, hiweyi, yahuha, sulesko, luhuyi, etu, and kamini were danced. The singer who taught tctor George the tula and hiweyi dances had seen them Pleasanton, Alameda County, and taught them upon I return to Murphys. About 1897; Pedro Connor, a brthern Miwok, taught the sulesko dance at Murphys. s that occasion no one was sick from seeing a ghost. as danced for fun. After the sulesko, they danced the mini, a Northern Miwok (and Southern Maidu) dance, r four nights. kOn this occasion they did not dance the luhuyi (another brthern Miwok and Southern Maidu dance), which con- ts of circling around the fire with a quick step. In the itral Miwok version of luhuyi the dancers do not hold unds. There was no temayasu dance at Murphys or tgels Camp. Doctor George knew of this dance only in foothill country of Jamestown and Knights Ferry. Dr. George had never served as drum major, singer, drummer. He was a dancer only, taking part whenever veyi and tula were performed at Murphys. He had never en the ayetme. He said that the luhuyi and kamini were puthern Maidu dances introduced to the Northern Miwok Pom Colfax. The kamini, as well as the sulesko, came the Central Miwok from the Northern Miwok, he said. ae aletu, which was danced only once at Murphys, was Tuolumne dance, in which the dancers had horizontal wipes on the face. The mamasu, a fire dance of the trthern Miwok, was not danced at Murphys. The term helikna means "outside dancing," which is per- rmed in white men's towns for money. Doctor George once saw two white clowns (woochi) at [dance-house ceremony at Six-mile Gulch between agels Camp and Murphys. One of them was old Walker, Fentioned above. They had their hair covered with white Is (walangasu) so that it was stiff and stood straight up. Fey wore pants cut off at the knees and were painted bite below the knees, but their torsos were not painted. hey did not wear the cocoon rattles (sokossa) on the ankles as clowns often do. They wore tails of rags instead of feathers, but had necklaces of jay (taiti) and California woodpecker (palatada) heads. Each had a bone whistle (suleppa). The borrowing of dances in late times is well illus- trated by the dances at Murphys. It is said that before the Murphys' singer went to Pleasanton and learned the tula and hiweyi dances, there were no dances at Murphys except the yahuha. At Angels Camp and Murphys a distinction is made be- tween a "big time" or kote, and a "little time" or uweta. The first applies to dancing, gambling (hand game), and the mourning ceremony or cry; the second is a local cere- mony of four days' duration to celebrate the eating of new food-acorns, manzanita berries, and grass seeds. In other words, uweta applies to first fruits observances. Before mush made from the first acorns is eaten, the yahuha is always danced around a basket of mush. In January, after hunting in December, they dance the hiweyi and tula at Murphys. This is "just for a big time" (kote); nothing will go wrong if they do not dance. In other words, the dance is not mandatory. The singer, Jim, rather than the chief, is the head man in charge of dancing there. Women, even menstruants, attend all dances, but menstruants must sit far back. Small children also come to see the dances. An ordinary person must not touch a dancer in costume. There is no special word for a cos- tumed dancer. In May they dance at Murphys to celebrate the eating of the first clover. In June they dance just "for having a big time:' The chief, as host, arranges the affairs in January, May, and June. In all three months the hiweyi and tula are danced. The muilopati singing at Murphys is comparable to the mulupu singing at Tuolumne. Mullopati is translated as "Let's sing ourselves:'' and refers to singing by the audi- ence between dances. At Six-mile Gulch, where John Jeff (Northern Miwok) was living in 1917, there were formerly a singer, a drum- mer, four women dancers, and four men dancers. One of the last acted as drum major. The word kalangapu is the generic term for a dance at Six-mile Gulch. SOULSBYVILLE AND TUOLUMNE Mrs. Mallie Cox supplied data on dances at Tuolumne and at Bald Rock near Soulsbyville. She enumerated the following dances: yahuha, ukanu', pusina, pota, lole, helikna, woochi, sulesko, and sule yuse. In all of these women participated. There was no fire dance at either village. She said that the sulesko dance is danced entirely by women and is performed for a person who has been sick a long time, or one who has seen a ghost. She de- scribed the sule yuse as a scalp dance for revenge. The term mulupu is applied to singing between dances in the assembly house. The chief or chieftainess often selects two men to act as clowns (woochi) at the dances, one to dance, the other to sing in the woochi dance. During the other dances the clowns steal food from the audience but do not talk. Be- fore the ceremony begins, however, they may address the audience, ordering them to clear a space for the dancers. Mrs. Cox gave the following explanation of the occasion for certain dances. People dance after the acorns have been harvested in the fall (siskano). The yahuha is danced at this time and also when manzanita berries are picked in July, but not with other dances. Ukanu', pusina, lole, and sule yuse are danced any time the chief or chieftainess I 307 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS wishes. Helikna is danced in summer. There are no special dances for tuyu and other seed harvests. The chief has no hand in selecting the young men and women dancers; the drum major of the dance does this. A father who wishes his son to become a dancer takes him to the dances so he may see and learn. A woman dancer teaches girls to dance. According to Mrs, Mallie Cox, it was Coyote who in- stituted dances. After a death, there is no dancing for as long as two or three years. Mrs. Cox said that kote is a general term for a social or ceremonial gathering. If it is a festive occasion it is called an auni; if it is in memory of the dead, it is a yame, or cry. Mrs. Cox did not know of Kuksuyu as a wood spirit. GROVELAND Mrs. Sophia Thompson (Pilekuye), chieftainess at Big Creek (Pigliku) near Groveland (see p. 262), was the daughter of the chief Nomasu, who was burned to death in his house about 1893. Before his death he had taught her the way to talk when going around to ask people to supply food for a fiesta. Nomasu's sons had died, so he trained his daughter to be chieftainess. The first fiesta given by Mrs. Thompson was a cry (yame) for her dead father. At his death the old assem- bly house (hangi), which was of boards and shingles, was destroyed. For this cry a new house of the same type was constructed, which was still standing in 1917(pl. 16). At the end of the cry for Nomasu the people gambled, playing the hand game (hana). Five years after the cry for her father Mrs. Thompson gave her second and last fiesta, to which she invited Tuolumne and Mariposa Miwok to play the hand game. There was no dancing. Shortly after this, on January 1, 1910, her husband Tom Thompson died. All the dances described for Groveland were given in Nomasu's time; none was given after his death. The dying out of the dances at Groveland is an example of i;he aban- donment of dances throughout Miwok territory, in which the encroachment of the whites, and the deaths of the old people, are the principal factors. Mrs. Thompson said that fiestas were not frequent, occurring perhaps once in two or three years. The first she remembered that her father Nomasu gave was when she was a young girl. It was in late summer and the people had venison, acorns, and so on, to eat. They danced