ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 13 WORLD RENEWAL A Cult System of Native Northwest California BY A. L. KROEBER AND E. W. GIFFORD UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES 1949 WORLD RENEWAL A CULT SYSTEM OF NATIVE NORTHWEST CALIFORNIA BY A. L. KROEBER AND E. W. GIFFORD ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Vol. 13, No. 1 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS EDIroRS: E. W. GIFFORD, R. F. HEIZER, R. H. LOWIE, R. L. OLSON Vol. 13, No. 1, pp. 1-156, 2 maps, 3 figures in text, plates 1-7 Submitted by editors August 27, 1948 Issued November 16, 1949 Price, $2.50 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES CALIFORNIA CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON, ENGLAND MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA Mtion (Kroeber) rok ceremonies (Gifford) ias used . . .. . . . . . uarok calendar . lnam (Gifford) l1minary stone piling. a ceremony . j ceremony . Katixnin (Gifford). i from Mary Ike 3unt by former priest, Shan Davis is of Katimin priestesses ,ceremony: observations . . . id living house and sweathouse ,skin-Dance Dance. ,collected in 1902 (Kroeber) Amaikiaram (Gifford) .... t Salmon Ceremony r-oeber data: LI, informant (1902) mXg Dance. ata collected in 1902 (Kroeber) iship of Dances. Panamenik (Gifford) . ceremony. pkin Dance "akimilding (Gifford) *1 Acorn Feast. ecount by Mary Socktish boervation, 1901 (Kroeber) t Salmon Ceremony Dam Ceremony . . . . . . tEel Ceremony . . . .. maping Dances mping Dance of 1901: observation ierskin Dance Tship of dances and ceremonies 1941 (Kroeber). Weitspus (Kroeber). rite as a whole. tary of prayers and dances, RS skin Dance of 1901: observation Lg Dance of 1901: observation tog spots, LB *rmula, LB . ftom the formulist, St Ks data from WF. $acred places: review . Eepel (Kroeber) xis data from Am. )us data from RS. rvation .ucy Thompson account . Rekwon (Kroeber). Our allied Lower Yurok rites Pekwon cerempny. rvations, 1903. ie of ritual, RS, 1939 . . us notes, WF, 1903. ,ucy Thompson account. . CONTENTS * * * e * * * e * * * e * . * @ . . . . . . @ * * * @ * * * * . * * * * @ * * * @ * * * * * @ * * * @ * . . @ * * * @ * * * 0 * * * * * 0 .. . . . * * * @ * * * @ * . @ * * . * * . @ * * * @ * . * * * * * * * @ * * * @ . . . * * * @ * . * * * * * * 0 (Kroeber) * . 0 * . * * * * * * * * . . . * * * . * * * * * * * * . . . * * * . * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * Page 1 6 7 8 10 11 11 13 19 20 21 26 29 30 31 33 33 35 35 39 40 45 45 48 48 54 56 57 57 59 59 60 61 61 62 63 63 63 65 66 66 66 68 71 76 76 78 78 80 81 81 81 82 82 86 86 86 87 87 87 88 iii ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Page - Yurok: Rekwoi (Kroeber) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Systematic account, RS, 1939 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 Notes, JS, 1903 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98 Yurok: Welkwa.u (Kroeber) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .99 Data from JS, 1902. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Data from BB. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 100 Yurok: Orekw (Kroeber) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Dance places, RS, 1939 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101 Yurok: Oket'o (Kroeber) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 Data from several informants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102 Wiyot: Mad River (Kroeber) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104 Conclusion (Gifford) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105 Appendixes I. Interrelations of Karok ceremonies (Kroeber) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111. II. World-renewal myths, collected 1901-1907 (Kroeber) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112 III. Myths recorded by Gifford . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123 IV. Doubtful interpretations and problems (Kroeber) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126 V. Informants ... . . . . . . . . . .. 132 VI. Transcriptions of world-renewal songs (Kroeber) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135 Plates ...................................................................................... -.141 MAPS 1. Sites of World-Renewal Ceremonies and Areas Connected with Each . . . . . . . . . . 2 2. Route of Inam Priest, 1938 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 FIGURES IN TEXT 1. Priest's house, Katimin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 2. Sweathouse, Katimin . . . . . . . . . . . . ; . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30 3. Flint knife from Panamenik. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ay t WORLD RENEWAL i: A CULT SYSTEM OF 4ATIVE NORTHWEST CALIFORNIA BY A. L. KROEBER AND E. W. GIFFORD INTRODUCTION (Kroeber) esent herewith one of the closed systems of na- an religion. It is a system comparable to the '.of central California, the Chungichnish Datura southern California, the Kachina cult of the e secret society of Hamatsa initiations and per- ,of Vancouver Island and northward. Every such *pervaded by a definable pattern, which may ap- sly varied in detail, but yet is felt, by both the in the cult and by outside observers, to con- le coherent scheme. Outside its frame, many Ff the system recur, both in other fields of the es and beyond them in foreign cultures; but the B such is no longer primarily operative. Inter- various tribal or local expressions of the pat- ,never identical, and may in fact vary quite con- It is the fact that in spite of such unlikenesses recognizable as being variants of one pattern, titutes them manifestations of a delimitable s such a system or its pattern recognized and d"? By a synthetic perception, appraisal, or which is essentially intuitional--a subjective in- cqualities or qualitative relations; an apperception ving values, in short. This process does not eidential validation, of course. And it must lead results and be defensible by natural analysis ment. But it seems that the evaluative act of pat- ognition and definition is not cardinally an act of so much as of organized apperception.' ally, the ethnographer is responsible for his pat- ognitions, as a historian is for his. Now the his- es into consideration the opinions of Pericles on eak of the Peloponnesian war, or of Luther on mation; though, if he restricted himself to re- their opinions, he would not be a historian but ompiler. Just so, reflective and articulate native is as much a part of the data which the ethnographer to develop his own formulation as are objectively le acts of behavior and the paraphernalia of a sys- ive opinion may be volunteered or it may be stimu- by discussion or questioning; and sometimes it exists formulated in mythology. Such myth formulations are irse not analytical in the sense of modern science, and brld of scholarship does not take their statements as gin as having any direct value. But their statements a writer believes that patterns can be given a certain sup- en by statistical means if such "objective" validation is sirable; though statistics is probably the least helpful mech- for the finding out of patterns. as to what does and does not belong together in the native culture, as to its organization or systematization, are cer- tainly primary documents of the greatest significance, whether they be accepted outright or need revaluation. The myths in Appendix II, especially numbers 1-4, seem to validate the "world renewal" cult system as we have drawn its limits. Beyond what the native can formulate as to the pattern and purpose of his system of rituals lies a fringe of what the anthropologist can perceive or infer. This includes those aspects of the system which it has lately become fashionable to name "covert." Such are partial likeness- es underlying surface unlikenesses within the system; in- ferences as to the historic development of the system and its external relations; and pertinent modes of behavior and motivations of which native participants remain unaware. Such "deeper" discoverable motivations do not seem to be many In this case: the Indians of northwest California are shrewd and suspicious psychologists of one another, on the ad hoc level. As to behavior, they put into the fore- front of their attention the expected or "ideal" conduct; as well they ought to, in giving information: since with- out defined norm or standard, all deviations and penetra- tions beyond it are meaningless. Of discrepancies between ideal and practice they are potentially well aware, and sometimes, though not always, interested in them. Com- parative analysis and historic inferences are not their business but the anthropologist's. The name of the present system is coined, something like "Sun Dance"; just as Kuksu, Kachina, Hamatsa are actual native names for mere partial constituents, which ethnographers have extended to denote also the whole systems because the natives had no comprehensive desig- nation for those. Around 1900-1905, some of the Karok, the nearer Yurok, and the few whites in the region called two or three of the Karok rites "New Years," in speak- ing English. The term "Pikiavish" was also beginning to be used, as an abbreviation of Isivsanen upikiavish, "world's restoration" or "repair" ("fixing"); and in the Karok region this word is now current, not only among white residents and Indians, but with tourists. The Yurok had no corresponding phrase, and spoke generally in terms of "dances" about their equivalent rites; the Hupa merely list the main parts of their corresponding unit complex, at any rate in English. The esoteric magic and avowed pur- ppoe -of the focal ceremonies comprising the system include reestablishment or firming of the earth, first-fruits ob- servances, new fire, prevention of disease and calamity for another year or biennium. These several motivations, some of which are explicit or alluded to in each of the 1 s. 0 1 2 3 4 5N Map 1. Sites of World-Renewal Ceremonies and Areas Connected with Each KROEBER AND GIFFORD: WORLD RENEWAL local cults, appear to be conveniently suggested by e "world renewal"; but, appropriate or otherwise, only a label which we have manufactured and applied. e of the features that recur through the dozen or so s of the system will now be reviewed--segre- for convenience into esoteric and exoteric traits. institutors are always believed to be individually less members of the prehuman spirit race, who de- or transformed themselves when human beings ad- d to occupy the world. This is the race called ikhareya Karok, kthunnai by the Hupa, woge by the Yurok. ore of the esoteric rite is the recitation of a narra- r dialogue formula repeating the words of these of the past, accompanied somewhat variably by acts metlc magic symbolic of their actions at that time. iormula is recited in segments at a series of speci- ts in a fixed order, by a single priest or formu- ihose title sometimes varies, even within the same according to the particular rite which he con- *.He is purified by prolonged abstention from water, activities, sex contacts; by semi-fasting; and eating in the sweathouse. He blows tobacco crumbs spirits of old, or