ANTTHROPO(LOGICAL RECORDS 12:6 THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION EDITED BY ROBERT F. HEIZER UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES 1953 THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION EDITED BY ROBERT F. HEIZER ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Vol. I2, No. 6 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS EDITORS: R. L. OLSON, R. F. HEIZER, T. D. MCCOWN, J. H. ROWE Volume I2, No. 6, pp. 225-358, plates 30-4I, I3 figures (3 P1S., 7 figs. in Appendixes) 6 maps Submitted by editors June 3, I953 Issued December I5, I953 Price, $2.00 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND Los ANGELES CALIFORNIA CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON, ENGLAND PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA CONTENTS Introduction, by R. F. Heizer ........ 225 Acknowledgments .225 Previous archaeological work .225 Recent archaeological surveys .226 Geographical background, by R. F. Heizer .227 Historical background, by R. Greengo and D. Shutler .229 Exploration .229 Warfare .229 Epidemics .231 American period .231 Ethnography of the Wappo and Patwin, by C. McClellan .233 Wappo .233 Patwin .241 Ethnographic material culture of the Napa region, by C. Chard .244 Archaeological site survey, by W. Adams and J. Bushnell .247 Archaeological sites in Napa Valley .247 Summary of site excavations, by R. F. Heizer .251 Animal remains from sites ....................... 255 PART I: ARCHAEOLOGY OF SITE NAP-1 Description of Artifacts 257 Ground stone, by C. Meighan; D. Fredrickson and A. Mohr . 257 Artifacts . 257 Painted stone tablets . 257 Beads ................................ * 257 Pipes ..... ......................... .. 257 Charmstones ............................... 258 Ear plugs . ................................ 259 Saws ................................ 259 Mortars and pestles ................. .............. 259 Bead-grinding slabs ............ ................... 260 Abrading stones ........ ....................... 260 Objects of doubtful or unknown use ........................... 261 4-Baked clay . 261 Chipped stone, by F. Riddell and A. Pilling; C. Chard . 261 Artifacts . 261 Projectile points . 261 Obsidian bangles . 264 Scrapers . 264 Gravers . 265 Choppers . 265 Hammerstones . 265 Digging (?) tools .............................. .... 265 Problematical object .........................................265 Bone, antler, and claws, by J. Bennyhoff 265 Bone implements .266 Awls 266 Beamers. 267 Bunt point (? ). 267 Fish gig 267 Scapulae or grass cutters..,.... 268 Knives (?) .269 Needles .269 Ulna tools. 269 Bone ornaments .270 Undecorated bird-bone tubes .270 Bird-bone beads 271 Incised bird bone ...................... 271 Bone whistles. 271 Undecorated. 271 Incised 271 Miscellaneous bone .271 [iii] iv Antler ........................................................ 272 Wedges .............................. 272 Flakers ............................... 272 Miscellaneous ...................... ......................... 272 Claw ................... . 272 Shell, by C. Meighan and D. Rainier . . 272 Species ........................................................ 272 Olivella biplicata, modified ......... .......................... 272 Saxidomus and other genera ........ .......................... 273 Haliotis rufescens ............................................ 274 Mytilus ..................................................... 274 Ostrea lurida ............... ................................ 274 Polinices (?) or Natica (?) ......... ............. I ............. 274 K - Disposal of the dead, by P. Langford ........ ....................... 275 -- Anthropometry, by A. Miller ................. ..................... 277 K-Wappo skeletal material .................. ...................... 277 % Yuki skeletal material ............ .............................. 279 PART II: ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION Excluding Site Nap- 1 Ground stone, by C. Meighan; D. Fredrickson and A. Mohr ............ 283 Artifacts ............................... 283 Painted stone tablets ........................ 283 Beads ............................... 283 Pipes ...................................................... 284 Charmstones ........................... 284 Ear plugs ............................. 284 Saws ...................................................... 284 Mortars and pestles ................... ...................... 284 Bead-grinding slabs ................... ...................... 285 Abrading stones .......................... 285 California distributions ................... ...................... 285 Painted stone tablets .................. ...................... 285 Beads ...................................................... 285 Pipes ............................... 286 Charmstones ............................................... 286 Ear plugs ............................. 288 Abrading stones .......................... 289 CQnclusions ................................................... 289 Unworked stone, by C. Meighan; D. Fredrickson and A. Mohr ........ 290 Napa region ............. 290 California distribution ......................................... 290 Chipped stone, by F. Riddell, A. Pilling; C. Chard . ............ 290 Artifacts ................................................... 290 Projectile points ............................................ 290 Bangles .............................. 294 Scrapers and choppers ....................................... 294 Pitted hammerstone ......................................... 294 Bone and antler, by J. Bennyhoff .................................. 294 Bone implements . .. ................... 295 Awls ............................. 295 Beamers ...................... 296 Gaming bones ........... .................. 296 Grass cutters (?.) * -........... ................... 296 Ulna tols ** * **.*.**.*......e............................ 296 Ulna tools..9 Bone ornaments -...................................... 296 Hair ornaments .......................... 296 Bird-bone beads .. . . . ....................... 296 Mammal-bone bead .......-................................ 296 Incised bird bone ................................... 296 Bone whistles ............. .. .............................. 296 Antler ................. ..................... 296 Wedges ................................................... 296 Miscellaneous antler ....................... 297 Manufacturing techniques ................................ 297 Distributions ........... .. .................................. 297 Coiled basketry, by M. Baumlhoff ................................. 300 Shell, by C. Meighan and D. Rainier .............................. 301 v - Disposal of the dead, by P. Langford ...... ....................... 302 The cultural context ......... ................................. 302 Wappo anthropometric comparisons, by A. Miller .... ............. 304 Conclusions ...................................................... 306 APPENDIXES I. Objects of Caucasian manufacture, by R. F. Heizer .... ......... 309 II. Journalistic accounts of the Indians of the Napa Region ........... 312 III. Archaeology of sites Nap-129, Nap-131, by C. Meighan .... ...... 315 IV. Excavations at site Nap-32 in July, 1951, by R. F. Heizer and R. J. Squier .......... ................................ 318 Bibliography ..................................................... 327 Explanation of Archaeological Specimens, Figures 2-13 .... .......... 332 Plates . .......................................................... 346 MAPS 1. Archaeological Sites in the Napa Region ..... .......... facing page 225 2. Wappo Territory ................... .................... 234 3. Goddard Site (Nap-i) .......................... 252 4. Las Trancas Site (Nap-14) ............ .............. 253 5. Tulukai Site (Nap-39) ............. ............. 254 6. Kolb Site (Nap-32) .......................... facing page 254 R. & W. Map 1 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN THE NAPA REGION, CAUFORNIA Scale I mA k= * A.cAoeolo.ycal sdes o T.vs ond v/llayes - Rivers onJ ..reams * Large lowns 'rIndian rails ttogaryins of valley f/oors: Napa Valley approa.J00' con/our Berry.... 500' Pope 7P50' * */nnue&ereJ searryessa V,frmec&A st" THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION INTRODUCTION he history of California archaeology shows an unfor- te neglect of systematic investigation and published unts of the archaeology of the interior area immedi- ! north of San Francisco Bay. The present report will, ope, partly fill this lacuna. When the Department of opology of the University of California first found it ible, nearly half a century after its establishment, to an academic course in archaeological field methods, apa region was selected because of its proximity to eley and because of the known abundance of archaeo- al sites and remains. This course, Anthropology 195, scheduled on Saturdays during the spring semester, seventeen students participating in the work. Exca- as were carried on at two sites known as Las Trancas Nap- 14) and Tulukai (site Nap-39). The following ester, in the fall of 1947, a continuation of this course instituted, called Anthropology 196, its main purpose to offer to those students familiar with field tech- , who had participated in excavation, an introduction e second responsibility of the archaeologist, the prep- lon of a scientific report. The Anthropology 196 se was limited to seventeen students, most of them rans of the 195 class who had, in addition, taken part e of the three University archaeological expeditions summer of 1947. The project selected was the prep- Lon of a report on the archaeology of the Napa region, pe boundaries were delimited by the amount and nature e materials available for study. The present report is product of the endeavors of that class. he material available for analysis may be divided into e main groups. First is the archaeological collection e University of California Museum of Anthropology erred to hereafter as UCMA), most of which has come erkeley in small lots as gifts of collectors. Included ie UCMA material is, of course, the collection made tudents in 1947. The second lot of material is part of geat collection of Central California archaeological ains brought together by the late Dr. J. B. Lillard, ident of the Sacramento Junior College. After his this important collection was presented to UCMA, e it is known as the Lillard Collection. The third col- on used is that of Mr. D. T. Davis of Napa, who for r years has accumulated local archaeological remains. collection, carefully documented as to site proveni- , is in his home, and on two occasions representatives e 196 class were permitted to study and record data his assistance. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS to the following we express appreciation for aid in our k: to Miss Helen Bridge, Oakville, present owner of lard Mound (site Nap-i), for permission to excavate g October, 1947; to L. M. Rossi, Marysville, owner s Trancas site (Nap-14), who permitted us to dig on roperty; to E. Devlin, Suscol, owner of the main Sus- mound (site Nap- 16) for permission to excavate in , 1943, and September, 1945; and to T. Coakley, Napa, pir of the Tulukai site (Nap-39), for allowing us to ex- cavate the open remnant of this mound. The University Committee on Research, through Anthropology Research Grant No. 217, furnished the means for investigation in 1946 and 1947. To Mr. D. T. Davis of Napa we are parti- cularly indebted for his kindness in allowing us to use his archaeological collection, since our range of materials for study, both in types and site distributions, has been thereby greatly enlarged. If it had not been for the con- stant co8peration of E. W. Gifford, Director of UCMA, and his staff of assistants, Mrs. Ruth Purdy, Walter Weymouth, Kanmo Imamura, and Juan Dolores, our work in the Museum would have been immeasurably lengthened. Finally, it is only proper to list the names of A. D. Krieger and A. E. Treganza, former University students who have contributed data upon which part of this report is based. Most of the various sections of this report were brought together first in February, 1948. Some were delayed, and the full complement of the descriptive text was not assem- bled until the spring of 1950. Since that date the maps, figures, and plates have been prepared, and a consider- able amount of editing of the manuscript has been done. A number of persons have assisted, among whom should be mentioned Dr. C. W. Meighan and J. A. Bennyhoff. Mrs. M. A. Whipple, editor of the Department of Anthropology, who has devoted much time to bringing the manuscript into form, shares in whatever credit this report may receive. PREVIOUS ARCHAEOLOGICAL WORK Since 1900 a continuous trickle of gifts has been made to the University of California Museum of Anthropology by individuals who collected small lots of surface material from sites in the Napa area. Taken as a whole, these archaeological objects are important in indicating the geo- graphical distribution of artifact types. Their utility is limited, however, because they consist largely of flaked implements and because, as surface finds, they lackd tem- poral context. Commercial "Indian relic" collectors are not as com- mon in California-as in parts of the eastern United States. There is generally in each smaller town at least one per- son who collects artifacts, and in larger cities there are several such collectors. Most of these, though acquainted with each other, work alone and compete for the acquisi- tion of complete and unusual archaeological specimens. This competition often leads to the exchange of fine ex- amples of prehistoric specimens for money, and there is thus instituted the commercial aspect of nonscientific col- lecting. The effect of the activities of individuals who either dig in archaeological sites for human bones or arti- facts to form personal collections or excavate for choice specimens to sell to other collectors is the same, namely, the destruction of valuable, and often unique, information regarding the prehistoric inhabitants and their cultures. Such commercial and private collectors from the Sacra- mento and San Francisco Bay regions have done some work in the Napa area, but, with a few notable exceptions, there is no evidence of their findings. In the early 1930's amateurs from Sacramento penetrated [225] 7?. v 1. .11 0 ? I f- ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Napa Valley and excavated in the Nap- 1 mound. Some of their finds were purchased by the late J. B. Liliard, Presi- dent of the Sacramento Junior College, with funds granted by the Board of Education. Dr. Lillard was at the time forming the nucleus of the Junior Coilege archaeological collection, and it is to his credit and that of the Board of Education that these materials were thus salvaged. The last twelve or fifteen years have not seen the depreda- tions of commercial diggers in the Napa region renewed, and it may be presumed that nearer and fairer fields of spoilation were located and plundered during this period. Since these statements may seem to imply a totally un- compromising attitude on the part of scientific investi- gators to any archaeological work prosecuted by nonpro- fessional excavators, it should be stated that this criti- cism is directed chiefly toward those excavators of sites who fail to record the nature, depth, and association of their finds. Such persons are as guilty of destruction of natural resources of the State as one who deliberately sets fire to a State Forest or willfully and maliciously desecrates a historical monument. There is another variety of private collector, how- ever, who realizes that his findings have significance beyond his individual gratification or economic gain and is willing to co8perate with the agency charged with the recording of exact archaeological information. These persons have the status of collaborators and coworkers with the University, and the University is at all times anxious to advise and offer encouragement to them in re- cording their finds. This enlightened minority may be re- ferred to as nonprofessional scientists, and much of their work is as carefully prosecuted and controlled as that of the professional worker. It is a pleasure to record here the names of D. T. Davis of Napa, E. J. Dawson of San Francisco, and the late E. N. Johnson of Concord as co- operative nonprofessionals whose willingness to record information for permanent filing has materially contrib- uted to our knowledge of California archaeology. It is hoped that, with the institution of an adequately financed statewide archaeological survey, a State Archaeological Society may be formed whose primary purpose will be to encourage amateurs to take the path of collaboration and leave the unadmirable one of spoilation. Many amateurs employ this latter method not through spite or desire, but because the correct approach is unknown to them. The fault and its remedy thus lie in part with the scientific worker, whose duty it is to encourage individual collec- tors to contribute to the science of archaeology. RECENT ARCHAEOLOGICAL SURVEYS Over a decade ago the University selected the archaeo- logically unknown Napa Valley for investigation and in the academic years of 1936 and 1937 volunteer student crews performed site surveys and made a brief investigation of site Nap-1. For various reasons thiu work was not con- tinued, and it was not until after the war that the Depart- ment of Anthropology renewed its efforts. The results of the earlier and more recent University investigations hav given us some insight, though by no means adequate and complete, into the prehistory of the Napa area. This paper, then, is merely a preliminary report which at- tempts only to outline our present knowledge of Napa region archaeology, presenting a mi nimum of conclusions and indicating many problems for future solution. Its real value lies, we feel, in establishing a datum from which further work may be projected. It is an archaeo- logical traverse across an unknown terrain, where a few topographic eminences are mapped but the contouring is still to be done. The present report is a co8perative project, not only in authorship, but also in the sense that the large number of individuals who have contributed information or archae0 logical objects are- also collaborators. Authors of indi- vidual sections are named in the table of contents. i 226 GEOGRAPHICAL BACKGROUND area with which this report is concerned is arbi- delimited. Although our region is confined to ounty, we have not treated the whole of this poli- division. Our choice of sites was primarily de- ed by the archaeological material available in the sity museum, supplemented by data collected intermittent investigations by the Department of pology in previous years, especially during the c year 1946-1947, and by the extensive and care- cumented local archaeological collection of Mr. avis of Napa. 1 shows the area covered by this report. It com- about 1,188 square miles and includes the area ngfromT. 4N.to iON. andR. 3W.toR. 6W., 3. & M. Our area lies approximately fifty miles from the coast and, to the north, slightly nearer rancisco Bay. The southern and eastern limits formerly occupied by the Patwin (Southern Wintun), e whose main territory was the western Sacra- Valley. The remainder was Wappo country (see 2). The Wappo, of Yukian speech, have now com- y disappeared, their only traces being references Ly settlers' diaries and Spanish documents, a d amount of ethnogeographical and aboriginal Un- c and ethnological information salvaged in the past y years by Barrett, Kroeber, Radin, Powers, and r from the few survivors (all now dead), and the ous sites of former villages. These ethnologic and eologic data are summarized in the following pages. cording to Grinnell (1935, pl. 3), our area lies com- ly within the Upper Sonoran life-zone. An earlier r (Hall and Grinnell, 1919) gives full lists of the s life forms characteristic of this and other life- S. According to Russell (1926) our area lies within Humid Mesothermal climatic area called "Cool Sum- Mediterranean (Csb)," characterized by winter rain- and warmest monthly average temperature below F. Carpenter and Cosby (1938, pp. 4, 5) summarize climatological data as follows. * It is essentially the same as that prevailing in other nearby Coast Range valley areas and is in general somewhat warmer than that along the im- mediate coast, without reaching the extremes of the Great Interior Valley. For Napa, the records of the United States Weather Bureau show a mean annual temperature of 57.60 F., as compared with 52.90 at Point Reyes, on the coast, and 60.50 at Sacramento, in the Great Interior Valley. July has a mean tem- perature of 66.80 with an absolute maximum of 1100, and January has a mean temperature of 46.80 with an absolute minimum of 220. Minor variations in temperature occur in different parts of the Napa area, largely as a result of the markedly uneven relief. The lower troughs of the valleys and the higher elevations of the encircling mountains are the localities of the lowest winter tem- peratures, whereas the foothills and higher alluvial slopes constitute a "thermal belt" with a frost-free season a month or longer in duration than that at Napa. Most of the annual precipitation falls during the winter and early spring, with little or none during summer and early autumn. Approximately 70 per cent of the annual rainfall occurs during the 4-month period, December to March, inclusive, and less than 3 per cent falls from June to September. An even more marked difference occurs in the precipitation than in the temperature, largely as a result of the irregularity of land forms and the direction of moisture-bearing winds. In Napa Valley most of the rain comes with southwesterly winds, with a zone of higher rainfall extending lengthwise up the western side of the valley, just missing Napa but including Yountville and St. Helena. Within this zone precipitation increases with elevation, reaching a maximum just below the crest of the western mountain range. A less pronounced rain- fall zone extends similarly up the eastern side of the valley. In it the precipitation is not so great as in the western belt, a portion of the moisture being carried over the lower elevation into the small mountain valleys to the east. Physiographically, our area lies in the southeastern corner of the northern Coast Ranges geomorphic province whose relief is characterized by longitudinal mountain ranges with intervening valleys trending northwest and southeast (Jenkins, 1941). Carpenter and Cosby's con- cise summary of the physiography and flora of the Napa area (1938, pp. 1-3) is reprinted here. The lowland bordering Napa River is one of the more important valleys. This valley narrows gradually be- tween the mountain ridges, from a width of about 5 miles on the south where Napa River empties into a low delta and island country bordering San Pablo Bay, to about a mile in the vicinity of Calistoga, 35 miles to the north, with a great number of short stubby low- land areas jutting out from the main valley along tribu- taries of Napa River. North of Calistoga the valley is bluntly pinched off by the surrounding mountains. On the west the mountain ridge rises abruptly from the valley plain as far south as Napa, where it gives way to rolling hills that extend southward to the marshy delta land bordering San Pablo Bay. The mountain ridge that borders the valley on the east extends south- ward beyond the limits of [our] survey and forms the northern shore line of Carquinez Strait. This ridge also rises abruptly from the valley floor and is rough and rugged except where it broadens into a compara- tively level plateau northeast of the town of St. Helena. The plateau drops off abruptly to the northeast into Pope Valley, an enclosed oval-shaped lowland about 9 miles long and 3 miles wide, with the longer axis par- alleling Napa Valley. Drainage from Pope Valley breaks through the rugged mountainous area to the east by way of [Pope] Creek, and empties into Putah Creek in Berryessa Valley. This valley is about 10 miles long and from 1-1/2 to 2 miles wide with the longer axis paralleling Napa Valley. Berryessa Valley is plainly the result of structural deformation, with Putah Creek entering it from the west a little north of the central part and continuing southward down the valley to a point about 2-1/2 miles south of the town of Monticello, where it turns abruptly eastward and breaks through the mountains into the Sacramento River drainage area. Wragg Canyon, a narrow canyon- like valley, continues southward along the structural break. [227] ANTHROPOLOGICAI RECORDS Other lowland areas of less importance in the area are Chiles Valley, Wooden Valley, Capell Valley, Conn Valley, Poss Valley, and the upper portion of Suisun Valley. Rugged dissected mountainous areas border or enclose these valleys, all of which have their longer axes parallel to Napa Valley. Coalescing alluvial fans are a distinctive feature of the relief in all the lowland areas. They extend out from the mountain slopes, encroach on the valley plains bordering the main drainage courses, and in some of the smaller valleys completely cover the valley floor. The main streams in most of the valleys are incised between steep walls of alluvium, with tri- butary streams occupying shallow channels as they emerge from the mountains.... Napa Valley has an elevation of 363 feet at Calistoga, 299 feet at St. Helena, and 162 feet about midway down the valley, at Yountvilie. The elevation is 21 feet at Napa, and the lowlands bordering San Pablo Bay are only slightly above sea level. St. John Mountain, west of Oakville, has an elevation of 2,370 feet; and George Mountain, 1,888 feet. Pope Valley has a general ele- vation of slightly more than 500 feet, and Berryessa Valley has an average elevation of about 380 feet. The flora of the area is varied and interesting, making Napa Valley one of the more picturesque val- leys of California. On the western side of the valley in most of the canyons and cooler damper areas, the redwood tree has found a habitat; associated with it are Douglas fir on the canyon slopes, and black oak, live oak, madroiio, buckeye, Oregon maple, and a variety of other trees covering the mountain slopes. The redbud grows in well-watered sunny areas, and Christmas berry (toyon), manzanita, and ferns form a heavy undergrowth wherever conditions are favor- able. In the valley are still growing a few clumps of valley oak, black oak, live oak, and Digger pine which once covered the valley floor. With the exception of the redwood, many species of trees grow in the can- yons on the eastern side of the valley that are similar to those growing on the western side, though on the mountain slopes blue oak, Digger pines, and madroiio are more abundant. The drier mountain slopes of the eastern part of the area support a cover of scrub oak, Digger pine, mountain-mahogany, buckbush, man- zanita, and various species of Ceanothus, and Christ- mas berry grows on the still drier southern and west- ern slopes with shallow soils. Hill slopes barren of trees or brush growth, and the valley floor, where not cultivated, support a variety of native grasses and herbaceous plants including wild oats, alfilaria, bur- clover, and other plants. The intermontane valleys like Napa, Pope, Wooden, Chiles, Conn, and Berryessa, each with its freshwater stream, offered attractive locations for settlement, as shown by the concentration of village sites in the valley floors along the watercourses. South of Clear Lake there is evidence at every hand of volcanic activity, and our area is dominated by igneous rocks and formations. This geologic feature had important cultural implications to the Wappo and their predecessors, as evidenced by the almost exclusive use of basaltic rpcks for mortars, and of obsidian for knives, scrapers, and projectile points. This volcanic glass was greatly desired as material for implements in the Interior Valley to the east, among the Patwin, southern Maidu, Miwok, and Costanoan tribes. Easy access to the coastal dwellers (Pomo and Coast Miwok) to the west and to the lower valley and delta tribes to the east placed the Wappo in an advantageous position to act as middlemen in the coast-interior trade in obsid- ian and sea shells in raw form or as manufactured items. There can be little doubt that the Wappo produced shell beads in greater quantity than their own needs dictated and that the surplus was a trade article. The great abun- dance of flaked obsidian pieces in village site deposits, as well as the extensive workshops near the quarries, also indicate that obsidian was an item of economic im- portance. For ethnographic records of such trade see Sample (1950). 228 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND EXPLORATION Sonoma Valley, over to Petaluma and explored sur- rounding country. Back to Lema Creek, where the Caucasian exploration of Napa Valley began in night was spent. There were no doubt earlier and unrecorded con- Ninth day. Back to Sonoma where all agreed this tween the Indians of Napa Valley and the Mexi- was the place to establish the mission, near a small Americans, but the recorded history begins with stream. can expedition of 1823, which is here considered Tenth day. Erected cross with ceremonies, named I contact date. place New San Francisco, and returned as far as ain important events led up to the first exploring Olompale. on sent into the Napa region by the Mexicans. The Eleventh day. Returned to San Rafael. s in 1812 had established themselves on the coast Twelfth day. Boarded barge, passed Point Tiburon, I San Francisco Bay and this action threatenedthe continued on to San Francisco July 22. of Spain to this territory. The Spanish took im- e steps. to hold the country north of San Francisco In 1833 Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo was sent to the d in 1817 a new mission was established at San northern frontier to select a presidio site and to inspect the Russian establishment at Ross. In 1834 he was rune, 1823, an expedition in command of Ensign granted Petaluma and in 1835 founded Sonoma, and was chez, with two corporals and seventeen soldiers, made military commander and director of colonization nt to explore the Napa country and to find a new on the northern frontier. At this time he was engaged in n site. Accompanying the expedition was Father various Indian campaigns. He vigorously promoted the a, who was to be the missionary founder of the settlement and development of this area. ssion. (Davis, MS.) An account of this expedition In 1836, under Alvarado's government, Vallejo was n in a manuscript journal, abstracted as follows. made commandant general of California, being advanced ra, 1860, pp. 58-62, 115-118; Bancroft, 1885, to the rank of Colonel. In 1843 he was granted the Suscol 498.) rancho for supplies he furnished the government, and his Petaluma grant was extended.(Bancroft, 1886, 5:757-758.) First day (June 25). Shipped from the Presidio of Francisco at 9:30 a.m. Arrived at San Rafael, WARFARE ere the night was spent. Second day. Left San Rafael in early morning going First Satiyomi campaign.