the wahile and aletu. The second fiesta she re- membered was a yame or cry given by her father for her dead siblings. This was followed by another cry for more dead siblings. One brother, Pelisu, had been stabbed to death by a white man. About 1883, Nomasu gave a fiesta in December, at which hand games were played. There was no dancing. After that he gave a fiesta at which the yokele was danced (see below). This was about four years before his death, in other words about 1889. The dance was not for new acorns, but just for a "time:" that is, for pleasure. In the subdialect of Central Miwok spoken at Grove- land the word for dance is kalanga, whereas in the Tuol- umne tongue it is kalea. At Groveland the whistler (tututbe) taught dancing to both youths and girls, who were selected by the chief after consultation with their parents. The whistler was appointed by the chief, who gave him his whistle. The pupils were about twenty years old when they began danc- ing, Mrs. Thompson said. They were not confined to the dance house during the period of instruction. The eating of the first food for any season, as for in4 stance the eating of the first acorns of the new crop, is the occasion for a local "little time,' or uwetu (from u "to eat"). There may or may not be dancing on this occa sion, but if there is, most any dance will do. There is n dance for the new year, which begins in April with the; grass coming up. Mrs. Thompson also distinguishes be4 tween uwetu or "little time" and kote or "big time" (fie with gambling and dancing. Mrs. Thompson enumerated eleven dances for Grov land, in all of which women took part. Clowns (woochi) also functioned in Groveland ceremonies. No feather ca (metikila) is used in any Groveland dance. Aletu.-The aletu was danced at any time. Each dan had two vertical stripes on each cheek, a black one nea the nose, a red one near the ear. In 1923 informant Mi Anderson said that the aletu is not an indigenous Grove' land dance, but is derived from the south. Alina.-The Groveland dance called alina is a purely local affair for which no invitation strings (sutila) are sent out. It is quite different from the alina dance of J town and Knights Ferry. It is performed in the dance h by three women only. The leading woman serves as si (mulikbe). The second woman is called nutupbe, the th lokapbe. The nutupbe carries a basket tray (hetalu) wi hulled half-acorns in it. She raises and lowers the tra so that the loose paperlike covering of the acorn kerne blows off. In spite of this the informant insisted that th alina dance has nothing to do with new acorns and that may be danced at any time of the year. Ehehana.-Ehehana is the Groveland version of the, pusina dance of Tuolumne. It is not equivalent to the a of the Mariposa Southern Miwok or the ahana of the f Central Miwok of Jamestown and Knights Ferry. Helki.-The helki dance is performed by one or mo women who dance around the women who are prepar acorn bread. The dancer is paid with a small basketful acorns. The helki is also sung and danced in the cere ial house for the purpose of obtaining clothes, baskets, beads, or food. Then, men as well as women dance it. Lole.-The lole is danced in summer only, not with yokele, ehehana, or yowehaye. Mamasu.-This dance is preceded by the wahile dan Mrs. Thompson once took part in it. It is not a fire d as it is among the Northern Miwok. Sulesko.-Sulesko is danced when someone is sick o when someone dreams about a sulesko (ghost). A per who thus dreams tells the chief, who then arranges the fiesta. Ulula.-The ulula is danced at any time a fiesta is h Wahile.-No description of the wahile dance was ob- tained, but Mrs. Thompson said it was danced at Tuol as well as at Groveland. It is danced at any time of ye and there is said to be no special occasion for it. Yokele.-The yokele is an ancient dance. Mrs. Tho' son's father, Nomasu, used to dance it. It is performe in June just for a joyous fiesta (for which the Grovela people used the term kote, not the Tuolumne term au Other dances performed at the same time as the yokele are the ehehana and the yowehaye. The chief sets the t for a fiesta. He consults no one, although he has to get people to help in providing food. The yokele is performed in the dance house by five women dancers, four men dancers accompanied by a whistler (making a total of five men dancers), a dru a drum major, and a singer, with three assistant sing The drummer and singers wear ordinary clothing and feathers. The drum major is likewise plainly dressed a2 I i 308 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES ilthout paint or feathers, and he has no whistle. The thief singer carries an elderwood clapper. The whistler, who leads the foiir other men dancers, bas four black and white horizontal stripes on each side bf his face, two stripes across his chest, black and Orhite stripes around his legs below the knees, but no paint on his arms. He has a flicker headband and his long hair is tied up on his head with strings of beads, ut he does not wear a hair net. Sticking up on each side f his head is an ornament of feathers mounted on a stick thuwa; chalila of foothill Central Miwok). From a string round his neck there hangs a whistle made of leg bones f the bald eagle. His hair is dampened and chicken hawk suyu) down is stuck to it. He is naked except for his r eechblout. The four men dancers who follow the whistler are tinted somewhat differently, having two vertical stripes, ck and white, on each cheek, the black being near the ase. There is no paint on their backs or limbs. Each ears two chuwa feather ornaments in the hair which is und with strings of beads, like the whistler's. They ye no flicker headbands. Each woman has a horizontal black stripe on each eek, with white spots below. Her hair hangs loose ex- pt for a bead band about the head. Two chuwa feather ments stick up, one on each side of her head, held place by the bead band. ,g-The dancers dress in the woods; the dressing-place is ed wole. The whistler brings the feather ornaments m the dance house, where he keeps them in a globose ed basket (hupulu), which lies on its side so that the aments may be put in from the end. When everyone is ready, the singer, singing the dance g, leads the dancers from the dressing-place to the ace house. They walk in the following order: singer, mmmer, drum major, whistler, men dancers, women cers, and enter the dance house in the same order. The singer, drummer, and drum major walk to their places. They begin the music and the dancers come in dancing, led by the whistler. The drum major exclaims "Hoh-hoh, hoh-hoh, hoh-hoh! " and ends with "Hi-ya!" The whistler dances stooped, arms dangling, and buttocks stuck out. He raises and lowers himself, coming down hard on his heels. He dances sidewise facing the fire, looking from side to side and whistling continually. The four dancers follow him, dancing the same way until they reach the drum. The direction is counterclockwise. The women dancers shuffle sidewise to the middle of the right side of the dance house, while the men continue around to the left of the drum. Each woman holds a large handkerchief, called a wiza, in her hands (a substitute for the goosedown boa of the foothill Miwok). She holds her elbows close against her sides, the elbows bent so that the forearms are horizontal. The women raise and lower their hands with the handkerchief alternately. In the body of the dance they proceed clockwise toward the door, standing erect, and then back to their places. The men dance to the right from the drum, toward the door, then back to the left of the drum. They all dance thus four times, to complete the main part of the dance. After the dancing is over, the singers and dancers sit down for the mulupu singing. This account of the yokele by Mrs. Thompson describes the last one she saw at Groveland, in 1889. She named some of the participants. The whistler was Sopachu, a man of the land moiety, whose name means "bear taking a firm grip on one." The singer was Laapisa, son of the women Laapisak (Gifford, 1916, p. 153). The chief Nomasu had appointed both the whistler and the singer. The drum major was Chochka (ibid., p. 157), a water moiety man. Three of the men dancers were Newulo (water moiety), Toktokolu (land moiety), and Toloyu. Yowehaye.