smokes tobacco, or burns an- root as incense. be acts performed by the formulist are the most va- e portions of the ceremonies as these are made at rnt places. They include the partial rebuilding or r of the timber structure sacred to the dance, as sym- of restrengthening of the world; new fire kindling, Its smoke or flame tabooed to sight of the public; amonlal taking or consuming of salmon or acorns in a Fruit type of rite; long itineraries, or series of them, at which sections of formulas or invocations are or firewood is cut or timbers are felled or fires watching or waking; directing the building of a mock fishing with a pole and line for dentalium and others more. These features of symbolic mag- not only numerous but quite diverse as between dif- ceremonies, though they are scrupulously prescribed d for each. And they occur in the several cere- Fesin varying frequency, emphasis, and combination. h formulist in some rituals has with him a middle- 1male assistant; or one or two girls who may be mar- ,but have not yet had children; or a group of adults, , women, young or old, whom the Yurok call taS, p sing with him at night and in some cases accompany on his itinerary. hhere is at least one structure sacred to each renewal Wor associated with it.2 This may be a dwelling actual- p~blted at other times; or a sweathouse also used r less publicly sacred circumstances; or a special ture hybrid between house and sweathouse in Its hand shape and used or entered only for the ceremony. nclg.takes place indoors, this occurs always only ieparticular living house; and in that event a second ilfled living house serves to "tie up hair," that is, -the dancers to array themselves and practice. In one , In Hupa, a lean-to fence of planks is erected to bve as a "house" for the ancient spirits. In one group rites among the lower Yurok the symbolic magic of ewal is most fully expressed in the rebuilding of the 1Except at Weitspus, where the feature has presumably been t and at Ina'm, where two pits are used which are the pre- iable remains of a former house and sweathouse. sacred ritual structure. Even the weir building at Kepel may be allied in significance within this part of the pat- tern. These ritual buildings represent the focus of an im- pulse toward localization which pervades the system and in fact the whole culture. Everything that is prescribed may and must be done only at a specified spot. This is true equally of indoor and outdoor, of esoteric and exo- teric acts. Hence the formulists' itineraries to named places, the dancers' filing in to stand facing in one direc- tion only under a particular tree or roof. Just as the in- ner, verbal part of each ceremony is attached to an or- dained structure or group of structures in a settlement, and to a series of prayer and offering spots about or near the town, so the dance there is performed repetitively-- and competitively as regards display--by several groups of dancers each representing a settlement or town close by--not more than a few miles away. Strictly, perhaps, this providing of the equipment for a dance Is the privilege of a family or house, or a related group of houses within a settlement, rather than of the un- differentiated town as a whole, since the town does not ordinarily function as a corporate unit. At any rate the privilege and responsibility of providing the equipment for a set of dancers is claimed as right by the descendants of certain houses. This device in one way concentrates recog- nized participation in the system, in another way spreads it. Of well over a hundred and perhaps nearly two hundred Karok, Yurok, and Hupa towns or settlements, only about a dozen held world-renewal rituals--only they might prop- erly make them, in native belief. But these were on the whole the largest towns. Moreover, inclusion of the towns of next size, those which equipped contributory dances, would raise the number of participating settlements to around forty; and these forty would contain more or less half the total population of the three nationalities. Not all of the members of this total population were in publicly recognized personal relation to the ritual system; but they participated at least as minor kinsmen, affinals, neighbors, or friends of those having acknowledged functions. The exoteric, public part of the world-renewal system consists of two dances, colloquially known in English as Jumping and Deerskin. The first alone was performed in six ceremonies; the second, in four;3 both together, in three. The two used different characteristic regalia--wooci- pecker-scalp headbands and dance baskets in the Jumping Dance; albino and other deerskins along with long flint and obsidian blades in the Deerskin. The prescribed steps were quite different, and the songs can always be told apart. However, there is a single word4 which denotes the performing of either dance5 in distinction from all other kinds or ways of dancing6--a word, in short, meaning 3Including the legendary Deerskin Dance at Weikwau whose historic actuality is uncertain; and the ceremony at Ina'm, where Deerskin and War Dance were substituted one for the other in a way which leaves it uncertain which was the more original there. 4Opyuweg in Yurok, wuwuhina in Karok, chitdilya in Hupa. 5Supplementary terms allowed of their being distinguished also. rhus, wonik-u-lego' [up leap] for the Jumping Dance in Yurok. 6The child-curing "Brush" dance is made in a partly dismantled dwelling house, the pain-cooking "Kick" dance for shamans in a sweathouse, the War Dance and Girl's Adolescence Dance out- doors--but they are made in any appropriate structure or spot, not in a particular one predesignated by custom. The same holds for the rare or legendary dances to recover captured souls and re- store and disinfect those who seemingly had died. 3 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS "world-renewal dance" or "major dance" only. The Jump- ing and Deerskin dances shared many of their accessory accoutrements; were both enacted by men standing abreast in one spot, and the whole rank invariably in a prescribed place; and were danced with a slow step to plaintive, word- less tunes sung only by the one to three dancers in the middle of the line. The regalia worn and carried in both were regarded as treasures and together with dentalium shells constituted the main wealth of the tribes, such as was also used in shamans' fees, bride prices, weregild, injury compensations, and inheritance of rank. The two dances gave the owners of the regalia their chief oppor- tunity for public ostentation of treasures: they have accord- ingly been characterized as "wealth-displaying." By con- trast, the dancers were little more than manikins exhib- iting the treasures, and performed for the pleasure of par- ticipation7--though the singers were chosen by informal public esteem for the quality of their voices or melodic inventiveness. Meanwhile, the hereditarily wealthy men of the town and of the customarily associated neighbor towns would be equipping and managing the several sets or parties of dancers. Their wealthy friends from a distance assisted them with voluntary--and reciprocated--contri- bution of dance-wear treasures. These cooperative ar- rangements were determined by personal and family con- nections; they were voluntary and might be abrogated; no one had any prescriptive right or duty to be responsible for a dance party at a distant ritual; but they often did par- ticipate as honored contributors visiting fifty miles and -more away from home. The two major dances always were repeated; usually for one or two or occasionally up to five days by the Karok, for ten to sixteen days among the Hupa and Yurok. Each song lasted perhaps three minutes, on the average. But each set or party ordinarily danced to three songs on each appearance; it might appear two or three times on one day; and there might be up to five parties participating. The number of separate dances--or songs--on one day might thus range from two or three to thirty or perhaps fifty. The considerable monotony of performance that might easily accumulate in a series of days was lessened by two factors. One of these was a slow but steady increase in the number of dancers, in the spiritedness of their per- formance, and in the gorgeousness of their apparel: every- thing worked toward a deferred climax of effect. The sec- ond device was the introduction of minor variations into the dance: such as changes of locale by means of progres- sive stations in a journey; or an approach made by danc- ing in boats; or a special figure or effect in a final dance. Though the dances are rigorously bound by the sanc- tions of hallowed custom to particular manners, para- phernalia, and spots, there is almost nothing in these man- ners and features that is magically expressive, or sym- bolic, in the way that the esoteric parts of the rituals are symbolically magical. The dress and actions of the dancers, the wordless songs, are almost wholly "arbitrary," in the sense that they have no reference or ulterior mean- ing, either to the natives or ourselves. An occasional ex- ception, such as the statement that the stamping of the dancers helps to firm and reestablish the earth, seems secondary and is generic. All in all, the special character- 7They were poor men, youngish men, youths, and boys. Treas- ure-owners were not debarred, but would ordinarily feel too dig- nified or occupied to dance. istics of the dances have evidently been developed large out of the technological, accumulative, and wealth-emp sizing tendencies of the culture, and have then become sociated with its magico-symbolic system; the nexus or functional relation of the two remaining an extrinsic or cidental one; though apparently not less close and compe ling on that account. The differences between the thirteen rituals within frame of the world-renewal system are evidently due to fortuitous or unexplained associations similar to this e teric-exoteric association. Certain groupings of rituals within the system seem to be the result of local inter- influences and connections; though these have sometime become interrupted. Thus, as regards particularity, Hupa alone has a fir fruits feast for the acorn crop, a lean-to screen as "ho for its two separate Jumping dances, plus a Deerskin D all associated with a sacred dwelling house in Takim There is also a first-salmon taking like those of Welkw and Amaikiaram, but it is not associated with the same sacred house, and hence may be reckoned as outside the Takimilding complex. All the Hupa features except the feast have analogues elsewhere, but the combination of specificities is strictly local. The Takimilding world r newal is rich in content, but its parts are very loosely gregated and strung along over much of the year. Kepel is featured by a "dam" or weir to take salmo at the peak of the run, not at its beginning. This weir is the greatest mechanical undertaking of the tribes in que tion. Its building has afforded opportunities for many expressive acts of magic to be developed, and around again there have grown up little playful dramatic enact ments. Several items at Kepel seem Karok-derived. Th Deerskin and concluding Jumping Dance follow on the da