-The Satiyomi (Wappo) theast. Arrived, after going five leagues, at Olom- sheltered a Cainamero (Pomo) Indian who had stolen a 4, going same direction to Lema brook near Peta- mule from Vallejo. A native interpreter, sent by Vallejo s Flat. Spent night with eight or ten neophyte to ask them for his mule and to apprehend the thief, was ans from the rancheria of Libantiloyomi. bound and placed where Vallejo's soldiers would find him. Third day. Left Lema, going east, exploring coun- This insult was enough to rouse Vallejo to a fighting mood. which was fertile grassland. Northeast for two He set out against Succara, chief of the Satiyomis, who gues, oak groves and tules. Came to Tolay Lake, ambushed Vallejo's troops in a narrow ravine. The In- ed after former Indian chief, and a good cattle dians were armed with flint-headed javelins. In the three a. Continued northeast, arrived at Sonoma plain. hours or more of battle six soldiers were killed, and plored valley, found good streams and oak groves. thirty-two wounded, and thirty Indian allies of Vallejo nging mountains produced good firewood; some were captured and hanged by the Satiyomis. The Sati- wood. Spent night in valley. yomis fled, leaving Vallejo with three hundred prisoners, Fourth day. In the afternoon crossed over the hills including men, women, and children. theastward to the plain, or valley, of Napa, named The pursuit was taken up by Captain Salvador Vallejo, the former Indian inhabitants, and encamped on who followed the Indians to the mountains in Mendocino e stream [Napa Creek] which was named San Pedro County. There, in caves in the territory of the Yuvacheas r the day. A whitish earth on the borders of a warm and Boquenios, he found a friendly Cainamero Indianbound ing is thought to be valuable for cleansing pur- tightly all over with fine thongs in the same manner as es. Large herds of deer and antelope were noted Vallejo's messenger had been. This is said to have been he way. the characteristic Satiyomi torture. Fifth day. Continued northeast over low hills to The Indians had reassembled in a place called Satiyomi lun plain (10 leagues from Sonoma, 5 from Napa). (later Valle de Tuche). Some two thousand were gathered warmer country. Rancheria of the Hilatos, five here and with such a number the Indians felt strong enough Feagues northeast from Suisun plain, near a stream to attack again for the second time in two days. This time | obably in the vicinity of Vacaville]. nearly two hundred of their number were killed, mostly Sixth day. Rested. Indians came from rancheria of by saber and lance wounds, indicating the close-in fighting aitos, were given presents and food. that took place. Vallejo now sent an offer for peace, but Seventh day. Went back to Napa. And from there on the Indians, in spite of their losses, remained quite ray to Sonoma over some low hills north of their ear- haughty and the messengers were tortured as usual. The iier crossing, found lime. Explored range on edge of Satiyomi made an effort to get additional allies, in the Bonoma Valley, finding it good for grapes, went down meantime harrassing Vallejo's line of communication, Into the valley, decided to put mission here because which was in charge of the Patwin chief, Solano. Vallejo's Df abundant springs and good land. position was becoming dangerous, especially since his Eighth day. Went northwest, through remainder of Cainamero allies were getting tired and going over to the [229] ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS side of the Satiyomis. However, Succara, the Satiyomi chief, could not afford to risk an attack, because he was out of his home territory and had to carry his own sup- plies. Thus Solano was able to keep Vallejo's supplyline open. Vallejo appealed for help to Governor Figueroa, and Figueroa himself came at the head of four hundred men. He marched to the entrenchment of Succara and his warriors, who, seeing the overwhelming force, de- cided to give up. Succara gave twenty of his best war- riors as hostages in token of good faith, promised to re- turn all the stolen horses, and free all the prisoners. He did as promised, except for some of the horses which the Indians had eaten. As a result of this campaign the Indians seemed to realize that it was futile to resist the white man. Al- ready the Suisun (Patwin), Sonomas (Wappo), Licatuit (Coast Miwok), and Cainameros (Pomo) were finding it advisable to get along peaceably with the whites. (Lothrop, MS, pp. 130-133.) Second Satiyomi campaign. -In the early spring of 1836 Vallejo decided to go against the Guapos [Wappo] again, with the aid of chief Daniel and his "tribe" of Caynamos [Pomos] who had respected their treaty of 1833. The reason for this campaign was retaliation for the stealing of horses by the Guapos. On April first Vallejo set out with fifty men, one hundred natives, and the whole tribe of Caynamos against the chief, Coton, and his Guapo warriors, who were holed up in the moun- tains. The Mexican attack routed the Guapos, who went back to their rancherias without taking their dead and wounded. This time Vallejo's force did not lose a man; the number of Guapos killed is not mentioned. (Lothrop, MS, p. 138.) In June, 1836, a treaty was concluded between Vallejo and the warring Guapo Indians, the provisions of which were as follows: I 1. There shall be friendship between the comman- dant of this place (Sonoma) and the tribes of the Guapos, CfIilitoy, Ansactoy, Liguaitoy, Achistoy, Chorsuptoy, etc., whose principal chiefs are Osemei- ali, Cottro, and Lilac on the north and Moti and Peti on the east. 2. The parties of the first part shall settle in the district of the warm springs about three leagues dis- tant from this place in a clear spot which is not mala- rial and which satisfies the commandant, who shall come out to choose the place, first consulting the chiefs. 3. Fugitives and other Christians who desire to take refuge in their villages shall be handed over when demanded by the commandant. 4. The fields shall not be burned in time of drought on any pretext whatever, but if this is done by other tribes, the contracting parties shall not be held respon- sible, but they shall do all in their power to prevent it. I Lothrop, MS, pp. 119, 145, 217 (trans. fromVallejo, 1835; letters from Vallejo to Chico, June 7, 1836, and from Chico to Vallejo, June 27, 1836). [The Spaniards in California did not usually make treaties with the Indians and, so far as known, Vallejo's treaty with the Wappo in 1836 is unique. The earliest formal Indian treaty in California was apparently one between the Russians and Coast Miwok in 1817. During Lt. L. Hagemeister's stay at Fort Ross he "recognized the necessity of somewhat extending the limits of Kuskoff's seizure, and therefore invited the principal chiefs of the tribes in the vicinity of Roumian- tsoff Bay (Bodega Bay), Chu-chu-can and Valo-lig-lie, together with many prominent natives, and asked them if they would consent to cede to the Russians the coast down to the isthmus, on which several native villages were situated' The unanimous consent of the natives was secured. (Tikhmeneff, 1861, p. 218.) -Ed.] 5. The villages of the tribe of Caynama shall be respected in the same manner on the condition that both tribes, that is, the Caynamas and the Guapos, shall keep to their own land without trespassing on the land specified, on pain of suffering just reprisal from the offended party. The treaty was short lived, however, for Zampay, chief of the Yoloitoy, was ambitious to replace Solano as chief of the Suisuns (i.e., Patwin) and win over the allied Kapajos in order to drive the white man south of the Bay. The beginning of this year-long war was toward the end of July, 1836, when the Satiyomis also took this op- portunity to attack. Vallejo was considered the winner of the battle, but with considerable loss of material and men. Solano is credited with having saved Vallejo through his knowledge of the ambush technique of the Satiyomis. A short time after Zampay's capture, Succara, the chief of the Satiyomis, sent word to Vallejo that he wanted a truce. The time, place, and conditions of meeting were set by Vallejo, and a treaty was concluded, as follows. (Lothrop, MS, pp. 153 ff.) Article 1. Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, Comandante General of the military forces of the free state of Alta California, on the one hand, and Tucumn Succara, Great Chief of the Satiyomi nation, agree in making a treaty of peace that is to put an end for one year to the wars that the contracting parties have been engaged in with each other for some years. Article 2. The Comandante General, Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, engages to give orders to the over- seer at this ranch at Petaluma to deliver weekly to Chief Succara, or to the person who represents him, eight steers and two cows. Article 3. Succara in his own name and that of the Satiyomi nation undertakes the contract to hand over, on the beach at Sonoma every new moon, two bears of regular size considered strong enough to fight with savage bulls. Article 4. As a guarantee of the good faith of the Satiyomi nation, the Great Chief Succara will send to reside in Sonoma his brother, Cali-Vengo, and his sons, Ipuy Succara and Calpela Succara, who shall be treated, as long as they conduct themselves well, like Russian officers. Article 5. The Great Chief Succara, under pain of seeing his relatives shot and the delivery of the cattle mentioned in Article 2 of this agreement stopped, pro- mises in the most solemn manner it is possible to con- ceive to fulfill whatever demands the Comandante General, Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, may make with regard to giving up fugitive Indians who, after com- mitting thefts or murders, take refuge in the moun- tains belonging to the Satiyomi nation and thus try to avoid the punishment they deserve for their crimes. Article 6. Under no pretext shall the warriors of the Satiyomi nation come to the valley of Sonoma in numbers greater than thirty, and this only when they have given due notice to the Comandante General or, in his absence, to the senior officer in command at the fort of Sonoma in the interval. Article 7. The wives of the Satiyomi warriors may come to the fort of Sonoma to the number of one hun- dred, provided they do not carry concealed weapons and the object of their visit is amusement or trading. Article 8. The Comandante General, Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, and, in his absence, the senior officer of the garrison at Sonoma shall not send armed 230 ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION expeditions to the territory of the Satiyomi nation with- out previously having obtained the permission of Suc- cara or, in his absence, that of two of the principal leaders of the Satiyomis. Article 9. The chiefs of the Satiyomis promise to deliver within the space of one moon in the valley of Sonoma or at Fort Ross all the children of the Caina- mero and Suisun tribes that they have taken prisoner in the course of the last three years. Article 10. The Comandante General, Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, will give orders to his overseer at the Petaluma ranch to have a saddle horse with harness delivered to Succara or his subordinate in the plaza at Sonoma or at Fort Ross. Article 11. The Great Chief Succara and the Coman- dante General, Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo, make themselves mutually responsible for the damage that their respective fellow citizens may inflict on the other contracting party and damages shall be paid in the manner the injured party thinks most suitable to recompense the injuries received. All four made their crosses-Succara, his brother Cali-Vengo, and his sons, Ipuy Succara and Calpela Succara-Vallejo doing the same that there might be no distinction. Solano I, Captain John B. Cooper, Captain Salvador Vallejo, and Thomas Yount signed as witnesses. The meeting was held on the rancho of Nicolas Corrigd. The price paid seems rather high for the three points gained: the return of the captured children, the promise of indemnity for injury, and the pledge of freedom from raids, with the virtual imprisonment of Succara's brother and sons. No objection was made to this last provision when the truce was read and interpreted. The noteworthy thing about this treaty, as opposed to the previous one, is the independence shown by Vallejo, who was keeping up the northern frontier at his own ex- pense. The usual exchange of gifts and feasting took place after the treaty was signed. Gifts from Vallejo consisted of beads, blankets, colored handkerchiefs, and tobacco, while Succara gave bird-feather blankets, fisning nets, dried fish, and deerskins. Most of these gifts were then turned over to Solano and his allies. (Lothrop, MS, pp. 152-155.) Last Satiyomi campaign. -The last campaign against the Satiyomi was carried on between 1842 and 1845. The Satiyomis were blamed for horse-stealing in the valleys of Sonoma and Petaluma. Late in 1842 Salvador Vallejo and Solano set out to punish them. The Indians fled to the Mendocino Bay region where, with the aid of the Yukis, they successfully resisted seventy cavalrymen and two hundred Indian auxiliaries. Later Indian warfare.-In the spring of 1840 three warlike tribes appeared in Napa Valley, the Tagulamnes, the Ochejamnes and the Lachysimas, the latter group identifiable as Yokuts from the San Joaquin Valley. Val- lejo, together with Salvador Vallejo, the Sonoma troops, and the Suisun Indians led by Solano, defeated the in- vaders at Napa and pursued them, taking some prisoners. ,(Vallejo, MS- 1.) Yount assisted Vallejo in his fight with Okechumne (Miwok)2 and other wild tribes on December 27, 1840, at Las Trancas (now Suscol) eleven miles south of Yount's ranch. (Yount, 1923, p. 54.) 2 2Okechumne are probably to be identified with the Ochejamnes of Schenck (1926). Also see Kroeber (1925) "Okechumne." 231 EPIDEMICS In the year 1828 California's long regional immunity to devastating epidemics seems to have come to an end. This year and the next, 1829, were marked, not only by the first serious incursion.of smallpox, but also by the first attempt at vaccination of the population. Smallpox struck again in the years 1838 and 1839, when the serious "Miramontes epidemic" resulted in the deaths of many Indians and whites. Late in 1837 General Mariano G. Vallejo sent a cavalry corporal named Ignacio Miramontes to Fort Ross to bring back a cargo of cloth and leather goods for the troops stationed at Sonoma. Miramontes and his men seem to have brought the smallpox back with them. How the dis- ease got to Fort Ross or how much damage it did there is entirely unknown. Upon its introduction into Sonoma it began to spread at a rapid rate. Fernandez states that Miramontes returned from Fort Ross already stricken with the disease and that the Indians who accompanied him were likewise infected. Miramontes, it appears, had been vaccinated "in his youth" and recovered from this attack in two months. From Miramontes and his Indians the disease spread with "incredible velocity,'' first attacking the inhabitants of Sonoma. Among these victims were Gil Ibarra and Ignacio Palomares, who were being held as political pri- soners. The latter was only slightly affected but the for- mer barely survived. The Indians, of course, suffered most of all. There were a large number of native laborers in Sonoma, both in the mission and on Vallejo's ranch. Vallejo moved the mission population to a place one and a half miles distant, where they "died daily like bugs" (botello), but such measures were without avail. The dis- ease moved in a wide circle, affecting the natives over most of north-central California. Cerruti is most qpecific regarding its extent. He says that it nearly exterminated the inhabitants in the valleys of Sonoma, Petaluma, Santa Rosa, Russian River, Clear Lake, and the Tulares-that is, the Sacramento region-and extended to the slopes of Mount Shasta. It also attacked the Indians in the northern missions. The epidemic lasted several years. Starting in late 1837, it continued through 1838 and was still raging in 1839. The peak year, however, was 1838. Like the previous epidemic in 1828, it did not become a serious menace in the south. (Cook, 1939.) AMERICAN PERIOD George C. Yount, the first American to settle in Napa Valley, came to the area in 1833, visiting Benicia, Peta- luma, and the missions of San Rafael and Sonoma. At Sonoma he hired out for odd jobs and, along with George Brown, made the first shingles in Alta California. Yount remained in Sonoma until 1835 helping General Mariano Guadalupe Vallejo fight Indians. Through the aid of Gen- eral Vallejo and Jose L. Ouijas, friar of the northern missions, Yount was granted the Caymus Rancho byGov-. ernor Gutierrez on February 23, 1836. The grant lay near the center of the present county on both sides of the Napa River with the present towns of Rutherford and Oakville near its center and Yountville on its southern bour(dary. Mission Indians helped Yount build his Kentucky-style log house about the year 1835, the land being occupied before the grant was formally confirmed by Gutierrez. It was a two-story house, with the lower story about 18 by 18 ft. and the upper story about 22 by 22 ft., with port- holes. This was said to be the first log house on the I ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Pacific Coast. Yount in the early days made good use of this blockhouse, the friendly Indians coming to it for pro- tection while he drove off the attackers by firing'from the portholes. About 1841 Yount built an adobe house in the style of a fort. According to one account it stood 250 ft. south- west of Napa River and about 150 ft. southeast of the road at a point 300 ft. southwest of the bridge which is 1.2 mi. northeast of Yountville. The fort was about 85 by 40 ft., with the long axis north and south, and had two stories, with an inside stairway, with three or four rooms down- stairs and about four above. There was a fireplace, and there were portholes in the upstairs walls. Yount prob- ably built his grist mill in 1841. (Bowman and Hendry, MS, pp. 365-366.) Mexican land grants in Napa Valley proper were as follows. (References to the county refer to the present county.) Caymus. February 23, 1836. Governor Gutierrez to George C. Yount. Near center of county on both sides of Napa River. Rutherford and Oakville near its center, with Yountville on its southern boundary. Entre Napa. May 9, 1836. Governor Pico to Nico- las Higuera (including the patented rancho, Rincon de los Carneras). In south-central part of county south of Napa Creek, north of Carneras Creek, and west of Napa River. The major part of Napa City occupies its northeast corner. Napa. December 21, 1838. Governor Alvarado to Salvador Vallejo. Central part of county, west of Napa River and north of Napa and Carneros creeks. The hacienda of Salvador Vallejo was named Las Trancas ("The Bars"), for the heavy bars of redwood logs that formed the gate to his rancho. Yajome. March 13, 1841. Governor Alvarado to Damasco Rodriquez. In south-central part of county, east of Napa River a few miles north of Napa. Carne Humana. March 14, 1841. Governor Alvar- ado to Dr. Edward F. Bale in northwest part of county along both banks of the upper Napa River. E. F. Bale petitioned in 1841 for a grant of the place called by the Indians "Calajomanas" or "Kolijolmanok," which he altered to "Carne Humana." Menefee (1873) gives an account of the massacre of the occupants of Callojo- manas village on the Bale rancho near Oakville. D. T. Davis of Napa believes that the Goddard site (Nap- 1) is to be identified with the Callojomanas village. Huichica. October 22, 1841. Acting Governor Jimero to Jacob P. Leese. In southwestern part of county on Huichica Creek and county line. Tulucay. October 26, 1841. Acting Governor Jimero to Cayetano Juarez. In south-central part of county east of Napa River and Napa City. Putas. 1842-1843. Governor Micheltorena to Jose de Jesus and Sisto Berreyesa. In upper Putah Valley. Jota. October 21, 1843. Governor Micheltorena to George C. Yount. In north-central part of county, northeast of St. Helena. Arguin is near its center. Suscol. 1843-1844. Governor Micheltorena to Mariano G. Vallejo. Southeastern part of Napa County and into Solano County. West of lower Napa River, north of the straits; the northern point included the Twin Sisters peak. Vallejo and Benicia stand on its southern borders. Lupyomi. 1844. Governor Micheltorena to Jose Y. Limantour. Between rancho Napa and Chimiles. Olcoallomi. 1845. Alcalde Jose de Santo Berreyesa to John Rainsford.3 Catacula. May 2, 1846. Governor Pico to Jose Ignacio Berreyesa. In east-central part of county in Wooden and Gordon valleys. Recent developments in Napa Vallev.-Yountville, until 1867, was known as Sebastopol. After Yount's death in 1865 the name was changed to Yountville in his honor. Napa City was laid out as a town in the spring of 1848. The original boundaries included the land between Brown Street and the river, and extended from Napa Creek to the steamboat landing. Napa County was organized in. 1850; the present boun- dary was established in 1872. (Davis, MS.) Owing to the fertility of Napa Valley and the abundant grass found there on its discovery cattle and sheep rais- ing began early, hides being the desired product at first. This is still carried on, though not so actively. Cereal culture also began early and has continued down to the present, wheat and barley being the main crops. Viti- culture is now extensively pursued. The valley's gravelly soil, so suitable for the growth of grape vines, gave their cultivation an early start, the first vines being brought in by the mission fathers. The decisive impulse to viticulture was the introduction by Colonel Haraszthy in 1856 of many new and improved varieties of grapes, and it is now an important occupation in the valley. 3 Wnormation as compiled by Dr. Bowman; Bowman and Hendry, MS. 232 ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE WAPPO AND PATWIN This section deals with two aboriginal groups, the Wappo and the Southern Patwin, who were apparently living in the Napa region at the time of the first contact with white men.4 The following digest of the ethnographic material available for these groups has been included because it suggests the kind of life which was probably lived in the area more fully than archaeological accounts alone can do. However, specific connections between archaeological remains and ethnographic material are often impossible to trace. For example, the Wappo ela- boration of the couvade can certainly never be demon- strated from a collection of artifacts. On the other hand, the recovery of calcined bone in association with arti- cles which have been subjected to great heat fits nicely with the Wappo custom of cremating the dead and burn- ing their possessions with them. If the artifacts found also correspond to ethnologically attested Wappo material ,and come from an area where the Wappo are known to have lived, such remains can be attributed to the Wappo with a fair degree of confidence. Interments found in the most recent levels of the sites excavated may reflect missionary influence; but when we are confronted with the flexed burials of the deeper levels of Napa Valley sites, problems at once arise. Did the Wappo at an early period prefer interment to cremation or are we here dealing with another group of Indians who ;,were supplanted by the Wappo-perhaps the Patwin, since 'we know the Patwin usually buried their dead? Accurate torical perspective of aboriginal culture is not easily cieved and, though ethnology provides valuable clues r the interpretation of archaeological finds, we cannot thely assume that everything found beneath the ground longed to a group identical with the historical inhabi- ts of the place. Wappo, Patwin, and Lake Miwok cultures are now com- etely destroyed, and our picture of these aboriginal oieties must always remain incomplete. Practically the ethnographic data we have for the Wappo come m Driver's work in Alexander Valley along the Russian rer in 1932. At that time no Wappo remained in the of Napa Valley from which has come the archaeo- ical material discussed in this paper. Southern Pat- *, who once lived in the area covered by the survey, re wholly extinct when Kroeber worked there in 1923. ormation gathered by Kroeber suggests that in abori- times there was an extension of Lake Miwok terri- y down as far as Pope Valley, but the picture is not mpletely clear here either. In fact, the boundaries tween the three groups at the time of contact cannot be wn with certainty, especially east of Napa River. This particularly unfortunate for our purposes, since most the archaeological sites located are in this area. Of the excavated sites, Nap-1 (Goddard) is unquestion- y in former Wappo country, and Nap-14 (Las Trancas) bably is. Nap-39 (Tulukai) is historically Patwin. p-57 (Peripoli) lies in an undetermined area, either twin or Wappo, probably Patwin. The Lake Miwok, a third group, probably numbered no more 500 at the time of contact. As indicated above, very little is of them; hence, although sites in Pope Valley are in territory ed to them, no attempt will be made here to treat them ethno- phically. Their culture seems to have been very close to that of r Pomo neighbors. Of general archaeological significance is the that they burned their dead. (Kroeber, 1925, pp. 272-275; 1932, 366-369; Barrett, 1908a, pp. 314-318.) Kroeber corrects some- the area given by Barrett, extending it south to Pope Valley. [2% In any case, a completely static grouping of the tribes over even a short period of time was perhaps not usual. If we disregard large-scale population movements which must have occurred in Central California from time to time, the ethnographic accounts suggest that minor changes of boundaries between aboriginal groups were not uncommon. For example, we know of a Pomo-Wappo shift that took place about 1830 in Alexander Valley. Sea- sonal occupation of certain territories seems also to have been customary. However, Kroeber (1932, p. 270) thinks that shifts of aboriginal population were the exception rather than the rule. The sections on material culture obviously can be more directly correlated with the archaeology than those on social culture. However, some of the more intangible aspects are discussed here as a reminder that material possessions constitute only a part of a group's life and can never be fully understood except in relation to the activities and ideologies of the people who used them. WAPPO Our report describes the Wappo more fully than the Patwin for the simple reason that we have more informa- tion about them; although, again, it is far from complete. Our account is largely a condensation of Driver's Wappo Ethnography (1936), which should be consulted for fur- ther details and for a complete bibliography. His infor- mants came from extreme northwest Wappo territory. Name.-The name Wappo is an Americanized form of the Spanish guapo, which means 'brave." It was given to a group of Indians who lived mainly in Napa Valley because it characterized their stubborn and partly successful re- sistance to the whites. These same Indians appear in the literature under a variety of other names, most of which seem to designate only small local groups. (See tabulation p. 234.) Agreement is far from complete concerning the proper use of some of these terms, but the ramifications of the problem are too complex to consider here. Language.-The Wappo language is the most southerly representative of the Yuki family, which is itself a mem- ber of Sapir's Hokan-Siouan superstock. (Kroeber, 1925, pp. 217-218; Radin, 1929, p. 7.) On the basis of comparison with the northern Yuki- speaking people Kroeber thinks that the Wappo must have been separated from,them for about five hundred years. There were dialectic subdivisions among the Wappo, but' these were not very marked; all Wappo groups could ap- parently understand each other; compare Yount, who lists five "tribes" of Napa Valley, of which only the Caymus and Miacamus were Wappo divisions, the remainder Pat- win. Yount says that "no two [tribes] could converse with- out an interpreter" (Yount, 1923, p. 55). Specific linguistic borrowing between the Wappo and their neighbors seems to have been slight, and very few Spanish words were taken over in contact times. Territory.-As far as can be determined, at the time of contact the Wappo occupied the head of Sonoma Creek, the valley of the Napa River to tidewater, the upper part of Pope Creek, the southern headwaters of Putah Creek, the upper courses of Sulphur Creek, a short stretch of the Russian River, and Elk Creek. (Kroeber, 1925, pl. 27; 1932, end map; Barrett, 1908a, pp. 264-278, end map; Dri- ver, 1936, p. 182, map 1; Stewart, survey map in UCMA.) 33] CORTINA ; \ + \ 0 ' i P A ~T WERN CENTRAL P OM O SONOMA CO. \ PAT WIN. COSS IT. TEKENANTSONOMA NARBIN SPRINSS * $ UPT E ED$RN ETU IHLKTOMA\/ WESTERN ~~~~ALOKONOMA WA PPO ~.MIDIDILETW S YN M X NUTMITULsAYKA , 2sTG LL HJLKOM,TA E*O NORTHERN SEYSERVILLE A PIONTOLMA WAVLE P| PO H OL M A X ,M EW A LELENOM A. R..- AUNUTAA LAOA \ )( NOLILELENOMA ' A OWOTELPIETI \1 UTSON GA PlT I IMYAHET SONOIA KOTICO M UTt AT CAIIIOSA L~ ~ ~~~~ETA WA 0 ATOELMEMLN OPATIERNAWAPPO WAP\\\\\ POMo TERRITORY ullYlL^our lALISTOlA X WAPPO CAMPSIT E BOUNDARIES OP LINSUISTIC STOCKSR S OUT ENDRE OP ILET PROBABLE BOUNDARIES OF DIALECTSE WAP EABONAL~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~O OGGPATONMY WPP PAPMO TERRITORY UTLAOTIS Map 2 ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION Names Designating Wappo Indians or Divisions of Them Acotamai ......... Aschotchimi A'schochamai A'shotenshowi Name given by Southern Pomo in recognition of the northern origin of the Wappo. Powers seems to consider it a Wappo name for themselves Powers, 1877, p. 196 Barrett, 1908a, p. 263 Kroeber, 1925, p. 219 Loeb, 1932, p. 106 Callajomanes ...... On Bale ranch near St. Helena. Bull. 30 (p. 42) Callajolmanes wrongly equates them with the Pomo Cainameros or Gallinomero Caymus ......... Tribelet living on Yount's Grant Kaimus Guapos ......... Spanish for "brave." Refers to entire group Lile'ek ........... Considered a recent Clear Lake offshoot by Barrett and Kroeber. Defined as seasonal migrants only (Gifford). A Pomo name Mayacamas ........ Name from town Ma-ya'kma near Calistoga Mayacomas Maiya'kma Myacmas Mallacomes Micewal ......... Refers to Western Wappo group settled at Pipoholma, Mishwal though Loeb implies it is a name by which all Wappo called themselves Rincons ......... Russian River Valley Wappo. Probably same group as Micewal. Rincon means inner corner in Spanish Satiyomes .. ... Satiyomis Sotomieyos Sotoyomes Setomellos Soteomellos Hittell, 1860, p. 55 Menefee, 1873, pp. 18-19 Barrett, 1908a, p. 260 Barrett, 1912, p. 482 Yount, 1923, p. 57 Barrett, 1908a, p. 269 Vallejo, MS- 1, p. 16 Powers, 1877, p. 196 Kroeber, 1925, p. 219 Barrett, 1908a, p. 275 Kroeber, 1925, p. 219 Gifford, 1923, p. 78 Hittell, 1860, p. 55 Menefee, 1873, pp. 18-19 Barrett, 1908a, pp. 264-270 Barrett, 1908a, p. 263 Kroeber, 1925, p. 219 Loeb, 1932, p. 106 Powers, 1877, p. 197 Barrett, 1908a, p. 263, n. 302 Has been equated with entire Wappo group [Bancroft, Bancroft, 1886, p. 71 Lothrop]. Barrett and Kroeber say it refers to Lothrop, 1932, pp. 173, 181 Pomo group named after chief Soto or Santiago. He, Barrett, 1908a, p. 219 however, fought the chief of the Satiyomi, according Kroeber, 1925, p. 223 to Lothrop. Sotoyome applied to Fitch's ranch near Kroeber, 1932, p. 352 Healdsburg, including Alexander Valley (Barrett), so Lothrop, MS, pp. 130-132, 138 the name may have shifted to the Wappo with the terri- tory. Mention of Satiyomi as a river outside Wappo territory; as later Valle de Tuche. Patwin wife of Chief Solano describes herself as Satiyomi from Cache Creek. Very problematical. [Possibly a Pomo term extended loosely by Spanish to Indians north of Sonoma?] Wapo ........ Corruptions of Spanish "Guapo" Wappo Watto, etc. b "There is also evidence of seasonal occupation of Cole hek and part of the south shore of Clear Lake. In ear- t publications this northern Wappo group, known as Lile'ek, are described as year-round residents of the witory, although comparatively recent settlers. How- r, Gifford's Pomo informants insisted that their occu- IOn of the region was only seasonal, and that it was ovisited by other Indian groups. (Gifford, 1923, pp. 79.) About 1830 the Pomo who lived in Alexander Valley the Russian River above Healdsburg were defeated b fight with the Wappo over some stolen acorns. They Fefore abandoned their territory to the Wappo, who ettled two of the Pomo villages, called Cimela and comoto. (Kroeber, 1925, p. 219.) Map 2 shows known Wappo sites as recorded by Barrett, Kroeber, Driver, and Stewart. The concentration of names in the north and west and their relative scarcity in the south may reflect the fact that most of the informants were from the north and west rather than indicate the true den- sity of Wappo settlements. It is not possible to ascertain accurately from publishec material the relative ages of these villages, but certainly they did not all flourish at the same period. Excavated sites have not been definitely identified with historically recorded villages. Population. -Kroeber estimated the number of Wappo as about 1,000 in 1770, while Cook thinks 1,650 might be a better guess. Early estimates of population do not distin- guish Indian groups clearly. Menefee quotes Yount as saying 11I I I t.I 1 ? 1, i 235 236 ANTHROPOLO that there were 400 Indians on his Kaimus ranch, and Yount considered the Kaimus to be the largest "tribe" in the valley. L. L. Palmer says that the Lile'ek numbered about 100, and in 1881 there were about 15 of them left. (Kroeber, 1925, pp. 221, 883; Cook, 1943, p. 174; Palmer, 1881, p. 35; Menefee, 1873, pp. 18-19; Yount, 1923, p. 56; Barrett, 1908a, p. 40; Driver, 1936, p. 179.) Disease, war, and raids by the whites resulted in a rapid decline of numbers after 1830, as discussed under "Acculturation.' In 1910, 73 Wappo were counted, of which three-fifths were full blooded. Only a few Wappo families remain today. Settlements.