-This dance is the Groveland version of the Tuolumne ukanu'. 309 RITUAL FOR THE DEAD FUNERAL CEREMONIES Usually in each village, where there is a chief and a ceremonial assembly houes, there is a funeral fire tender (chamusa wugube) who attends to the cremation of the dead. After a death he takes charge of the body, and his firs first business is to watch it, whether it lies in a dwelling or in the ceremonial house. Word of a death is spread as rapidly as possible by the chief's messengers, so that people from neighboring villages may attend the funeral. The wailing for the de- ceased frequently begins even before the death; the mourners walk or dance counterclockwise around the body as they wail. Each mourner wears mugwort leaves (Artemisia vulgaris) in his nostrils, since the pungent odor of the leaves is supposed to keep the nasal passages clear. The funeral fire tender takes part in the dance like anyone else; in fact, he begins the wailing. After the mourners have kept it up for a considerable time, he suggests to the speaker (yeyichbe) that they take a rest. The speaker then addresses the mourners, shouting so as to be heard above the crying. During this speech the funeral fire tender leads the mourners by the arm-one, or perhaps two, at a time-to one side of the house to sit down. The dancing and wailing continue until the body is dis- posed of. Often the body is kept in the ceremonial house for three or four days before it is cremated. Sometimes, as one informant expressed it, "one day is called four days" by the chief in charge, and the body is disposed of without delay, a practice called sikayabu, which is also the name of the cremation place. If this is done, a feast and merrymaking may follow the burial or cremation. In fact, the relatives of the deceased often display their public spirit by saying, "Don't mind my boy. Go ahead and dance." The wailing for the dead in the ceremonial house is sometimes inaugurated by a brief address by the chief or his speaker, somewhat as follows: "Your friend is dead. Cry. You are now going to cry. All cry together, women and men. If you get tired, say so; then we will go and burn him.' Sometimes the speech is preceded by remarks about the deceased by various good speakers. HOHI The kind of mourning described above marks the death of an ordinary person or of people in certain posi- tions, namely, a speaker (yeyichbe), wizard (tuyuku), or sucking doctor (koyabi). For people of note-a chief, a dancer, a clown, a singer, a drummer, or certain kinds of shamans-the hohi dance is performed, taking the place of the usual wailing and dancing. It is danced either in the dwelling of the deceased or in the ceremon- ial house. The crowd of mourners dances, counterclock- wise, around the body, as at an ordinary funeral. Four singers are chosen for the dance by the chief in charge of the funeral, and the leader of the singers in turn chooses the dancers (hohibek)-six men and four or six women. At the opening of the dance only the women dancers and the mourners are inside the house; the men dancers [310] and the singers are outside. The singers sing first side; the song cannot be translated. When the speake hears them, he orders the mourners in the house to' wailing and dancing. After the song, the singers, fo by the men dancers, enter, and take their positions, four in a row, on one side of the ceremonial house; dwelling house they stand near a wall. The six men, cers stand behind them, also in a row. The dancers are dressed in ordinary clothes. Ea woman dancer carries an article belonging to the de She holds it in front of her with both hands, just abo level of her head as she dances, alternately raising lowering each arm slightly. When the words and rh of the song are changed, the women swing the object carry from side to side in front of them for a mome If the ceremony takes place in the dwelling house, tb' women dancers dance to the right around the body. is in a ceremonial house, however, the body is not p in the center, and the women dance around the fireM in the same counterclockwise direction. The body placed anywhere except in the center of the ceremo house; usually it is at one side or near the drum. The dancers and singers, holding their arms up a forty-five degree angle, wave their arms slightly as turn their bodies gently from side to side without lifl their feet from the ground. They bend their knees a as they raise and lower their heels, always keeping toes on the ground and coming down hard with their When they halt, they drop their arms at their sides. men dance in place behind the singers. The hohi, like most Miwok dances, is divided by c monial rests into four movements or dance figures, though sometimes there are more. During these rest, vals the mourners give vent to their grief, wailing a dancing or stamping the feet as at an ordinary funera circling to the right around the body. The singers an dancers join in this. This general mourning, like the itself, is broken by ceremonial rests, so that it also lows the pattern of four ceremonial parts. When the dance begins again, after the general mourning, the ence sits down. This alternation of dance and wailing be kept up all night. The mourning stops only at thed cretion of the speaker, who acts for the chief in char The wailing and dancing of the mourners continues d and night until the disposal of the body. There are certain variations of the hohi, accordin the dead man's position in life. For example, if the d' ceased was a Rattlesnake shaman, there are four SiD but no dancers. A shaman (sokosbe, "rattler") takes' place of the dancers and cries and dances around the shaking a short (5-inch) single-cocoon rattle (sokoss. He is followed by all the mourners who wish to wail dance, as he dances to the right around the body in a ing posture, turning from side to side. His performt is punctuated by the customary four stops. In the hohi for a Coyote shaman two men dance and sing. The two dancers carry some of the dead ma property, holding it high in front of them, as the wom dancers do in the typical hohi. These dancers are fol- lowed by the wailing mourners. In the hohi for a Bear shaman (uzume) there are al GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES two singers and two dancers. The latter carry a bear skin stretched between them with the hair up, one man holding the hind legs, the other the front legs. The men [face each other, so that one is dancing backwards. They :,dance around the body to the right, swinging the bear skin from side to side. They take the four ceremonial rests. Later they repeat the performance at the funeral e during the burning of the body anid property of the ceased. Here, too, the ceremonial stops are made. s they stop for the fourth time they sling the bear hide on to the fire. After that everyone dances, wailing, around the flaming pyre. The last hohi danced at Chakachino village, about 1894, was for a half-breed girl named Hateya, nearly eteen years old. She had taken the part of osabe in kuksuyu dance and because of her participation, her eral was out of the ordinary. A description of the ral provides a detailed account of the hohi funeral eremony for a dancer. Hateya had merely substituted r the man who, dressed as a woman, usually took the t of osabe in the kuksuyu dance. At Hateya's barial costumes of all three of the regular participants in kuksuyu dance were buried with her, including the stumes of kuksuyu himself, mochilo, and the regular abe dancer. 