construction, and appear to be but loosely connected wi it, being actually held at other towns in the same reach river. Weitspus has dances that are very similar to those Kepel, but it manifests a striking minimum of magical esoteric ritual. These three rites of the Hupa and upper Yurok geog ically separate those made by the upstream Karok from another group made by the downriver and coastal Yurok and Wiyot. Of the four Karok ceremonies, three are defi- nitely similar to one another; again, four lower Yurok on form another uniform group; while one Karok and one Yurok enactment pair into a unit in being based on a firs salmon rite. The three related Karok rituals are all called by the same name "irahiv," are interdetermined calendrically, and they most specifically emphasize new-year and worl4 renewal concepts. They include long and repeated itiner- aries by the formulist, target-shooting picnics by the un- initiated, a sacred new fire that may not be looked at an a symbolic sand pile called yuhplt. They are followed by one- or two-day Deerskin Dance, but contain no trace of a Jumping Dance. Within this group, the Ina'm ritual, far thest upstream, is somewhat aberrant in having no sacre structure, and--with KatimEn--in permitting the War Da and surrogate Deerskin dances; but these appear to be losses due to marginal situation within the system. The four downriver and coast Yurok rituals have only Jumping dances, which are mostly made indoors and last for ten or more days. The world-reestablishment aim is I I I I I 4 KROEBER AND GIFFORD: WORLD RENEWAL jjFd most fully through the symbolism of the ritual- ng of a sacred sweathouse, whose timbers, enough, are several times treated as if they were i In this rebuilding the formulist is assisted by .of men (and women) called tai, who, moreover, him through the night in a special hybrid structure Allt sweathouse. Indoor dances with headbands o among the coastal Tolowa and coastal Wiyot, associations which are not included by the Indians ld-renewal system; and since indoor Jumping e not performed by the Yurok above Pekwon, it easonable to construe the present group of world as having grown out of a set of less specialized ces and rites common to the coast region of north- rnia. ast the Deerskin Dance may have had a Karok r., more likely, since the Karok use in it also wolf skins and keep the dancing relatively brief, they e originated the first idea, which was then elabo- standardized among the Hupa or upper Yurok. te annual "first-fruits" rite for salmon was spring by the Yurok at We1-kwau at the mouth of the by the Karok at the fall at Amaikiaram. Both were performances by one formulist and his assistant. the Karok an outdoor Jumping dance--the only Karok associated with the Amaikiaram rite; although it It at several months' interval, and seems to h4ve its own that is esoteric. The Yurok have both a myth tional "remembrance" of a Deerskin dance that iated with the first-salmon-rite house at We]kwau. dition may have a basis of fact or of imagination; event the connection of salmon rite and dance was gas at Amaikiaram. The Amaikiaram ritual, though Sing characteristic Karok features, such as taboo of lke of the new fire, is well set apart from the other ceremonies; while its acceptance of the Jumping Dance ~wt1oning of sweathouse singers corresponding to ta;- st Yurok influencing. The Hupa have a definite first- *ri rite, also in spring, but it seems to lack intrinsic ktion with the sacred house and associated renewal- og-first-fruits complex. e one Wiyot new-year -type rite is so little known that it is included in our list only because the Yurok so reckon it. As the dance was held indoors with woodpecker- scalp bands, it may be assumed to have resembled the coast and lower river Yurok ceremonies. The number of persons who were involved in the develop- ment and maintenance of this rich and varied ritual system was surprisingly small. There were about 2,500 Yurok; 2,000 Karok; 1,000 or 1,500 Hupa according to how far up- stream one draws their boundary. Some 2,000 or 2,500 ad- ditional Wiyot, Tolowa, and Chilula may have participated as occasional dance spectators and contributors of regalia or treasures. This means that the total clientele of the sys- tem consisted of fewer than 10,000 individuals--probably around 6,000 to 8,000. These in turn would comprise 1,500 to 2,000 adult males; or an average of 120 to 150 men re- sponsible for the maintenance of each rite. This number is small enough to give almost every man a sense of partici- pation: occasionally in the esoteric ritual, either personally or vicariously through a kinsman; more often as at least a minor contributor of regalia or entertainer of visitors. On the other hand, when it is considered how particularized each rite is from the others in innumerable details, and often in fundamental features, one inevitably acquires a respect for the gradual inventiveness and innovating faculty of the little nationalities in question. It is evident from their own statements that they wanted their world small, compact, closed, stable, permanent, and fixed. They believed that these very renewal rites were specially efficacious in keep- ing it so. But their created product, as we encounter it, manifests abundant diversity--enough to show that the forces of change customary in culture were operative here too and much as usual. Our information was collected from the Indians at various times between 1900 and 1942. It has been kept separate ac- cording to author: Karok and Hupa data are Gifford's; Yurok, Kroeber's; except occasionally where contrarily noted in the text and tabulated contents. In the main, information has also been segregated according to the native informants who imparted it: a list of these appears in Appendix V. Our ac- knowledgments and thanks are due above all to these Karok, Hupa, and Yurok men and women, living and dead. 5 THE KAROK CEREMONIES (Gifford) The Karok New Year ceremony established by the im- mortals (ixkareya) is called by the natives irahiv or isiv- sanen pikiavish, "refixing of the world," and is performed annually at three places on the Klamath River. These are, in order from upstream, Inam, at the mouth of Clear Creek, Katimin, above the mouth of the Salmon River, and Pana- menik, below Orleans. Kroeber's Karok Towns' should be referred to for exact locations of most places mentioned in this paper. Drucker's account of the Panamenik ritual2 gives minor localities in the vicinity of Orleans. In general, the Karok ceremony consists of three main parts. The first is a period of usually not more than ten days during which the priest remains much in the sweat- house, fasts ,3 and prays for abundance of food, the elimi- nation of sickness, and the stability of the world. He also visits sacred spots; and young men engage in archery con- tests. The second part is the climax of the ceremony, when the priest keeps an all-night vigil by a sand pile called yuxpit. This vigil is accompanied, and followed the next day, by the Deerskin Dance or its surrogate, an imitation af- fair employing branches instead of deerskins; at Inam and Katimin the War Dance is part of the dance ritual. The third part is the anticlimactic retreat of the priest and other officiants. The ceremony starts ten days before the disappearance of the waning moon; the "August" moon at Inam, the moon of a month later at Katimin and Panamenik. The priest's vigil is kept on the last night on which the waning moon is visible, or the dark of the moon. The Panamenik and Kati- min irahiv are nearly synchronous. All informants agreed that the Katimin climax follows that of Panamenik; their estimates of the interval varied from one to three days. The priest repeats certain of the preliminary daily observ- ances if it is thought he will finish too soon, i.e., if the moon phase has been misjudged. Originally, according to the informant Shan Davis, the immortals held the three irahiv simultaneously. People were dying, however, from the powerful supernatural ef- fects, so consecutive performances were arranged: Inam, Panamenik, Katimin. Sometimes the Katimin people have to do an extra day of target shooting and visiting of sa- cred places so that the climax of their irahiv may follow that of Panamenik; both ceremonies must come in the same moon. In the irahiv ceremonies at Inam, Katimin, and Pana- menik, as well as in the First Salmon Ceremony at Amai- kia.ram, the priest represents the Immortals who once per- formed these same rites in the same places. He goes where the immortals went and does what they did at specific spots. Every Karok formula begins and ends with the statement that the immortals acted thus and attained a certain result and that the same procedure is to be followed now. The im- mortals initiated everything that the Karok do; in other 'UC-PAAE 35:29-38. 2Karuk World-Renewal, ibid., pp. 23-28. 3The drunkenness of some modern priests is regarded as par- ticularly reprehensible. words, they preordained Karok culture. One distinction m, be noted. The Karok priest, as has been said, represents, rather than impersonates, the Immortals. This is even tri of the Hupa Yinukatsisdai, since the impersonator is know and Is not regarded as the god materialized on earth amo men. The priest of one sacred place may not serve in thal capacity at another, thus further exemplifying the rigid lo calization of the three irahiv ceremonies. This role of the priest as immortal is emphasized by t titles given him and by taboos enjoined on the public. The title of lxkareya ara, heard usually in its shortened form xadiara, has the meaning of "immortal person" or "spir person." This term and fatawenan are used interchangeab although there is some evidence that fatawenan applies wli the priest is visiting sacred spots and xadiara when he is performing some special act at the ceremonial center-- such as igniting the sacred fire or eating. At such tims t priest may not be looked at. Violation of this taboo makes the observer aksanwa, "unlucky." When the fire is to be on the climactic night, the people are warned to hide or a least to cover their faces so they will not see the blaze 0 smoke. Once the fire has burned down, they are told they may return or uncover. When the "spirit person" is eat an assistant shouts a warning so no noise will be made. There are also restrictions which the priest himself must observe. For two months after the ceremony he mn eat and speak sitting and refrain from drinking water. F two or three months also he must not touch boards, since boards are used in burying the dead. If he does not fast, animals may eat everything and cause a famine. The upriver Karok (Katimin and upstream) say that th word "inam," the name of the Clear Creek ceremonial c ter, denotes the place of the pikiavish or irahiv. They ap it to Katimin and Panamenik as well as to the ceremonial center at Clear Creek, but it is not used for Amaikiaram which is called "wenaram." Clear Creek Inam Is referre to as Kaha.inam (upstream Inam) and Katimin and Pana- menik as Yusa.inam (downstream Inam). There is also variation in the use of structures for the] world-renewal ceremonies. At Clear Creek (Inam) no livI house or sweathouse is used. At Katimin and Panamenik tl