-The Wappo had two kinds of settlements, permanent or winter towns and temporary summer towns or camps. Several large and continuously occupied towns seem to have served as centers of communities "with some sense of political unity." For this reason the names of these towns were often used by early whites as a basis for "tribal" designations. Kroeber speaks of such units as tribelets. (Kroeber, 1932, pp. 257-259.) The settlements usually lay in valleys. A large town might have forty houses and one or two sweathouses. A small town had about eleven houses and might have no sweathouse. These are estimated figures derived from Alexander Valley informants and Driver thinks that they are too high. He believes that a hundred persons to a village was average. Excavations have given no additional information. There was no fixed village plan except that the sweat- house was in the center and its door always faced south. (Driver, 1936, pp. 183-184, 203-207.) The chief Wappo towns were the following, according to Kroeber (1925, pp. 218-219) and Davis (MS). South .... Kaimus: at Yountville on George Yount's grant Anakotomona: near St. Helena Wilikos: at the head of Sonoma Valley Central .... Mayakama: at Calistoga on E. Bale's grant Mutistul: west of Calistoga North .... Loknoma: near Middletown West .... Tekenantsonoma: near Geysers Popoholma: near Geyserville Lile'ek .... Daladano: below Clear Lake, south of a more recent Indian village of the same name Subsistence.-Wappo culture was based on a food- gathering economy in which the greatest emphasis was placed on vegetable foods. Acorns were the chief vege- table staple, while deer was the main game animal. Fish were of some importance. At times special journeys were taken to procure them, and sea food was eaten dur- ing stays on the coast. (Driver, 1936, pp. 184-187; Radin, 1924.) The Wappo had no dogs or other domesticated animals but they made pets of various wild species. The coyote was considered a sacred animal and was not eaten. Nor were certain frogs, lizards, and the like used as food, since they were believed to be poisonous. Food was usually either roasted or stone-boiled. Meals were eaten at eight or nine in the morning and again at sundown. Driver's informants said that the mem- bers of each family ate together. It may be noted that in one of the stories of the Chicken Hawk cycle it is speci- fically mentioned many times that men ate in the sweat- GI( CAL RECORDS house whereas women ate in the dwellings. Possiblythis story is a borrowed one, or it may indicate an actual change of custom. The particular Wappo myths collecte by Radin show great preoccupation with food. Indeed, the literary quality of two of the tales seems to depend large- ly on prolonged and repetitious descriptions of meals eaten by the characters in the story. Since there are actually so few of these myths, it is difficult to say how much this emphasis reflects the informant's idiosyncras and how much the theme is culturally determined. In a second Chicken Hawk story Chicken Hawk and his wives eat together in the sweathouse. (Radin, 1924, pp. 50-86, 87-147.) Division of labor and specialization.-There was little specialization in occupations. Both sexes shared in the gathering of acorns and wood, and both carried water and. did the packing on journeys. Most men hunted and fished, and each man made his own equipment. Men also made all the clothing, except for the women's double aprons. They built houses, made musical instruments, beads, and ornaments. Women prepared the food and gathered grass seeds. They made all household utensils, including all basketry, though fish traps and baby cradles might be made by the old men as well. Women tanned the hides for their double aprons and also gathered grass for house coverings. (Driver, 1936, pp. 209-211.) Driver lists the occupations, offices, and special abili ties of the thirty-eight males of Unutsawaholma in Alexan der Valley, showing quite clearly the general lack of specialization. He suggests that a few occupations and abilities, such as singing, flute-making, or being a suck- ing doctor, ran in families. His chart is based on what his informants could remember about the village as it wa in 1870. Social and political units.-The smallest social unitwas a bilateral group of kin; the largest was the tribelet. Dri- ver does not use the word tribelet but speaks only of a village community. However, it seems likely that the poli tical unit may sometimes have included more than one village, although one predominated. This was apparently typical of this part of Central California. (See Kroeber, 1932, p. 258.) There was no unification of all Wappo. Tribe let chiefs had no real authority. (Driver, 1936, pp. 201-20' 215.) There were nonexogamous moieties, East and West, which functioned only in ceremonies and games. They seem to have had nothing to do with marriage, personal names, or descent. Usually more than one family occupied a house. Al- though the average number of families living together was two, the actual range in Alexander Valley was from one to six. Each family had its own fire and entrance, and each ate as a unit. Adult occupants were joint owners of the house. Generally, they were related by blood. The house head was a mature male, but not a really old one, for he had to be physically fit. Chiefs. -As indicated above, the tribelet chief had no actual coercive authority over his tribelet. He could at- tain real leadership only by the strength of his own per- sonality. His sole mark of rank seems to have been a string of beads. Theoretically, chieftainship implied four functions: war chief, home chief, dance or ceremonial chief, newsman or town crier. According to Alexander Valley informants all these offices were filled by a single individual. Circumstances of succession to chieftainship are not clear. Usually the next most prominent chief suc- ceeded on the death of the head chief, although the latter could, in theory, choose his own successor and have him I I i ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION installed during his own lifetime. (Driver, 1936, pp. 211- 212.) Loeb thinks the preferred heir was a man's son. Occasionally a woman might be head chief. (Loeb, 1932, p. 106.) Group affairs were discussed at occasional meetings of all men in the community, but there was no formal machinery for political action. Supposedly a head chief might override public opinion; probably he seldom did. Nevertheless, his permission was asked for important undertakings, such as a journey to the coast. An anecdote is told by the early settler Yount of a Wappo who may possibly have been the head chief of the Kaimus tribelet. He first dealt with his tribesmen, who were menacing Yount, by unexpectedly knocking one of ithem out. Soon afterwards the chief brought Yount a Jpair of ducks and smoked a "peace pipe" with him. Ap- parently he acted as a representative of his whole group. Another time a chief-we are not told whether it was he same one-acted as a spokesman for his fellows in behalf of their guardian spirit, who lived where Yount wished to build a dam. After a period of consideration, uggested by Yount, the spirit agreed to move farther p the hill. (Yount, 1923, pp. 57-60). Vallejo mentions at least two Wappo "chiefs" byname n treaties, and has a good deal to say about Succara, ief of the Satiyomis, whose "treachery" he so bitterly decried. In the records Succara is made to appear as 'acting for the Wappo tribe as a whole, if the Satiyomis and Wappo are to be equated. (Lothrop, 1932, pp. 189- 191; MS, pp. 152-156; Vallejo, MS-1, pp. 14-24). This, [however, may be the white man's statement of the case, lor it does not fit the usual picture of Wappo tribal organ- lsation or war-making. Succara may have been no more Uban a rather colorful head chief of a Western Wappo tribelet. Doctors.-There were two chief kinds of Wappo doc- tors, a sucking or dreaming doctor and a singing or out- It one. The former was considered more efficacious, and he received his power by supernatural experience. His araphernalia were limited to feathers, flint, and a bas- t. He treated disease by sucking some object out of the tient's body. The singing or outfit doctor learned his technique by atching others practice or by serving as a second. His tit was more extensive than that of a sucking doctor, t his cures were not considered as permanent. There were specialists for treating women's ills, and ers for healing fractures. Doctors were usually men, but women also might be ther kind of doctor. Payment was in beads, which, how- er, were not accepted if no cure was made. While treat- a patient, the doctor observed a number of taboos and had to be purified at the end of a four days' treatment. s was as long as he was permitted to work on a case, It f the patient were still sick after four days, a new ctor could be called in. The Wappo had a number of simple remedies for minor ments and most of them could be administered by lay- en. For example, hot stones or ashes were put on the d to cure a headache or vegetable purges were used r constipation. There was a belief in poisoners, who worked by means sympathetic or contagious magic. If a person became k for this reason, a doctor determined who the poisoner Apparently a doctor himself was never suspected of tchcraft, even if his patient died. (Driver, 1936, pp. 196- ; Freeland, 1923, pp. 69-72.) Life cycle.-It was thought that pregnancy might be uced by certain acts, such as going to a magic rock. A number of food taboos and other taboos were ob- served by the pregnant woman, who also avoided hard work. Birth took place in the menstrual room. The mother or some other female relative acted as midwife, although a special doctor might be called for exceptional cases, and the husband sometimes helped. The mother stayed in the house for ten days or two weeks and ob- served certain food taboos. The Wappo had the most highly developed couvade of any of the California Indians. Both the mother and the father of the child lay abed for four days after the birth. Infanticide was optional with the parents, and was ap- parently practiced in historic times. Bastards were not always killed. Twins received no special recognition. (Driver, 1936, pp. 198-200, 208-209.) There was only family recognition of a girl's arrival at maturity. At her first menstruation she stayed in the special menstrual room and observed certain taboos. After four days she was bathed by a female relative while a doctor sang a song for her in the main part of the house. She was then permitted to leave the menstrual room, but she could not leave the house until after her second period. Most of a man's activities were limited during his wife's menstrual periods. There were no puberty rites for boys. Monogamy was practiced. There seem to have been no definite rules of preference in marriages, but a union between known blood relatives was prohibited. Girls married when they were about fifteen, boys when they were slightly older. Marriage was arranged by the couple, subject to their parents' approval. Gifts were exchanged between the two families and this continued for some time, although the gifts were of decreasing value. Rules of postnuptial residence were not fixed. The bride joined her husband's ceremonial moiety. She could not eat with her parents-in-law, and was permitted totalk to them only when it was absolutely necessary. The hus- band was permitted to eat with and to talk to his parents- in-law, but he had to be very polite to his mother-in-law, carry food and water for her and bring her game. Divorce was an informal affair and was rare. A widow lived with her mother-in-law for a few years and had to have her approval in order to remarry. A widower visited his mother-in-law every few days and continued to bring her game for an indefinite period. It was thought that a person who married too soon after the death of a mate was likely to be poisoned. The body was cremated after death, usually a mile or so away from the village because the ghost was feared. The ashes were usually buried in a hole beneath the fire, although Powers reports that they were thrown into the air. (Powers, 1877, p. 200.) Anyone might come to the cremation. The pyre was lighted by someone unrelated to the dead person. Menefee says that the funeral pile "was set on fire by mother, wife or some near relative:' and that the ashes were collected and mixed with pitch and daubed on the faces of the mourners. He seems to be referring to the Wappo, although possibly the Southern Patwin are described. (Menefee, 1873, p. 29.) This would seem to tie up with a custom described for the Southern River Patwin at Yoldoi near Knight's Landing. Here, according to a newspaper account quoted by Kroeber (1932, p. 354), the dead were burned and the relatives' "fingers were dipped in the remains and smeared over their faces." The members of the family wailed in rhythm, lacerated themselves (the women often cut off their hair), put clay on their heads, and otherwise mourned, but there was no public tribute to the dead. Most of the deceased's posses- sions were burned on the pyre, and relatives might also I - 237 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS throw on offerings. Archaeological evidence from post- contact sites would seem to indicate that under white in- fluence interment was practiced. Menefee says that bodies were sometimes burned in the sweathousei which might account for the cremations found at actual occupa- tion sites, since in theory the bodies would be buried some distance away. However, Menefee may not have been referring specifically to the Wappo. The house of the dead person was often burned, but not always, especially if it was occupied by several families or if the death occurred in winter, when build- ing material was scarce. Driver heard of no instance of the burning of a whole town when a chief died. Property and inheritance.-Individuals owned personal items, such as clothing, ornaments, or weapons. Things which were used jointly by a community, as, for example, fish weirs, were considered the common property of the group. Usually this was a kin group. The chief was perhaps the theoretical owner of a tribelet's territory, and he seems to have posted its boundaries. There were no fixed rules of inheritance and, in any case, most of a person's possessions would be burned at his death. Songs and charms could apparently be in- herited, but they were not important. (Driver, 1936, p.211.) Tobacco and sweating.-Wild tobacco was smoked, but not chewed, most smoking being done in the sweathouse. Each man owned.his own pipe. The recorded mythology lacks references to smoking even in the sweathouse. (Driver, 1936, p. 187.) Only men sweated in the sweathouse. They did this oxice or twice a day, early in the morning and again late in the afterpoon. After sweating the men plunged at once into a near-by creeek, a custom which excited much com- ment on the part of early whites in the area. In mytho- logical accounts women also sweated. (Radin, 1924, pp. 51 ff.) Games, dancing, and music.-The Wappo played a number of typical North American games, such as grass- guessing or hand-guessing games, shinny, split-stick dice, hoop and pole, and stick-guessing games. Races, tag, and various kinds of athletic contests were held. Pole vaulting is probably modern. The idea of bull fight- ing was borrowed from the Spaniards, but altered; the Indians rode the bull. The Wappo swam. Girls played with small dolls made of sticks, clay (unbaked?), or of flat pebbles. Children also had acorn tops. (Driver, 1936, pp. 192-194.) The schedule for sacred dances is not known, but common dances seem to have been held frequently, "every Saturday night," according to Driver's informants. An early traveler describes what must have been a common dance, since both men and women participated in it, as a "shuffling hobble de-hoy, accompanied by music "fit to raise the dead." Musical instruments were few and simple. They were used chiefly to accompany dancing, but it is said the flute was played for amusement. War victories were celebrated by a "big time" of feast- ing and dancing. Calendar, colors, directions, and numerals.-A simple reckoning of the year by twelve moons was recorded by means of sticks, and the four seasons were named. A few constellations were recognized, and six directions-up, down, and the four cardinal points. The four chief colors designated were red, yellow, blue, and pink. Other colors were considered intermediate. The numeral sys- tem was quinary. (Driver, 1936, pp. 195-196.) Travel and trade. -The chief objects obtained through trade were sinew-backed bows, which came from the north at Colusa and Stonyford and were thus probably Patwin (or Salt Pomo), clam and abalone shells from the coast, and tule mats from Lake County (although the Wap- po themselves made poor ones). Magnesite cylinders and fish also came from Lake County. Yellowhammer head- bands used in dancing probably came from somewhere in the north. There seems to be no information concerning articles which the Wappo themselves may have had for trade, or about how most trading was done and by whom. (Driver, 1936, pp. 194-195). The money used was made of small clamshell disks or magnesite cylinders. Driver lists the values of disks as given by his informants, but considers that they are in general too high. A clamshell bead was roughly equivalent to one cent. The value of a whole clam shell grew in pro- portion to the distance from the Bay. Clam shells came from Bodega Bay by trade or were directly gathered. Apparently Bodega Bay was common clam-digging territory for Pomo, Miwok, and Wappo. The Wappo made the two-day journey to the coast at least once a year, and they were not interfered with by Pomo or Miwok on this occasion. Rather large groups went on these trips, in contrast to smaller expeditions which might go to the obsidian outcrops near St. Helena, where nodules were obtained for working at home. The trips to Lake County for fish were made several times a year, and the fish were dried over a fire before being packed home. Men, women, and children made these trips. Both sexes carried packs by means of a pack strap worn across forehead and chest. Pinole was carried for food and skin bags for keeping valuables. Powers describes a Wappo carrying his decrepit old father to the Clear Lake revival of 1871 by means of a rawhide band slung across his forehead and down over his shoulders like a swing. (Powers, 1877, p. 209.) The journeys and trade relations described above are, of course, based on Western Wappo informants; the sources of supply might make the picture somewhat different for other Wappo groups. Driver's informants listed seven places two or three days' journey from Unutsawaholma where people went for dances. Some are in Southern Wappo, some in Pomo, territory. People from all these places except one, Nicasio, west of San Rafael, came in turn to Unutsawaholma to dance. Possibly this reflects a rather late contact phenomenon; at any rate, yearly intertribal dances have persisted to recent times. Mr. Davis of Napa has a glass-beaded band said to have been from the garments of Indians who held a dance near Yountville in 1866 or 1867. Indians who attended came from Clear Lake and Mendocino counties. A similar affair was supposed to be held somewhere in this general territory annually. Mr. Davis does not recall or know of any record of dances being held about Napa in the late nineteenth cen- tury. The 1871 "revival" referred to above is described by Powers as taking place in the territory of the Habenapo, a Pomo group on Kelsey Creek to the west of Clear Lake. That year there had been particularly many acorns and a tremendous run of fish, so that a festival was held "as of former times." Assembly houses were built: and the sur- rounding tribes, hearing of this, began to come. The in- flux was greatly increased by the Lone Pine earthquake; by the dream of certain prophets that another quake would follow and would destroy all the whites, but not those Indians who went to Clear Lake; and by a scarcity of water in the surrounding region. Presumably there were some Wappo among the "hundreds of Indians" who I I t 238 ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION ocked to the Habenapo territory. Immigrants were said i have come especially from the Russian River territory ia the Ellis ranch near Cloverdale. Frenzied dancing .d ceremonial activity went on here for several months. Powers, 1877, pp. 209-211). Warfare.-Ordinarily tribelets seem to have been dte friendly with each other, and warfare was made krgely by small avenging parties or raiders. Even a large battle" was likely to stop if an important man was Mled. Causes for hostility would be poaching, murder, t poisoning. War was not undertaken for conquest. Warriors were subject to certain ceremonial obser- kuces and taboos before and during a war party. Cer- in food taboos lasted for ten days after a battle, if one Id killed an enemy. Warriors painted themselves with rck, red, and white paint, and wore large bird wings their hair. (Driver, 1936, pp. 213- 215.) The favored strategy was a sneak attack on an enemy Olage at night. General Vallejo's explanation of this pre- red mode of warfare was that there were a greatnum- of albinos among the Wappo, and it was easier for mto see at night. (Valiejo, MS-1, 1835, pp. 17-18.) ytlme fighting took place between two sides spread thinly against each other, and bows and slings were d. Spears were employed chiefly at night. An inter- nge of derogatory remarks accompanied the figHiting, ch ended when one side withdrew or an important man s killed. Women and children were not usually killed en villages were attacked but they were sometimes en captive. Barrett says that peace was made by an exchange of , but Driver's informants said that the losers paid winners and the victorious side made no return gift. k type of settlement has not been reported elsewhere :alifornia. Therefore Driver suspects his information r be erroneous. Friendly villages might be invited to the dancing and Noting which celebrated a victory. IThe supernatural: ceremonialism and mythology.-The ppo belonged to the Western Kuksu cult system. Loeb ps them with the Pomo of the interior and the Lake ok. Among these groups the ceremony seems to have loped independently of curing and initiations, although general purpose was health giving. The ceremony, ch lasted four or seven days, was held every summer zere had been sickness. Between the sacred dances or common dances were given in a brush dance house. could participate in these. Dancers wore feathers in r hair and feather cloaks. One common dance was ormed only by women while the men sang, but the red dances were performed only by men, painted and feather headdresses. e fact that a ghost appeared in the Kuksu cult and s in the common Coyote dance suggests that some Ments of the Ghost ceremony of the Yuki and Lake may have been borrowed by the Wappo. (Loeb, p. 399; 1932, pp. 108-112; Kroeber, 1932, p. 317, ;Driver, 1936, pp. 216-217.) ormants from Alexander Valley described a five-day mony given at Mutistul in a large dance-sweathouse. given in May and appears to have been a kind of ,-fruits ceremony. No food plants for the year were ered before it was held. wers says that the hawk and owl were sacred birds te Wappo. Possibly this may be connected with the cult of south-central and southern California. (Pow- , 1877, pp. 199-200; Loeb, 1932, p. 108; Driver, 1936, 16.) e chief deity of the Wappo seems to have been Old Man Coyote. He and Kuksu were prayed to. A hunter or fisherman might ask Coyote to "give him a little anyhow." People prayed at night and before an important under- taking. Ghosts were believed to stay with a corpse for four days, and they might occasionally return if the personal possessions of a dead person were left lying about. (Dri- ver, 1936, p.216.) Whenever a Wappo passed by certain spots where spir- its were thought to live, he left an offering, usually a stick or stone. (Yount, 1923, p. 61.) A number of these "tumela" or spirit places have been located by D. T. Davis and are listed in the "Site Survey" section of this report. Radin has published five Wappo myths told him by two informants, and both Powers and Yount give a condensa- tion of some Wappo tales. On the basis of Radin's collec- tion (1924) the mythology has been characterized as con- taining a mixture of Pomo, Coast Miwok, and Yuki con- cepts. Among the Coast Miwok, as among the Wappo, Chicken Hawk was the grandson of the creator, Coyote. The story of the flood and the recreation of the human race by Coyote are also shared by these two groups. I do not know in which direction these stories may have been diffused. One of Radin's two informants identified the moon with Kuksu. According to Loeb this is a Yuki con- cept. (See also Yount, 1923, p. 61.) Since the published material is very limited, it is diffi- cult to tell how much the mythology was stylized and how much freedom was allowed the raconteur's own imagina- tion. Published with the Indian myths (Radin, 1924) are six Spanish folk tales taken over by one of the informants and told to his children in Wappo. Chicken Hawk, Coyote, kings, and princesses all intermingle delightfully in these stories. A version of the ancient and widespread "magic flight" theme, which occurs as a definite part of one of the European tales, is found in one Wappo myth given by Radin (1924, p. 139). Perhaps the Wappo borrower uncon- sciously found the Spanish theme particularly agreeable. The material is too scanty, however, to warrant making any generalizations as to the nature and extent of borrow- ing involved in Wappo mythology in either recent or abori- ginal times. Acculturation. -As may be guessed from the foregoing, the history of Wappo acculturation is very fragmentary. Of the actual break with the northern Yuki, little can be inferred for, barring a few linguistic clues, there is nothing to go on. Driver says there are no traits that are shared exclusively by the Wappo and the northern Yuki. He and other writers seem to feel that it was the Pomo, among the Wappo's neighbors, who influenced them most in aboriginal times. In fact he says, "the acculturation of the Wappo by the Pomo was practically complete."(Driver, 1936, pp. 218-219). The encroachment of white settlers meant great changes for the Wappo-diminution of the sup- ply of game and wild vegetable foods, disease,, mass mur- ders by the whites, and warfare against a better equipped enemy. Extermination is almost a more justified term than acculturation for the course of native culture after the arrival of "the purest Nobility, the vanguard of Civili- zation.' (Menefee, 1873, "Dedication.") It was the convic- tion of most of the early settlers that the Indians of Napa Valley were something less than human. This notion still flourished in the 'seventies. Then, it is true enough, the few remaining aborigines were indeed broken in spirit. (Menefee, 1873, pp. 17, 25.) As the aboriginal culture gave way to the culture of the white man, the Indians began to work as cultivators, wood choppers, and herders. Often large ranch owners were glad to have them settled on their land, since it meant a I 239 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS labor supply near at hand when needed. George Yount, who had the first land grant in Napa Valley, seems to have formed an alliance with the Indians of the rancheria or Indian village on his land. With them he fought against other Indian villages until he was in undisputed control of his territory and had converted his Kaimus Indians into laborers and farm hands. He seems to have shown genuine respect for Indian tradition, as in his circum- spect treatment of the spirit who lived where he wished to build his mill dam. James Clyman, who visited Yount in 1845, describes how the Indians were sent out to reap the wheat with "a rough kind of sickle.' The squaws gathered up the grain and packed it to the threshing floor where it was later threshed by turning in a lot of wild horses. (Clyman, 1926, p. 127.) During the wheat harvest the Indians would apparently camp by the fields. Revere says that gardens were often guarded by "a small troop of Indians, who with loud cries of question- able melody warn off the profane flocks and herds which would fain trespass upon its sacred precincts." Young Indians were also used as sheep herders, but Indians were not usually permitted to herd cattle or borses, though occasionally one might superintend a whole ranch. The wages given them were moderate, according to Revere, and were always paid in merchan- dise, although a dollar in money might sometimes be given on feast days. (Revere, 1849, pp. 96-100). Some whites apparently bought kidnaped Indians, whom they treated as slaves. (Menefee, 1873, p. 21). Mr. Davis of Napa knows of several Indians who were bought to be personal or house servants. It will be noted that the In- dians themselves apparently indulged in human trade. One of the clauses in Vallejo's treaty specified the return of Cainamero and Suisun children taken prisoners, though it is not said for what purpose the captives were used. (Lothrop, 1932, p. 190.) Solano, the Suisun chief, defi- nitely got into trouble for selling Indian children as slaves. In his confession he said: "I count Satiyomi children by the dozen." (Lothrop, MS, p. 141.) Menefee says that cap- tured Indians rarely lived for more than two or three years "being generally carried off by pulmonary dis- eases." (Menefee, 1873, p. 21.) In 1823 the Franciscans founded the mission of San Francisco Solano near Sonoma across the hills to the west of Napa Valley. By 1830 there had been 650 Indians baptized and 370 buried, but the number of neophytes totaled only 760. Lists of Indian groups from which con- verts were made include several Wappo tribelets. (Engle- hardt, 1897, pp. 447-452.) The Mayacama near Calistoga furnished 103 converts, while Loknomi near Middletown contributed 112. In all, more than 550 Wappo were pro- selytized. Most of them were from the southern part of the Napa Valley. (Cook, 1943, p. 174.) The mission was secularized in the year 1835-1836. It is difficult to determine accurately the effect of this missionary activity on Wappo culture. Cook has analyzed the deleterious consequences of the life led by the con- verts, who were forced to live at the mission in crowded, unsanitary conditions. In theory, these returned to their villages only for brief visits. Actually, apostates became increasingly numerous and they must have taken back to their heathen brothers much disease and hatred for the whites, as well as new ideas. The Spanish expeditions sent out to make new converts or to recapture runaways were often no better than military expeditions. They cer- tainl,y did not make for an easy interchange of culture elements. (Cook, 1943, passim.) All through the 1830's the Wappo (at least the Satiyomi group) fought intermittently against Vallejo and his Indian allies, the Cainameros, a Pomo group from the vicinity, of Sonoma. The Wappo usually entrenched themselves in favorable positions in the mountains and, although their own losses were heavy, they frequently embarrassed Vallejo. The Americans made a number of treaties with the Wappo and other Central California Indians. In con- nection with the trouble with the Satiyomi over horse- stealing it should be mentioned that the Wappo usually stole horses for eating rather than for riding. However, by the treaty of 1836 made with the Wappo and some of their Patwin neighbors (summarized in the section on "Historical Background") Vallejo gave Succara a saddle horse and two harnesses, which indicates that at least some of the 8atiyomi rode horses. In 1833 a great cholera epidemic swept through Central California, taking the lives of thousands of natives (Mene- fee, 1873, p. 21; Twitchell, 1925). This was followed in 1838 by an epidemic of smallpox. It is estimated that up to two-thirds of the Central California Indians perished at this time. There are several vivid accounts of native villages full of corpses; nobody was left to dispose of the dead, either by burning or burial. (Lothrop, 1932, p. 192; Menefee, 1873, p. 21.) Nevertheless, in 1847, the Indians of Napa County could still be listed in groups of a hundred or more. These must have been mostly Wappo and Patwin tribelets. Mene- fee speaks of Indians thronging the streets of Napa until 1856. These savages, he says, were "wont at certain times to make night hideous with their howlings among the willows along the banks of the river. . . with what purpose or motive, we are left to conjecture." Whatever their purpose may have been, the anthropologist can guess that here were still indications of aboriginal culture, al- though the general picture which Menefee presents is that of a disheartened people with a dying culture. The colorful pioneer, James Clyman, visited Napa Valley in 1845 and in 1848. He describes the area around St. Helena and towards Cache Creek as "literally covered with deer and bear." Civilization was not so firmly estab- lished in this area as it was farther south in the valley. He mentions also what seems to have been Glass Moun- tain, the chief source of obsidian near St. Helena, where he saw "ten or twelve Indians lying naked in the scorching sun." (Clyman, 1926, pp. 127-128.) He writes that in 1848 the fields lay uncultivated, since most of the inhabitants of the valley, including the Indians, had gone to wash gold. This statement, though vague, is one of the few references to the effect of the Gold Rush on these Indians. (Clyman, 1926, p. 61.) Bartlett tells of meeting several bands of Indians in 1854 when he went to visit the Geysers. He even claims that he "obtained a full vocabulary" of their language from three of the most intelligent of the Indians in a village about fifteen miles north of Bale's ranch. He also visited the obsidian outcrop near St. Helena, being curious to see where the Indians obtained their fine material. Indians who had escaped disease and other hardships resulting indirectly from the influx of whites might still be murdered in cold blood by the newcomers. As late as the 'fifties whites, to avenge cattle stealing or murder, were surrounding Indian sweathouses and killing the occu- pants as they emerged from the door. (Menefee, 1873, p. 23. Finally, in 1856, the Mendocino reservation was estab- lished and all the Indians of the surrounding area were brought to it, most of them unwillingly. Among them were two hundred and forty Wappo, who were moved from the vicinity of Fitch's ranch in the Russian River Valley. By all accounts the reservation was a failure; although 240 ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION eble attempts were made to educate the Indians and to each them to farm. The reservation was given up in 867, and most of the Indians who had come from Clear ,ake, Russian River, and farther south are said to have Dund their way back home, where they stayed. Although he Round Valley reservation was established in 1868, ew of the Indians who had been on the Mendocino reser- tation went to live in Round Valley. (Barrett, 1908a, pp. '7-49.) Mr. D. T. Davis says that he remembers a group of adians who lived near Yount's old "fort" at Napa at the nd of the nineteenth century. They fished below the mill am by poisoning the fish with soapweed and mullein. ost of the men had jobs helping the local whites. The hief's wife did laundry work for Mr. Davis' mother, hile the chief sunned himself and smoked outside the aor. These might have been either Wappo or Patwin urvivors. It is at any rate clear that white culture had Imost completely obliterated the aboriginal life which Lourished there seventy-five years before. PATWIN Southern Patwin ethnography must be based entirely L evidence from northern informants, and can be only iefly and unevenly suggested. Material presented here taken primarily from the sections on Hill Patwin cul- re in Kroeber's The Patwin and Their Neighbors 932). His informants all came from north of our area, he includes some of our Patwin sites in his list of obable settlements of Hill Patwin tribelets in the south. d., p. 262.) He thinks that, in general, southern cul- e was probably much like the northern. The topogra- y, however, changes in the south; the hills are lower, plains broader and marshy. Possibly in the southern part the culture was closer to that of the River Patwin. (Ibid., pp. 254-255.) Name. -Patwin is the Southern Wintun word denoting person" or "people." Language.