17 Hateya's body lay in a modern coffin in her mother's house. The kuksuyu dancer, whose name was Yeleyu, followed by the regular osabe dancer, a man called Wininu, circled the coffin counterclockwise, wailing, and many people who were wailing for the dead girl followed them. The osabe had a single-bone whistle, which he blew frequently. The mochilo dancer, Kutat- cha, danced near the door and not with the procession of dancers; he carried no whistle. Each time the kuk- suyu dancer rested, all the people stopped too. At each rest interval, he took off his costume and laid it lengthwise on top of the coffin, wailing anew as he did so. When ready to dance again, he donned his costume gain. The mochilo and the osabe wore flicker head- ands, but not costumes; their costumes were laid on p of the coffin during the dance indoors. When the dy was removed to the burial place, these costumes the mochilo and osabe were carried out on top of coffin. As the coffin was carried along, mochilo danced in t of it while osabe brought up the rear. Kuksuyu, o had kept his costume on, but rolled up on his head, ced all around the coffin. After it had been laid r the grave, before being lowered into the groLund, danced four times around it to the right, starting stopping at its head each time, while all the people ed. After the fourth circuit the kuksuyu doffed his tume and laid it upon the coffin. The speaker, Hat- , made a speech saying that it would be the last e that they would see the girl and that they would er again see the kuksuyu dance at Chakachino. The suyu dance has not been performed there since. CREMATION cremation of the body follows the mourning for the ed and usually takes place in the morning, the pyre usually about five feet high, being lighted as a rule nine and eleven o'clock. The day before, the rlier times, before cremation was abandoned, the paraphernalia rs was not buried or burned. Instead, it was weighted down with d sunk in a river or stream. courier (liwape) tells four men to gather wood for the pyre. The dead person is dressed in his ordinary clothes and the body lies on a hide during the mourning in the house. After- wards the four men (sunupbek) who got the wood carry it to the burning-place (sikayabu) on a litter (tak'u) made of four parallel sticks with a cross bar near each end. It is laid on a hide on the ground near the funeral pyre and is later placed on the pyre, which is ignited by the funeral fire tender. When the body has been mostly consumed by the flames, the litter is thrown on the fire. The funeral fire tender and the four men who act as carriers have to remain until the body is completely con- sumed. The fire tender has a long pole with which he turns the body as it burns. He has also to tend the fire, putting on the wood which the carriers bring. A burning started at nine o'clock in the morning usually lasts until two or three in the afternoon. The mourners dance around the body while it lies on the ground, and sometimes around the burning pyre. They always make the ceremonial four stops, and if a hohi has been danced indoors for the person, the dance is repeated at the burning-place. The speaker (yeyichbe) also orates about the dead person. An ordinary man's property, that is, the property of a person for whom no hohi is danced, is burned, not at the time of the cremation, but four days later at either sun- rise or sunset, when it is destroyed by the speaker or the courier. There is no special burning-place for this. At the cremation, however, the man's relatives and friends may throw some of their own property into the flames. As a rule, only people from the village attend the burning of the dead man's property. At this time, too, the house of the deceased is burned, the fireplace being carefully filled with dirt and leveled off first. If the deceased is a chief, the ceremonial house is burned also. The house of a person for whom the hohi has been danced is destroyed in the same way four days after his cremation. The other property, however, is burned on the funeral pyre. Here there seems to be some variation in the procedure. The property of a shaman is placed by the speaker on the funeral pyre at the end of the fourth period of singing at the burning-place, after the body has been committed to the flames. Sometimes the speaker re- ceives the property from the hohi dancers as they pass by him in the dance at the burning-place. He may make a pile of it and throw it on the fire bit by bit. Sometimes he waits and places it on the fire after the mourners have left. Only the dead man's property is thus thrown on the fire by the speaker. This burning of property at a funeral is called busa. The animals belonging to the deceased are killed by his male relatives before his body is put on the pyre. Just as soon as the speaker finishes burning the prop- erty, and before the body is entirely consumed, he and several assistants (at the most five or six) proceed to wash the mourners. The fact that the speaker has handled the dead person's property does not keep him from wash- ing the mourners; for he has not touched the corpse. Later the people who have been washed pay the speaker. He shows the property thus collected to the chief, and it is then di- vided among the washers and the wood and water carriers. The chief receives nothing. The speaker, the funeral fire tender, and the four car- riers or pallbearers are washed last. Each one actually gets into the large water basket and is washed and rubbed all over with mugwort. A speaker from another village who has thus far not taken part in the ceremonies washes these participants. It is believed that if the people who have been in closest contact with the dead are not washed they will become ill. 311 312 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS At the burning-place a round hole (called luwata) is dug about three feet in depth and a foot and a half in diameter. On the morning after the cremation, two of the dead man's relatives, or, if he has none, the speaker, scrape the ashes into this hole. On the fourth day after the cremation, the same persons (always two) take ashes from the fire in the ceremonial house and cover the bones in the hole. Stems of mugwort are then laid over the ashes, and the pit is covered with bark until the next cremation, when it is opened again. The hole may thus be used many times before it is full, when another is dug close beside it. If a brother or sister or other near relative lives at a distance and is unable to attend the funeral, the fire is allowed to go out after the limbs, head, and abdomen are consumed. The torso containing the heart is saved; this is called kula. The relatives of the deceased tie up the kula in two tanned deer hides and then place it in a burden basket. One relative, either a man or a woman, carries the basket to the village of the distant relative. Many people may accompany the kula, but only one per- son carries it. However, the usual ceremonies are carried out at the village where the person died, as described above, even though part of the corpse may be taken elsewhere. When the kula arrives