dwelling used for the ceremony is called xadiara kirivira "spirit person's living house." The one at Katimin is sacred and has no other purpose; the one at Panamenik is occupied at other times as a secular dwelling. At Amaiki aram, according to all informants, the sacred living hous Is called wenaram and is used ceremonially only for the First Salmon Ceremony; at other times it Is occupied by family. Contradictory statements were made about the a plication of the term "wenaram" to other sacred living houses. The sacred sweathouse is called ixkareya kimac ram, "spirit person's sweathouse," or kimachiram iship The only Karok ceremony of outright first-fruits type is the spring First Salmon Ceremony at Amaikiaram on the Klamath below the mouth of the Salmon River. This i volves the esoteric functions of a priest, the cooking and eating of the first salmon by his assistant, and the priest' retreat for a specified number of days. The rite Is called iduramva, in reference to the people's "running away and hiding." The Karok have no New Acorn Ceremony like the 6 I ii j I i I I KROEBER AND GIFFORD: WORLD RENEWAL but the Salmon and Acorn ceremonies have a com- feature in the people's abstention from the new food it has been ceremonially cooked and eaten by the of- priest. ceremonies were formerly performed at Amaiki - --the First Salmon Ceremony in spring and the Jump- in July--but the natives assert there is no connec- between them. The Jumping Dance requires the minis- ons of a priest who remains in sweathouse seclusion most of the ten-day dance period. ke two great ritual dances of the Karok, the Deerskin and the Jumping Dance, both called "wuwuhina," are $kiavish or irahiv in themselves, although the Deer- .comes only with the irahiv, never preceding it. The Dance priest is not called xadiara or fatawenan, eavasan; nor does he visit sacred spots, as does wenan. No designation corresponding to irahiv or mva was obtained for this ceremonial. J. P. Harring- s that the Jumping Dance at Amaikiaram started new moon of the month Ahavarakusra, "'July." Since iest begins his fast when the dance begins, the cere- is obviously different from the world-renewal cere- s at Inam, Katimin, and Panamenik, where the priest d begin his duties ten days before the new moon and Oerskin Dance. The Deerskin Dance, moreover, lasts days at most, in contrast to the ten-day Jumping Katimin, the War Dance (sivstap) is the terminal per- e of the annual New Year ceremony, being performed following the last Deerskin Dance or its surrogate. it is performed annually before the priest begins acred duties, and he may participate. At Panamenik Amalkiaram, this dance forms no part of the ritual; ,at Iain and Katimin, it has the appearance of a late all three dances (Deerskin, Jumping, War) the dancers in a row. The difference is in regalia, objects car- steps, and songs. When the Deerskin and Jumping es are at their climax of magnificence, the spectators y weep as they think of departed relatives who for- fly attended or participated. TERMS USED Kroeber's Terms ,1 the Handbook, Kroeber gives a Karok religious vocabu- t which includes a number of terms pertaining to the itld-renewal ceremonies, as well as some relating to the rst Salmon Ceremony and the Jumping Dance. Those terms rtinent for the present paper are quoted below. ihkareva-kupa. ordained by the former spirit race, sacredly established. wuwuhina, any great dance, either the Jumping or the Deerskin dance. iwi uh those who make or provide for such a dance. Wbkashlp, "leap up," the Jumping dance. Ivsanen pikiavish "making the world," the "new year's" ceremonies at Katimin, Amaikiara, etc. 4Tobacco among the Karuk, BAE-B 94:83. isivsanen pikiavan, "world maker," the old man who recites the formula for this rite. fata-wen-an, another name for him at Amaikiara. sharuk-iruhishrihan. "down hill he eats salmon," or sharuk-amavan, "down hill he leaves salmon, the assistant in the Amaikiara ceremony. ahup-pikiavan, "wood maker," the woman assist- ant who cuts firewood; there are two at Katimin. imushan, the male assistant at Katimin. wen-aram, the sacred house at Amaikiara asso- ciated with the "new year's" rite. kimachiram iship the sacred "sweat house" of the corresponding Katimin ceremony. isivsanen iktatik, "makes firm the world," a sacred stone kept in this house. Gifford's Terms ahopikiyavan, "wood maker," female wood gatherer, serving at the First Salmon Ceremony, more or less comparable to the ikiyavan of the irahiv cere- monies. asipakramlem, "to put the hand in the food basket [asip)," male counterparts of the ikiyavan. For- merly these were two virgin boys who served with the priestesses at Panamenik. At Katimin the word was heard as "asipakramnlwan" ("reachers into the pot"). ekaniyakuna, "crooked ixkareya," the ten small sacred stones set on top of the sweathouse to look downriver, used at the Amaikiaram salmon cere- mony and the Panamenik world-renewal cere- mony.6 fatawenan,7 or ixkareya ara (xadiara), the priest who knows the sacred formula, the indispensable ceremonial officiant. His character is indicated by the title ixkareya ara, "spirit person." ikiyavan, the two young women who assist the priest. At Katimin and Panamenik they are distinguished by special titles, avakomahuwan, "leader," and ifusahuwan "follower." They may well be termed priestesses. They form the sand pile or yuxpit and cook acorn meal ceremonially; the Katimin ikiyavan make a miniature figure of sacred Mt. Offield with damp sand from the leaching basin. imnanvan, the builder of the stone wall, an officiant at Inam only. His duty is to erect a U-shaped stone wall a month before the main ceremony begins. imusan or imushan assistant priest, a title trans- lated as "the one who looks after," meaning the one who cares for the priest. ipnipavan a past priest. The term is said to mean "one who has gone out," i.e., out of the sweat- house, with the implication that another, a new priest, has taken his place. Such past priests serve today as assistant priests and as instruc- 8Cf. use at Kepel Dam Ceremony, Waterman and Kroeber, Kepel Fish Dam, p. 53. 7Fatawenan: wenan, "doing something"; fata, meaning not clear, but Emily Donahue said it means "what are." The stem wen also appears in wenaram, the sacred living house, and uwenati, the acts of the priest which may not be seen by the public. 7 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS tors for the functioning priests. The term is also used for past priestesses (iklyavan). The ipnipavan paints the priest and may accompany him at times. irahiv,8 a term commonly used, equivalent to isivsanen pikiavish; apparently restricted to the climactic two days and night of the world- renewal ceremonies at Panamenik, Katimin, and Inam. Not applied to the ceremony at Amaikiaram. ishrivansa, the archers participating in the world- renewal ceremonies. There are none in the Amaikiaram First Salmon Ceremony or the Jumping Dance. isivsanen iktatik "post of the world," the priest's wooden seat at Katimin, according to Mary Ike. When the priest is performing his sacred duties, he is said to be putting new posts under the world: iktatik, "post"; isivsanen, "world."9 isivsanen pikiavan, "world repairer," a title for the priest of the world-renewal ceremony. See also fatawenan. isivsanen pikiavish "world repairing" or "world remaking," the full designation for each of the three world-renewal ceremonies at Panamenik, Katimin, and Inam. The term used now by both Indians and whites is pikiavish. ixkareya the immortal race believed to have pre- ceded the Karok in their present territory. Equivalent of the Yurok "woge" and the Hupa "kixunai. " ixmeavasan the priest of the Jumping Dance. kifaran or xokiferan the male instructor of the priest, the female instructor of the priestesses. Also the instructor of the priest of the Jumping Dance. Meaning: "to instruct a novice as to ritual ac- tions, speech, and thought." kixahansa, the burners of the brush on the sacred mountain, Mt. Offield, and at Bacon Flat on Or- leans Mountain. They have not functioned recent- ly, because of the United States Forest Service prohibition against setting fires. pishishikiyavan woman who cooks for the priest and his assistants. sarukiruiishrihan, the assistant priest for the First Salmon Ceremony at Amaikiaram, the counter- part of the imusan. uwenati "fixing the world" (?), a term given for the acts of the priest which are not to be watched by the public. wenaram the sacred living house at Amaikiaram. By some informants applied also to sacred liv- ing houses at Panamenik and Katimin. 8Mary Ike and Mamie Offield thought that irahiv probably meant "to fix up as for a festival." Pressed for a derivation, they said that ira is the name for poison oak but they thought that was cer- tainly not its meaning in the word irahiv. Georgia Orcutt said that irahiv refers to the last two days of the world-renewal ceremonies and to everyone's being enlivened and happy. Her conception of the psychic effects of the ceremonies was phrased as follows: "At the beginning of the pikiavish, it looks like everything down, nobody happy. Pikiavish means making the world bright. Fatawenan fixed it so everything is coming up nice." 9See the account of the Rekwoi ceremony for the same or related concept. xopitxariwan, sweathouse companions of the priest,'0 who stayed nightly in the sweathouse to keep the priest awake. On the climactic night they have a separate fire near the sacred sand pile (yuxpit). zuxpit, sacred sand pile. THE KAROK CALENDAR According to Harrington's Karok calendar'1 the year gins with the month of the world-renewal ceremonies at Katimin and Panamenik, "September." This month and two succeeding ones are named, the remaining ten are bered. The calendar Gifford obtained from Mary Ike beg the year with the first of the ten numbered months, "De cember," ending with the three unnumbered (named) one which seems a more reasonable scheme. In Appendix IV Kroeber discusses the Harrington calendar and the poss bility that the use of the term "New Year" for the Septe ber world-renewal ceremonies may have led to the shift of the beginning of the year counts from solstitial Dece ber to equinoctial September. However, in 1877 Stephen Powers made no mention of a new-year concept in conne tion with the Karok world-renewal ceremonies, though h did clearly set forth the world-renewal idea:"2 "The first of September brings a red-letter day in the Karok ephemeris, the great Dance of Propi- tiation, at which all the tribe are present, together with deputations from the Yurok, the Hupa, and others. They call it sif' -san-di pik-i-a-vish, (at Happy Camp, su-san-ni nik-i-a-vish), which sig- nifies, literally, 'working the earth.' The object of it is to propitiate the spirits of the earth and the forest, in order to prevent disastrous landslides, forest fires, earthquakes, drought, and other ca- lamities. " Concerning the First Salmon Ceremony, Powers wro speaks of a dance and of the sacred fire being made in th sweathouse. Apparently he uses the term "dance" in the general sense of a ceremony:' 3 "In the vernal season, when the winds blow soft from the south, and the salmon begin to run up the Klamath, there is another dies fastus the dance