-The Patwin spoke a language belonging to the Wintun (Copehan) stock, of which the other two mem- bers are Wintu and Wintun. The speakers of the last two groups could more or less understand each other, but the Wintun and Patwin languages seem to have been mu- tually unintelligible, although the two groups were neigh- bors. (Ibid., p. 253.) Territory.-Except for the Miwok area on the head- waters of Putah Creek and middle reaches of Pope Creek, all of the area in our survey which lies east of the Wappo was probably southern Hill Patwin country. Also included in this Patwin stretch would be the territory from just above Napa south to San Pablo Bay, extending west prob- ably to the beginning of Sonoma Creek drainage. (Barrett, 1908a, pp. 290-300; Kroeber, 1925, p. 356; 1932, pp. 262- 264.) Again, boundaries are tentative. Nap-39 (Tulukai) and Nap-15 (Suscol, no. 5) are known Patwin sites. Topai has been provisionally located by Barrett near Monticello. Napa was also given by informants as the name of a Pat- win town. Population.-Few specific figures of the number of Patwin can be obtained. The aboriginal population of the Wintun, including the Patwin, was probably about 12,000. According to Sr. Pina, who was in this area in 1838, the Indians "lived in multitudes" on Putah Creek. Powers says that in 1877 he could find no Indians on PutahCreek, where he had been told that the Luvaito lived. He did dis- cover that the aboriginal name of Putah Creek was Leivai. In 1924 the entire Patwin population numbered between 150 and 22, none of whom were Southern Patwin. (Kroeber, Names Designating Southern Patwin Indians or Divisions of Them in and near Napa County Liwaito ...... ..... People living on Putah Creek near present Winters Liquatoy Libayto Napa ..................... Near Napa. Name may refer to Patwin bear dancers, or a Pomo harpoon point Reho ...................... Powers put them in Pope Valley but said they were Tulukai also called Tu-lo-kai-di-sel, so perhaps they should Tuluka' be centered around Tulukai. Kroeber suggests Reho Tulkays may have been Lake Miwok :Guili "toy ..... .............. Possibly to be equated with Tulukai tribelet (Barrett). Guillicas Possibly Ulatos around Vacaville Ulucas Suscol .Near present town of Suscol Suskol Suisin .Probably a tribelet near Suisun Bay Powers, 1877, p. 218 Barrett, 1908a, p. 294 Kroeber, 1925, p. 356 Menefee, 1873, p. 99 Barrett, 1908a, p. 293, n. 370 Kroeber, 1925, p. 356 Kroeber, 1932, pp. 322, 896 Powers, 1887, p. 228 Barrett, 1908a, p. 203 Kroeber, 1925, p. 273 Bancroft, 1886, p. 71 Menefee, 1873, pp. 18-19 Taylor, 1860 Barrett, 1908a, p.293 Kroeber, 1925, p. 356 Menefee, 1873, pp.18-19 Barrett, 1908a, p.293 Kroeber, 1932, p.262 Powers, 1877, p.218 Kroeber, 1932, p. 262 o o f 241 242 ANTHROPOLOG 1925, pp. 256-257; 1932, p. 254; Powers, 1877, pp. 218-220, 228.) Concerning the Reho, who lived in Pope Valley, Pow- ers (1877) tells us that as far back as 1842 there were only three living. Settlements.-The Patwin had permanent villages and temporary summer camp sites. Like the Wappo settle- ments, certain of the main villages seemed to have served as tribelet centers. (Kroeber, 1925, pp. 355-356; 1932, pp. 257-259, 262-264; Barrett, 1908a, pp. 289-300.) Settlements were often near springs rather than streams. The dance house, earth-covered dwelling, and menstrual hut were the three kinds of structures. Sweat- ing was done in the regular earth dwellings, and in many places could not be done in the summer after the creeks ran dry. The door of the dance house was always east. Probable tribelet centers shown on the map (map 2) are: south, Suskol, near modern Suscol, and Tulukai, between Suscol and Napa; central, Topai, in Berryessa Valley above Monticello. Subsistence.-The Hill Patwin food-gathering economy was, in general, similar to that of the Wappo. Deer and antelope were important game animals, acorns the chief vegetable food. Extensive fishing often could be carried on only on the territory of neighbors. (Kroeber, 1925, pp. 358-359; 1932, pp. 294-296.) Unlike the Wappo, the Patwin kept dogs and used them in hunting. Like several other mammals and reptiles dogs were not eaten. Acorn bread was made, a loaf being sometimes two feet wide. Cider was made of manzanita berries. The only specific statement concerning division of labor is that both men and women dressed skins (Kroeber, 1932, p. 290). Social organization.-From analogy with all their neighbors, Kroeber derives the opinion that the Patwin were organized in tribelets. There is no definite infor- mation concerning Hill Patwin families. (Ibid., pp. 257- 259, 262-264.) Chiefs.-During a dance a chief had to supply most of the entertainment of the visitors. Apparently for this reason he was permitted several wives. In good seasons he received presents of food, but he was expected to feed his people in time of want. Chiefs did not fight and were not attacked in war, ex- cept perhaps in massacres. In a formal battle the chiefs stood aside. They arranged the peace, keeping their people quiet while gifts of equal value were given by each side. Kroeber feels that all this shows "a special posi- tion and considerable authority for the chief." (Ibid., pp. 291-292, 298.) Shamans.-Shamans-there were usually several in a town-were given their power by spirits who made them dream. They could suck out the poison from a rattlesnake bite. Unsuccessful shamans lost repute. There were also shamans who were poisoners. (Ibid., pp. 292-293.) Life cycle.-Specific information on birth is wanting. Twins were thought to be due to overexertion on the part of the pregnant mother. (Ibid., 1932, p. 293.) Very young babies were killed if their mothers died. Girls' adolescence rites seem to have varied locally (ibid., p. 291); in some northern villages there were ap- parently public dances. The Cortina Hill Patwin inform- ant denied any such performance and said that the girl merely stayed indoors five days, could not look out, and "fasted." At Cortina a wife cost forty dollars in native goods. The couples' decision to live together seems to havebeen up to the young people. Residence was either matrilocal XIC 'AL RECORDS or patrilocal, usually alternating for a period of time. (Ibid., p. 292.) As soon as death came, the person's neck was broken, The corpse was wrapped in a long rabbit net, along with beads valued from twenty to sixty dollars. A man's bow, clothes, and personal possessions were burned, but his body was thrown into a round hole about six feet deep. This had an undercut niche to the south. After the grave was filled, mourners sang for several hours. Mourning female relatives cut their hair. For a year no relatives sang, nor would a bereaved family dance. If a death occurred during a dance, the dance was stopped, but a payment of ten dollars in beads to the mourning family would permit the rest of the people to dance again after about half a year (ibid., pp. 290-291). The Bartlett and Long Valley Patwin, north of our area, were in closest contact with the Pomo to the west and, like them, they burned their dead. The Yolo, south- ern River Patwin, also seem to have practiced cremation. Powers says that Patwin near Clear Lake were influenced by the Pomo and cremated, but that "on the plains, burial was, and is, almost universal" (Powers, 1877, p. 226). Property and inheritance.-There was no private own- ership of land, although rights to certain patches of oaks were recognized as long as they were posted. These could be inherited by close relatives, but were inalien- able. Acorns might be sold at three to four dollars in beads for a large sack, but all food was divided within a settle- ment, not sold. Settlements might have rights to certain valleys where bulbs grew. Permission to dig them would have to be asked by all but relatives. (Kroeber, 1932, pp. 296-297.) Tobacco and sweating.-The Patwin, like the Wappo, smoked wild tobacco. Since the sweating was done in the regular dwelling houses, the women and children had to move out and wait until the house cooled off. Games and dancing.-There is no information concern- ing Patwin games. Dances were an important part of their ceremonial procedure. (See the discussion of the super- natural among the Patwin.) Numerals and directions.-The ritual number was probably four. Solar directions were undoubtedly used very commonly. (Kroeber, 1925, p. 359; 1932, p. 291.) Trade. -Salt was traded from the Cortina area to the west. There was a good deal of trading of the sinew- backed bows which came from the north. Obsidian was probably traded out from the general area included on our map. Values were usually reckoned in terms of beads, but cord or yellowhammer or woodpecker feathers were sometimes substituted. Kroeber lists the values of a number of objects in dollar equivalents of beads. (Kroeber, 1932, p. 296). Warfare. -Most Patwin wars were caused by poaching. In the hills boys were definitely trained to avoid arrows. There were three general kinds of fighting-attacks on poachers, pitched battles, and dawn raids on sleeping towns. The last usually resulted in a massacre of the population and a burning of the village. Captives were rarely taken, but if they were they were later tortured to death. Women were usually killed. Scalps were taken. Armor was used only by Hill Patwin, and it was awk- ward to run or, climb in. The war leader often wore armor. The war leader was not an official, but a brave man and a skillful fighter. (Kroeber, 1932, pp. 297-300.) Victory was followed by a celebration "Glad Dance." ARCHAEOLOGY 0] There are a number of historical references to warfare among tribelets within the Patwin or Wappo group, as well as between them and representatives of different Central California tribes. For example, Yount describes the sweathouse massacre of a large part of the Wappo Kaimus tribelet by San Rafael Indians, a Coast Miwok group. (Yount, 1923, pp. 58-59). The Pomo-Wappo dis- pute has been mentioned, and other incidents might be ?cited. (See Kroeber, 1932, pp. 270, 300-303.) Vallejo's tactics certainly involved lining up various native groups W against each other. Within the Southern Patwin group the feud between Zampay, the Yolotoi chief, and Solano, the Suisun chief who was the favored ally of Vallejo, event- ually involved the Suisun allies, the Napato, who were another Southern Patwin group, and the Sotiyome, who are generally equated with the Wappo. Lothrop refers at times to Solano as a chief of the Sonomas; but at others (1932, p. 186) he speaks of him as chief of the Suisuns. In late contexts Sonomas and Suisuns could be equated. (See Barrett, 1912, p. 616; also Kroeber, i932, p. 352, for references to Solano and the extent of his influence.) Cults.-The Kuksu cult was highly developed among the Patwin in general, but was especially elaborated by ,the River Patwin. For Southern Patwin cults there is, of ?-course, no information, and little can be said of the cen- 'tral Hill Patwin ceremonies. The cults at Cortina seem to have been more like those of the River Patwin than IF THE NAPA REGION 243 those of the northern Hill Patwin. (Kroeber, 1932, pp. 308-309, 312-313, 348.) Acculturation.-White contact was anything but favor- able to the Southern Patwin, who, as noted, were extinct by the twentieth century. Kroeber has published three Southern Patwin docu- ments. One is a statement by the widow of the Suisun chief, Solano, who was an ally of Vallejo. She was stolen by Solano from a place on Cache Creek and subsequently he married her. She says that at first Solano, who raided his northern neighbors, fought with native weapons, but later he was armed by Vallejo. (Kroeber, 1932, pp. 352- 354.) As mentioned in the section on population, as far back as 1842, only three Reho, of Pope Valley, were living. Powers attributed their decline to the Spanish, who car- ried away most of the tribe to the Sonoma mission in 1838, where "within a few weeks of their arrival, hundreds perished of smallpox" (Powers, 1877, p. 228). It is diffi- cult to explain Powers' date of 1838 here, since the mis- sion had been secularized in 1835-1836. A newspaper account of the Indians around Yolo (who would have been southern River Patwin), also says that the population was sparse at the time of settlement be- cause of an epidemic and the "taking away of the Indians to missions" (Kroeber, 1932, p. 354). ETHNOGRAPHIC MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE NAPA REGION Unless otherwise indicated, material is for the Wappo; traits restricted to the Patwin group are so noted. An asterisk signifies that the trait occurs archaeologicallyin the Napa region. The source for the Wappo is H. E. Driver, Wappo Ethnography (1936); for the Patwin, A. L. Kroeber, The Patwin and Their Neighbors (1932). I. Subsistence A. Animal Food 1. Salt-water fish (only at Bodega Bay); abalone, clam, crab, mussel) 2. Freshwater fish: lamprey eel, turtle, bullhead, salmon, dog salmon, steelhead salmon, trout salmon, sucker, trout; turtle eggs 3. Birds: geese, duck, pigeon, quail, bluejay, mountain quail, crane, robin, owl, woodpecker, yellowhammer; quail, goose, and duck eggs. (Avoided: buzzard, eagle, roadrunner, crow, raven, hawks) 4. Land animals: deer, raccoon, rabbit, gray squirrel, ground squirrel, woodrat, mice, go- phers. (Primarily for skins: bear, fox, wolf, black fox, mountain lion, wildcat) 5. Insects: grasshopper, caterpillar, snail, lice, fleas; yellowjacket and hornet larvae 6. Pets: no domestic animals (not even dog); fawns and bear cubs favorite pets; skunks, gray squir- rels, raccoons, rabbits, and quail also kept 7. Preparation: clams raw or roasted; fish roasted on coals or in Pomo earth oven, pounded to pulp (bones, skin and all) and eaten, or pulp mixed with pinole and water and drunk. Birds roasted whole; eggs roasted in ashes. Meat always roasted, never boiled (on coals, over fire on stick, or in earth oven). Small animals eaten whole, usually pounded up 8. Preservation: clams dried at coast, brought home; fish split, cleaned, deheaded, with flint knife, sun-dried or smoked, stored between roof poles or strung through tails, roasted fish dried and stored in baskets; deermeat cut in strips, dried like fish, stored in baskets 9. Fishing techniques: salmon harpooned or caught in baskets or nets attached to dams and weirs; trout caught with pole and line with hair and bait on end (hair tangled in fish's "teeth"); small fish driven into nets; concentrations in shallow water scooped up in baskets. Poison used: no fishhooks, dip nets, gill nets (soaproot, doveweed, okali- no angelica or buckeye-as poison) 10. Hunting techniques: waterfowl with sling, cranes with bow; game birds shot from blinds, or driven into long net held by two men (dropped over them), or caught in baited net suspended from pole. Pat- win: duck nets and decoys. Small birds and quail with Pomo bent-sapling trap; basket placed over hole for woodpecker, yellowhammer. Deer dri- ven along brush fence, clubbed, or shot; or trapped by short fence across trail, with opening having noose, pitfall, or heavy timber deadfall (Yount, 1923, p. 56). (No nets or blinds used by Wappo; Patwin drove deer into net 200-400 ft. long, 6 ft. high.) Bears snared or killed with spear or bow if encountered. Raccoon and rabbit snared. Rabbits also driven along brush fence and clubbed with straight stick, shot, impaled on sharp stick thrust into burrow. Squirrels also chased, impaled, shot, or clubbed. Woodrat shot, clubbed. Fields burned to obtain small game. Hunters (also fishermen) rubbed body with an- gelica and pepperwood to deodorize it; fishermen threw clamshell beads into stream before fishing or tied string of beads to mouth of fish basket. Charmstones suspended from string on pole stuck in bank over fishing places, or in good hunting locations in mountains. Also laid on rock ledges of high peaks to drive fish and game magically to favorite locations for fishing and hunting. (Yates, 1890) B. Plant Food 1. Acorns (gathering and preparation like Maidu): kernels dried in sun and indoors or twined willow rack hung from roof; Pomo grinding equipment; meal sifted through openwork basket, leached in cold water, boiled with stones in large baskets; eaten with mussel or clam shell or drunk from small baskets. Acorn bread like Patwin, Maidu. Unhulled acorns stored in outdoor granary, ker- nels and flour indoors in baskets. No storage underground 2. Roots: various, all dug with plain digging stick, cooked in earth oven 3. Miscellaneous: grapes, blackberries eaten raw; manzanita berries and elderberries made into nonintoxicating drink; toyon berries roasted, eaten whole. Manzanita berries dried, pounded; clover eaten raw; leaves and roots of milkweed; sprouts and inside of head of tule; seaweed dried, baked, eaten; mushrooms, hazelnuts, sugar-pine nuts; buckeye prepared as by Pomo 4. Pinole: seeds gathered with seedbeater and bas- ket, roasted, pounded, sifted, eaten dry with fingers C. Condiments 1. Salt from lake near Valley Ford, Sonoma County 2. Pepper from pepperwood balls as with Pomo 3. Sugar: sucked lumps of naturally formed pitch from pine trees; also honey collected out of trees II Tobacco and Pipes Tobacco not cultivated, gathered wild by river; cured as by Patwin. Never chewed (angelica root chewed). Each man had own pipe (tubular, wooden, flaring end). Tobacco pouch of small animal's hide. Most smoking in sweathouse III. Body and Dress A. Clothing Men naked; women double apron of buckskin (shred- ded woven tule apron used by certain women at special ceremonies). Feet usually bare; crude buck- skin sandals rarely; no tule sandals. No hats. Rab- bitskin blanket, draped, held by wooden pins in front. Bear hides over both shoulders, pinned in front, by men and possibly by women. Similar capes of goose and duck feathers or of shredded woven tule worn by wealthy B. Ornaments Woodpecker-scalp belts worn at public festivals by wealthy and chiefs, made of woven vegetable fiber [244] ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION (not skin backing). 3-4 in. to 8 in. wide, once around waist. Clamshell beads, abalone shells, and mag- nesite cylinders (a few) worn around neck and wrists by both sexes. Ear plugs (small, wooden; also deer radii, beaded for special occasions as with Pomo). No nose ornaments. Patwin: polished duckbone women's ear ornament C. Decoration Body painted for dances (both sexes), and men's bodies for war. (Red earth, white earth, charcoal.) Tattooing rare (method: pierce skin with bone awl, rub in charcoal). Ears pierced, both sexes; noses not pierced. Angelica root as soap for bathing D. Hair Same both sexes: long, coiled on head or several fancier hairdos; bone or wood hairpins 10-12 in. Feather headdress on wooden hoop for dances and special occasions, held on with hairpins and hair- nets with down feathers attached. Yellowhammer or abalone-shell headbands for special occasions, both sexes. Hair washed with white earth as soap, combed with anise root, oiled with deer marrow. Mourning women cut hair shoulder length IV. Houses and Other Structures A. Regular dwelling Wappo: oval, dome-shaped, up to 40 ft. long, made of poles stuck in ground and bent over, covered with grass thatch; very similar to Pomo in construction and arrangement. Communal: usually separate door, fireplace, smoke hole for each family. No partitions except for menstrual room, separated by tule mats or grass thatch, with separate entrance. Doors 3 ft. high, closed at night with grass bundles tied with grapevine; not oriented with directions. Houses fre- quently repaired, replaced every year or two. Shal- low depressions for beds Patwin:5 semisubterranean, earth-covered, ellipti- cal, 18-30 ft. diameter. Pit 3-4 ft. deep, vertical walls lined with brush staked in place; excavated earth formed 2 ft. wall around brink. Sloping entrance passage 3 ft. wide, east or west. Six house posts, equidistant, halfway from wall to center. Housed 2 to 4 families. Bed for each adult, beds radiating out from wall toward center; rectangular frame on cor- ner posts 6 ft. high; tule mat bedding B. Brush house for summer camping built every year; communal; separate menstrual room. Identical with Pomo. Patwin: small, low, rectangular, flat brush roof; 4 corner posts, no walls C. Ceremonial structure, sweathouse: semisubterranean, earth-covered, up to 60 ft. diameter, differs from Pomo sweathouse only in minor details. Patwin: sweathouse separate structure, 40 x 50 ft., 4-5 ft. pit; center post; 10 other posts; main door on east, secondary door on west; fireplace just east of center post. Construction basically like dwelling D. Menstrual house (Patwin): small dwelling, 20 ft. dia- meter, 3 ft. pit, 2 house posts aligned east-west with door; door always east E. Brush dance enclosure for summer, roofless, circu- lar, facing south (similar to Pomo) F. Earth ovens: Pomo type, outdoors (communal) and indoors G. Granary: 6 ft. high, 4-5 ft. wide, on stone base 2 ft. high, wickerwork (willow or hazel vertical warp, twined with smaller twigs), grass thatch roof. Patwin: large mat-lined storage holes in addition to granary For detailed description see McKern, 1923; good contemporary nitration of interior in Bartlett, 1854, 2:30. H. Storage shelter beside house, shedlike, primarily for firewood I. Hunting structures and constructions: blinds for game birds built near springs; brush fence for deer driving 4-5 ft. high, up to half-mile long; same or similar fence for rabbits; fish dam or weir (row of posts driven into bottom of stream, intertwinedwith willow or hazel twigs, leaving openings for traps, baskets, etc.; top 3 ft. above water; apparently not fishproof) V. Weapons A. Bow: three sinew-backed types imported from north, sinew string, black and red triangle decoration on back, made of manzanita (best), buckeye, and un- identified wood; bow, not sinew-backed, with vege- table fiber string made locally, used for small game or by children. All types 4 ft. long, used both in war and hunting B. Arrow: flint point, single shaft of hazel or alder used in war); wooden point (fire-hardened) double shaft hardwood; and wooden point single shaft hard- wood (birds and small game)-all 3-4 ft. long, made like Pomo. Flint points made by a few professionals; material came from St. Helena region (probably ob- sidian is meant), chipped with antler flaker; points notched or stemmed C. Quiver: whole cased skin, hair outside, of fox, wild- cat, skunk, etc. D. Armor, shield, etc.: Wappo, none. Patwin, possibly elkhide or rod armor E. Spear: Wappo, with 3-5 in. flint or all wood, point fire-hardened; both 6 ft. or over, thrust not thrown, for war and hunting. Patwin, 4-ft. war spear 5-6 in. obsidian point F. Atlatl: none G. Sling: diamond-shaped buckskin 2 x 4 in. with hole or pocket for stone; cords about 3 ft. long. War and hunting. Stones only, no clay balls H. Club: only type a straight stick about 2 ft. long; other types unknown. For hunting only I. Harpoon (for large fish): detachable head (deer radius or ulna), single barbed point, cord attached J. Miscellaneous: sharpened limber stick thrust into burrows to impale rabbits, etc. VI. Textiles A. Cordage: mainly of Indian hemp (pounded, wet, twisted on thigh); milkweed preferred for nets; iris and another plant also employed, as well as sinew, buckskin thongs (single and braided) B. Weaving: skin blankets (rabbit, squirrel, gopher, rat, etc.) made with horizontal warp as by Maidu on crude loom of two upright poles stuck in ground, warp of twisted hemp strings. Feather capes made on same loom, 2-ply warp in which down feathers were twisted and tied, then warps united by hemp weft. Skirts and capes woven of tule: method unknown C. Basketry: comparable to Pomo: Conical twined carrying baskets and twined storage baskets (plain, diagonal, and latticed twining); large 3-rod coiled boiling baskets; 1-rod basket (coiling clockwise). Sitting cradle with woven vegetable fiber or buckskin carrying strap. Mortar basket; openwork bottomied sifting basket; twined seed beater. Decoration: red and black roots, beads, feathers. Wicker fish traps, some 5-8 ft. long, 3-4 ft. mouth, inner retaining cone. Fish net 5 ft. across mouth. (No dip nets or gill nets.) Long nets for game birds; no nets for duck or deer. Carrying nets. Most items identical with Pomo 245 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS VII. Musical Instruments Plank drum (Patwin: hollowed log); cocoon rattle (stick 1-6 ft. long, 4 cocoons) used by doctors; split-stick clapper with inside hollowed out; 2-bone whistle (crane leg bones) decorated with feathers and abalone shells; elderwood whistle several feet long (used by Kuksu im- personator); 4-hole elder flute VIII. Tools, Utensils Technology simple, crude; tools and household utensils undecorated, except baskets. Natural shells, sticks, stones frequently utilized A. Tools: deerhorn wedge for splitting wood; no maul (any stone used for pounding purposes); (Patwin: possibly elk-antler chisel); split stone axe with crude hazel withe handle (Patwin: flaked axe for tree felling, butchering, bone cracking); no adze; rough stone for scraping skins; flint knife; antler flaker; plain digging stick. (Patwin: deer-bone awl, bone needle) B. Firemaking: hand drill of buckeye wood, hearth of various woods C. Household utensils: mush paddle; small baskets and shells for dishes; stone mortar (basket type) and pestle, like Pomo (some Patwin used wooden mortar, unworked rolled cobblestone pestle; also bedrock mortar); boiling stones; unworked mussel- and clam- shell spoons D. Traps: bent-sapling trap like Pomo's for birds; net suspended from pole, catching bird disturbing acorn bait; noose in fence opening for deer; raccoon and rabbit snares E. Miscellaneous: pitch only adhesive, no glue; tanning (method unknown; Patwin made little use of skins; furs dressed only by rubbing inner side with rough stone); small skin bags for tobacco, medicine, valu- ables (made, like quiver, of whole skin of small animal cased, with hair on); deer disguise; Patwin, duck decoys; Wappo, no fish hooks (Patwin, 1-in. bone double-ended); Wappo, no boats (Patwin, tule rafts); St. Helena flint nodules carried home whole, then worked. Charmstones, at least among Patwin, were purely archaeological objects, not known to have been made by humans, but occasionally found (regarded as thunderbolts); only shamans dared handle them IX. Games Grass game: plain (white) and wrapped (black) bones Shinny: curved stick (no net), ball carved from knob on madrone root, goal posts 6 ft. high, in pairs Stick dice: small bone from deer knee with 6 sides; counting sticks Stick-guessing game, about 50 sticks to be held in hand, counters Hoop-pole: hoop of hazel, 2-3 ft. diameter, pole 10 ft. long Matahi (Pomo batsui nelxale), arrow Children's toys: acorn tops, dolls of sticks or clay or flat rocks X. Money, Trade A. Money: clamshell disks made locally (Pomo fashion) from shells traded or gotten direct from Bodega Bay (Wappo had right to dig clams there); Patwin ancient- ly imported only finished disks, later whole shells (Kroeber, 1925, p. 359); also magnesite cylinders, obtained readymade from Sulphur Bank Pomo. No dentalia B. Imported articles: sinew-backed bows (Colusa, Stony- ford); clam and abalone shells (coast); tule mats (Lake Co.); magnesite cylinders (Lake Co.); yellow-hammer headbands (north?) XI. Records Counting sticks only mnemonic device; used for record- ing months, days (brief periods), keeping score, ordi- nary counting, and for invitations XII. Medicine A. Doctors used everyday articles, no special equip- ment B. Various herbs and plants used by laymen as cures C. Hotsprings utilized in healing (Powers, 1877, p. 196) XIII. Death and Burial Wappo: dead cremated, flexed and bound, a mie or so from village, in hole 2 ft. deep full of firewood, with most (or all) of possessions (relatives contributedother valuables). Ashes buried in hole directly beneath fire (flung into air, Powers, 1877, p. 200). House of dead person often burned. Cremation sometimes in sweat- house. (Menefee, 1873, p. 29.) Patwin: apparently cre- mation in areas adjoining Pomo, Wappo; rest buried dead; flexed, head of corpse sometimes pushed down, breaking back, then wrapped in skin with shell money strings; property burned near grave; also buried with corpse (Kroeber, 1925, p. 360). Cemeteries at edge of town. Very young infants killed at death of mother. (Powers, 1877, p. 222) XIV. Towns A. Wappo: permanent or winter towns-as many as 40 houses; town of any size always had sweathouse. Average occupants of house, 9; average number of families, 2. Arrangement: sweathouse always cen- tral, facing south (other houses not oriented). No street; houses not arranged on any plan. Visible remains of former towns: sweathouse pit, bed de- pressions in houses. Patwin: (McKern, 1923, p. 160) chief's house always in center; dance house at north- ern or southern edge, 20-30 paces from dwellings; sweathouse east or west of dance house, door facing latter; menstrual house at opposite edge of townfrom dance house. Otherwise no regular grouping or streets. Well (large open hole) in many towns B. Temporary summer towns or camp sites C. Settlements usually along streams or near springs. (Menefee, 1873, p. 20) XV. Warfare Wappo: quite constant, but mostly small private raiding or avenging expeditions. Villages often burned. No parts of dead taken as trophies-only weapons, clothing, eagle wings. War party burned own dead on spot (also fallen foe, Kroeber, 1925, p. 220). Instances where large groups were trapped in sweathouses and destroyed (fire set to it after entrance blocked by surprise) (Yount, 1923, p. 59). Charmstones employed to injure enemy magically (Yates, 1889). Patwin: wars frequent and bloody-entire towns massacred, houses and stored food burned. Prisoners tied to trees and shot with arrows; child or young woman sometimes taken home to torture. Whole heads taken (or possibly scalps), placed on tall pole, shot at, then burned with baskets of food XVI. Religion Two large boulders between Napa City and Capel Valley held sacred (Menefee, 1873, p. 30). Spirit places on which every passerby lays a stone, stick, or bead (Yount, 1923, p. 61; see also following section of this report.) 