at the distant village, cere- monies are performed there exactly as though the per- son had died at that village. The chief of the place has his speaker supervise everything, just as is done in the home village of the deceased. If the hohi dance has been performed there for the dead, it is now repeated. The kula is sometimes kept for two days while the mourning goes on. The courier of the village sends carriers for wood just exactly as is done at the home village of the deceased. The funeral pyre for the kula, however, is not made quite so high as for the entire body; it may be only about four feet high. One of the first things done when the kula arrives at its destination is to wrap it in dry tule, making a long roughly human-shaped bundle. This effigy is meant to represent the deceased and is called miwiuye (cf. miwuk, "person"). It is treated exactly like the original corpse, being carried on a litter to the burning-place. The whole ceremony is conducted as though a whole body were being cremated. The preceding account of the Miwok disposal of the dead is derived from the Jamestown informant, Tom Williams. Higher in the mountains, in the vicinity of Tuolumne and Groveland (Pigliku or Big Creek), the customs seem to vary a bit, although they are essentially the same. The following comments are from Tuolumne and Big Creek informants. According to them the body is not allowed to be consumed entirely by the flames. The heart is saved and placed with the bones in a large basket. The cremation begins in the morning; the cal- cined bones are collected in the evening. Offerings of I beads, shells, and baskets are placed with the heart cremated remains in a large basket which is kept in ceremonial house for one night while the wailing con In the morning the basket is buried. The houses and erty of the deceased are destroyed by fire. His dome animals are killed. The meat of the animals, except is cooked and eaten. One informant said that the ani are killed so that they may accompany their master. informant's father had three dogs which always acco panied him and they were killed at his funeral. Mourning relatives may put pitch upon their faces wear it until the mourning ceremony (yame) a year 1l Sometimes it is renewed at that time for another year two. One Big Creek informant said that the litter for dead was not used in old times but that the dead were carried from the ceremonial house in a "blanket," by which he probably meant hides. Not infrequently femr relatives try to immolate themselves upon the burnin pyre. They are prevented from doing so by the other mourners, who restrain them and lead them wailing around the pyre. At the time the basket of remains is buried, the chi in charge makes the following speech after the basket been set in the hole: This is the last of the body, whatever may be. forever. He is no more. Whoever wants to mourn year, two years, may. He is gone, gone forever. Whence has he gone? In the heaven. That is what w say. This is what the ancients said. We are the last ones. That is what the ancients said: "We are all going to heaven.' We will all follow, everyone afte a while. Good-bye forever. Because of American influence, cremation is no lo practised. Burials are now carried out with similar c monies. All go to the burying place. Four or five men are appointed to dig the grave, and the body is carried from the house by four or six men. People are buried their best clothes, and money is put over the eyes and in the mouth. There is a general wailing at the grave, ordered by the chief in charge. "You had better come and cry; you will see him no more," the chief will say. Following the funeral, the people are washed, water moiety people washing land moiety people and vice ver The mourners place ashes on the grave before dawn, on the morning after a cremation or burial. This custo is called sikya. In May, 1923, while I was doing ethno- graphic work at Tuolumne, a woman died and this was done. In the old days after a cremation, and nowadays afte a burial, the ceremony of epetu is performed. Each of the chief mourners lies face down on the grave and his back is pressed from head to foot by people of the oppol site moiety. The purpose of epetu is to ward off illness from the mourners. MEMORIAL CEREMONIES YALKA A widow or widower (the term for either is wigume) is confined for a period of two months after the death of the spouse, eating only vegetable food and being allowed out of the house only at night. Immediately after the death, the wigume is confined in a neighboring house and does not attend the funeral. A widow is locked up by her brother-in-law, a widower by his sister-in-law and mother-in-law. This confinement is called oknunup. A widow is looked after by an old woman of her dead husband's family, in whose house she is confined. Her husband's sister singes her hair with a burning stick a puts her skirt around her neck over her shoulders, leav ing her body exposed below. She wears her hair short until she dies or marries again. A widower is treated I II I i i I A 11 I C: GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES .caretaker being an old man of his dead *His hair is singed and his garments this neck by his wife's brother. In the widow and widower the hair is singed ,.the moiety of the deceased. It is a ques- lood relationship or moiety membership ng factor. The care of the bereaved ver, is the duty of some old member of Ins family, not the brother-in-law or hunters (hayapong lemingbek) keep track ent of the wigume and, as the time for aches, they suggest to the chief that the reed. The chief makes a number of mes- probably four, with ten knots in each, each for a day. These are invitations to the cere- igume's release. The chief's messengers neighboring villages. As each day passes, d by the recipients until the time comes - In the meantime the chief's hunters kill the visitors at the ceremony. se ceremony, which in some ways resembles me), is called yalka and takes place in the fuse on two successive nights. There are ing the day, and no property is destroyed. ceremonial acts of the yalka, the wigume is the sister or brother of the dead spouse-her w attending a widow, his brother-in-law a mother-in-law may take the place of the w or a father-in-law may substitute for the law. On the first night of the ceremony the lative brings the wigume from the house been confined and holds him during the the ceremonial house. The wigume wears ent about his neck (a widow puts on a new er her nakedness). The wailing is repeated making the ritual four. Then the wigume is to the place of confinement for a while and k. again, when there are four more periods After that the wigume is locked up again. The is the same for either widow or widower. rmance is repeated on the second night, but wigume is taken by the attending relative to house and washed. The rest of the mourners outside the ceremonial house as is done at the at the cry (yame). r widower who marries again is called elume. is back on his new spouse during the first a believed the latter will die very soon. If the ever, is also a wigume, it does not matter no his back on the other. The idea is that the nce of one will counteract that of the other. umne informant said that a widower is sweated ster-in-law in a small dwelling or sweathouse. t he is confined for two months, going out only neither speaking to nor looking at a woman. At the period the yalka is held as described above, dower is washed. After that he may proceed pordinary occupation. A month or two after the may marry his deceased wife's sister. YAME yame, or cry, as the mourning ceremony is called, ,about