for salmon, of equal moment with the other [i.e., the World-renewal ceremony of September ]. They cele- brate it to insure a good catch of salmon. The Ka- reya Indian [priest] retires into the mountains and fasts the same length of time as in autumn. On his return the people flee, while he repairs to the river, takes the first salmon of the catch, eats a portion of the same, and with the residue kindles the sacred smoke in the sudatory. No Indian may take a salmon before this dance is held, nor for ten days after it, even if his family are starving." In both Harrington's and Mary Ike's calendars the na are the same. The month of the ceremonies at Katimin a Panamenik is called by the same name in both and is equ ?'Perhaps equivalent to the tg1 of the downriver and coastal Yur "Harrington, pp. 81-83. "Tribes of California, p. 28. '3Ibid., p. 31. I a 8 KROEBER AND GIFFORD: WORLD RENEWAL to "September." This is, however, the first month of year in Harrington's list, the eleventh month in Mary Is. Mary Ike's thirteenth month is the third named month, ereas Harrington's thirteenth month is the tenth numbered a reckoning confirmed by Georgia Orcutt, who gave -thirteenth month as "karukvakkusra." * Mary ike's description of the calendar follows: ^ "The year (harinai) begins in the month of Christ- mas. The position of the sun at rising is indicative of the beginning of the first month istaxan, which be- gins with the new moon in the west. The moon-count -starts with the winter sun turning back [tuparatanmaku, "turning back"]. In July is the longest day of the year and summer sun turning-back. In 'leap year' one W` extra moon is counted, thus three moons would be called four moons." Mary's statement that the beginning of the first month is cated by the position of the sun at rising as well as by ,appearance of the new moon in the west is subject to modi- ion, since these two events would not coincide each What she probably meant was that every moon (kusra) with the appearance of the new moon in the west and t the winter solstice indicates the current modn to be first of a new year. Her remark concerning leap year zggests a correction of the calendar by the addition of a th, apparently to make the new-year count tally with winter solstice. This implies that thirteen months are counted annually. At Amaikiaram, the position of the when it rises above the ridge across the river to the at determines the time for the First Salmon Ceremony. Is likely that similar observations determine the time of rthe soistices. The three months which are not numbered are spoken of (Ia "thrown away." This means that they are not numbered, )ut only named. These are the eleventh, twelfth, and thir- enth months in Mary Ike's listing below. Harrington's aendar should be consulted for synonyms. 1. istaxan. This begins with the new moon in the . west and is the month of Christmas. The position of the sun at rising indicates the "beginning" of istaxan. This month is called istaxan kusraxem, "bad month." 2. axkaxan. 3. kuiraxan. 4. piswaxan. This is the time of pitvaraiwa, "looking around house in vain for food." This month women begin digging tayish, Indian "potatoes" with white blossoms, the first food plant to become avail- able in the spring. In searching for it, people build fires in the open "prairies" to keep warm. 5. isropaxan. Root digging is better this month and thenceforth, and more kinds of roots are available. 6. ixrivkixan. Greens are picked this month. It is the usual month of the Amaikiaram salmon ceremony, although sometimes this comes a month earlier. 7. kakinivkixan. 8. kulyakinivkixan. 9. ahavarakusra. The day these data were recorded (July 8, 1939) fell in this month. Mary characterized the month as "animals in heat" month. It is the month of the Amaikiaram Jumping Dance. 10. karukvakusra. The month of the pikiavish at Inam. Mary translated the name as "uppefr river people's month," so named on account of the world- renewal ceremony at Inam. The climax of the cere- mony comes in the dark of the moon at the end of this month. Equated to August. 11. okwaskusra. The month of the pikiavish at Panamenik and Katimin. The Inam people call this month yarukvakusra, "downriver people's month," in reference to these ceremonies. At Panamenik the world-renewal priest eats new acorns this month. This month is "thrown away," i.e., not numbered. 12. nasepkusra. This month is "thrown away.." 13. bakuhakusra. "November." This month is "thrown away." This is the time for gathering fallen acorns. Bakuha refers to camping out for drying acorns. In this month the campers live in huts made of bark of the Douglas fir or other trees. They re- turn to the permanent villages when the winter storms set in. 9 KAROK: INAM (Gifford) Inam, at the confluence of Clear Creek and the Klamath River, is the seat of a world-renewal ceremony which ap- pears to be an attenuated version of the more pretentious affairs at Katimin and Panamenik. The Inam ceremony uses no sweathouse or sacred dwelling and has no body of priest's helpers, xopitxariwan, as do the more elaborate rituals. It has, however, one unique feature, the construc- tion of a U-shaped stone wall as month before the main cere- mony. In this a madrone branch or sapling is placed, sug- gesting the madrone branches brought by the salmon priest at Amaikiaram. Besides this preliminary, the ceremony itself has three parts: the ritual journeys of the priest, ac- companied by archers who shoot at targets; the perform- ance of the Deerskin and War dances; and the retreat made by the priest. Scheme: Inam Days (Month previous) Archers 1-4 From Xumaru 5 From Clear Cr. 6 From Clear Cr. 7 8 9-12 Formulist Dances Imnanvan piles stone wall; eats crayfish Travels E of river; 3 fires on way Travels W of river; 2 fires on way; even- ing, fire not looked at Covers ashes of taboo fire; eats Goes into retreat at Tinxom- nipar In retreat at Tinxom- nipar Deerskin Dance in boat; War Dance War Dance; Deerskin Dance with otterskins (Gambling) (Gambling) Gifford's principal informant was the priest, Francis Davis. Mary Ike, who had seen the ceremony twice, and Sally and Daisy Jacops, owners of regalia and promoters of the ceremony, also served as informants. Others were Ben Tom, Ben Goodwin, Jr., and Sandy Bar Joe. The priests who served at Inam were Francis Davis, in 1935, 1938, 1939, and 1941, Jimmy Dick in 1937, and Ben Richards in 1942. In this last year Richards served on Au- gust 8 and 9 when the imitation Deerskin Dance, with branches instead of skins, and the War Dance were per- formed. He had served on other occasions: about 1925 or 1924 he had been the imusan, "assistant priest,?" for the priest, Charlie Sneeden. Richards was born at Shivat'i, a little above Yuxrupmuvonum and across the river from lIappy Camp. 10 Old Ned, or Ned Rasper, a former priest living at Ispa- kaunach, instructed the latter-day priests at Inam. The formulas (wenax) which he taught were all said to be in the downstream (or pure) Karok dialect.' He instructed the of ficiants in 1942, a quarter-breed named Harry Oates writb down the instructions. Ned died early in 1944, more than one hundred years old. Sally Jacops, the older of the Jacopg sisters, had declared she would cease having the ceremony when Old Ned died, so perhaps Inam has now joined Pana- menik in its abandonment. Site of ceremonies.--According to Daisy Jacops, Ispa- kaunach, on the north bank of Clear Creek--near the moutl of the creek and west of the highway--was the place where the priest began and ended his world-renewal duties. Is- pakaunach means "break over" and refers to the abrupt slope down to Clear Creek. This name probably designates only a portion of the Karok village, which Kroeber calls Apaka'i'pan, "on the flat.""2 Here, where the Inam irahiv begins and ends, are two. shallow depressions, 50 to 75 feet apart, called kaya-we- naram, "the place they make the medicine" or "where th pray." These are surrounded by low rims of swept ground The first and larger depression is 12 to 15 feet, the sur- rounding rim 25 to 30 feet, in diameter. It is here, in this depression, that the fatawenan is fed. At one edge is a hea of earth 2 feet high, capped by a slab of stone. In this head various stone paraphernalia, such as pestle and slab mor- tar and the slab on which the priest's food is laid, are bur- ied between the annual ceremonies. The second depression 8 to 10 feet in diameter and 18 inches deep, is called iki- fanam, "teaching place," because here the priest is in- structed in his duties before he starts on his ritual jour- neys. Daisy Jacops said there were formerly two sweathouse at this village, but neither was used by the priest. At Clear Creek schoolhouse are two 3-foot depressions only 3 or 4 inches deep, used as fireplaces for competing teams of archers from upstream and downstream. These teams shoot at eight target places in turn, going up the h At the top, on a level flat, the competing teams have two more fireplaces side by side where the final competition is held. The target places, called ipsatich, are slight dep sions swept out on the slope; at the back of each is set up the paxas, or fence, built of erect fir branches. In a sandy place at Yusarnimanimas (in the present Cl Creek automobile tourist camp) there is a flattish, unwor circular stone, one foot in diameter. (See pl. 1,a.) Here priest sits to make the world solid. Taboos.--No one may drink from or bathe in Clear Cr from the second moon (January-February)3 till after the stone piling in July, a month before the pikiavish. No food may be collected along the creek until the imnanva, "sto piling," is over. After the pikiavish at Takiripak begins, Clear Creek water is again used for drinking and food ma be taken from the borders of the creek until the second 'Kroeber, Karok Towns, p. 29. 'Ibid., p. 30. 