246 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE SURVEY The present survey includes a total of seventy num- bered sites from the Napa Valley and the area immedi- ltely to the east (map 1). Adequate information is re- 'corded for all these sites except those numbered 2 through 13, which were reported by an earlier survey and have not Rbeen rechecked. Fifty-one of the sites lie within Napa Valley itself. Of these, one is an obsidian quarry, one primarily a work- shop with a small incidental occupation deposit, one a wayside shrine, two are presumably dance arenas, and ithe remaining forty-six are occupation or village sites. Without exception the village sites are scattered over a aorth-south distance of approximately thirty-five miles, from north of the town of Calistoga to tidewater at the mouth of Carneros Creek. Pope Valley, northeast of Napa Valley, contains five Uknown occupation sites: four single mounds and one group 'of two mounds. A wayside shrine site lies in the hills on ,an aboriginal trail between Pope Valley and Chiles Valley .to the south. In Chiles Valley proper are two more occu- pation sites. There is a workshop site farther west on Conn Creek, midway between Chiles and Napa valleys. In Berryessa Valley, east of Pope and Chiles valleys, seven occupation sites were located in 1947 by the Univer- sity class which has prepared this report. A much larger .number recorded by C. E. Smith's survey for the Smith- sonian Institution River Basin Surveys are not here num- bered or described, though their positions are indicated on the map by a special symbol. Two large occupation sites lie in Wooden Valley, south of Berryessa and east of lower Napa Valley. One of these, Nap-57 (Peripoli), was excavated in 1937 and 1938 by Mr. D. T. Davis of Napa. His extensive collection has been tudied and the data are incorporated in the present re- tport. A few miles to the west is another wayside shrine (site Nap-65), situated on a trail which connected Wooden and Napa valleys via Sarco Creek. Of the seventy sites here discussed, at least fifty-nine rae occupation sites. These are almost invariably refuse mounds or middens composed of dark loam soil. The Aepth of the deposit varies from a few inches to over en feet. Occupation sites in the Napa region resemble quarry workshop sites in the large numbers of ob- pidian flakes, rejects, and artifacts (especially stone mplements) found. They differ, however, from the quarry ites in the greater amount of occupation deposit. The single obsidian quarry noted (site Nap-31, Glass ountain) is a large, thickly forested hill with obsidian Qutcrops, covering several acres, at the top and on the Jgher slopes. Its entire surface is strewn with flakes rand unfinished implements. [Wayside shrines, of which three are here recorded, comprise extensive piles of stone built up at the sides of Indian trails-piles formed by travelers who, as they passed, added a stone or other offering, with a prayer. Frequently beads, chipped arrow points, and other ob- jects are found among the stones. Wayside shrines oc- cur generally throughout western North America, to judge from the frequent references to them in the litera- ture. Yount (1923, p. 61) mentions Wappo "spirit places" where each passerby deposits a stone, stick, or bead. The Southern Pomo toss stones on a pile to propitiate the "demon" whom they call Puys (Gibbs, 1853, p. 103). Goddard (1913) discusses such shrines in Northwestern California. The Chilula make offerings of brush for good luck, one of these sites being described by God- dard (1914, p. 280) as situated on a promontory just below the gap in the main ridge on a trail. The Yurok drop twigs or boughs at trail junctions, each passerby contributing his mite to the pile (Powers, 1877, p. 58). The Wiyot sacred arrow tree has bits of redwood piled about its base, which have been contributed by people who want to enjoy "good luck (Loud, 1918, pp. 252-253). Farther north the "Snake Indians" and Yakima of the Plateau pile stones around natural pillars to honor the spirits (Lord, 1866, I:296; Teit, 1930, p. 282; McWhorter, 1937, p. 25). Among the Pacific Eskimo such shrines of small stones are known (Hrdlicka, 1946, p. 473; 1944, p. 402, fig. 232; Merck, 1937). Elsewhere in Central California the Yokuts cast stones or shell beads on a trailside grave (Powers, 1877, pp. 382-383). In the Southern California desert rock cairns associated with trails are common (Wilhelm, 1951; Castetter and Bell, 1951, p. 57; Jaeger, 1933, p. 128) and the north Mexican instances of similar shrines are probably part of the same complex of beliefs (Beals, 1932, table 123). Ac- cording to Mallery (1886, p. 155) the Tivatikai Shoshone of Nevada erect stone heaps along or near trails to in- dicate direction to be followed on a journey, or to sig- nify the direction of water. In Asia stone-offering piles occur commonly, and these are described for the Soyot of Tannu-Tuva in Buschan (1923, Vol. 2, fig. 211) and Mtnchen-Helfen (1931, p. 93). Hrdlicka (1942, p. 398) describes rock mounds in a mountain pass near Urga, Outer Mongolia, the stones being contributed by travelers with a prayer for good luck on a journey.-Ed. note.] Of the two dance-house sites we have no information except that they are so recorded. ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES IN NAPA VALLEY In the following list sites are given the numbers as- signed them as information on each was recorded by the group making this survey. Five excavated sites referred to repeatedly in the following pages of artifact descriptions have been named. Intentionally, archaeological sites have not been specifically located, either on the map or in the descriptions. Sites and artifacts not actually seen by mem- bers of the survey group are listed as "reported." The name of the individual or group first reporting or locating each site is given in the parenthesis at the end of each site description. The date of the survey is given also un- less this information is contained in the key below. Key Davis Data from D. T. Davis, resident of Napa, whose main interests have been Napa County history and archaeology Stephens Map and brief description (sites Nap- 1 to Nap-13) by R. G. Stephens in 1922, deposited in UCMA Heizer, 1943 Excavation by R. F. Heizer of site Nap- 16. Notes in UCAS files, collec- tion in UCMA Loud, 1922 Site survey in Napa Valley by L. L. Loud. Notes and collection in UCMA [247] 248 ANTHROPOLOGICAL I Treganza Data from A. E. Treganza in charge of weekend excavations for the Department of Anthropology in the fall of 1946 UC 195 Data collected by class in archaeo- logical method (Anthropology 195) conducted by R. F. Heizer, in spring of 1947 UC 196 Data collected by class in archaeo- logical method (Anthropology 196), under R. F. Heizer, in fall of 1947 UC Survey, 1936 Survey by R. F. Heizer, while in charge of weekend excavations for the Department of Anthropology in the fall and spring of 1936-1937 UC Survey, 1937 Survey by R. F. Heizer and Alex D. Krieger, while conducting archaeo- logical surveys and excavations on weekends in the fall of 1937. Archaeological Sites Site N. 1. Goddard site. Habitation site (210 ft. E-W, 215 ft. N-S, 89 in. deep) on W bank of Napa R. 5 mi. E of Oakville. First reported by Stephens. Present owner, Miss Helen Bridge; previous owner, Martin Mast; site earlier owned by God- dard family. This mound was surveyed and ex- cavated by UC Survey, 1936, and by UC class 196. See p. 251. 2. Reported camp site 2 mi. N of Yountville between Yountville-Oakville highway and Napa R. Arrow points reported. (Stephens.) 3. Large rock 2 mi. S of site 2. Indians reported to have held ceremonies (?) here. (Stephens.) 4. Circular pit, remnant of semisubterranean "dance house" excavation, 1 mi. N of Yountville near W bank of Napa R. Indian dances reported held here. (Stephens; verified by UC Survey, 1937.) 5. Site on State Farm property 1.5 mi. W of Yount- ville-Silverado Trail road. (Stephens.) Noted by UC Survey, 1936, and UC 195. Since first re- ported, site has been destroyed in levee building. This ranch was Yount's headquarters in his later years. Historic burials and artifacts removed during recent levee-building operations. 6. Reported site on W bank of Napa R. 2 mi. SE of Yountville. Arrow points, pestles reported found here. (Stephens.) 7. Reported site 4 mi. SE of Yountville at confluence of Dry Cr. and Napa R. (Stephens.) 8. Reported site 3.5 mi. S of Yountville, 0.5 mi. E of Napa-Yountville highway. (Stephens.) 9. Reported site 1.5 mi. W of Napa-Yountville highway on N bank of Dry Cr. (Stephens.) 10. Reported site located in Dry Cr. V. 0.5 mi. NW of site 9. (Stephens.) 11. Reported site 0.5 mi. W of Yountville. (Stephens.) 12. Reported site 1 mi. W of Yountville. (Stephens.) 13. Reported site 0.5 mi. N of Yountville on W side of Yountville-Oakville road. (Stephens.) 14. Las Trancas. Habitation site (400 ft. E-W, 250 ft. N-S, 12-30 in. deep) on W bank of Napa R. 2 mi. N of Napa. First reported by UC Survey, 1936. Present owner L. M. Rossi, Marysville. This 6 Unless otherwise noted, the numbers refer to Napa County sites, elsewhere individually referred to by the site numbers used in UCAS records, Nap-1, Nap-2, etc. 15 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. RECORDS mound was surveyed and excavated by UC 195. See p. 251. Historic village site (100 ft. diam.) on N bank of Suscol Cr. W of Napa-Vallejo highway. Historic burials and artifacts reported. Collection owned by D. T. Davis. (Heizer, 1943.) Suscol mound (195 ft. E-W, 135 ft. N-S, 80 in. deep) on S bank of Suscol Cr. E of Napa-Vallejo highway. Shell, beads, obsidian points and chips abundant. Burials and mortars reported. (Heizer, 1943.) Excavated 1945. See p. 251. Habitation site (300 ft. diam., 3 ft. deep) on N side of Suscol Cr. E of Napa-Vallejo highway. (Heizer, 1943.) Mound (150 x 65 ft., 10 ft. deep) in Chiles V. 1 . NW of confluence of Chiles Cr. and Sage Cr. Owner has collected obsidian blades and points, pestles, mortar, steatite, pipe, and magnesite beads from surface. Owner reports burials. (UC 195.) Mound (250 x 50 ft., 15 ft. deep) 4 mi. SE of Pope V. settlement near Maxwell Canyon road. Pestle fragments, shell beads, and obsidian points found on surface. (UC 195.) Two mounds (each 150 x 100 ft.) lying 600 ft. apart and located 1.5 mi. E of town of Pope V. Mortars and obsidian points reported. (UC 195.) . Mound (50 ft. diam.) on stream bank 0.5 mi. N of town of Pope' V. Burials reported. (UC 195.) . Village site (100 x 150 ft.) on N side of Suscol Cr. E of Napa-Vallejo highway. Mound soil present but no surface artifacts found. (Treganza.) . Village site (200 ft. diam., 3 ft. deep) on S side of Suscol Cr. 1 mi. E of Napa-Vallejo highway. (Heizer, 1943.) Test pitted, 1946, by Treganza. . Village site (100 ft. E-W, 30 ft. N-S, 2.5 ft. deep) on N side of Suscol Cr. 1 mi. E of Napa-Vallejo highway. Pocket knife, chipped glass, and shell bead from surface probably indicate an historic site. (Heizer, 1943.) Test pitted, 1946, by Tre- ganza. Mound (125 ft. E-W, 250 ft. N-S, 1 ft. deep) 4 mi. N of Napa on W bank of Napa R. (UC 195.) Mound on Napa R., S of confluence of Soda Cr. Mor- tar and serrated obsidian point fragment found on surface. (UC 195.) Mound (180 ft. diam.) 5 mi. N of Napa on E bank of Napa R. Mortars and obsidian points and chips collected from surface. Burials reported in cellar excavation. (UC 195.) Mound (60 ft. E-W, 100 ft. N-S) on N side of Silver- ado Trail 3 mi. S of Yountville road junction. Ob- sidian points found on surface. Owner reported a pestle. (UC 195.) Mound (80 ft. E-W, 150 ft. N-S) on W bank of Napa R. SE of Oakville. Mound soil deposited on E edge of small, rocky hill. Hot mineral spring at base of hill. Arrowheads reported. (UC 195.) Mound (180 ft. diam.) located 1.5 mi. W of Yountville Silverado Trail road on State Farm property. Ham- merstone and obsidian fragments found on surface. Four large, rough hopper mortars collected by manager. (UC 195.) Glass Mountain, an aboriginal obsidian quarry on E side of Napa V. 2 mi. N of St. Helena. Main source of obsidian for Napa V. Surface covered with ob- sidian flakes and rejects. Published description and map in Heizer and Treganza, 1944. Resur- veyed by UC 195. ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION Site No. 32. Mound (150 ft. E-W, 300 ft. N-S, 6 ft. deep) 0.8 mi. E of Rutherford on W bank of Napa R. Many obsidian flakes found on surface. (UC Survey, 1936.) Resurveyed by UC 195 and found to be in good condition. Owner has collected sandstone metate, mortars, pestles, and obsidian points. See p. 255. 33. Habitation site (90 ft. E-W, 150 ft. N-S) 1 mi. N of Cutting's Wharf on E bank of Carneros Cr. Scattering of obsidian flakes on the surface. (UC 195.) 34. Habitation site (100 ft. diam.) on E bank of Car- neros Cr. S of Sonoma road bridge. A few ob- sidian flakes oVi surface. (UC 195.) 35. Habitation site (150 ft. E-W, 150 ft. N-S) 5 mi. N of Napa on Milliken Cr. Obsidian flakes and charcoal on surface. (UC 195.) 36. Occupation site (450 ft. E-W, 150 ft. N-S, 2 ft. deep) at Barro near railroad line. Obsidian chunks and flakes indicate workshop and camp site. (UC 195.) 37. Habitation-workshop located 3.3 mi. N of St. Helena W of Angwin road on a seasonal tribu- tary of Conn Cr. Reported in 1910 by W. W. Lyman, who donated a collection of obsidian artifacts from this site to UCMA. 38. Habitation-workshop site (100 ft. E-W, 200 ft. N-S) 1.5 mi. W of Glass Mountain (site 31) on Silverado Trail. Obsidian flakes on surface. (UC 195.) 39. Tulukai mound (300 ft. E-W, 200 ft. N-S, 4 ft. deep) on N bank of Tulukai Cr. E of Napa- Vallejo highway. Mortar and pestle fragments, obsidian points, olivella beads, and clamshell- disk beads collected from surface. Mound dis- turbed during building and road excavation. (UC 195.) Excavated by UC 195. See p. 255. 40. Mound (150 ft. diam., 4 ft. deep) 1 mi. N of Ruther- ford on a terrace E of Napa R. Obsidian points, pestle, and mortar fragments collected from surface. (UC 196.) 41. Artificial stone piles (height 3-4 ft., diam. 5-6 ft.) N of Napa-Calistoga highway 1 mi. NW of Yount- ville. Wayside shrines where a traveler added his stone when passing by. (UC Survey, 1937, and Davis.) 42. Reported mound 0.5 mi. N of Larkmead on S bank of Napa R. N half of site has been leveled. Burials and artifacts reported. (UC 195.) 43. Stone "corral" 3 mi. NE of Napa on N side of Napa- Monticello highway. Built against a cliff, the wall (3-4 ft. high) forms a semicircle 130 ft. long with an opening near one edge of the cliff. Per- haps a game impound. (UC 195.) 44. Rectangular surface stone cyst (35 x 46 ft., 30-40 in. deep) 3 mi. NE of Napa, N of Napa-Monticello highway in Sarco Canyon. Test boring revealed small amount of charcoal in bottom. Probably a deer-hunting blind. (UC 195.) 45. Mound (200 ft. diam., 3-4 ft. deep) 1 mi. NE of 'Oakville N of old Yount (or river) road. Much obsidian and rock on surface. (UC Survey, 1936.) 46. Rock shelter site (65 ft. long, 5-20 ft. wide) under an overhanging rock ledge S of Monticello road between Napa and Wooden V. (P1. 30, a, b.) A few obsidian flakes, hammerstone, and deer bones found on surface; 21 bedrock mortar holes (5-6 in. diam., 5-7 in. deep) in rock floor. More mortar holes 90 ft. N of this site in bedrock ex- posure. Site khown locally as "Rock of Ages." (UC 195.) 47. Mound (450 ft. E-W, 375 ft. N-S, 4 ft. deep) on W bank of Putah Cr. S of Monticello road. (UC 195.) 48. Reported site 3 mi. N of Napa on W side of Napa R. Burials also reported. (UC 195.) 49. Reported site 0.5 mi. W of Pope V. highway on N bank of Pope Cr. Owner reports artifacts. (UC 195.) 50. Mound (150 ft. diam., 3 ft. deep). 0.3 mi. S of Monticello on E bank of Putah Cr. (UC 195.) 51. Occupation site (450 ft. diam.) E of Wooden V.- Monticello road on old Weiss ranch. Stone arti- facts reported. Home and outbuildings now cover crown of site. (UC 195.) 52. Mound in the town of Monticello. Arrowheads re- ported. (UC 195.) 53. Mound (225 ft. diam., 3-4 ft. deep) 1 mi. S of St. Helena on E side of Highway 29. Worked ob- sidian abundant on the surface; pestle and mor- tar reported. Mound has been partly leveled by cultivation. Excavated by owner; material now in J. B. Lillard collection. 54. Site 2 mi. NW of St. Helena on E side of Napa R. L. L. Loud obtained obsidian artifacts from the owner in 1922. 55. Mound soil deposit (300 ft. E-W, 600 ft. N-S) on top of natural mound 3 mi. SE of Rutherford on E side of Conn Cr. Obsidian tools and fragments found on surface. (UC 196.) 56. Mound on W bank of Huichica Cr. 1.5 mi. N of Napa R. overflow area. (Davis.) 57. Peripoli. Large occupation site 0.5 mi. S of Wooden V. school on W bank of creek. Depth estimated at 10 ft. by D. T. Davis, who excavated site. Mater- ials recovered by Davis reported in present paper. 58. Reported mound on S bank of Ritchie Cr. at edge of Napa V. (Davis.) 59. Mound on E bank of Putah Cr. N of Oak Grove-Pope V. crossing. (Davis.) 60. Reported site on N bank of Capell Cr. 0.5 mi. W of confluence of Steel Cr. (Davis.) 61. Reported mound 0.5 mi. S of Zinfandel on W margin of Napa V. (Davis.) 62. Mound in Wooden V. 0.12 mi. SW of Suisun Cr. Charmstones and obsidian points from surface. (Davis.) 63. Mound at NW end of Chiles V. at junction of Max- well Cr. road and main Pope V. road. (Davis.) 64. Wayside shrine (cairn) between Chiles V. and Pope V. on Indian trail from Berryessa to Napa V. via S end of Pope V. See map. (Davis.) 65. Wayside shrine (cairn) on Indian trail from Berry- essa to Napa V. via Sarco Cr. and Wooden V. Near headwaters of Sarco Cr. (Davis.) 66. Mound on N bank of Putah Cr. 0.5 mi. above con- fluence of Pope Cr. Charmstone, obsidian points from surface. (Davis.) 67. Site reported as 15 mi. SE of Middletown on Pope V. road. Obsidian points, bone fragments from surface. Reported by Dr. S. C. Way of San Fran- cisco. Site has not been verified and report may possibly refer to our site 19. 68. Occupation site 3.5 mi. NW of Calistoga. Obsidian points, clamshell-disk beads from surface. (Loud, 1922.) 249 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Site No. 69. Reported site at edge of a small stream in rear of State Insane Asylum grounds at Imola, 2 mi. S of Napa. Bedrock mortar near by. Described in Napa Register in 1882 as follows: Desiring to obtain some fine loam for the Asylum grounds, a short time ago, the gar- dener resorted to the site of an old Indian rancheria at a short distance in the rear of the Asylum. Here was found the desired article and a considerable quantity was car- ried away. It was found upon reaching the depth of three or four feet that the locality was an Indian grave yard, and several skele- tons of the Aborigines were found. These were covered with only a few feet of earth, and from the position in which they were found and from their surroundings much in- teresting information was obtained in regard to the manner in which Indians of Napa Valley buried their dead. As a general thing the bodies were doubled up, the chin resting on the knees and the hands clasped about them. Then the bodies were bound with bark, pieces of which were found on the skeletons in a fair state of preservation. Bright-hued stones, beads and other trinkets were also found. The bodies were buried, not in a sitting position but upon their sides. Continuing the excava- tions there were found at the depth of six feet indications that the Indians practiced crema- tion as the ashes of human bones were dis- covered and also large numbers of beads uni- ted by the action of fire. Some of the skeletons were in a good state of preservation and were taken in charge by Geo. R. Walden, druggist at the Asylum. They will be mounted and kept in the Asylum Museum, where already are gathered many curiosities. This ancient grave yard bordered on a small brook where evidently the women of the tribe washed their garments, for in the solid rock that forms the bed of the stream are hollowed out large basins suitable for the purpose indicated. Little thought is given by the busy, driving whites of today, to the countless numbers of Diggers who once roamed every part of the valley. They lived their day and passed off the stage of life, leaving behind them but few traces of their existence, swept away by the "flood of years." 70. Reported occupation site 1.25 mi. N of Calistoga on road to Clear Lake. Two burials, burnt ob- sidian bangle, clamshell beads, and mammal bone were contributed to UCMA by R. R. Harrel. 250 SUMMARY OF SITE EXCAVATIONS Goddard site (Nap-1).-This large and important site .ap 3) was dug in 1931 and the specimens were acquired J. B. Lillard of the Sacramento Junior College. The lard collection, now in UCMA, has been used for the pesent report. D. T. Davis of Napa also has a number of tifacts from this site, which he has collected from the irface and by intermittent digging over the past twenty- ke years. The Davis material was studied and is re- rted in the present paper. During 1937 the Department of Anthropology supported ekend excavations at Nap- 1, and from this digging he material from the upper levels of the site. Because Nap- 1 was the best known site in the Napa on and because of a tradition that there were burials the lower levels of the deposit the student group which bpared the present report spent several weekends ex- ratlng two large stratipits in the site in October, 1947. see pits, designated as Trench S (7 x 25 ft.) and Trench ,11 x 11 ft.) were dug 90 in. deep in the deposit. Important evidence of physical and cultural stratifica- was obtained as a result of the 1947 excavations (fig. A visible stratigraphic break occurs at 40 in. below surface, the deposit above 40 in. (level A) being loose soft ashy midden, whereas below 40 in. (level B) it is -initely harder and more compacted. Cremations oc- red in level A, burials in level B. The upper 18 in. of el A showed a definite concentration of obsidian imple- ts and obsidian workshop refuse. It is uncertain whether concentration is due to plowing which permitted deflation of lighter materials in the upper level or er the obsidian trade reached its peak toward the of occupation. This last possibility is suggested by relatively greater abundance of both clamshell-disk and obsidian in Sacramento Valley sites in the latest storic phase. The Wappo, who were intermediaries his trade, passed on shell beads from the Pomo to the , Maidu, and Interior Miwok, and contributedGlass tain obsidian to the same interior tribes. 5is Trancas site (Nap-14).-This habitation site was vated by the members of the class of Anthropology between March 1 and 22, 1947. Four days of work involved for 58 man-days. The artifacts collected catalogued in UCMA as nos. 1-69176 to 1-69328. Three I-E CORNER V. v. S-E CORNER N6 u SURFACE . Housefloor remnant 4 Charred acorn cache Ash ~ Ash Mixed white ash and packed earth layer Concentration of marine mussel shells I FOOT' (Vertical and horizontal scale) Fig. 1. Pit B, site Nap- 1 burials were recovered: 2 adult skeletons in fragmentary condition and 1 infant burial. A surface area of 550 sq. ft. was dug chiefly in one east-west trench. Approximately 1,000 cu. ft. of mound deposit was worked over. The site is unstratified. The deposit consists of soft, black, ashy occupation soil mixed with camp refuse in the form of obsidian chips, rejected animal bone, fire- cracked stone, and occasional artifacts. A number of stone mortars of the bowl and hopper type were found along the base of the east slope of the site, where they had been thrown in the course of agricultural activities. [During the excavation of the main east-west trench a portion of a hard-packed house floor was uncovered, and imbedded in this floor was a stone bowl mortar (pl. 41, e). This is the first archaeological instance of this sort re- ported, and there is ethnological verification of the fixed bowl mortar in a brief document in the C. Hart Merriam Collection files now deposited in the Department of An- thropology. The document, entitled "Method of pounding acorns by the Olayome Indians (Coyote Valley branch of the Tuleyamme tribe)" follows. -Ed.] The Indian women at their rancheria on Putah Creek in Lake County, California, at the time of one of my visits (October 24-25, 1905), were actively engaged in gathering fresh ripe acorns and making them into flour. The mortars were heavy rectangular blocks of stone, called Too-koo-le. set firmly into the earth with the upper surface flush with the ground level. Unlike the Pomo mortar stones, each of these contained a definite mortar hole, approximately 4-5 inches in depth. Over this, to keep the acorn fragments from flying off during the pounding, rested the milling basket, called Kah' -we, which was pressed down against the stone and held firm- ly in place by the calves of the legs of the woman opera- tor. A broadly conical winnowing basket of twined weave was placed on the ground just beyond the mortar basket and facing the operator, as shown in the accompanying diagram. This basket, called Ken'-ne, was used to shake off the dry skins of the split N /o_ \ ~7 acorns and also to separate - the coarse meal from the fine. V/z ,t/ / It was grasped by both hands, 1<' / l) a hand on either side, and given a tossing motion. If the wind were not strong enough to carry off the flakes of acorn skin, broken and loosened by the shaking and tossing, the operator blew them off by blowing across the top of the basket immediately after each toss. A contour map of the site (map 4), with the outlines of the excavations superimposed, was made by the group. Suscol site (Nap-16).-Suscol site was first dug July 19 to 22, 1945, by R. F. Heizer, who excavated two pits: one 4 x 10 ft. x 80 in., the other 5 x 6 ft. x 60 in. A notable feature of the site is the quantity of dissociated human bones which occur at random at all depths. Both pits showed many signs of burrowing by large rodents; some of the holes were as large as 10 in. in diameter. In July, 1945, about fifty rodent holes were counted on the surface of the site and a rough estimate of the dirt pile outside the holes [251] V. v, ---- ---- & W I& IF I m CLJ IZ- -* A\\ : . X \\\X / I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i fe \ \ \ ~~~~ X | i~ < \ \ S I i~~~~~~~ / \ \ e al L? I |~~~ [252] I I I I I LAS TRANCAS SITE, (NAP-14 MAPPED 3/15/47 BY 195 FIELD CLASS PLANE TABLE SURVEY 0 5 10 20 Feet 3 EXCAVATED Mag. North * B1g Pine Tree Pump 0 Level Plowed Field -1 -2 a "" Rs go l a - -4 4 -6 -7 -. -9 Eoetermmoet Euealyptus Tree DATUM Datum Is Buleonloed Spike 0 4SElev. o W. slde of Tree Map 4 - 94, Er 4 X sL 1211 IPI, ' X 'Af 'A tg L:D LR La 01 lq Ug 10 9Zm stone Covina t) - STONE -..nac it I a . In1 gm . I . . . .L%.& .0 [254] 0 0-1 Q z LhJ U.) I -- 2 04 C. a I.- o 41 0 a o 0 0- Z_ , OD cli 4 2 0 CL col 0 a .CC, ID I.-41 ARCHA OLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION 255 ARCELABOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION KOLB SITE NAP -32) PLANE TABLE SURVEY, JULY, 1951 0 ? ig . 20 ' 30 Feet 1 N A P A R I V E R ---* True N .4 SLOUGH Ao Map 6 ARCHAEOLOGY OF was about five gallons per hole. This amount of rodent excavation, if projected back a century or so, implies a marked disturbance of the site. Animal bone is scarce, and almost invariably splin- tered. Most animal bone here is deer. It seems probable that meat was scarce, so that a killed animal was con- sumed as completely as possible. Broken rock is abundant and amounts to perhaps 1 per cent of the deposit mass. These rocks were probably ,used for stone-boiling, with the implication that the econo- my was based largely on seeds. There are still oak trees in the immediate area of the site, and several buckeyes (Aesculus) grow on the north edge of the midden beside the creek. The association of .buckeye trees and aboriginal sites is a common one in the 'Coast Range region. Little evidence of grinding implements was found. Ash lenses, some of them large and quite thick, occur at ran- dom in the deposit. None of these was associated with a 0packed house floor. At a depth of 80 in. in pit B, there was a "pavement" of flattened stream cobbles, averaging about 10 in. in iameter, which lay directly on the subsoil or mound bse. This pavement was exposed over an area of 36 in. diameter, but its total extent cannot be estimated, since continued on under the undug wall. Great quantities of small mussel shells (Mytilus edulis) ppear in this mound. They were brought to the site from alt water several miles to the southwest. Tulukai site (Na-39). -This site was located on March , 1947, by a survey party of students enrolled in Anthro- logy 195. The site was excavated on April 5 and 12. rty-one man-days of labor were expended. A plane table survey of the site (map 5) is reproduced re. A surface area of 250 sq. ft. was dug and this ex- vated area was divided into three short trenches called B, and C. Approximately 750 cu. ft. of deposit were over. All the artifacts found are in UCMA. Three burials ere recovered, of which two were very fragmentary, e third in fair condition. A number of surface artifacts and scattered human es were collected which were the incidental results grading operations on the north edge of the mound. pway construction had eliminated the west half of the posit. Nearly two feet of the top of the Tulukai deposit isted of mound material which had been taken off the rth crown of the site and pushed over the south slope in direction of the creek. The site was recorded by Barrett in 1906 and is shown Kroeber's map (1932) as a Southern Patwin site. Local dition indicates that the site was occupied by Patwin dimported Wappo and Pomo peoples, though the exca- ton provided no clear evidence of historic materials ed by the Indians. In the spring of 1951 C. W. Meighan and R. F. Heizer isited site Nap-39 and found that the entire southern of the mound had been covered with a macadam- aced parking lot. An automobile repair garage stood the north side of the site and, to the south of this ding, there was an 18-inch exposure of black midden. otruding from this wall was a boulder mortar with the om knocked out, lying inverted over a cremation con- g two carbonized bird claws and a number of burned HE NAPA REGION 255 clamshell-disk beads. This find is significant as proof that the Phase II, Late horizon culture is represented in this site. Kolb site (Nap-32).-During the month of July, 1951, the University of California Summer Session Class in archaeological field methods (Anthropology 197) excavated in the western half of this site. The eastern half, belong- ing to a family named Pistorias, was not investigated. The group conducted further local site surveys and their work was so productive that the total number of Napa County sites recorded by the UCAS now is 235. A brief report by R. F. Heizer and R. G. Squier consti- tutes Appendix IV of the present paper, but it is hoped that a fuller account may be prepared for separate publi- cation. Generally speaking, the intensive excavation of the Kolb site supported the conclusions of the present re- port, which had been arrived at some four years earlier. The Kolb site (map 6) is a very large midden, approxi- mately the same size and occupying about the same rela- tive position to Napa River and valley floor as the God- dard (Nap-i) site. Also, like Goddard, the Kolb site is culturally stratified. We are indebted to Mr. George Kolb of Rutherford, owner of the site, for permission to excavate and to camp on his property, and for numerous favors rendered during our pleasant month in Napa Valley. ANIMAL REMAINS FROM SITES From five sites we recovered and identified numbers of animal bones which represent the leavings of food. No quantitative analysis has been attempted beyond deter- mining which forms were notably abundant. Table 1 shows that elk (Cervus nannodes) was the fa- vorite large game animal of the Tulukai (Nap-39) and Las Trancas (Nap- 14) occupants. Here, in the lower part of Napa Valley and accessible to the marshy slough region of the shores of the Bay, the tule elk was abundant. So also were water birds such as ducks and geese. At God- dard (Nap-i) the elk was rare, and bones of deer (Odo- coileus) far outnumber those of the larger elk. The abun- dance of certain types of animals reflects environmental conditions of the very recent past. So far as our identifi- cations go, no animals are represented in the sites which are not known to have lived in the immediate vicinity at the opening of the historic period. TABLE 1 Animal Bones Nap- 1 Nap-16 J Nap-39 Nap-14 I Nap-46 Bird ...... x x x* x* Elk ....... x x* x* x* Deer ...... x* x x x x Badger.... x Canid ........ x Citellus . . . x Rabbit ........ x Very abundant. T] PART I: ARCHAEOLOGY OF SITE NAP-1 DESCRIPTION OF ARTIFACTS GROUND STONE Artifacts Artifacts of ground stone from the Napa region may be separated on the basis of function into two groups: non- itarian objects used for decorative or ceremonial pur- i ses, and objects regularly used as tools. In the first ategory are stone tablets, beads, pipes, and ear plugs. e tools include stone saws, mortars and pestles, abrad- stones, and paint palettes. In addition to these, several te objects of problematical use are described in this ection of the report. Painted stone tablets.-These artifacts occur with some equency in the Napa region. There are eighteen exam- s from Nap-i in the Museum collection (fig. 2, b-e, 1; .32, a, c, d). These stone tablets have been considered gaming dice some, but there is no ethnographic evidence to show t they were so used, and it seems probable that they somewhat the same ceremonial significance as plum- s or charmstones. The typical Nap-i stone tablet is made of fine-grained dstone, notched at the center of both sides; one surface ne end is painted red. Most of the tablets are roughly angular, measuring about 6 by 2.5 cm., and are 4 to m. thick. Four of the Nap-i pieces are not notched. An interesting feature is the red pigment in definite erns on the stones. Most of the Nap-i specimens have end completely covered with pigment; on two of them ent is applied in transverse stripes. Larger and more rately painted stones are known from other Napa on sites and will be discussed later in this report. ee of the Nap-i specimens were found with a crema- None of these stones was found at a depth greater 30 in., and only two of them were more than 18 in. w the surface of the mound. -Stone beads from the Napa region may be listed o categories, according to their material, whether tite or magnesite. Iagnesite beads are either flat disks or tubes. For poses of this report, beads less than 10 mm. long are idered disks (fig. 9, h-i); longer beads are listed as lar or cylindrical (fig. 9, e, f). There are fifteen tubu- beads and nineteen disk beads of magnesite in the Mu- 's collection. e color of the magnesite beads varies from white to k, most of them being buff or tan. Magnesite changes r when heated, and under certain conditions can be- e a bright orange. Our specimens show orange tints, ne exhibits the bright orange color sometimes found gnesite beads from other parts of California. The r of the black beads is due to their having been burned, y with a cremation. e disk beads average 6 mm. in length by 1.2 cm. in eter, and none varies much from this size. All are cally drilled, with perforations about 6 mm. in dia- r, tapeiing to half that at the center of the head. One * disk beads has a small shell bead bushing in the per- ton. e tubular or cylindrical beads average 2 cm. in length 1.5 cm. in diameter. Like the disk beads, all are bi- I conically drilled. Three of the tubular beads are deco- rated with a row of shallow drilled pits around the barrel of the bead near each end (fig. 9, e). All of these deco- rated specimens were found with cremation no. 5. Magnesite beads were found at depths above 40 in. Most were recovered from a depth of less than 24 in., an exception being the decorated tubular beads found with cremation no. 5. There is more diversity of form among the steatite beads, but most of them are spool-shaped. The spool- shaped beads vary from 5 mm. to 1 cm. in length and 4 mm. to 1 cm. in diameter. The average bead is about 7 mm. in length and 7 mm. in diameter at the ends. Most of these are a very dark blue, but light blue, gray, and black ones are found. The beads are biconically drilled. There are ninety-three of them in the Museum collection from Nap-i. A unique specimen is a double spool bead 1.6 cm. in length, 1 cm. in diameter at the ends, with a ridge en- circling the bead near one end. A second form of steatite bead is the disk or ring bead. These have a large perforation in the center and are care- fully worked so that the rim is very thin. Only one of these is known from Nap-i; it is 1.5 cm. in diameter and 2 mm. thick. One tubular steatite bead is known from Nap-i, 1.1 cm. in length and 8 mm. in diameter. In addition to the beads mentioned above, there are three small steatite ornaments in the form of shallow basins (fig. 9, &). One of these is 3.2 cm. in diameter, with a perforation 1.2 cm. in diameter. The second is 2.3 cm. in diameter, with a small perforation near the center. The third is similar to the last, but is unfinished, having the lower surface unpolished. Available information indicates that steatite and mag- nesite beads occur at about the same depths and are re- stricted to the upper layers of the mound deposit. Pipes.-There are seventeen ground stone pipes from the Napa area in the Museum collection, eleven of them from site Nap-i. Most are fragmentary. The predominant type from Nap-i is the tubular stea- tite pipe which is found throughout Central California (fig. 4, b, d, m, t, z). The typical form is about 12.9 cm. in length by 2.5 cm. in diameter, with sides that taper inward slightly toward a basal flange. There are six pipes of this type in the collection, one claystone, one magnesite, one dark green steatite, and three blue steatite. Two additional specimens have a similar shape, but lack the basal flange (fig. 4, o, s). All are biconically drilled. A second type is here called the bowl form. There are two steatite specimens from the Goddard mound (Nap-i). One is 3 cm. long, with end diameters of 2.5 and 1.3 cm.; its shape closely resembles that of a small porcelain cru- cible (fig. 4, h). The other pipe is more crudely made (fig. 4,j). It is squat and cylindrical and measures 2.1 cm. in length and 3.1 cm. in diameter. A third type is represented by a specimen which is in- termediate in shape between the tubular and bowl types (fig. 4, u). It is ;nade of magnesite and is 7.4 cm. long. The lower (stem) end has no flange; its diameter is 2 cm. The upper (bowl) end flares out to almost twice this diameter. [257] ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS The sides of the pipe are concave. In summary, there are three forms of stone pipes from Nap-i: tubular, bowl, and an intermediate form with concave sides. All specimens are biconically drilled and are made of steatite, magnesite, or claystone, stea- tite being the most common material. None shows any evidence of having been smoked. These stone pieces may have been sucking tubes for shamans, similar pipes made of wood being used for ordinary smoking. Charmstones.-The ceremonial or nonutilitarian ob- jects from the Napa region include a number of plummet- shaped stone objects locally known as charmstones. L. G. Yates published in the last century a valuable ethnographic record of the usage of these objects (1889, pp. 303-304). Several years ago the writer had an opportunity to interview a very old Indian chief of the Napa [Wappo ?] tribe, and one of the two sole survivors. . . . He stated to me that the plummet-shaped implements were used as charmstones; that they were used by being sus- pended by a cord from the end of a pole, one end of which was stuck into the bank of the creek in such a manner as to leave the stone suspended over the water where the Indians intended to fish.1 At other places they were suspended at points in the mountains favor- able for hunting. The Napa Indians also stated that they were some- times laid upon ledges of rocks on high peaks, with the belief that, owing to the peculiar form and some occult power which they possessed, they traveled in the night through the water to drive the fish up the creeks to favorite fishing places, or through the air to drive the land game towards certain peaks and favorite hunting grounds. The peculiar pear-shaped form was given them to enable them to cleave through the air and water. He also stated they were used in time of war, as they were supposed to travel at night for the purpose of worrying the enemnies of their tribe. The charmstones from Nap-1 fall into four major typo- logical classes: I, perforated; II, ridged; III, necked; IV, simple biconical. These major classes are in turn broken down into subdivisions according to variations in shape. A fifth group is added to include those ground stone objects which appear to fit into the charmstone category but which, because of their fragmentary character or extreme indi- viduality, do not belong in any of the first four major groupings. Tyoe I. Perforated. Biconically shaped with a bi- conically drilled hole near one end. Usually grooved over the tip of the perforated end. Ia. Flattened longitudinally with a resulting elliptical cross section (pl. 33, k, 1). Ib. Flat bulbed ends (pI. 33, g). Ic. Phallus ends. Type II. Ridged (pl. 33, e). Biconically shaped with an encircling conical ridge at the greatest diameter. Usually with a groove or surface roughening around the suspension end. Type II. Necked. Various shapes with secondary contouring at one end which gives the appearance of a neck. Some have a definite protruding pile rising from the body of the charmstone. Schenck and Dawson (1929, p. 390) seem to bear this out to some extent when they report two charmstones found in dredging operations in the Stockton region. However, the specimens could equally well have been line or net sinkers lost by native fishermen. MIIa. Biconical shape with a neck formed by slight secondary contouring at one end (pl. 33, d). IIlb. Subspherical to cylindrical shape with a more rounded profile and a definite neck formed by an abrupt shoulder (pl. 33, i). Mc. Biconical shape with a neck formed by more definite secondary contours at one end, and with a shorter and somewhat blunter point than MIIa (pl. 33,i). Type IV. Simple biconical (pl. 33, a, b, c). Plummet- shaped with grooving or deep incising near one end. No secondary contouring. Many of the charmstones from Nap-i are fragmentary. but it is still possible to determine the general group into; which most of them fall. They are usually made of some type of sandstone or metamorphic rock. Claystone, stea- tite, alabaster, and a fine granitelike material were uti- lized. The coloring of the charmstones is that of the natural rock, a blue-grey being predominant. Reddish grey, whitish grey, yellowish, greenish, and buff are also found. Sixteen of the charmstones from Nap-i show evidence of burning. One, a fragmentary piece, is recorded as associated with a cremation. Five charmstones from the collection of D. T. Davis were found associated with one cremation at Nap- 1. In the Lillard collection records there is a notation of one Nap-i cremation accompanied by eleven charmstones, although the actual specimens are not in the collection. No charmstones are noted as being associated with burials. No charmstones are re- ported as coming from below the thirty-inch level of the mound. In size, the dimensional range for type Ia charmstones' is from 7.3 to 13.2 cm. in length, with diameters at the plane of maximum circumference ranging from 3.2 to 4.1 cm. and from 2.3 to 2.8 cm. respectively. Striking mean values for dimensions from the three charmstones of this type, we obtain a length of 10.1 cm. and maximum and minimum diameters of 3.6 and 2.6 cm. respectively. There is one complete example and one fragment of type Ib charmstones. The length of the complete specimen is 18.1 cm., its maximum diameter 2.9 cm. The fragment is in the Napa collection of Mr. D. T. Davis. There are six type II charmstones, including three that are fragmentary. The lengths of these fragmentary speci- mens cannot be measured. The three measurable speci- mens have a range of 7.4 to about 12 cm. in length and 2.4 to 4.3 cm. in ridge diameter. The average is 9.9 cm. long, its ridge diameter 3.6 cm. There is no subdivision to this type. Six of the eight charmstones of type IIla from Nap-1 (including 4 in the collection of D. T. Davis) give a range of length of 9.2 to 12.5 cm., a range in neck diameter of 1.1 to 1.9 cm., and a range in maximum diameter of 3.0 to 3.8 cm. Striking an average, we obtain an ideal length of 10.5 cm., a neck diameter of 1.3 cm., and a maximum diameter of 3.5 cm. One of the remaining specimens of type Ima is a poor example and so was not measured. The other specimen, which is in the Davis collection, is a variant, exceeding the type range in length; it is 19.5 cm. long. Two charmstones of type IIIb range in length from 5.6 to 6.4 cm., in body diameter from 3.7 to 4.1 cm., and in neck diameter from 1.5 to 1.'. cm. An average gives a length of 6.0 cm., a body diameter of 3.9 cm., and a neck diameter of 1.6 cm. Three type IlIc specimens, one of which is in the Davis 258 I ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION collection, range in length from 7.7 to 11.2 cm., in neck diameter from 0.9 to 1.7 cm., and in maximum diameter from 3.1 to 3.4 cm. An average example of this type would have a length of 9.4 cm., a neck diameter of 1.3 cm., and a maximum diameter of 3.2 cm. There are also three type IV specimens from Nap-i in the UCMA collection. They range in length from 6.9 to 9.3 cm. and in maximum diameter from 3.2 to 3.7 cm. An ideal specimen would be 8.2 cm. long and would have a maximum diameter of 3.5 cm. The fourteen remaining charmstones from Nap-1, in- cluding one from the Davis collection, fall into the unique or miscellaneous category. Three of these are too frag- mentary to be placed in any of the existing types. Two are conical fragments averaging a little over 3 cm. in length. They could conceivably fall into almost any of our types. There are three miscellaneous pieces, irregu- larly shaped, with either one or both ends blunted. They average in length about 9.1 cm. and in maximum diameter about 4.3 cm. One of these is in the Davis collection. One small specimen, 5.7 cm. long, resembles a miniature baseball bat (pl. 33, m). There is a groove around the smaller end. The diameter of the large end is 0.8 cm., that of the small end 0.5 cm. A similar club-shaped piece is 6.7 cm. long. One end has a diameter of 2.4 cm., the other end a diameter of 0.8 cm. It likewise has a groove around the smaller end. A crude phallus-shaped charm- stone from Nap-1 is shown in plate 33, h. Ear plugs.-The only ear plugs (?) recorded from the Napa region come from Nap-i (pl. 32, h-_). Five, one of them fragmentary, have been recovered. Four are cir- cular in shape and are similar to type A of Lillard, Hei- zer, and Fenenga (1939, p. 93 and pl. 30). The other is oval and corresponds to no established type (pl. 32, &). The oval specimen and one other are made of black steatite. Two are blue steatite, the remaining one of claystone. The thickness of the round ear plugs ranges from 2.1 to 2.3 cm.; the mean value is 2.2 cm. The diameters range from 2.0 to 3.7 cm. with a mean value of 3.0 cm. The depth of the U-shaped groove around the edge of the ear plugs is about equal to, or less than, 0.1 cm. The oval specimen is 3.2 cm. thick, with diameters of 1.6 and 2.6 cm. Its groove depth averages approximately 0.2 cm. Saws.-Among the utilitarian items of ground stone are two stone saws, similar in size and shape. One is 8 cm. long, 3.8 cm. wide, and 9 mm. thick; the other is slightly larger. They are made of a hard, fine-grained, gray-green stone. These flat stone saws are roughly semicircular in shape with one straight edge, polished on both sides to form a dull blade. Mortar typology is shown in figure 5. Mortars and pestles. -The portable stone mortars from Napa Valley have been classified under five main types (I-V), two of which have been subdivided, princi- pally on the basis of size. In the Museum material, there is a distinct break into size groups, though perhaps in a more extensive series a grading of one type into another would be in evidence. Type Ia. Only two specimens of this type are in the collection. They are characterized by a flat bottom, rounded rim, and fully shaped, nearly straight sides. One is of sandstone, the other of scoria, and both are from the mound surface. The size averages 14 x 22 cm.2 2In this description of types the first figure is the height, the second the outer diameter. Type Ib. This class is similar to type Ia in every respect except size. The two specimens recovered are 4 x 8 cm., and 5.5 x 8.5cm. Both are of scoria; the places at which they were found are unknown. Type II. Type II mortars have flat bottoms, straight sides, and flattish rims (pl. 41, b). One base fragment has a somewhat rounded bottom, but has been included in this group because of its thick sides, which join the base at an angle. This type of junction is considered an indication that the sides were originally straight, or nearly so. The only whole specimen measures 17 x 28 cm. Three fragmentary pieces appear to have been of similar size; one was considerably larger. The ma- terials used include red scoria, basalt, sandstone, and granite. Specimens of this type were found at depths of 10 in., '47 in., 42 in. in pit A and in the 36-48-in. level of pit B. 3 The mortar from the 10-in. level was asso- ciated with cremation no. 1. Type MIIa. The salient features of type MIIa are its globular shape, rounded rim, and fully shaped exterior. The only whole example measures 18 x 29.5 cm. and is of sand- stone. The place at which it was found is unknown. In addition to this specimen there are three fragments which are, from all indi- cations, of this type. Two are of scoria, one of basalt. Of these, two are from pit A, one from a depth of 62 in., the other from 72 in. The third piece, found between 28 in. and 42 in., was associated with cre- mation no. 5. Type EIIb. This type is similar to MIla, except that it is smaller in size. No whole specimens were recovered from the Goddard site (Nap-i), but two fragmentary pieces were found. Both are of scoria. One from pit A is from an unknown depth, the other from pit B was found at 78 in. The average size of mortars of this kind found on the other Napa sites is 10 x 14 cm. Type IIc. These specimens are the smallest in- cluded in tpye III, the size averaging 2.2 x 4.2 cm. The form is globular with a rounded rim and fully shaped exterior. There is no information on the locations at which these pieces were found. Of the four, three are of sandstone, one of basalt. Type MIId. Though similar to IIb in size and form, mortars of this type are readily distinguishe by very shallow cavities. Two-were found, one of scoria from the 0-12 in. level, the other of sandstone, from an unknown locatiol Type IV. Unfinished exteriors and variable cavities characterize type IV mortars. They differ from type V in that they are usually much thicker, with the cavity occupying most of the upper surface. The average size is 27.5 x 16.5 cm. All four pieces are made of sand- stone. Two of the specimens are from pit A, at depths of 57 in. and 54 in. Another from 13 in. contained ob- jects from cremation no. 3. The remaining piece was found on the surface. Type V. This type is characterized by a slablike, squarish shape and a relatively smooth upper surface (pI. 41, f ). The cavity is small and shallow, when com- pared to the over-all size of the piece. A wide, smooth 3When no unit designation (i.e., pit A or B) is given, the specimen comes from the trench of the 1936 excavations. I 259 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS rim and a small centrally located cavity indicate that these mortars were of the hopper type, though there is no indication of the adhesives which may have been used to affix the hopper to the mortar. Four whole pieces and one recognizable fragment were found. Three are of scoria, two of sandstone. Three of these pieces are from the surface; the other two were found in the 12-24- in. level and 30-58-in. level. This last one was associated with cremation no. 4. Pestles have been segregated into five types (fig. 5) on the basis of shape, finish, and the number of ends used in pounding. T Type I pestles are irregular in shape and are usually rectangular or square in cross section. Tne exterior retains either the original surface of the cobble or rough fracture surfaces. Only one end has been used for pounding. Two sandstone pestles of this type were found on the surface of the site. Their di- mensions are 13.5 x 6 x 4 cm. and 28 x 8 x 3 cm. Type H. This is similar to type I except that both ends were used for pounding. The three specimens of this type vary from 13.5 to 18 cm. in length, with a maximum width of 4.5 to 6.5 cm. All are of sandstone and were found on the surface (pl. 34, k, 1). Type L1I. Examples of the third group are relatively numerous at Nap-i. They are fully shaped pestles of conical form, round to elliptical in cross section (pl. 34, e, f). The proximal ends vary from rounded to slightly flattened, while the distal ends vary from flattened to hemispherical. The range in length is from 12 to 27 cm. with a maximum diameter of 4.5 to 7 cm. There is no information concerning the locations at which six of the specimens were found, but one is known to be from the surface. The materials are gneiss and sandstone. Type IV. Pestles of this type are cylindrical in form, although several taper slightly toward the ends (pl. 34, c, h). The members of this group have round to ellip- tical cross sections and both ends have been used for pounding. The exteriors are fully shaped and the pieces range in size from 12.5 to 18 cm. in length by 6 to 7 cm. in diameter. The locations at which two were found is unknown; the third was a surface find. All are of sand- stone. Type V. This is the only type that has features which may be considered nonutilitarian. The form is conical, like that of type III, but the proximal end is encircled by a ring of varying proportions (pl. 35, c, e, f ). In cross section, specimens of this class are round and fully shaped. Two whole and three fragmentary pieces were recovered from Nap-i, but the locations at which these were found are unknown. The whole pieces are 20 and 56.6 cm. long respectively, with diameters of 6 cm. The material used for all is sandstone. A variant of this type, or perhaps a distinct type, is represented by a proximal end of sandstone. This speci- men has two closely spaced rings, the top one flush with the end of the pestle (pl. 35, d). It was found at a depth of 10 in. Bead-grinding slabs.-Four complete bead-grinding slabs were found at Nap-1. They are rectangular sheets of sandstone (pl. 30, d), ranging in size from 57 by 33 by 7 cm. to 26 by 17 by 4 cm. and averaging 43 by 26 by 5 cm. The smallest of these-to judge by its shape and other characteristics-was longer at one time, and has been used again after breakage. All of the whole specimens, and most of the fragments, show a slight longitudinal ridging on their grinding sur- faces. The working faces of the complete specimens are convex, flat, or slightly concave, 'though several frag- ments show deeper basining. If both whole specimens and fragments are considered, eight exhibit two grinding sur- faces, whereas three have only one. In general the edges of the slabs have not been very carefully shaped, although. a number of the pieces show pecking and grinding. On most of the slabs there are about half a dozen small drill holes along the periphery at either end of the grind- ing surfaces. Occasionally these pits also occur along the sides of the slabs. A feature of problematical significance characterizing some of the specimens is shallow notches ground or worn into the edge of the slab at right angles to the grinding surface. These follow no apparent order in number or distribution. Fragments of these bead grinders also occur in the site and some appear to have been re-used as general all-purpose abraders. Abrading stones.-There are many abrading stones in the collection of artifacts from the Napa area. In general, these are unshaped and are made of medium- to coarse- grained sandstone. 1. Bead polishers: flat slabs which show an irregu- larly smoothed surface owing to the polishing of small objects, such as beads. (Complete specimens are de- scribed above.) 2. Paint palettes: identifiable by the presence of pigment on the smoothed surface. 3. Sandstone files and abraders: usually subrectan- gular natural slabs of sandstone with the flat surfaces showing smoothing wear. 4. Cobble abraders: natural pebbles, often flattened cobbles of a convenient size which have been used as all-purpose abraders. These types intergrade, since the abrading stones were usually not shaped but were used as they were found. , The bead-polishers show a diversity of sizes and shapes. One Nap-1 bead polisher, 19 cm. long by 9 cm. wide and 1 cm. thick, is made of a natural slab of fine-grained red- brown sandstone. Another is of a dark basaltic stone, roughly triangular in shape, measuring 13.3 cm. long, 5.8 cm. wide (maximum), 3.4 cm. thick. This stone is charac- terized by two shallow grooves on one side and one on the other side worn into the stone by objects being polished on it. Both specimens just described are small, possibly re- used fragments of larger specimens. Four complete, much larger, specimens are described in the section on grinding implements. There are six other abrading stones which may have been bead-polishers, but these are fragmentary and are here treated'merely as sandstone abraders. There are two flat paint palettes from Nap- 1. Both are irregularly shaped natural stones. One is of black volcanic rock, 8.5 cm. long, 6 cm. wide, and 1 cm. thick, with a red pigment stain on one side. The other is a small pebble, 5 cm. long, 3.5 cm. wide, and 5 mm. thick, with both sides covered with red pigment. There are about a dozen sandstone abraders. Most of these are fragmentary, but one can say that typical abra- ders, taken as a whole, are subrectangular in shape and range in size from 4.5 to 10 cm. wide and 11 to 19 cm. long. The thickness varies from less than 1 cm. to 4 cm., with the average thickness about 1 cm. They are made of red, yellow, or brown sandstone of varying degrees of coarseness. 260 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Napa material seems to represent workshop refuse. Whiteford considers a piece "finished" when the flak- ing is almost entirely secondary, when the shape is intentional with distinct details, when the edges are even, and when the surface is retouched. He calls an artifact "mediocre" when the flaking is primary and partially secondary, when the shape is possibly in- tentional and the details are fairly distinct, when the edges are uneven, and when the surface has a general lack of retouching. Functional class. Refers to use; abbreviations are used as follows: Pj, projectile point; Kn, knife; Gr, graver; Dr, drill; Bl, blanks; Sc, scraper. Basic shape. Three primary forms are recognized: single-tapered, double-tapered, and ovate. Pieces with a point on one end only are single-tapered, St; bipointed pieces are double-tapered, Dt; and the ovate type, Ov, is elliptical in shape. Other descriptive terms used by Whiteford apply to base shape, blade shape, shoulder shape, and stem shape. All directional description is based on the rela- tion of a specific edge to the longitudinal axis of the artifact. Blade shape. Describes that part of the artifact which forms the cutting edge. When the edge of the blade is straight as it meets the longitudinal axis at the point, the blade is diagonal, D. When the blade bows outward, it is diagonal excurvate, D(x). When the blade is concave, the term diagonal incurvate, D(i), is applied. When the blade is first diagonal ex- curvate and then parallel to the longitudinal axis, the D(x) abbreviation is followed by P. When the blade first widens diagonally, D, and then narrows toward the base, the second direction of the blade is said to be diagonal reverse, Dr. In a double-tapered piece, in which the blade tapers equally in both directions, the blade is designated as excurvate, X. Base shape. Three varieties are recognized, a straight-based artifact is termed vertical, Bv; a con- cave-based piece is vertical incurvate, Bv(i); and a convex-based piece is vertical excurvate, Bv(x). For obvious reasons, there is no base description for double-tapered artifacts. Shoulder shape. A shoulder which slants inward toward the point of the artifact (as in type 25) or out- ward from the blade to the stem (type 20) is said to be diagonal, D. A shoulder at right angles to the longi- tudinal axis is called vertical, V. One that tapers in- ward toward the base is diagonal reverse, Dr. The curvature is designated by the usual "incurvate" and "excurvate," D(x) or Dr(i). For type 3, which is asym- metrical, the single shoulder is indicated by Ssh. Stem shape. Stem shape shows great variety. Ab- breviations are as follows: P, stem with edges parallel to the longitudinal axis; (S)dr, stem tapering in a straight line to the base portion (simple stem with diagonal reverse shape); D, diagonal, used for corner- notched pieces. For precise description of a side-notched artifact, Whiteford uses (N) to designate a neck stem, and follows this by a description of the step and the re- mainder of the stem, if any. Thus (N)D describes a side-notched or neck-stemmed point with a diagonal step. Similarly (N)D, Dr(x) for type 4 signifies a neck- stemmed piece with a diagonal step and a diagonal re- verse excurvate section between the side notch and the base. Size. Whiteford suggests three categories, small, medium, and large, to which a fourth, very large, was added. Abbreviations are as follows: Sm, average length less than 6 cm.; Md, average length between 6 and 10 cm.; Lg, average length between 10 and 20 cm.; VL, average length more than 20 cm. Table 2 should be consulted in connection with the discussion below of certain types of projectile points from Nap-1. In this table proportion is expressed by the decimal fraction of the greatest width over the greatest length, average weight in grams, and average length in centimeters. Obsidian is very generally used. If the material is not specified in the table, it is under- stood that obsidian is meant. Type 5. The single specimen shows variation from the abbreviated description in having a slight concavity in the parallel stem. Type 7. The distinguishing feature between type 6 and type 7 is the distinct reversal of the blade in type 6 as contrasted with the gentle curve of the blade in type 7. Type 8. Two type specimens are illustrated to sig- nify the variation in the amount of concavity in type 8. If the depths at which type 8 is found are considered significant-an assumption hardly justified by the few pieces collected-they would suggest that type 8 is late, possibly historic. Type 9. Type 9 represents a common type at Nap-i with a concentration in the upper levels. Type 10. Of similar shape to type 9, but of medium rather than small size. Only one specimen comes from a known depth (64 in.), suggesting that this is locally an early type. Type 11. This type has the same form as types 9 and 10; however, its size is large, in Whiteford's terminology. Type 12. One of the most distinctive types in Napa Valley is type 12. The shape is roughly that of type 16, although it varies considerably; some pieces resemble types 9, 10, and 11. The distinguishing feature of this type is one of "execution." The entire blade edge of pieces of this type has a scalloped border flaked from the blade. The skill of manufacture is reminiscent of serration. A comparison of a side view of a type 12 blade with that of a serrated blade makes it obvious that the sole difference lies in the way in which the flakes are removed. The flakes are pressed off from a serrated blade in such a way that the indentations on the two sides of the blade are opposite each other, whereas in type 12 pieces the indentations form a stag- gered pattern. Type 14. Smaller than type 13, that is, medium in size, chipped stone artifacts of type 14 might be con- sidered either knives or projectile points. This type may be absent in the closing horizon at Nap-1, but present in the preceding period. Type 15. This is a simple type with many variations. The type specimens are extreme in width and narrow- ness. The least wide piece approaches type 37 in dimen- sions but it has the double-convex cross section of a projectile point, whereas type 37 has the nearly round cross section of a drill. An early appearance of type 15, followed, after some lapse of time, by a great in- crease in the use of this type, is suggested by the depths at which it is found at Nap-1. Type 20. Type 20 is probably an early type at Nap-1. Type 22. The distribution of type 22 suggests it was 262 ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION TABLE 2 Description and Distribution of Projectile Point Types from Nap-1 S 5 4 4.. CU .~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C a .0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. T'ype 0 cd 0d 0. 5 0. 0 ~cU,. Depth 0 i . .0C CU ...j d d ."I 0 5 5 44) . Cd ~ 04) N 4 rC r4 Cd4. .