one year after a death, the exact time being F the chief. It may last for only one night, but it goes on for four nights, the limit being six. Dur- day the people play gambling games (especially hand games), eat, and sleep. The cry is sometimes fol- lowed by dances that lack the mourning element. Often, but not always, property is destroyed during a cry. It is not the deceased's property, but is brought by relatives or is donated by the chief or by friends, both friends at home and from a distance. The cry is held in the cere- monial house, but the property is burned and the mourn- ers are washed elsewhere. A cry is not always held at the native village of the deceased. The half-breed girl, Hateya, died at her own village, Chakachino (near Jamestown), but cries were held for her at Newichu (Murphys) and Hunga (Bald Rock), not at Chakachino. Although the cry commemorates the death of some one person, the participants think about their own dead relatives during the ceremony. Occasion- ally, when two or more people die about the same time, a cry is held for them jointly. A cry is also held to dedi- cate a new ceremonial house, provided the ceremonial house is the first one built after the death of the chief of the village. This cry, however, may take place several years after the chief's death. If the cry is for a near relative of a chief, he himself cannot supervise it; some other chief does this. If, how- ever, someone who is not his relative dies in his village, a chief may supervise the cry. When a chief makes up his mind to have a cry at his own villlage, he or his speak- er (yeyichbe) goes around to the houses of his people and tells them of his intentions. After that the speaker climbs to the top of the ceremonial house and shouts to the people about the plans, telling them to enter the ceremonial house immediately. When the people are assembled in the cere- monial house, the speaker talks to them further about the proposed cry. When Tom Williams, chief at Chakachino, had such a cry for his wife's brother, three invitation strings were made with eight knots each. (One informant said that the strings were of buckskin.) Tom sent these out by messen- gers. He sent his speaker with one knotted string to Knights Ferry. The chief, George Anderson (Sitni), of Ward's Ferry took a second string to Bald Rock. There it was received by the chief Yanapayak, who relayed it with a new one to the chief at Big Creek near Groveland. Yanapayak sent his own speaker with the new knotted string which he made. The third string Tom Williams sent by his courier to Kotoplana, north of Table Mountain. From Table Mountain the message was relayed by a new string to Newichu (Murphys). Sometimes the knotted strings for a cry are sent out twenty or twenty-five days in advance. An assemblage of three or four hundred people for a cry is not unusual. The chief selects ten men to bring wood for the fire, which is kept burning in the ceremonial house during the cry. Four small pines are burned around and felled and are set up in the middle of the house to form the corners of a small pyramid. They are then covered with brush. The fire is lighted in the daytime before the first night's cry by a man selected for this purpose, possibly the funeral fire tender. (If this official dies, his brother takes his place.) The visitors all arrive on the afternoon before the cry is to begin. Children are brought but usually do not take part. The visitors are first served with food just before sundown, in the same way as at the kuksuyu ceremony (pp. 269-270). This first meal is calledhenumnup. The crybegins in the evening after the people have assembled in the cere- monial house. The speaker or the chief of the host village speaks first. He mentions the person for whom the cry is being held, makes a few remarks about him, and tells the people to think about their own relatives when they cry. 313 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS At the end of this speech he bids them wail. The speech often ends with the words, "Achitet. Okasuti" ("Get up. Cry"). Then the chief begins to walk around to the right. A speech delivered in Miwok on the occasion of a cry was recorded on the phonograph by Tom Williams, my Jamestown informant. A translation follows. Get in. Get in. This is the last time. Men, women, all together. All go in together to sing about our dead people. All of those things which the chief said, which all of the old chiefs said. What the chiefs said in early days we follow, all that they said. All of those chiefs in the early days we follow now. This was said a long time before they died, before they died. Now, now, get in. Come in a little while. Sing about our fathers and our mothers since they are dead. The chief said this in early days when he was worrying over his people, when he was worrying over his people, so that everybody might have a good time. The chief used to talk a long while between the crowds, when he called his people inside the ceremonial house so that they might have a good time afterwards. All of those things which the chief of early days used to say are those which we now follow. Chiefs, two or three chiefs, after they get together and when they preach, chiefs after they get together and when they speak, when they speak, used to make the people cry. The chief a long time ago used to make the people cry. Nowadays they do not cry. The young people do not heed what the chief says to them nowadays. A half a night the chief talked in early days when he gathered the people together. In early days the chief would say: "After we have had this cry, we can take a rest, stop crying. After this cry when night comes and day comes, we will have a fiesta. People are worrying over their fathers and mothers and brothers, so that they can have a big cry, so that they can have a big cry when the day is come, when the day is come. They cry night and day. Now you can have a cry for half a night," the chief said in early days. "Have a cry for half a night, half a night," is what the chief used to say in early days. The chief used to say all of that when he gave a cry. The chief knew how to cry. Nowadays the chief does not cry like the chiefs in early days. The chief is ashamed nowadays. The chief is ashamed nowadays to cry, to cry. All of you people get ready. Get ready. We will have a big cry. We will have a big cry. All of you men, all of you men, come in. We are going to have a cry. All of you women, I guess you have the things ready. Come in. We will get together and sing about our fathers and our mothers. They are gone. No one ever helped us after our fathers, our mothers, and our brothers were gone. We shall never see them again. All get together and come in. Come in. Do not be ashamed to come in. Do not be ashamed to cry. Do not be ashamed to cry. No one will laugh at you. No one will talk about you. All of you come in. All of the people have gone under the ground, all of the chiefs whom we follow. All of the people and the chiefs, those who understand how to cry, are gone. The chiefs are gone, the ones who always talked at a cry. We do not see them any more. Now the chief is ashamed to say anything. Come in, all of you men, come in. Do not be ashamed. Come in. Get ready. We will have a cry. We will have a cry so that we can go out and have a good time afterwards. Go out and work for us. Do not say, "No:' Do not say, "I am ashamed:' "We will all get together'" the chief used to say in those early days. Now the chief is ashamed to say anything and his peoo are ashamed to cry. After he got to the top of the cer4 monial house, after he got to the middle of the