3The Jacops sisters, quoted beyond, said March. I i A i a I I I I I I KROEBER AND GIFFORD: WORLD RENEWAL 'the next year. The creek is taboo for a half year Sr. A person who breaks the taboo becomes ak- #unlucky." The taboo applies to both banks of the to the west bank of the Klamath down to Xumaru Ferry Point. the second moon until the Inam irahiv is over it to take trout or steelhead anywhere down to a mile in, with one exception: steelhead may be taken arrow shooting begins at Xumaru. If not taken is taboo until the end of the Inam irahiv, some days on may be taken, however. PRELIMINARY STONE PILING 'stone wall, U-shaped with the opening facing the sa- ountain Astexewa4 to the northwest of Clear Creek, ructed at Imnanvaram on the river at the mouth of k just before the old moon disappears. Once the are piled, the pikiavish has to be given a month later, ortune ensue. Each year the high water washes the ay. In 1939 it was built on July 12 by Dillon Myers, -blood Karok; views of this structure are shown in - , c and d. When these pictures were taken, a small madrone branch rested against the rear wall, its pur- being to induce a good run of salmon in 1940; not 1939, ding to Francis Davis and Mary Ike. - construction of this wall is called imnanva. The man es the stones is not the priest, but another officiant, van. He is selected or offers his services, and ys may be paid, like the priest, by a public collec- Formerly, he was not paid; men were anxious to of- for the good luck the service brought. The imnanvan hold his breath from the time he picks up a stone un- puts it down, wishing for plenty of food, etc., as he so. No one must watch him; people are supposed to up Clear Creek where they cannot see the work. A serving for the first time builds the wall until, kneeling, just view the mountain over the top of the pile; if a service, he need pile only to his shoulders when kneel- The width of the U is about six feet. the imnanvan piles the stones, he prays for abundant for luck and health for his family and all the other s. He prays in a whisper, not loud enough for others and only when piling the cobbles. He starts to pile s around 10 a.m. If a stone is dislodged, it must be aded; it would be bad luck to use it again. er completing the stone wall, about 2 p.m., the imnan- ges to the river and catches with his bare hands ten sh (xansun), which he cooks in hot coals and eats. If aot catch ten, he eats what he catches. He has fasted ne without drinking all day until this meal. Then he up Clear Creek, takes a mouthful of water to rinse mouth, spits it out, and walks up the hill. He drinks di- from the creek. Then he goes down the Klamath to Ferry Point (Tinxomnipar, where the Jacops live). he stays for five days in retirement, eating only acorn and salmon. He eats twice a day, morning and even- SWimming before and after each meal; he may swim 4Astexewa, "rock full of moss"; also translated as "mountain of docks. II 51It did not do so in the winter of 1938-1939. oftener. He keeps tally of the times Swum by inserting sticks in the ground where he stays. The more he swims, the better the luck for himself and everybody. He remains outdoors the whole time, in the willows by the river. He wears no special costume or paint. No noise must be made near him. Someone shouts "Kaiko aksanwa I" to warn people not to make a noise or disturb him. The title of the two women who cook for the fatawenan is ikiyavan, according to Francis Davis. (At Katimin and Panamenik the ikiyavan are the priestesses; the cook is called pishishikiyavan.) One ikiyavan cooks by the river for the imnanvan. On the sixth morning she makes a neat pile, about two feet high, of the cooking stones and covers them with sand. She must not touch the imnanvan, it would bring her bad luck. This taboo applies through the five days of seclusion. She may talk with him, however. In 1938 Ben Goodwin, Jr., husband of Francis Davis' sister, was imnanvan. Sally Jacops attended him, cooking the mush and salmon for him. He caught only seven cray- fish; if he had caught ten, it would have been better luck for everybody. The Jacops sisters feed not only the imnanvan, but also the fatawenan. In 1942 Mr. Harry Oates was imnanvan. INAM CEREMONY Aged Mary Ike saw the Inam ceremony for the second and last time about 1919. She did not go often because it was too far from her home at Ashanamkarak. Mamie Of- field, Katimin interpreter in 1939, had never been to the Inam pikiavish. Notes from Mary Ike.--On the first day of the ceremony, about a month after the stone piling at Imnanvaram, archers start shooting arrows at Xumaru on the east side of the Klamath at Ferry Point. This target shooting is called ishriv, a term used also at Katimin and Panamenik. The arrows have points of serviceberry wood, not stone. After the first day's shoot, the archers move to Yusarnimanimas (Little Yusar) near McCann's ranch on the west side of the Klamath, where they spend the night and feast on acorn soup, etc. Next day they move up to Yusarnimkan (Big Yusar), also near McCann's, where the priest joins them. When he ar- rives, a man paints him all over with a red rock pigment called asafun. The priest then jumps from an elevation into a boat. The women who see him do this wish at the moment that there will be plenty of acorns.6 He is ferried to the east side of the river, where the young men shoot arrows into a tree. A man whose arrows fall to stick is thought doomed to early death. (This belief is not held at Katimin and Panamenik.) The tree used as target has many arrows sticking in its trunk. Upon their return from shooting at the tree the men do the boat dance, without regalia, while they ferry the priest back to the west bank. When dancing in boats at other times, they use otterskins, which belong to the Jacops sisters. Then they move upstream to Takiripak on the west bank. On the third day the priest goes to Mt. Astexewa and the men shoot again. After he returns, they dance the "Deer- skin" Dance at Takiripak, using various skins (raccoon, otter, fisher, fox, etc., but no deerskins); they no longer use deerskins when they dance on land. They carry river 6At Katimin and Panamenik also the priest is painted red, but he does not jump into a boat. 11 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS cobbles for "flints" (i.e., obsidian blades). Then they have a big feast. The priest also visits a sacred oak which stands next a cabin in the automobile camp at Clear Creek. It is of the species Quercus garryana, axawep; its acorn is called axwamx. When the priest's duties are ended, he goes into retreat at Inam. He bathes before each meal and anoints himself with deer marrow to get good luck in hunting. In recent years Daisy and Sally have served as cooks for the priest during his retreat. Mary understood that at Inam they never danced with obsidians but had only flat stone imitations; also that they used branches instead of deerskins. Otterskins, owned by the Jacops sisters, were used only in the regular "Deer- skin" Dance. The Jacops sisters lent theirs to Hupa in 1929 and earlier. Inam people went to Katimin with their real deerskins and danced there, but on account of the death of a former owner deerskins were no longer used at Tnam. Mary Ike saw the Inam boat dance in which performers carried fisher and otter skins and branches and used flat stones instead of obsidian blades. Also, on her two visits to Inam, she saw the War Dance, which did not require such an elaborate property display as the Deerskin Dance. Mary knew only the Jacops sisters as the privileged pro- moters of the Deerskin Dance at Inam. Sally Jacops is also the "owner" of the imitation Deerskin Dance, sak wuwuha, and the boat dance with otterskins, called sTvdu warak, "floating-down dance." Notes from Sally and Daisy Jacops.--In 1940 the following notes were recorded, Ben Goodwin, Jr., acting as interpreter The waters of Clear Creek become taboo at the March new moon and may not be drunk until after the Inam irahiv in August. From the irahiv until the following March, the creek water may be drunk. For the boat dance at Inam only branches from mountain fir (yiip) are carried by performers. The branches are stuck in the belt and protrude upward; some are also placed on the head under the headband. The same foliage is used in the War Dance. It is kept and used as medi- cine tea for children. Formerly the Deerskin Dance was performed with ac- tual deerskins, but other hides were also used. For instance, two otterskin quivers (akawakiri, "quiver") were carried by the end dancers. Now the dance is given annually, but entirely with other skins, not deerskins. The many-stick gambling game is played for two days after the dance. Sally confirmed Mary Ike's statement that a sweathouse was never used by the priest at Inam, although there were sweathouses for men. Also, there was no sacred living house for the priest; he remained outdoors. In 1942, Sally and Daisy Jacops, through Mrs. Emily Donahue as interpreter, gave further details of the Inam ceremony. The terms irahiv and pikiavish are applied only when the priest begins his duties. The priest's formulas are not spoken by anyone until time comes to instruct the new priest, except that in December young people, both boys and girls, are told about the ceremony. When the priest is in- structed, others may listen. (These two last statements are contrary to descriptions of practice elsewhere in Karok ter- ritory.) When the priest officiates, he uses tobacco, not tishwuf, "incense root." He offers tobacco to the various mountains. Nowadays store tobacco may be used, though a limited amount of Indian tobacco is still planted. Shavings, pared off with a stone knife from a bow, are used to rub the paint off the priest. The shavings and pig- ment are later used for deer hunters' lucky medicine, whic one may obtain from the priest on request. Only people who are fasting should watch the priest whet he officiates. Once he looks back after he has crossed the river, no one may watch him; the people shQuld all hide. Sally said the dance with various skins was called wu- wuha, or wuwuhi ichwa, like the Deerskin Dance with deer- skins. The only time she saw the latter, about 1910, was the last time the deerskins were used. After the owner of the skins died, their use was abandoned. It was not learned whether there was more than one party of dancers on this occasion; presumably there was only one. Sally and Daisy inherited from their mother's brother the privilege of giv- ing the Deerskin Dance. Ben Goodwin, Sr., from Ishwiript (Cottage Grove), "owned" it also, having inherited the pri lege from his mother's brother. Mrs. Elfas was also an "owner"; she was from Tasaxa'ak (site of Clear Creek schoolhouse). The Jacops sisters repeated their assertion that a swea house or sacred living house was never used in the Inam ceremony. Daisy served as cook for the priest for eight c secutive years. She did not cook-for Ben Richards when he was priest in 1942, because of the death of her cousin. Later, in discussing this, Mary Ike remarked that a perso polluted by a death in the family, might not participate in ceremonial duties. He may, however, go to the pikiavish, if he wishes. A bereaved person gets paid at a pikiavish only if the Deerskin dance is performed. At Inam the War Dance is first performed on the even before the priest begins his duties, and he may dance in it. Afterwards it is danced every evening during the irahiv, but the priest does not participate again. This daily perfor ance contrasts with the single performance at Katimin, which ends the pikiavish there. Notes from various informants.--Ben Goodwin, Jr., who acted as interpreter for Sally Jacops in 1940, had served imnanvan in 1938. Ben said that the willow-root fire drill for the Inam pikiavish still existed but that the cedarbark hearth had been lost. He said that the priest must hold his breath when drilling fire and that the drill must be held vertical, not slanting, or the world would become unstead and there would be sickness. Ben Tom, an old man who had always been poor and was not a dance "owner," said that Daisy and Sally Jacop were the "owners" of the wuwuhi ichwa or Tnam dance, having inherited the dance from their mother, Mary Jaco and her brother, Xumaru Jack, former residents of Xuma Ben said that Xumaru Jack was also an "owner" of the Katimin Deerskin Dance. At Inam the pikiavish priest was the formulist for the dance. In reply to a question concerning medicine made fo the War Dance, Ben Tom said the Karok made medicine (bidish) for everything and in this dance they did so in ord to sing well. According to Sandy Bar Joe, Sally Jacops took up a col- lection of thirty dollars to pay Ben Richards to serve as priest at Inam in 1942. Such payment is a modern prac- tice at Inam and Katimin; none was made in former times. Sandy Bar Joe said there were formerly two ikiyavan at Inam. Notes from Francis Davis.