-4 $4 4) 23 (5).... M Pj 25 (17)... F Pj 30 (10)... F Pj 31 (1).. .. F Pj 32 (6).. .. M Gr D D D(x) D(x), Dr(x) D(x), Dr(x) D(x), Dr(x) D(x), Dr(x) D(x), Dr(x) x x Dt X St D, Dr(x) Dt D(x) Dt D(x), Dr(x) St D(x) St D(x) St D St D St D St D St D(x) St D St D(x), Dr(x) St D(x), Dr(x) D(1), Dr(x) D(1), Dr(x) D(1), Dr(x) x D(1) D(i) D(x), Dr(x) D(x), Dr(x) D(x), Dr(x) D(x), D(1), Dr(x) Bv(i) Bv Bv Bv(i) Bv(x) D P(i) Bv(x) Bv(x) Bv(x) Sm Sm Sm Sm Sm Md Lg Md Lg Md . . . . . . Sm Bv(x) . . . . Sm D (S)dr Md (x) .. .... Lg Bv(x) . . . . Sm Bv(x) . . . . Md Bv(x) D D Sm Bv(x) Bv(x) Bv Bv(x) D V V V D (N)D (N)D (N)D Sm Sm Sm Sm 0.3 0.4 0.4 0.5 0.4 0.3 0.2 0.3 0.3 0.3 0.2-0.5 4.9 9.2 9.4 8.2 7.8 17.7 41.2 21.5 18.7 5.2 4.6 5.0 4.9 5.0 7.9 12.8 9.5 10.1 8.3 4.1-5.4 3.9-5.7 3.5-7.2 10.1-15.7 8.8-10.4 7.3-9.7 9.2 5.5 4.1-7.0 0.5 7.0 4.6 3.2-6.2 0.4 21.4 7.7 6.9-8.5 0.4 22.5 0.5 4.6 0.7 15.1 0.4-0.6 1.7 0.3-0.5 0.4-0.6 0.4-0.6 0.3-0.5 2.1 2.3 2.6 2.4 10.3 9.5-11.0 4.3 2.7-7.3 6.4 6.2-6.7 3.7 2.9-4.7 4.6 3.5 4.8 4.4 2.6-6.2 2.0-5.5 3.3-6.3 3.6-5.2 Bv Dr P Sm 0.3-0.4 2.3 4.2 3.2-5.5 Bv(x) . Bv(x) . Bv(x) Bv(x) Bv(x) Bv(x) Bv(x) Dr (N) Sm 0.5 Sm 0.4 Sm Sm Sm Sm Md Md Lg Lg Sm Md 0.5 0.5 0.5 0.2 0.3 0.4 0.4 0.3 0.5 0.5 Md 0.4 Sm 0.4 3.5 6.4 4.6 7.0 6.5 4.7 3.4 19.5 12.4 120.3 130.9 10.1 30.7 5.4 5.7 4.7 4.9 7.5 5.7 13.2 14.6 5.1 8.0 2.9-6.2. 4.1-5.5 4.3-5.7 5.2-9.5 3.6-7.7 4.6-5.6 39.4 6.8 14.5 4.8 14 in., 16 in. (2)a surface (11), 0-12 in. (2), 22 in., 48 in., 57 in., 60 in. 65 in. 24-36 in., 49 in., 55 in. (bur. 7) surface (1), 9 in., 14 in., 24-36 in., 81in. 63 in. 50 in., 61 in. 60 in., 69 in. (bur. 1) surface (11), 8 in., 10 in., 30 in. (2), 36 in., 40 in., 48 in., 79 in. 0-12 in., 30 in. surface (7), 0- 12 in. (2), 6in., 12in., 47in. 8 in., 60-70 in. surface (2), 2 in., 75 in. surface (2), 40 in. surface (6), 8 in., 0-12 in., 75 in. surface (1), 10 in., 32 in., 33 in., 36 in., 60 in. 0-6 in., 0-12 in., 16-38 in., 24-36 in., 45 in. surface (2), 6 in., 8 in., 10in., 55in.(bur.7) surface (2) surface 5 (1)a... 6 (1).... 7 (3)...- 8 (3).... 9 (43)... 10 (6).... 11 (3).... 12 (4).... 13 (1).... 14 (3).. . M F F F F M F F M M St St St St St St St St Dt Dt Pj Pj Pj Pj Pj Pj Pj Pj Kn Pj or Kn Pj Pj Pj Pj Pj 15 (20)... I F 17 (7).... F 20 (2).... M 21 (3).. .. F 22 (36) ... M 26 (5).... 27 (7).... 28 (8).... 29 (16)... Pj Pj Pj Pj F F F F M M M M M M M M M M Dr Dr Dr Dr Dr Dr Bi Bl Kn Kn 34 (1).... 35 (1).... 36 (2).... 37 (3).... 38 (9).... 40 (12)... 42 (1).... 43 (1).... 46 (5).... 47 (1).... .48 (1).... v.49 (1).... St St Dt Dt St St St Dt St St M Kn Ov M Kn Ov -.Note.-Material is obsidian except for 1 specimen of type 9, basalt, and 2 specimens of type 36, slate. aNumbers in parentheses indicate number of. specimens. bProportion is expressed by the decimal fraction of the greatest width over the greatest length. 263 264 ANTHROPOLOG present during all periods represented by Nap-i; it increased in use in the latest period. Type 23. This is probably a late type. Type 25. The distribution of this type suggests a late appearance. Type 28. If conclusions can be made on the basis of the three pieces from known depths, this type is probably a late introduction. Type 29. This type seems clearly to be late, if not entirely historic, in distribution. Type 30. The horizontal distribution suggests that the general manufacture of type 30 is late, but that it was already present in the earlier period. Type 31. A single serrated piece without a stem was found at Nap-1. It was badly broken, making re- construction of the complete point difficult. Type 32. An unusual type of artifact, which has been found at only one site besides Nap-1, is the graver. Its general outline is leaf-shaped. Its cross section, however, is distinctive; one side is humped-up as a scraper might be; the other is completely unworked and presents a concave flaked surface. The combina- tion of features which determines the shape produces a fine, stout point that might easily be used for scratch- ing or engraving. This assumption of the use of the point is further substantiated by the ground tip on one of these pieces. The plane of grind suggests that the piece, when in use, was held at an angle of roughly 30 degrees to the level. A generally late occurrence of the type is suggested. Type 35. An unusual serrated drill, a single speci- men, comes from Nap-1, depth unknown. Type 36. This specialized drill type is represented by two pieces from Nap-1; one piece is of slate, one of obsidian. Specific depths are lacking. Type 37. This type, a thin, double-tapered drill, is represented by three pieces from Nap-i. The type is distinguished from type 15, as previously mentioned, by its nearly circular cross section. Type 38. This distinctive type consists of the partly finished drills made from obsidian bangles, a natural volcanic formation. These pieces are usually unaltered except for the finely chipped blade portion of the drill. Type 40. The most common type of drill is one manufactured from a flake of obsidian. The points of this type are the only finished parts. The stratigraphic occurrence of type 40 would suggest that it is late. Its appearance with type 14 in burial no. 7 tends to contra- dict the suggestion of a late or possibly historic distri- bution. Type 43. A type of double-tapered blank, not illus- trated, is represented by a single piece from Nap- i, depth unknown. Type 48. Resembling a double-tapered projectile point of type 14 is the oval knife of type 48. Nearly all specimens of type 48 have an unworked surface at both ends. This precludes the use of this artifact as a pro- jectile point and distinguishes its shape from that of a tapered or pointed type. Type 49. A single small oval knife was found on the surface at Nap-1. The form is similar to that of the medium-size type 51. The chronology for projectile points suggested by the Nap-i data is not very reliable. Only 113 pieces are ac- companied by stratigraphic data, hence the material is too limited to admit of any very satisfactory conclusions. A summary of speculations, however, is presented here for its possible value to future workers. rICAL RECORDS Types 8, 23, 25, 28, 29, 32, and 40 are late and some are probably historic. Types 9 and 22 occur in all periods at Nap-1, but increase in number in the late period. Types 10, 17, and 20 are only early. Type 14 is neither historic nor early, but represents a midperiod. Type 15 is lateand historic but is known to be early also; possibly it was un- known in this midperiod. Type 30 is also present in all periods, with the possible exception of the historic. Review of the stratigraphic location of chipped artifact types suggests, but does not prove, any relative chronolo for different levels at Nap-i. Comparison of these types with types of the Sacramento Valley and San Francisco Bay horizons is necessary for a historical reconstruction for the Nap-1 material. Obsidian bangles.-Long, three- to five-sided obsidian objects, termed "bangles," are common at site Nap-1. These pieces are considered to be natural formations prob- ably available within Napa County. Most of them are unal- tered, but some have been fractured lengthwise. Examples are illustrated in Heizer, 1949 (fig. 14, t-v). Nineteen specimens were found at Nap-1 at the following depths: 7 in., 8 in. (3 specimens), 12-24 in., 24-36 in., 36-48 in. (2 specimens), 60-72 in. Of seventeen examples, the average weight was 4.7 gm., average length 5.7 cm., and length range 3.2-9.3 cm. Scrapers.-In the northern Coast Range region scrapers are highly characteristic of the prehistoric cultures. In the San Francisco Bay and Interior Valley areas, on the other hand, these tools are usually completely lacking in midden deposits. Their absence here is probably to be accounted for by the fact that scraper tools were not needed. Type A. Unshaped flakes (all except two obsidian) with edges retouched all the way around on one face only. No specific form; not a definite tool but merely a "utilized" flake. Lengths range from 35 to 73 mm., thicknesses from 6 to 14 mm.; 16 specimens. (Fig. 10, a.) Type Al. Similar to type A, but utilizing long, nar- row bladelike obsidian flakes. Retouching may be either all the way around the edge or on both long sides. Length 40 to 80 mm., thickness 6 to 18 mm.; 1 1 specimens. (Fig. 10, b, c.) Type B. Generally similar to A, but with part of edge left unretouched for a possible handle or grip. All but two of obsidian. Some have both faces retouched. Give the impression of being definite tools. Length 40 to 70 mm., thickness 7 to 22 mm.; 29 specimens. (Fig. 10, d.) Type Bi. Bladelike obsidian flakes with one long side unretouched to form a back and the other retouched, sometimes on both faces, to form a cutting edge. A crude but definite knife blade. Length 30 to 90 mm., thickness 4 to 17 mm.; 6 specimens. (Fig. 10, e.) Type G. As defined by Strong, Schenck, and Steward (1930, pp. 86-87): comparatively thick scrapers; one sur- face unworked and concave, being the natural surface of a conchoidal chip. The other side is chipped at the front, thick edge, but is characteristically left untouched at the other sides, the one opposite the chipped front frequently extending into a definite handle. They thus have a gouge- like or chisellike appearance. Cutting edge is usually slightly convex. Napa specimens range from 36 to 56 mm. long and from 6 to 13 mm. thick. All are obsidian; 7 specimens. (Fig. 10, f.) Hoe-shaped scrapers: small, thin, roughly rectangular obsidian scrapers; usually worked on both faces, with a straight or slightly convex cutting edge which is thin and I -I 14 1 i ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION TABLE 3 Distribution by Depth of Key Projectile Point Types at Nap-1 Depth Typea (in.) Surface 0-12 12-24 24-36 36-48 48-60 60-72 72 and deeper 8. ... ... .... 3 9. 11 2 1 ... 1 2 .. 10 ... ... ..... 1 14 ...... ..... . 1b 125. . ... ... 1 17 ........... ... ... ... ... ... 7 20 ........... ... ... ... 1 22 ........... 11 2 ... 3... ... 23 ........... 1 ... ... ... 25 ........... 7 4....1...... 26 ............ . 1 ... .......1.. 27 ........... . 2 1..........1 28 ........... 2......1...... 29 ........... . 6 2 ... ........... 30 ........... 1 1 ..3....1.. 32 . ...... ... 2 21 40 ........... 2 3 ... ... ... 1 a Nap-1 types omitted from this table are specimens in collections which lack accompanying depth locations. Surface specimens tabulated here were recovered by University of California workers. b Burial no. 7, depth 5 5 in. sharp. Sides generally worked, but top left untouched for hafting. Resemble tiny hoe blades. Length 28 to 42 mm., thickness 6 to 11 mm.; 4 specimens. (Fig. 10,&.) Triangular scrapers: small, thin, well-made roughly triangular obsidian scrapers, worked all over on both faces, with a thin sharp cutting edge all around. Length 22 to 48 mm., thickness 4 to 12 mm.; 11 specimens. (Fig. 10, h.) Plano-convex scrapers: thick, heavy flakes of no par- ticular shape, plano-convex in cross section, generally worked all around on convex face to a fairly thick, steep cutting edge. All but one specimen obsidian. Range: 25 to 75 mm. in longest dimension, 12 to 26 mm. thick; 7 speci- mens. Plano-convex scrapers, small: generally similar in type, but small, circular, and worked on both faces. All obsidian. Diameter 33 to 40 mm., thickness 10 to 16 mm.; 3 specimens. (Fig. 10, k.) Plano-convex scrapers, heavy: percussion-flaked scrapers of siliceous basalt, made on flakes, with flat faCe left unworked as the natural flake surface. Plano- convex in cross section, roughly circular; 53 to 96 mm. *cross; 2 specimens. (Fig. 10,) Thick, round scrapers: small, crude, roughly circu- lar, very thick for their size, worked on both faces. Poor, even edge. A doubtfully effective tool. All obsidian. ameter 20 to 40 mm., thickness 7 to 20 mm.; 6 speci- ens. (Fig. 10, i.) Scraper planes: crude, heavy core tools; uniface, emispherical, one side flaked vertically to a scraping e. Of flint, 87 to 97 mm. across, 32 to 69 mm. thick; specimens. Gravers.-Resemble scrapers, being obsidian flakes orked on only one face with edge partially retouched and coming to a point somewhat like a drill, but this point is semicircular in cross section and worked on only one face. These specimens would also serve well as perfora- tors. Length 33 to 73 mm., thickness 4 to 14 mm.; 8 specimens. (Fig. 10, 1.) Choppers.-Heavy choppers of flint, etc., some very crude and barely worked. Generally roughly circular, oval, or semicircular; top left side unworked for holding. Diameter 63 to 102 mm., thickness 15 to 33 mm.; 8 specimens. (P1. 35, h, i.) Hammerstones.,-Round hammerstones: circular or roughly round pebbles with edges battered all the way around (ideally, forming a heellike edge) or displaying battering in one or more planes. Diameters range from 60 to 90 mm.; 13 specimens. (P1. 36, a.) Spatulate hammerstones: elongated pebbles with one end or edge battered. Lengths range from 63 to 190 mm., thicknesses from 17 to 46 mm., 6 specimens. Digging (?) tools.-Long, thin, picklike stones with point and adjacent part of shaft crudely sharpened. A pos- sible digging tool. Lengths from 24 to 35 cm.; 3 specimens. (Pl. 36, f.) Problematical object.-Broken end of worked piece of sandstone, roughly rectangular in cross section, with one face smoothed, the other having a small shallow pit pecked into it. One side has a slight groove across it, perpendicular to the long axis of the object; 1 specimen. (Pl. 36, d.) BONE, ANTLER, AND CLAWS Bone and antler artifacts, more than any other ar- chaeological feature, reflect the everyday life of the aboriginal Central Californian and, to a lesser extent, 265 266 ANTHROPOLO( the ceremonial complex. 7 The Museum of Anthropology collection from the Napa area may be considered repre- sentative because of its diversity and quantity. The pro- portion of tool types seems high in comparison with those of archaeologically known surrounding areas. More awls, of course, were found than any other kind of artifact, but among them uLna awls were rare, while the blunt-ended ulna tools, uncommon elsewhere, ranked second in num- ber. The none-too-frequent serrated scapulae were third. Cremation may be partly responsible for the high in- cidence of utilitarian forms; the more elaborate ones were destroyed and the simpler left, thus giving abnor- mal percentages of the simpler types. But the diversity and number of fragments that survived burning and the quantity of unburned beads and incised bone found would indicate that the total of these objects of adornment or esthetic function in our collection gives a fair approxi- mation of their normal frequency. It thus appears that cannon bone awls, blunt ulnae, and serrated scapulae were the bone tools most commonly used in routine activi- ties. Since most of the bone tools were utilitarian and little valued, they less frequently accompanied the dead. Of 208 bone and antler artifacts only one implement and one claw were found associated with burials. These two pieces came from graves in the lower mound levels. The appearance of cremation in the upper levels probably ac- counts for many more than the thirteen charred artifacts actually found associated with cremations. In all proba- bility they were scattered by rodents or plowing and the like. The overwhelming majority of bone and antler speci- mens were found unassociated and at random within the mound deposits. Deer bone (Odocoileus) was by far the most common tool material. Elk (Cervus, one specimen) and wildcat (Lyx, 2 pieces) were the only other identifiable worked mammal bone. Unless otherwise stated all bone artifacts are of deer or unidentifiable bird bone. Since E. W. Gifford's Californian Bone Artifacts (1940)8 already covers the Napa area to some extent, its classi- fication has been followed here with minor modifications. Implements, whole and fragmentary, include 43 awls, 4 beamers, 4 possible bunt points, 1 fish gig, 21 scapula grass cutters, 2 knives (?), 4 needles, 25 ulna tools, 7 game bones, 5 wedges, and 8 antler flakers. Ornaments consist of 9 beads, 2 bird-bone tubes, 5 hair ornaments, 24 incised bird-bone tubes, and one claw. Eight tubular whistles comprise the musical instruments. Twenty-three pieces are of unknown use, and 13 specimens show evi- dence of having been purposefully modified and discarded without completion. Bone implements Awls.-Awls were the most frequently encountered bone tool. This was to be expected, since the Wappo shared with Pomo unequaled skill in the art of basketry. Thirty-six awls and fragments were found at Goddard mound (Nap- 1), only six of which were complete. All the tips are .fine enough to have served for the splitting of fibers necessary in the manufacture of coiled baskets. The variation in fineness of tips is probably due to the numerous techniques and objects of basketry made use of by these people. In addition, the needlelike points of some (notably types Alc, Ale) would have served admirably for puncture tattooing, for piercing the ears of children, for 7 For identification of animal bones acknowledgment is made to Dr. S. B. Benson, Dr. R. A. Stirton, and Dr. A. H. Miller, of the University of California. GII 8The awl classification used by Gifford conforms to that proposed by Kidder, 1932, p. 202. [CAL RECORDS leather punches,9 and for daggers. Some of the split heads still have sharp edges andshow no polish. Originally the bases of these awls were most likely wrapped with skin or fiber, a practice persisting into ethnographic times. In general, long awls, especially of the cannon bone, seem to have been preferred-none of the short awls so common in other basketry areas, 10 often reworked till only nubbins remain, were found. Since basket-making methods, bone resources (i.e., species available), and bone-working techniques were in general identical in the Bay, Delta, and Sacramento Valley regions, it may be assumed that type frequencies in each area reflect cul- turzl preference rather than different functions. (Cf. Kroeber, 1925, fig. 67.) AlaII (Gifford, 1940, pp. 168, 199.) Only one defi- nite example of awl made from a small mammal ulna was found. The aconeal process served as a handle, with the natural tapering shaft utilized to obtain a sharp point. The tip is absent, leaving a length of 7.2 cm., with the shaft slightly polished. (P1. 37, h.) A1bI. (Gifford, 1940, pp. 168, 200.) Awl of deer metatarsal (epiphysis lacking), the head unworked ex- cept by original splitting. A single specimen is-the only awl with the distal end of the cannon bone serving as handle, although this was a common type in neigh- boring areas and unworked distal ends were very fre- quently found in the mound. In contrast proximal ends of shattered cannon bones are rare, and this possibly reflects a preference for long awls and proximal end bases, leaving insufficient bone at the distal end for an awl. The particular example found has a polished shaft and tip but the base, which is dull and rough, was almost of necessity wrapped, -while in use, with skin or fiber. The awl is complete, with a total length of 10.6 cm. (Pl. 37, f.) Ab1II (Gifford, 1940, p. 168.)1 Awl of split deer metapodial, proximal end as handle. Although usually considered together, several subgroupings seem ad- visable. AlbIla. Cannon bone halved, proximal end unmodi- fied. Because of its width and concavity this type in general produces a blunter point, unless specially ground. It would serve for coarse coiling techniques and as a punch. Only one specimen was found, un- polished but complete, 14.6 cm. long. (P1. 37, e.) AlbIIb. Quartered cannon bone, proximal end un- modified. The bases vary in size, but the body of the awl has been reduced by half, presumably to produce a finer point. It was easier to split the shaft again than to grind it more. Three examples were found, the pieces ranging in length from 8.8 to 11.5 cm. None are highly polished, and all lack tips. Enough remains, however, to indicate that a much finer point than that of AlbIIa originally existed. (P1. 37, d.) AlbIlc. Cannon bone again split (1/8 of original meta- podial), proximal end unmodified. Nothing remains but the ridge adjoining the intermetapodial groove, giving a characteristic trianguloid cross section. This is the most common form of AlbII at Nap-1, and usually shows a very high degree of polish. Unfortunately no tips re- main, probably because the narrow body would permit 9No attempt has been made to separate punches from awls, because they intergrade too closely in the Napa collection. 10Most notably the Anasazi: Hodge, 1920, pls. 4, 5, 7, p. 82; Kidder, 1932, figs. 171, 174,176; Whittemore, 1939, p1. 12. 1 The three longest specimens illustrated by Gifford (1940, p. 200) would correspond respectively to my AlbUla, AlbUIc, AlbUIb. i I ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION a fine stilettolike awl, easily broken. Three fragments were found with cremation no. 5, and many of the rest are charred or -calcined, implying that they accom- panied the dead. This, with their high polish, might indicate that they were hair ornaments. 12 (P1. 37, c.) Eight awls were found, varying in length from 3.5 to J.0 cm. Four retain the articulating surface, but no tips; Another four were medial segments, of different color or texture from the base pieces. Specimen 1-38597, 9.0 cm. tong, shows the evidence of fire only at the tip end of the )broken shaft. Driver (1936, p. 191) mentions the use of lre to season wood spear points, and it seems not im- robable that a similar process was used to harden cer- n bone tools. A similar occurrence is noted for types *Ld and A6. AlcII. (Gifford, 1940, pp. 168, 201.) Head of proxi- mal end of cannon bone partly worked down. Two ex- amples were found, 9.1 and 7.4 cm. long. The shorter specimen lacks the tip, and bears erratic scorings along the lustrous shaft. (P1. 37, b.) Ald. (Gifford, 1940, pp. 169, 201.) Awl of mammal bone with head entirely removed, probably of deer radii and tibiae chiefly. This type is characterized by complete attrition of fractured surfaces and heads, the '"file-mark" scorings being plainly visible. Three awls of this type come from Nap-i, showing high polish. Specimen L-11814 is 14.2 cm. long, complete with needlelike point; specimen L-11815, 19.3 cm. long, has a medium-sharp reworked tip. One highly polished tip fragment, 6.5 cm. long, shows the effect of fire in F a decreasing amount away from the tip. (Pl. 37, i.) Ale. (Gifford, 1940, pp. 169, 201, 202.) Awl of mammal bone splinter. In Napa Valley this type co- exists with the more refined forms, no time difference 8 being evidenced. It is worked only on the lower shaft and tip, to a very fine, polished point. There are no s igns of abrasion on the base and upper shaft, these rough fractures having been smoothed through long use. The length of three examples is from 9.1 to 11.5 cm. P1. 37,k.) One doubtful piece is included because of its method f manufacture. It is a blunt splinter, polished by use, d seems to represent a broken awl, now 6.7 cm. ng, which continued to be used with a jagged tip, ssibly as a flaker. A2. (Gifford, 1940, pp. 169, 202.) Awl of mammal The rib is not split; the unfinished base is broken ansversely, while the working end has been cut diag- nally and polished. The section of rib is long enough, .4 cm., to retain moderate curvature. One other all fragment of split (?) rib, 2.7 cm. long, may e have been an awl. It accompanied cremation 2. 1. 37, j) A4a (b?) 1. (Gifford, 1940, pp. 169, 203.) One frag- entary bird-radius awl, lacking both base and tip, the single representative of this type. It is 5.7 cm. g with a worn facet, indicating that a pointed tip ce existed. (P1. 37, 1.) A4c (Gifford, 1940, pp. 169, 170.) Awl of bird- e fragment. A single specimen was recovered, so all, only 4.8 cm. long, as to be provisionally sed as an awl. One sharpened end does show defi- te smoothed surfaces; the unworked end may retain estige of former polishing, indicating a broken bi- nted object (see "Fish Gig"). (P1. 37, m.) ver (1936, p. 188) mentions bone hairpins for the Wappo, and O1926, pp. 156-157) hairpins of leg bone for the Pomo. A6. Unclassifiable bone awl tips and fragments comprise this class. Nine specimens vary from high degree to near absence of polish, from stiletto to medium sharpness, and from 2.5 to 5.1 cm. in length. Two are charred, having been associated with crema- tion 5, and one other specimen, highly polished, has been burned only on the tip. Beamers.-This class consists simply of polished split cannon bones. (Pl. 37, n.) The type specimen used by Gifford is a complete split metatarsal, with both edges of the sawed intermetatarsal groove polished. The most likely use would be as a two-handed beamer, to remove hair from skins, each articular end serving as a handle. (Cf. Gifford, 1940, type I, pp. 172, 214.) This type of tool is most often referred to as a "scra- per," but this convenient term has been avoided here be- cause of its ambiguity. Many, but not all, authors assume that the scraper is synonymous with the flesher, with a resulting lack of clarity in many of the accounts of this implement. Practically any bladed object was used as a beamer in North America, and the identification of archaeological specimens as such is difficult. Often, among living tribes several implements were employed as beamers by the same group. In California the rib was most frequently used, but stone blades, scapulae, wood, shell, and the fused radius-ulna of cervidae are also reported. The in- clusion in our classification of only one type of bone arti- fact as beamers is not meant to imply necessarily that ribs and other unmodified tools were not so used in our area. The simpler cultures often employed these imple- ments as both fleshers and beamers, but the use of the term here has been restricted because a rough stone is recorded as the dressing tool (flesher) for the Wappo, and this is the implement most frequently used by the sur- rounding groups. Three fragments of bone from Nap-1 definitely have used edges and may be called beamers. Two are large enough to be identified as deer cannon bone. One is a complete medial section of split bone, 11.7 cm. long, with both edges polished. Another has only one edge remaining (1/4 cannon bone) and is 8.6 cm. long. The third specimen is too short for identification, and is tentatively included. Bunt point (?).-Included as possible bunt points are four articular ends of deer leg bone, with spongy interior scooped out. Their most likely use was as projectile points used for killing birds. No. 1-72510 is the distal end of a tibia, with numerous scorings indicating difficulty with the initial groove (pl. 38,b.). It is 4.3 cm. long, 1.4 cm. internal diameter, and the cup is 2.6 cm. deep. Two other distal ends of the tibia, both 5.5 cm. long, bear no evidence of cutting, but are chipped on all sides in so even a line that fortuitous frac- ture seems unlikely (pl. 38, f ). No. 1-41769 is the proximal end of a radius with a dis- tinct cavity (1.2 mm. internal diameter), such as would accommodate an arrow shaft, punched into the cancellous interior. Fresh breaks on all sides have removed any possible cut edge. Fish gig.-A small fragment of a long-bone splinter, 4.6 cm. long, was found which has roughly the shape of an isoceles triangle with a broad base and blunt apex (pl. 38, &). Great care seems to have been taken in its manufac- ture, since over nine facets of grinding are apparent. The two end tips are lacking, but were evidnetly quite sharp. One tip has been blackened by fire. Perhaps the best ex- planation of its use is as a fish gig or gorge hook, with fiber line wrapped around its middle. One other splinter ; ,o. V, 1: 267 268 ANTHROPOLC may have been of this type (see "Awls," type A4c). (Cf. Gifford, 1940, type T, p. 176.) Scapulae or grass cutters.- Sixteen of these serrated scapulae were found, eight each of the left and right shoulder blade. All are in poor condition. Ten consist merely of the articular end and varying short lengths (4.2 to 10.3 cm.) of the blade. They can be considered tools because of the characteristic edge polish or com- plete removal of the spine and acromion. They are too short for any serrations to remain, but have more of the axillary than coracoid border left, another distinguishing factor in their identification. (Cf. Gifford, 1940, type Hi, pp. 172, 213.) Two left scapulae retain their coracoid process, most of the axillary border, and traces of serration, with the spine removed (pl. 38, k). Only 7.8 and 14.3 centimeters remain of an originally longer blade. Both scapulae are polished with greatest luster on the under side (side op- posite the spine) along the axillary ridge. Only a vestige remains of serrations which once extended in an arc cut from the coracoid border across the spine to parallel the axillary border out to the end of the blade in a shallow, sicklelike curve. Three fragments of axillary border retain a segment of the suprascapular border (distal end), varying between 5.7 and 10.1 cm. in length (pl. 38, i ). All have their high- est polish on the underside ridge, and the serrations are best preserved on these two pieces. One fragment, 24.0 cm. long, is of elk scapula with no serrations but with traces of a worn undulating edge (pl. 38,1). Before we deal with their use it might be well to sum- marize their variation. The greatest number have come from site Ala-309, and Schenck (1926, pl. 40)13 illustrates a representative group. Most of those in the University collection retain the coracoid process as a handle, but a large number lack it. The chief consistent difference be- tween the Bay and Napa forms is that the Bay specimens retain most of the coracoid border, with the reduced spine extending down the middle of the tool, whereas in the Napa pieces it is almost completely removed. A few specimens, from the Bay region-particularly from site Ala-309-were made of the axillary border of the right scapula, with the axillary ridge running the length of the tool, and therefore resemble specimens from the Napa area. The Bay pieces, however, invariably lack the cora- coid process and probably represent an occasional use of the border which was customarily cut off and discarded. In the Bay area the right scapula was usually used with the spine up, a practice opposite from the Napa use. The serrations are deepened on the under surface only, which is the most polished side; the side of the reduced spine closest to the serrations also bears a considerable polish, which is lacking on the axillary side of the spine. The left scapula also retains more of the coracoid border, but was used with the spine down, producing a luster from the ser- rations to the adjoining side of the spine only. A limited number were serrated on both sides, and a very few were not notched at all, but probably served the same purposes. There is no uniformity in serrations; all varieties of depth, size, shape, and angle of slant occur in the notch- ing. Often the middle serrations were knocked out by use, and the undulating edge remaining continued to be used without refinement. The use of these tools has always been doubtful. One of the earliest descriptions to gain wide distribution is that of Murdoch, who may be in part responsible for the "5The serrated ribs found in the Bay area (Gifford, 1940. type H2, p. 172) may be included as the same tool, but the small fish mandible (ibid., H3) perhaps has some other significance. )GI ICAL RECORDS most common appellation of "saws" for these implements, aside from their superficial resemblance. He illustrates a copy made by a Point Barrow Eskimo already familiar with the metal tools and suggests that possibly the Eski- mos had "invented the saw" before white contact. The striking resemblance of the bone copy to a true saw casts doubt on its aboriginal form, though notched scapulaemay have been used on soft materials. The informant may have been thinking of the notched mesh stick of antler, also shown by Murdoch. (Murdoch, 1887-88, pp. 174,175,317.) The earliest reference to these tools in California is that of the Spanish missionary Boscana (in J. P. Harrington,X 1934, p. 29), who writes of "little saws" of deer shoulder A blade (bark strippers ?) with which the Juaneno used to i make bows and arrows. Yates, who pictures five frag- ments from Alameda County (in Moorehead, 1900, fig. 363,l p. 236), lists them as "saws, of bone, called 'Sa-chos' by the Napa Indians." The derivation of this word is unknown to me, but it may be more than coincidence that "sachos" is Spanish for hoe. Among the Plains tribes the scapula was chiefly used as a hoe but, with almost complete cer- tainty, it was never so used in California with its univer- sal digging stick. The "scapula-sounding" rasps of the Southwest (Kidder, 1932, fig. 212, p. 252; Hodge, 1920, pl. 42, pp. 137-140) are completely unrelated. The true teeth of the California tools bear no indication of such a use, and would be too fragile. The area of notching is also different. Uhle (1907, pp. 77-78) was struck by the similarity be- tween this tool and the Point Barrow Eskimo mesh stick and shuttle arrangement used to weave feather girdles (Murdoch, 1892, fig. 323, p. 317), and suggested a similar use for California. However, the resemblance applies only to the serrations, and the Eskimo tool is much more specialized. Schenck (1926, p. 219) disagrees with Uhle and cites second-hand information to the effect that a Nevada County Indian, who at the time used a notched steel knife for fleshing hides, once used a notched shoulder blade of deer or rabbit for this purpose. A Northern Paiute informant of Harrington's "said it was probably used for scraping greasewood" to make awls and arrows (Loud and Harrington, 1929, p. 40). Harrington later is certain that "there can be no doubt that this imple- ment was used as a bark shredder. . . although it may have been used to remove hair from skins" (M. R. Harring- ton, 1933, p. 137). These statements are both possible, bu a serrated scapula is needlessly specialized for such sim- ple tasks, particularly for removing hair from skins siac even among more advanced tribes the unnotched rib and scapula have such a wide distribution as beamers. The most recent accounts (Gifford, 1940, p. 172; De Laguna, 1947, p. 191) have accepted Schenck's suggesti that these scapulae were used as fleshers, a suggestion? which is functionally logical. However, one cannot over- look the definite concentration of these implements in th Bay and Napa regions of California. Such a use would ply that the ancestors of the Wappo or Costanoans had a more complicated tool for the fleshing of hides than their northern neighbors who made more-use of skin, that the Wappo used an implement which equaled in spe zation the transverse flesher of the advanced Plains skin-working complex. Likewise, there is no indication of such an implem ethnographically; a crude stone flesher is listed for th_ Wappo (Driver, 1936, p. 192), Pomo (Gifford and Kro 1937, nos. 266, 269, p. 136), and Patwin (Kroeber, 193Xi p. 283), and is scattered over most of the Central and Northern California area. Although the unmodified ul_ ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION was the dominant tool for the Sierra regions, Driver (1937, nos. 498, 499, pp. 70, 117) also records the scapula and rib flesher for the southern extremities, referring to Schenck's plate 40 (1926). However, he neither illus- trates nor states specifically that the tools mentioned by his informants were serrated or modified in any way. Skins were of negligible importance to the Great Valley and coastal peoples (see "Distributions"), but the number of scapulae indicates that this implement played a very essential role in the culture. Therefore, another sugges- tion is added, that the scapulae were used as grass cut- ters to gather material for thatched houses, the charac- teristic dwelling of the Wappo (Driver, 1936, p. 189) and Bay areas (Kroeber, 1925, p. 468). This use seems never to have been widely distributed, possibly because the In- dian cultures most dependent on this house type-the Wappo, Bay, and Delta groups-were among the first California Indians to succumb to white influences, so it as not long after contact that the grass house completely disappeared from the whole central area. The implements themselves offer contributory evidence. e polish on the serration side of the left shoulder blade ght scapula in the Bay specimens) is not explained by eshing action, since the face opposite the spine was e contact surface. It would be expected, however, that Polish would be produced by the cut stalks of grass or e passing over the grass cutter as they were severed. ugh fibrous grasses would account for the common eage of teeth as validly as skin scraping. Many of the pulae are warped upward, thus decreasing the area of shed surface in contact with the hides at one time-a t inefficient process; this working, however, would e no inconvenience in a cutting action. Further evi- ce that these tools were used as grass cutters comes Humboldt Cave, Nevada, where a highly polished la (UCMA no. 1-42991), serrated on both sides, was d in a grass-lined cache with three mountain-sheep sickles (UCMA 1-42988, 1-42989, 1-42990) which showed evidence of long use (Heizer, 1951). Three serrated scapulae (UCMA 1-43623, 1-43877, 816) were found in the cave. condary uses of these implements may have included thering of tule and sedge for textiles, and possibly were used to shred tule for skirts and capes. The ed technique of bark scraping and shredding cannot counted but the quantity of scapulae tools found is in accord with the importance of grass in these yes (?).