cere- monial house, he used to say those things in early dac Three or four chiefs, when they spoke, went to the 4 middle of the ceremonial house and they used to makj the people cry. Nowadays they are ashamed to cry. They do not heed what the chief says. Get ready. Geti ready. When the chief said that in early days, the 4 people used to get together. Ready. Ready. We are going to start. Do not bece ashamed. Everybody get up. Everybody get up. Ret get up. Do not be ashamed. Do not be ashamed. Our fathers are gone, our mothers are gone. Do not bec ashamed. Everybody get up together. No one will la at you. No one will watch you. Our fathers have died Our mothers have died. They are all gone. We will never see them again. We will never see them agai All get together. We will cry. Do not be ashamed. you can have a good time, so you can have a good ti So you can go out, so you can go out, and do whatev you please. Have a good time by yourself. That is w the chief used to say in the early days, when he talk to his people. They used to heed what he said. Now I they do not heed what the chief says. That was what the chief said when he told his people: "Get ready. Now get ready. We will cry. We will cry. Get ready;4 We will cry. We will think about our fathers and our" mothers. We will miss our brothers." Well, we will cry. We will follow the customs of our ancestors in the early days. Now they are gone under the ground, our ancestors, whom we are following. That is what the chief said in early days, when he told the people1 "We are following the customs of our ancestors, doi what they used to do a long time ago." He said this he got up on top of the ceremonial house. Now he is gone. He is gone. We shall never see him again, he reached the middle of the ceremonial house he us to speak. His people used to heed him. New chiefs do the same as the ancient chiefs used to do, chiefs used to do. He said then, when he told his people to cry, "Now we will get up, get up. We will cry. Our chief is gone, left us behind. All get up, men, wo Altogether, get up and cry. Cry because our chiefi gone. We will never see him again. He is gone, gO In the morning be ready, for they are going to wash Do not become ashamed. Do not run away when the come to get you. Get ready. Have your baskets and arrows ready in the morning. That is what the chie said, what the chief said in early days. When the cry starts, the wailing is kept up for near an hour before a rest is ordered. Each person, howev rests for about a minute out of every two or three, us standing still. The people circle around the fire to the right, stamping and wailing. Some leaves of mugwort be inserted in the nostrils to keep the nasal passages but the practice is not so obvious as at a funeral. Som the people dance fast, others slowly, while still other just walk around. There is no singing. The cry starts early in the evening and usually ends about the middle the night, when the participants sleep. From two to fo ceremonial rests of about one half-hour each usuallyb the cry, the speaker in charge calling a halt by shou "Toakach" ("Sit down"). When the cry comes to an e the chief of the village goes around and talks to the va visiting chiefs. Many of the visitors sleep in the cere ial house, others in the dwelling houses with the peopi the host village. Some people sleep while the cry is in1 I I i 314 GIFFORD: CENTRAL MIWOK CEREMONIES progress, taking turns with others at crying. On the following day the guests are given more food. ring the day they visit and talk with one another, and Fometimes games are played. The speaker of the host lage makes speeches to the various visiting chiefs. In summer the cry begins each evening about seven r eight and is kept up until twelve or one. On the second ht there are usually five or six rests, instead of from to four. At the end of the cry on the second night the aker makes a speech about sleeping. The chief of the st village does not visit the chiefs of the other villages in as he did the first night. The next day is a repeti- n of the previous one, and the third night of the cry is e the second night. The fourth day repeats the occur- nces of the two previous days. On the fourth night the ple cry as before except that the speaker makes an ress at the end of the cry, saying that it is over and tin the morning the people will be washed: "Hoyeno sim" ("To-morrow we wash"). Each succeeding evening the speaker makes a speech he did on the second evening, telling the people to rest sleep for the rest of the night. If the cry is being en for the relative of a chief who lives at a distance, t chief on the last night tells his own speaker to ex- s8 to the speaker of the host village his gratitude, to say that he does not want to tire the people and, that reason, the host speaker had better call a halt. e host speaker, first conferring with his own chief, orporates the visiting chief's message in his speech ich ends the cry. One informant gave the following the order to end the cry: "Nochut okasiti. Hoyeno etokong" ("No more cry. To-morrow we dance play]"), a reference to the festivities that sometimes ow the washing of the mourners. A sample of a brief speech was given by one informant. We are through crying. To-morrow we are going to wash. The people will wash us. When they are through you can pay them whatever you have, a dollar or fifty cents. At the cry given at Chakachino for the father-in-law my informant, Tom Williams, no property was burned. ry at which property is destroyed is given only by a ef who is related to the deceased or in whose village deceased lived. This chief invites a chief of some r village to come to the cry for the special purpose estroying the property. He sends this invitation by speaker, the verbal message being accompanied by usual knotted string. The speaker tells the distant ef that his own chief wants him to come and burn the perty. The property is burned on either the third or th night immediately following sL ndown. The chief burns the property on such an occasion has charge e washing of the mourners also. The actual burning t supervised by the distant chief directly, but by speaker. It takes place outside, but quite close to, ceremonial house. The property is provided by the gers where the cry takes place and by the relatives friends of the deceased, both those at home and those a distance. Each person offers whatever he cares The visitors from other villages, carrying presents, ce around the fire to the right, crying and wailing. people of the village where the cry is given stand to side, wailing and dancing; they do not go around the but dance where they stand. They and the relatives e deceased give property to be destroyed to the chief e host village, who turns it over to the chief from a ance, who is in charge of the burning. Four stops or ceremonial rests are made in the dancing about the fire. After the fourth stop the speaker, who is managing the affair, stops dancing and stands still. He throws the prop- erty he is carrying on the fire. As the visitors pass, danc- ing and crying, he takes from them the articles they carry and casts them into the fire. He lets each piece burn out pretty well before he puts on the next. This is continued until all the presents are burned, while the host people cry and dance in place. After the burning is over, every- one goes into the ceremonial house to continue the cry. Sometimes the valuables are burned on the morning of the fifth day, just before the washing of the people; in fact, the washing sometimes starts before the burning is finished. Whether or not any property is destroyed, the washing of the mourners