--Francis Davis knew of no sweathouse in connection with the Inam ceremony. In the formula-story the priest recites there is no mention of a I I 12 KROEBER AND GIFFORD: WORLD RENEWAL e. Francis Davis thought that the two circular s where the priest begins and ends his formulas old house pits, but he knew no house names for pLFtzariwan of Katimin (who sit by the priest when sup on the last night) are unknown at Inam. The in- a small boy, served as xopitxariwan at Katimin; ts painted red. Oirw shooting in 1939 began on August 8, seven pro the dark of the moon. The decision who was to i-waA reached by the Jacops sisters, the rich people *promoters of the ceremony, just as Peter Henry moving spirit at Katimin. kagreed that pikiavan and pikiavish refer to "fixing" mn "making." Isivsanen pikiavan is a term applied Ilest. He is also called xadiara, but only when he iud represents the ixkareya; when seated, he is the I4. Wenara means "to pray"; wenaram, "where one Ia not necessarily a house, it may be any place the rays. The ceremony established by the immortals I rahiv. Once, after serving as priest, Francis Davis spent thirty days in retreat. After the 1938 ceremony he broke a taboo when he drove across Bluff Creek in an automobile, tak- ing his aunt and cousin back to Hoopa school. He offset this breach by passing a burning stick over his own head and the heads of his passengers. 1938 CEREMONY On July 17, 1939, Francis Davis gave an account of the 1938 ceremony for which he officiated as priest. That year there was no imusan or ipnipavan, so Dillon Myers painted the priest, as he did in 1935 and 1936. Map 2 shows Davis' route on his ritual journey in 1938. The people camped at Xumaru for four days, commenc- ing seven days before the dark of the moon in August. For five days they shot arrows. The arrows used had a serv- iceberry foreshaft inserted in a shaft of syringa wood, and three half-feathers were lashed on each arrow with deer sinew. Each archer made his own two arrows, which were retrieved, used again, and finally brought home. Old-style Map 2. Route of Inam Priest, 1938 13 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS bows, sinewbacked but not painted, were used. The shoot- ing was competitive, the target being a peg set in the ground in front of a brush fence. The shooting-place was cleared of shrubs and grass. Boys without bows accompa- nied the archers to some of the places, but girls went only as far as the first target place and then returned to camp. There were ten places at which they shot at targets. On the first day they shot at Surukunwunup on the east bank, where Independence Creek enters the Klamath. For the second day's contest they crossed in boats to Tasaxa'ak on the west bank, where Clear Creek schoolhouse stands. They began shooting there and continued up the hill, shoot- ing at eight target places. A peg was set in the ground as a target in front of a screen of fir branches which stopped the arrows. On the third day they shot at eight target places at Achipmakai; on the fourth day again at the same eight places as the second day. (In 1938 Francis Davis was the only archer, accompanied by his little sons; this was before he began his duties as priest. Obviously this part of his account is of the ideal rather than the actual situation in 1938. In 1935 there were a number of archers.) Those who came nearest the mark scored, and the best won the bet. The archers were divided in opposing teams. All who bet shared winnings. The archers went without drink or food until they returned to camp about 2 p.m. On the fourth evening they moved camp from Xumaru, on the east side, to Yusarnimanimas, on the west (or Clear Creek) side of the Klamath. On the four days of shooting the immortals were not rep- resented. On the fifth day they were, and the shooting was where they once shot. On the fifth morning the priest-elect began his duties by going before sunrise to the small depression at Inam. He became priest only upon entering it. In the bowl he built a fire and took off his clothes, except for shorts (cut-off overalls). He went to the creek, waded it, and proceeded to the bar at the mouth of Clear Creek. Account by Francis Davis.--Davis' account of the 1938 ceremony follows. "Between Yusarnimanimas and the mouth of Clear Creek I take a swim in the Klamath River. When I get into the water so it runs over my head, I pray. I think the prayer, I do not say it aloud. When I sink my head into the water, the world will recognize me and awak- en everyone to a realization that it is the beginning of irahiv. When I pray, I pray for all to have luck. [Ix- kareya animas, "smallest ixkareya," and ixkareya yakam, "big ixkareya," are mentioned in the prayer. ] 'When I get out of the water, I put my shorts on again and go down the west bank of the river to a bedrock flat. As I walk along, I pray that all peo- ple who believe will walk as easily as I walk along this rough place. The ixkareya animas walked over this in mythical times. As I walk over it, I tramp it down, I make room for everyone to live well and for there to be no sickness in the world. "'Near Yusarnimanimas the people have placed a stone, which has lain there for long years. With my hands I rotate it slightly to make it sit more solidly, so that the world will be solid too. Every- one, when I move it around, will have the same power that ixkareya animas has. (Ixkareya animas is second to lxkareya yakam in power.) Then I sit on the stone. [No wooden stool is used. ] "While I sit on the stone, people come to see me. All who come to see me will be lucky. Besides I pray for everyone else. Then the ipnipavan paints me while I sit on the stone. [See pl. 1 , "I am painted red all over. I have a black hori- zontal bar on my face below my eyes and across my nose; one around each upper arm, each lower arm, each thigh, each calf. Asafun, red rock pow- dered, is the red pigment. Ixtut, the black pigment, is made of charcoal and grease. Grease (usually deer fat) is mixed with the red pigment also. Anxut, a rectangular back-head net with feather fringe, is placed over my head. From back of it hangs a piece of mink hide. The net is not painted. The buckskin garment is already tied to fit me. I step into it. I do not pull it over my head. A strap of it passes over my left shoulder. My right arm is free. I get into this garment this way, so people will have good luck. If I get into it any other way, tlhe good luck will not come. When I get all dressed, the ipni- pavan takes a basket of tobacco and, while I walk to the boat, he spills it bit by bit from the basket and shouts: 'Everyone listen to my shouting and live long ' All who hear him will have long lives. "I go toward the boat, praying as I step along slowly and easily, I pray that each who listens to the ipnipavan shouting will have good luck and long life, that all their children will have long lives and will have the power [sakriva, "personal power," "mana" ]. When I jump down into the boat [about 30 in. ], all the world will hear me and know that the ixkareya is fixing the world [e.g., getting rid of sickness]. "Two men paddle me across the river. I do not speak. If they speak to me, I do not answer. I pray as I cross the river. I say: 'I cross on this half- boat. Whoever watches me, will have the same luck as the ixkareya who crossed in a half-boat.' On the other side, I jump out of the boat and run up the bedrock slope. As I run up, I look back at the people over my right shoulder and pray that all those watching me will have the same luck as the ixkareya ara. When I look back over my shoulder, I pray that the ixkareya iffappit [ "spirit women," as distin- guished from ixkareya ara, "spirit men" ] will watch me. When they see me, I will be just like Pileated Woodpecker [furax] going up the bedrock point. "Then the people turn their faces from me and look at me no more. I go down the east bank of the river about one-quarter mile, then I ascend a moun- tain. When I get on top of the little ridge, I shout from there, praying for many salmon for this year. Then I follow along the mountainside downstream. I go down on the ridge Ixkurixba and pray there for more salmon. Then I go right on until I come to a cleared place about thirty feet in diameter, where I build a fire. This is about noon. As I clear the grass away with one little stick, I pray, saying: 'Ixkareya animas is sweeping this out now. May there be no sickness in the world.' When I have thus cut down all the grass with my stick, I get a piece of bush or I 14 KROEBER AND GIFFORD: WORLD RENEWAL (anything other than sugar pine, which belongs e cemetery) and sweep with that and pray again: eya yakam is sweeping this time, sweeping all ;sickness out of this world, All of those who are will be well.' As I sweep this, I sweep it over edges of the world to the east and west. As I p I never face west, for I should not live long if Alsb all prayers would fade away if I faced "When I have finished sweeping, I start to gather wood for the fire. I pile it so all pieces point (rth kar.ku, "upstream"]. I pile any kind except ar pine. It is piled so it comes to my shoulders n I kneel on my right knee. I put two pieces of DSS at the base of the pile. One piece is just out- de the pile. I have been carrying the fire drill in y left hand, lashed on to a stick with the tobacco pipe. The tobacco is in a buckskin pipe case. ese are all lashed together on the stick with a ekein string. I never lay these down, but shove end of the stick in the ground. In 1938 I used atches, although I carried the fire drill with me, , described. When the tinder is ignited, I apply to the tinder at the base of the woodpile. I blow e fire with my hand, not with my mouth. If I blow fwi my mouth, everyone will have sore mouth all over the world. "I pray when I throw the blazing tinder into the pyre: Ixkareya animas is praying that world luck will hold fast.' If the fire burns well, people's luck will be good. I stay till the fire burns down. This is about 2 p.m. 'Then I start up the mountain. I go up about two benches and arrive at a flat, where I pick up a piece . of fallen fir limb. No other will do. This I use for my cane. I pray after picking up the branch: 'This world Is cracked, but when I pick up and drag the stick, all the cracks will fill up and the earth will become solid again.' "T'hen I climb to the mountaintop to build a fire there. I pick up a stick and knock down grass. Then I sweep it again with a branch. I gather my wood. I pile to shoulder height kneeling (always on my right knee). I kneel on my right knee on the left side of th woodpile, facing upstream. The wood lies point- ing north. Then I get dry green-gray moss and make a fire as before. I pray as at the first fire. When the fire dies out, I go on. (The second fire is built on part of a great circle, which began with my going downstream. I swing around to form a circle which will bring me back to my starting point. So the sec- ond fire Is off to the left as I start circling.) "Now I am cutting back upstream, following along a ridge on the east side of the river to the third fire- place [maheda mishi, "biggest fireplace"]. I do the .same thing there. I cut down the weeds with a stick. I sweep with a branch. This time I pray: 'Ixkareya- ara kestap [ "biggest ixkareya" ], I pray as I cut grass and twigs, that I am cutting down sickness in this world. When they are down, I will destroy them. All the people will have good luck and the children will have good luck.' Then I sweep away what I have cut down (using any kind of branch except sugar pine). When I get the branches, I sweep the sickness away. I say to myself: 'Ixkareya kestap is sweeping sick- ness over the edges of the world to the east and the west. Ixkareya yakam will make it so the luck will not fade away, so it will stay; so there will be no sickness in the world.' 