begins before sunrise. Eight or ten of the visitors, both men and women, heat water by means of hot stones in three or four large baskets, which are about three feet high, and put niugwort in the water. These visi- tors, called mulukbek ("washers"), are appointed by the chief in charge, one who has had no relatives die lately. The speaker and messenger of the chief in charge pick up the chief of the host village and carry him to the washing place. Sometimes his face is washed by one man while he is still held on the back of the other. After he is washed he is put down, and the visiting speaker, who has managed the burning, escorts him to his house. Next the speaker and messenger of the host village are washed. Other people are not carried like the chief to the washing place, nor are they conducted home afterwards. This is an honor paid only to the village chief, the host. The washers hunt up the residents and visitors wherever they are and escort them to the baskets of water, where they are washed and their faces are rubbed with a handful of mugwort. Sometimes, too, the water is dipped from the large basket and poured over the person. Each person sucks a piece of aromatic herb called chute, which he then spits back into the large basket. Sometimes this herb is rubbed on the head also, the purpose being to prevent dreams about the deceased. At Big Creek, especially, washers of one moiety wash people of the opposite moiety. Elsewhere the reciprocal relations of the moieties are not so strictly observed. After everyone is washed, the resident speaker makes a speech from the top of the ceremonial house, telling the people to remember who washed them and to pay whatever they can afford. The washers then go inside the ceremonial house and sit down at one side. The people who have been washed enter and place in front of their respective washers whatever presents they wish to make, usually giving bows, arrows, beads, or baskets. Nowadays twenty-five or fifty cents is usually paid each washer. After all are paid, the washers give the presents to the supervising chief, who has appointed them. This chief has beside him his own speaker, who has supervised the washing, and who now divides the presents among the washers and water carriers (welupek). Any exceptionally fine bows and arrows or large baskets he puts to one side for his chief. At the cry at Chakachino for Tom Williams' brother-in- law, the Big Creek chief had charge of the washing of the people. If the cry had not been for one of Tom's relatives, he himself would have had charge of the washing through his own speaker. The Big Creek chief simply took the task upon himself, since it was incumbent upon one of the visit- ing chiefs to do so. At this cry no property was destroyed. If the washing had been carried out under the direction of Tom and his speaker, the speaker would have washed the visiting chiefs first. At this cry the Bald Rock chief, Yana- payak, washed the Big Creek chief after everyone else had been washed. I 315 316 ANTHROPOLOG] On the night following the washing of the mourners a feast called kotumahi is held in the ceremonial house. If the relatives of the deceased wish to continue mourn- ing after the cry, they are at perfect liberty to do so, in [IC kL RECORDS which case they are not washed until the next cry.4 person is hurt at a cry, the people wail for him dance around him in the ceremonial house. A sha also helps to cure or heal him. CONCLUSION In reading over my discussion of "Miwok Cults," pub- lished in 1926, I see no reason to modify its interpreta- tions, which were based on a study of the data presented "here in detail. It may therefore serve as conclusion for the present paper. In 1926 I stressed two probable sources of origin: a southern origin for a bird cult, a northern or stern origin for a god-impersonating cult. An attempt was made to classify the god-impersonating dances on a ronological basis. Additional evidence of the late appearance of some ces and the antiquity of others is given by the state- ents of informants concerning certain villages at which early dances were supplemented by new ones from foothills or from the valley and delta regions. Thus in 923 the informant Louis, of Knights Ferry, ascribed a ditional western origin (probably Plains Miwok, Yokuts, Costanoan) to certain Central Miwok dances, all of ch had been acquired before his birth; he named kuk- , uzumati, temayasu, tula, mochilasi, mamasu, pela, lileusi, akantoto, and woochi. Louis said that se dances were performed in earlier times at Lukusu, iwok village downstream from Knights Ferry, whose itants moved, under American pressure, to Knights ry. The chronological sequence of dances referred to in earlier paper on "Miwok Cults" (1926, pp. 393, 398, is indicated by the limited number of dances held, re the introduction of the kuksuyu series of dances, ertain villages which were nena, or origin places. examples follow. Hangwite (Kroeber, 1925, pl. 37, no. 55) only kalea danced in pre-American times. At Pangasemanu eber, 1925, pl. 37, no. 78) only kalea and aletu were ed. At Pota (Kroeber, 1925, pl. 37, no. 69) they had the pota before Americans came; the kuksuyu was danced there. At Selumeti only aletu was danced; s performed outdoors, not in the assembly house At Sukanola (Kroeber, 1925, pl. 37, no. 79) only was danced in the assembly house. At Walapkayu Lalea was danced. At Kotolasaku there were no dances in Tom Williams' time. He also stated that at the villages near Jamestown only kalea and mamasu were danced prior to the introduction of the kuksuyu series from Knights Ferry. There were no dances in the assem- bly house at Akanga, so far as Tom Williams knew; only hand games and feasts were held in it. However, an Akanga man named Wosta introduced the mamasu dance at Suchumumu (Kroeber, 1925, pl. 37, no. 63). Kroeber (1932, pp. 416-417 ) disagrees with my eleva- tion of the ceremonies involving birds to the rank of a cult. His opinion is not a denial of the facts but consti- tutes, rather, a different interpretation of their signifi- cance. He points out the wide distribution in parts of southern California, the Great Basin, the Pueblo area, and northern Mexico of ceremonialism involving the use of birds. Since the appearance of my 1926 paper archaeological finds of raptorial burials have strengthened the validity of the theory of an ancient bird cult. Heizer and Hewes published in 1940 a paper on "Animal Ceremonialism in Central California in the Light of Archaeology," in which burials of condor, eagle, and hawk, as well as certain mammals are recorded. These have a respectable antiquity since they occur not only in deposits of the archaeologically Late period, but also in the Transi- tional and Early periods. In 1953, a University of Cali- fornia field class recovered the complete skeletons of two turkey vultures (Cathartes aura)18 which had been buried with a young woman at a depth of 54 inches in site 138, Contra Costa County. One was an adult bird, the other a fledgling not yet able to fly. According to Pro- fessor Alden H. Miller, of the Department of Zoology of the University of California, who kindly identified the birds, the fact that the fledgling was too young to fly indi- cates that the burial was made about June or July. The depth and the absence of clamshell-disk beads and Phase 2 olivella beads suggest Phase 1 of the Late horizon, hence a prehistoric burial. 18 University of California Museum of Anthropology catalogue nos. 1-206206 and 1-206207. [317] WORKS CITED Abbreviations AA American Anthropologist. Menasha, Wis. 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