'Then I start gathering my sticks to build the fire. I pile it so it is shoulder high when I kneel, the sticks pointing upstream. (All day I have either kept in my left hand or upright beside men, the bundle with the fire drill. If I lay it down, all my prayers will be powerless.) I get the moss for tinder. I start the fire with a match. "In the olden days, the priest had to produce the spark with the fire drill between breaths, to make his prayers more efficacious. I hold my breath while lighting the moss and tossing it onto the pyre. "I stay there until the fire is out. Every now and then as I travel along I call at the top of my voice for salmon. I make the sound last as long as I can between breaths so my prayers will be more efficacious. 'Ama upat sanowich' is the expression meaning salmon [amal calling. "I have Indian tobacco in my stick carrier. I take some of it and say as I scatter it: 'May my praying be more efficacious and my life stronger.' 'I heda utai waraxti' is the Karok rendering of this. Tobacco is also scattered when I call for sal- mon. "When I leave this fireplace, I turn to go down the ridge to the river. When I get halfway down the ridge there is a big stone near a sugar-pine tree. I pick up the stone and set it down solidly and pray as I work it into position: 'rhe earth, which has been tipped, will be straight again. People will live to be stronger.' Now I sit down on the stone. When I sit on the stone, the earth will never get up and tip again. "Then I go on down the ridge, still dragging the stick for closing earth cracks. At the foot of the hill is a big madrone. I must pass to left around the tree (if to right, all the prayers and gifts would be spoiled). I leave my stick leaning against the up- hill side of the madrone tree. "During this fifth day the archers have shot ar- rows at the Xumaru shooting-pLace. Sometimes the priest is followed by young men who shoot arrows, but who must keep well behind him. "I arrive at the riverbank before the sun has sunk below the western mountains. All day I have gone without food and drink (no breakfast). When I come to the shore, they see me and come after me with the boat. Two men ferry me across. At the landing-place on the bedrock about one hundred yards upstream from the embarkation point, I jump ashore and walk slowly to tramp down the world, so it will lie good again. I pray as I go for people to have good luck and long lives. Yusarnimkan is the camp I now enter. "When I arrive, the ikiyavan has my food of sal- mon and acorns ready for me. People do not come near me till I am through eating. Before I eat, I bathe in the river, also after I eat. When I am 15 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS through, the people come up from the lower camp. They move up at notification by the ipnipavan that the priest is through." Then they have the boat dance with otterskins on sticks. The boys that followed the priest dance the boat dance about an hour after the priest comes in. They do this as they cross the river from the east to the west. They carry bows and arrows, but wear no headbands. The dance is called ipsivruhawarak, "float-across-dance." They pass the priest, where he sits on a special stone, three or four inches high, and proceed upstream, where they land and hold the War Dance. The priest does not see the dance, but hears the music. He can talk with people while seated on his spe- cial seat, but not while standing. He sits with his feet in front of him, knees usually up. In lying down, he must keep one leg bent. If he straightened his legs, luck would go. The priest might sicken if he straightened his legs to sleep. The stick with fire drill, etc., is kept with him. When bath- ing, he sticks it upright near his stone seat. When the War Dance is done, the job is finished for the day. The stone seat serves as a pillow for the priest. Ipadishaha is the term applied to the stone on which the priest sits after adjusting it to make the world solid again. It had been left there from ixkareya times. Isivsanen, "world," brought the stone there. It has been there since the beginning of the world. The picture (pl. 1,~) shows the fire drill temporarily in the right hand, instead of the left where it should be car- -ried so that the right hand is free to bring in luck. The priest eats with his left hand to reserve the right hand for his luck. Plain buckskin is used to hold paint, fire drill, tobacco, and all sacred paraphernalia. Sally Jacops keeps it and brings it out in time for the ceremony, so as to give the priest the equipment needed. No crooked lxkareya stones were used at Inam as in the Amalkiaram First Salmon Ceremony. On the sixth day archers shoot arrows up to the first fireplace, then return, leaving the priest to go on alone. In returning on the sixth day the priest crosses Clear Creek about one-half mile downstream from the morn- ing crossing. "On the sixth day I start from Yusarnimkan at dawn without having drunk or eaten. I go upstream to Takiripak. There Dillon Myers paints me again. (In 1935, Ben Goodwin, Sr., deceased, painted me.) In 1936 and 1938, Dillon Myers painted me. Dillon built a fire at Takiripak. He and Ned arrive there about the same time as I, coming by a different route. When the fire is made, I swim in the river. When I have dried off (not wiped), Dillon paints me. When they are through painting me, I start off toward the mountain Astexewa to the northwest. "First I walk along the river toward the horse- shoe rock wall. This is about 7:30 a.m. I look into the 'horseshoe.' I pray inwardly while I look into it. I say: 'The one who built this will have a long life and will have no sickness. All the game and fish will be easy to get. Astexewa wekareya says this.' Astexewa wekareya is the most powerful ixkareya. "'Then I go on. I walk about five hundred feet to a big axawep oak [ Quercus garryana I on the west bank of the Klamath just below Clear Creek, in the Clear Creek auto camp. I rub against it with my left shoulder. I pray there: 'As I rub my arm on this tree, the sickness will be wiped off of every person. There will be no sickness in the world. That is what Astexewa wekareya says."T This day the priest impersonates Astexewa lxkareya. On the fifth day at the last fire he was ixkareya kestap, "biggest ixkareya." Earlier on the fifth day he was ixka- reya animas, "smallest ixkareya." "I keep on up the south bank of Clear Creek, take off my shoes, and wade across it. [See map. ] Then I go on up the hill. [In the olden days the priest took off his moccasins, which he wore on both the fifth and sixth days. The farther he goes barefoot, the more meritorious and the better the luck. ] When I get ready to put my shoes on, I lay them both pointing the way I am to go. 'I pray they will carry me, without getting weak, over my whole route and that all those for whom I pray may be similarly carried by their shoes. That is what Astexewa wekareya says.' In lacing my shoes, I use my right hand, not my left hand in which I hold the fire drill. Even if I stick the fire drill in the ground, I use only my right hand to fasten my shoes. "I go on up the hill. I cut around the ridge, traveling to the west to a little streamlet issuing from a spring. I step across it slowly with right foot first, holding it above the streamlet while I pray: 'All that I have prayed for, may it be strong- er: there will be more game and more fish during the coming year. This is what Astexewa wekareya says.' Then I go on. "I go on up the hill for a couple of miles. I come to the long-distance shooting-place, Yi:vsang. Aste- xewa wekareya (myself) fixes it for the archers. When I come to this place, I cannot cross it. It lies east and west. I pass below it going to the south, then I pass back going to the north. Thereafter I stop and sweep it out. The shooting-place is a natu- ral depression in the hill, toward which the archers shoot from below. I stand fir branches to stop the arrows. I break off green pieces lying on the ground and stick them into the ground there. I put a peg [ ax'yupich] in the ground in front of the branches. I pull out the old peg from last year and put in a new one. I do not pray here. "Then I go on. The archers are far behind me, as they do not start until 10 a.m. from Yusarnimkan. "'I proceed up the mountain to the first fireplace I ahirap ] . When I come to it, I cross it walking with high step very slowly, praying for all that is in the world: to keep sickness out. 'May I have the luck that Astexewa wekareya has, when I step across the fire- place. Make my son stronger.' "'Then I pick up a little stick to chop off the weeds all around. As I cut them down, I pray that I am cut- ting down all sickness. 'This world is getting full of sickness. Astexewa wekareya is cutting down the sickness in the world.' I pray this over and over, until I am through cutting all the weeds. I am kneel- ing as I cut and never face west, lest I have a shbrt life. When I am through cutting, I get a piece of brush and sweep with it. 'Now Astexewa wekareya kestap I 16 KROEBER AND GIFFORD: WORLD RENEWAL sweeping all the sickness out of the world at ends of the world (east and west). The world have no sickness. All who have been sick be stronger. My boy child will have no sick- BOB.' I pray this over and over, until I am through ',eeping that which I have cut down. (The refer- e to 'my boy child' is for all boy children in ieworld.) 'When I am through sweeping all this out, I find largest piece of wood I can. The bigger the ce, the more efficacious will be my prayers. get a big stick and place it so it points north. en I lay it down, I pray: 'Astexewa wekareya stap is laying down the stick. May all whom I ay for have better luck and may there be no Ickness amongst all in the world. All the game d fish will be easier to get and be plentiful.' "Then I gather the rest of the wood. I must find most solid wood, so my prayers will stay fast and be efficacious. Whatever I touch with my hand I must take, lest my prayers be diminished in power. I may test it with my foot to see if it is solid enough, iowever. I pile the wood so that when I kneel it reaches my shoulders. When through, I get the dry toss and put it in two piles, one against the wood d one where I shall light it. Then I strike the atch on a little stone and ignite the tinder and