-The use of two fragments of split cannon ne found is problematical. Both are portions of the oint where the concave marrow channel blends into ttened abraded tip (pl. 38, h). They have a dull polish face only (the two edges which enclosed the marrow), e tip does not exhibit an increased luster like the luster of awls or punches. The back has no sheen, function rather than handling seems responsible for erside polish. A notable luster can be detected on de of each, both face and edge apparently having tilized in separate processes. y one tip remains, 6.6 cm. long, and it has been y ground to a blunt point, not through use, but per- reworking a broken tip. The other specimen lacks is 5.9 cm. long, and is slightly flatter, with sharper and with the area of wear on its face (a definite decreasing away from the tip. It was found with 1, above the neck region, and the base end has awed by rodents. small size and fragmentary nature of these pieces it the assignment of a definite use. They come closest to Gifford's B3, knife or dagger, but seem much too dull for either purpose. They appear to have been used in rubbing and working a yielding substance, pos- sibly roots, leather, or wood. Their edges would make poor, though possible, one-handed beamers, but the two- handed tradition was more in vogue in California. Neither does their use as ornaments or as marrow extractors seem indicated by the wear; they are blunt enough for head-scratchers, but the base, possibly perforated for wearing around the neck, is missing, and Driver (1936, p. 198) says that wooden sticks were so used in this area. (Cf. Gifford, 1940, type B3, pp. 170, 205.) Needles.-The sharpened vestigial outer metatarsal of the deer was used to make these implements (pl. 38, f ). They were most likely used as needles, the articulating surface forming a natural knob for the attachment of thread, and the tip needing little refinement. Four were found, ranging from 4.8 to 6.1 cm., and all were polished. (Cf. Gifford, 1940, type Alg, pp. 169, 202.) No perforated or drilled bone objects are present in the collection from Napa Valley. Ulna tools.-This is an interesting class because of the great number of these implements at Nap-1 and their rarity elsewhere. Like the cannon bone the natural shape determined, or at least encouraged, the tool's popularity: the aconeal process furnishes a convenient handle, and the semilunar notch accommodates the second digit per- fectly, strengthening the grip. The ulna shaft is so thin that a minimum of modification is required to produce various implements. (Cf. Gifford, 1940, type C2, pp. 171, 207.) Certain general features of these tools, including also ulna awls, are of interest. None of the specimens found has been cremated, a circumstance implying that no par- ticular value was attached to this common form. Of the twenty-five pieces, thirteen lack the aconeal epiphysis, and it has not yet fused completely on several others. This seems to be quite customary everywhere, so some prefer- ence for ulnae of juvenile animals may be indicated, per- haps because of the fusion of ulna and radius in adult cer- vidae. Three pieces lack the epiphysis on the radial notch, owing to the immaturity of the bone used. But eleven bear shallow incised grooves, occasionally quite deep, across this winglike appendage, evidently made in an attempt to remove it. One other specimen has these grooves, but has had the notch reduced by abrasion; it is strange that all were not thus treated. This scoring is common on ulna tools from other sites-site Ala-309, for example-but in them a greater number of the notches have been success- fully removed. A possible reason for the removal may be that a mature notch juts into the fingers when the tool is held as a dagger, causing discomfort. Occasional scorings are quite light, possibly the result of the cutting of tendons and flesh from the radial notch. None shows the longitudi- nal scorings so common on ulna and cannon bone awls from site CCo-295 (Nelson, 1910, pl. 46, no. 5 and UCMA collec- tion), and McClure facies (Beardsley, MS, p. 110). Only six are made of the left ulna, whereas eighteen are of the right. A possible relation with right- and left-hand- edness was at first suggested, but both kinds are found in about equal numbers among the Emeryville specimens. The most common and uniformly distributed ulna tool in California is the sharp pointed awl, surprisingly repre- sented by only one specimen at Nap-i (see "Awls," Alall). Some native groups used these awls for splitting eels (Kroeber, 1925, fig. 67) but this practice is denied for the Wappo (Driver, 1936, p. 185). A similar, but grooved, tool was important in Puebloan weaving (Hodge, 1920, pls. 269 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 16, 17), an art absent in California. A harpoon or fish spear made from a deer ulna is recorded for both the Wappo (Driver, 1936, p. 191) and Pomo (Loeb, 1926, p. 185, notes a tool only 3 in. long), but no identifiable specimens have been found. The other types are blunter, and it seems best to segregate them according to length of shaft: Type C2a. Matting tool. (P1. 38, c.) Most of the shaft is retained, producing a tool which is too long and thin to take the application of any pressure. Prob- ably it was broken frequently, serving as a constant source for the shorter types. It lacks polish, except to some extent on the handle and the characteristic flat tip. Only one specimen, 17.2 cm. long, was un- covered at Nap- 1, and it seems to have been a newly made tool. The bone is fresh looking, with rough areas where the muscles were attached, and there is no polish whatsoever, though the tip has been abraded into a blunt V-shaped point. With use it no doubt would have approximated very closely the ulna tool shown by Kidder (1932, pl. 190, d, p. 227), who suggests it was primarily a matting tool, a quite acceptable designation. Hodge (1920, pl. 18, a, j) includes from Hawikuh two similar pieces, which he calls punches, implying another possible function for our type. His suggestion of chisel (ibid., pl. 24, x) would imply a greater pressure than could have been applied to the thin shaft of the Napa specimen. Type C2b. Fiber tools. (P1. 38, a.) Sixteen examples of what are probably these shorter blunt ulna tools make this an important type at Nap-1. Only four speci- mens are complete, with medium long shafts, typically 6.5 cm. beyond the radial notch and 10.7 to 13.2 cm. over-all length. All show abrasions by which the ends were fashioned into flat, dull-pointed to rounded tips, two of which have a lustrous polish; their general ap- pearance indicates continuous contact of the tips with some nonabrasive substance. They bear little or no polish on the shaft edges, suggesting that this edge was not utilized. Twelve pieces are fragmentary, lacking the tips, with no evidence of reworking. Almost certainly they are bro- ken specimens of this type (possibly some C2a), and po- tential flakers (C2c). All bear polish or scorings, but none shows any sign of the use of the shaft blade (i.e., as a knife), other than what slight polish may accrue from handling. No fragmentary tips of this group were found anywhere in the Napa area. Various uses have been suggested for similar tools, including picks (Bell, 1936, p. 198, pl. 14, c; Strong, 1935, p. 164, pl. 18, a), knives (Ritchie, 1944, pl. 159, figs. 14, 15), beamers (Kidder, 1932, p.237), chisels (Hodge, 1920, pl. 23, g), and boot crimpers (Osgood, 1940, p. 88), but none of these seems applicable to the Napa pieces. However, Ingalik women use a blunt ulna tool to strip off the inner willowbark fibers (ibid., p. 63). It is considered that the best use in California of these flat, blunt ulna tools would be for working fibers. The large number of these implements would indicate their use in a very common pursuit, such as basketmaking. It may be assumed that the Wappo in general employed the same fibers as the Pomo.4 Barrett (1908b, p. 25) de- 14Merrill, 1923. On the basis of museum baskets alone she lists only slough grass (and its root bark also), redbud bark, pine root, and willow for the Wappo (pp. 236-239). However, as against these four, she mentions more than 25 species used by the Pomo who were studied ethnographically. The similarity in basketry techniques argues - I scribes these in some detail: most frequently used was the root of the sedge, its "tough woody fiber' being splDt and dressed to threadlike strands. In a similar way pine4 and willow roots, as well as the sapwood of the grape, were prepared. Bone tools would be ideally suited for this work, being sharp enough to separate the fibers ith pressure, but with sufficient dullness not to cut and tear. them as obsidian would. A variety of woods were peeled for foundation rods, and their barks shredded for decoration, both the inner 4 and outer barks of the willow and redbud being important.4 Barrett (1908a, p. 137) also included the Wappo in that y region which employed the shredded inner bark of the willow for women's skirts, although Driver, thirty years later (1936, p. 188), records only shredded tule, from Pomo-ized informants. Besides the similar Ingalik use, the Klamath-Modoc basketmakers employ a bone knife (not an ulna) for sepa- rating the inner and outer bark of pine (Barrett, 1910, pl. 22, fig. 5), and Gifford (Gifford and Kroeber, 1937, no. 161, p. 132) records a bone knife for scraping fibers used by two Pomo groups. We are thus perhaps justified in in- cluding the Napa region as an area of bone fiber-working tools, rather than as a region characterized by the more widespread practice of the basketmaker using her teeth and nails for fiber preparation. Type C2c. Flakers (?). (P1. 38, e.) This distinctive I type of ulna tool characteristically has a very short shaft (not over 3.5 cm. beyond the radial notch) and a purposefully rounded tip, often beveled and polished. Total length varies from 9.6 to 8.3 cm.; thus the tools are too short to be held as daggers and can withstand pressure without breaking. Aside from one source which suggests the use of these tools as chisels (Hodge, 1920, pl. 22, a, b, e), most dis- cussions have assigned to them a function as flakers. Their form seems well suited to this, except for the frequent oc- currence of polish and the lack of scorings that might be expected from working projectile points, especially ob- sidian. Kidder, while suggesting their use as flakers, classifies them as problematical "rubbing (?) tools. which seem to have been [fashioned by] rubbing on non- abrasive substances accompanied by considerable pres- sure" (Kidder, 1932, p. 233, fig. 193 a). Smith also com- ments on the "blunt and highly polished tips" (E. R. Smith, 1941, p. 35, pl. 8, fig. 3). Of the six pieces found at Nap-i, three are well fin- ished and polished (one has a slightly nicked end). The other three have broken tips which were apparently used, possibly as flakers, without having been reworked. One has a slightly worn surface as though it had just begun to be ground to a rounded point, either as a purposeful finish, or through characteristic use. Bone Ornaments Undecorated bird-bone tubes.-Specimen L-18338 is a bird ulna, 11.7 cm. long, with a shaft diameter of 7 mm. (pl. 39, c). It has been cut near both articular ends, so each extremity flares out to a diameter of over 1 cm. Thes flaring ends are unmodified except for sawing. Another fragment, 3.4 cm. long, retains a cut flaring end, but has no mark of use. The Wappo did not use the drinking tube in the girl's strongly against such difference in fibers, but the roots and barks listed by Merrill would still need bone tools for splitting. Merrill's map 2, showing that the willow was not used by the Wappo, would seem to be in error since, as her table 2 and p. 239 indicate, this was per- haps the dominant fiber. 270 I -A ?i ''i il I 0, .1 A I ,I I I r I, I 1 I ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION adolescence rite (Driver, 1936, p. 198), hence these pieces are perhaps unfinished whistles or incised tubes. The perfect specimen already possesses considerable lus- ter, however, and may be an ear tube. Loeb (1926, pl. 3, a) illustrates for the Pomo nonincised ear tubes, de- corated with feathers stuck in the ends, and Dixon (1905, p. 166, fig. 38, b) shows similar Maidu ornaments. Specimen 1-38600 is 6.7 cm. long, polished, and both ,tips have been rounded and smoothed by abrasion (pl. 39, e). Its length and finish would indicate that its most likely use was as an ear ornament, from which feathers prob- ably protruded and shell ornaments dangled. No bone tubes were charred in the manner which re- ults from their use as pipe stems (Schenck and Dawson, 929, p. 352, pl. 78, n, s). Reeds or wood were probably sed instead. Driver (1936, p. 196) implies that the suck- tube was not used by the Wappo shaman. (Cf. Gifford, 940, type EEla, pp. 180, 227.) 'Bird-bone beads.-Six smaller pieces are classed as Id-bone beads, worn as necklaces and wristlets (pl. 39, ) None accompanied any burial and, since they are calcined, it is improbable that they accompanied cre- ions. Their length varies from 2.4 to 4.6 cm., and their dia- er ranges from 3 to 9 mm. After sawing, the typical sh was removal of the roughness left by the final snap- , but no rounding was done. They are often polished, frequently have been etched by root action. pecimen 1-72609 is a polished bead, with both ends othed and rounded, and with a slight indentation on end indicating that it was probably reworked. (Gifford, 4, type EEla, pp. 180,227.) Incised bird bone.-Ten fragments of incised bird bone re found, all of which are calcined or at least charred, gesting that they were personal property or offerings e cremated with the dead; Three fragments were found ociated with cremation 1. None is large enough to give indication of its complete state; four are definitely fragments and have been rounded. Their texture and mentation would suggest that ten distinct tubes are esented, although several motifs may have been en- red on the same tube. (Gifford, 1940, type EE2b, pp. 228. ) Their most likely use would be as ear ornaments. b (1926, p. 156) mentions Pomo women's earrings e of crane wing bone, about eight inches long, with piece that went through the ear carefully etched with used straight lines. Feathers, beads, and basketry ments were added to the ends as decoration. Dixon 5, pp. 165, 166; fig. 38, a) likewise reports a similar for the Maidu, and Mason (1886, p. 214, pl. 12, fig. calls them nose plugs (lacking ethnographically among Wappo [Driver, 1936, p. 188]). They are commonly d archaeologically as pairs with identical patterns. bion (1905, p. 166) also records the use of black pig- t to accentuate the design. The burned condition of Nap-i specimens prevents any comparison with this tice, but at least three pieces found at Nap-57 agree Dixon's report. None shows any trace of red ochre. may be significant that whenever simple encircling are used on the Nap-i pieces-usually as borders ore complex designs-the lines occur in groups of with two exceptions-one is broken where the third would be expected (fig. 11, c), and the other has two of three lines, but only a single line at the very end e tube (fig. 11,g). e most common incised pattern is that of the cross- ed diamond, which occurs on four of the fragments. crosshatches all parallel the enclosing outline. The fragments vary from 1.6 to 3.1 cm. in length, and two have broken along an incised line (fig. 11, a, b). Two medial fragments were found with cremation 1. Only a fragment, 7 by 11 mm., remains of fig. 11, c, and little can be inferred about its original decoration. The tube was probably divided into several sections, quite possibly by three-line borders, with the direction of spi- ral of the hatched bands alternating in each section. Less likely, judging from the distribution of design elements, would be a pattern consisting of uninterrupted spirals or zigzags (Schenck and Dawson, 1929, fig. 5, d) or some variation of diamond-chevron motifs (ibid., fig. 5, b or 6, b or similar designs). It was found with cremation 1. The best example of this art is specimen L-20035, only 1.8 cm. of it remaining. The band, bordered on each side by three lines, has probably the finest crosshatching yet found in California. This was one end of a tube and, as can be seen in figure 11, d, the design probably con- tinued with another group of three lines. Figure 11, e is also an excellent specimen, with a unique arrangement of triangles spiraling over its present length of 3.9 cm. Two pieces are decorated with encircling lines only, varying in length from 2.6 to 3.6 cm. Both are end pieces. (Figs. 1, f,.&) The last piece, figure 11, h, is of particular interest because of its punctate design. This ornamentation also occurs on three magnesite beads, specimens 1-38981, 1-38983, and 1-38984. Bone Whistles Undecorated.-Three fragments of undecorated whistles made from bird bone were found (pl. 39, d, f ). Their length ranges from 2.4 to 7.7 cm., and their outside diameters from 7 to 11 mm. Although they are all broken through the center hole, it may be assumed that, as elsewhere inCali- fornia, all had only one stop. The ends were probably pitched. Most commonly they were tied together in pairs. (Driver, 1936, p. 192; Moorehead, 1900, p. 290; Gifford, 1940, p. 182; Mason, 1886, pl. 26; Dixon, 1905, fig. 57,b; Powers, 1877, fig. 33.) Specimen 1-72699 was probably originally a whistle, modified into a bead after breakage. They are frequently called bird whistles, but were used more often for dance accompaniments. Powers (1877, p. 324) gives an interesting account of the way in which the Nisenan dance "musicians" put as many whistles in their mouths as possible, alternately sucking and blowing them like a harmonica. Driver (1936, p. 197) also records their use in curing by the Wappo outfit' doctor, and Dixon (1905, p. 221) gives the same uses among the Maidu. (Cf. Gifford, 1940, type FF2, pp. 182, 230.) Incised.-Only one example of an incised whistle was found (pl. 39,g), a piece made of bird ulna 21.6 cm. long. It has one off-center hole, 7 cm. from the flaring proxi- mal end, which is unmodified except by the original break- age of the articular end. Two lines were incised 9 mm. be- low the stop, extending only halfway around the tube. (Cf. Gifford, 1940, type FF3, pp. 182, 230.) Miscellaneous Bone Several pieces of worked bone are too fragmentary to be definitely classified. Two fragments of similar, solid cylindrical bird (?) bone probably represent some ornament (pl. 39, u, n). Only 2.3 and 3 cm. remain of their length, and both are about 5 mm. in diameter. They have a high polish in spite of their having been associated with cremation 2 and cremation 5, respectively. 271 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Too little remains of specimen 1-727G5 for any identi- fication, as it is only 2.3 cm. long. It is flat in cross sec- tion, with one blunt abraded end remaining, and its lus- trous surface suggests some ornament, or possibly a flat, solid gaming bone (pl. 39, b). Another doubtful piece is a thick bone fragment which apparently served many uses (pl. 39, s). It is 13 cm. long, with variable cross section, and one end has been ground to a dull tip, leaving an angular facet on one side which may indicate some rubbing action. It may also have been a flaker. It is covered with numerous heterogeneous di- agonal scorings and incisions, some long and deep, pos- sibly indicating attempts to split the bone. A slight polish can be noted on one angular edge. From site Nap-1, came six deer astragali which are here mentioned because they may have been used as dice. There are several examples from sites Nap-14 and Nap- 32. None of the bones appears modified by cutting, nor are they worn, polished, or decorated. The neighboring Pomo used such dice (Loeb, 1926, p. 215; Culin, 1907, fig. 155) and the Wappo may have shared this trait. Antler All identifiable tips are of deer antler. Wedges.-Three antler wedges, polished from use, were found at Nap- 1 (pl. 39, r, v). All are broken frag- ments, their bases having been smashed, but two retain enough to show their original lengths of 9.2 and 8 cm. Only 4.5 cm. of the tip remains of the third specimen. They were beveled on one side only. (Cf. Gifford, 1940, type HH, pp. 182, 231.) Foot drums and house beams and stringers were fashioned with these wedges, though no plank houses were built by the Wappo. Driver records (1936, p. 192) that they used any stone as a pounding implement. The use of wooden dishes and trays is uncertain (ibid.), but if these were used, they were probably fashioned with antler chi- sels, as were the Pomo utensils (Loeb, 1926, p. 186). Flakers. -In this class are included seven fragments with definite rounded tips (pl. 39, i, o, x, a'). Their length ranges from 2.2 to 7.4 cm. The base end shows no modifi- cation, but the tools were possibly tied to longer handles, a common ethnographic practice (Mason, 1886, pl. 21, fig. 92, p. 226; Dixon, 1905, p. 134, fig. 3; Holmes, 1919, chap. 30). Three, two of them found with cremation 2, have been charred. Specimen 1-72706 has been carefully fashioned into a flattened cylindrical shape, with both ends rounded (pl. 39, k). It is 4.8 cm. in length, 7 mm. in diameter, and is tentatively included as a flaker. Morss (1931, p. 60, pl. 35, b5) pictures an almost identical "flaker" from Utah. Miscellaneous. -Fourteen antler tips and medial frag- ments were found which show no positive working, although many were probably used. Some tips have been roughened, perhaps in flaking obsidian; but it is equally possible that the roughness is due to natural causes. Most were prob- ably the discarded tips of wedges. Ten show evidences of fire, possibly used in breaking the antler. None has any facets such as would result from rubbing or polishing. One tine, 18 cm. long, shows some evidence of having been cut, and the tip may have been used as a flaker or punch. Specimen 1-38645 is a small fragment, 3.9 cm. long, which could serve as a punch. It is the only split specimen found. Claw An unperforated bear claw, possibly grizzly (1-72703), 4.8 cm. long, was found with burial 3 (pl. 38,i). i SHELL Unworked shell and shell artifacts occur frequently in, the upper four feet of Nap-1 but are much rarer in the deeper levels, except when associated with burials. The shells used, both marine and freshwater, are (with one possible exception) species native to coastal and riverine California at least as far north as Napa Valley, Clear Lake, and the coast. The possible exception is Macro-: callista sguallida which occurs naturally only as far no as Cedros Island. The identification of this species in the mound is not positive because the fragments recovered were few in number and small in size. The presence of unworked shells of mussels and oysters probably indicates the use of these creatures for food. The clam and Olivella shells were probably brought in from the ocean coast for the local manufacture of beads. A musselshell "spoon" and a Saxidomus shell containing red ochre were the only complete artifacts in addition to the Olivella shells, which served mainly for ornaments, beads, or grave furniture. In historic times clamshell-disk beads were used as money, and the beads found in the mound may have been used for this purpose by its inhabitants. Haliotis, judging from the rarity of unworked fragments, the smallness of the fragments, and the general scarcity of the material, must have been brought to the site in pieces rather than as whole shell. Dentalium is absent. There seems to be a definite quantitative difference in the distribution of shell within the mound mass. The lower levels (below ca. 4 ft.) produce relatively few unworked shells, a distribution which probably indicates the food habits of the mound dwellers. Worked shell forms, most frequently Olivella made into beads, are primarily asso- ciated with burials. There is much more free shell scat- tered through the deposit in the upper levels (above 4 ft.) than in the lower levels. Clamshell-disk beads, worked and unworked Olivella shells, some abalone, clam, and mussel fragments are found in the upper levels, both asso- ciated with cremations and occurring randomly in the cul- tural deposit. Driver (1936, pp. 184,194) states that ethnographically the Wappo obtained clam shells from Bodega Bay and that they either traded for them or got them directly. Bodega Bay was used by the Pomo, Wappo, and Coast Miwok. According to Driver, the Wappo went to the coast at least once a year to gather and trade for sea products; abalone, clam, crab, and mussel were eaten on these occasions. The presence of such coastal shells in the Nap-i mound indicates that they were transported there or traded by the Indians. The Wappo also made trips to Lake County (Clear Lake) and may have obtained there some of the freshwater shell from that area, although streams in their own terri- \ tory also contain these species. There is no bead type unique to Nap-i, the forms found being similar to those from the neighboring areas, Delta, Bay, and Sacramento Valley regions (Gifford, 1947). Species Olivella biplicata, modified.- 1. Whole shell with spire. end modified. The spire is knocked off the end of the shell, generally down to the body- whorl. The edges are rough and unfinished. This type may, have been formed by natural breakage, or it may represent a preliminary stage of manufacture. 2. Whole shell with two ends modified. The spire is knocked off the end of these shells, and the end opposite the spire is also broken off. The rough edges show that little effort was put into their manufacture. There are only 272 I t ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION TABLE 4 Occurrence of Shell Beads at Nap-1 Depth (in.) Species Surface | 0-12 | 12-24 J 24-36 | 36-48 | 48-60 | 60-72 | 72-80 Unknown Totals Olivella 1....... 1 ... 2 ... 1 1 ... ... ... 5 2 ......... . . . 2 ..........2 3....... 1 1 3 2 3 1 ... ... 4 15 4. . ..6 ... 12 ... 887 ... 80 ... 985 5. ... 1 5 1 ... ... ... ... 7 6. . . ... ... 1 ... ... ... 188 ... 189 7. . . ... ... 3 ... 1 ... ... 5 9 8 ......... . . 5 5 ... ... . ...11 Saxidomus 9........ 2 200 17 252 455 ... ... ... ... 926 wo specimens of this type and they may represent chance reakage of whole shells. 3. Whole shell with spire ground off. The spire is Found off leaving a smooth-edged opening. Size of aper- we varies from a pin-point diameter to the width of the bell where the spire joins the body whorl. The larger ings may have had the spire knocked off before being othed by grinding. Type 1 may represent the prelimi- step in this process. . Oval, cuppedbeads with inner whorl (UCMA, 1-72759). se have one central perforation varying somewhat in The size and shape of the bead also varies, depend- on the size of the original shell from which they were The length of the bead varies from 1.3 to 2.0 cm.; ndth from 1.0 to 1.7 cm. The bead is cupped and bro- from the shell where the spire joins the shell's body. beads seem to be made from half shells with the edges othed by abrasion. There are usually traces of the whorl. All but one of these is associated with a k or cremation. This type of bead occurred elsewhere e Napa Region with lower level burials in site Nap-32 .I, fig. 1, e). In the Sacramento Valley this form of is rare, but occurs in sites of the Middle horizon 1-48983, b, site SJo- 142, Middle component). Circular, deeply cupped beads. There is no trace e inner whorl. Diameter ranges from 0.4 to 1.0 cm. enamel is uneven in thickness, and the single central ration varies in size. iCircular, flat beads. These beads are made of thin el and are almost flat. The central perforationvaries se but seems to be always at least 1.5 mm. in dia- r. The diameter of the bead itself varies from 0.8 to m. The outer edges are very smoothly finished and regular in outline. Most of these were found with one burial. This specific bead type is characteristic of e horizon sites in the lower Sacramento Valley , 1-48969, site SJo-142, Middle component.) Rectangular beads. The beads in this group are rec- ar and have a small conically drilled central per- on. Most of them are fairly uniform in size and e, ranging from 0.5 to 0.8 cm. long and from 0.3 to m. wide. One bead is larger, measuring 1.0 by 0.8 Cut bead blanks. These bead blanks are generally in shape, rarely rectangular. The edges are not yet ed by smoothing and there is no perforation. In al, the size of the blank varies with the size of the it was cut from. Other Olivella specimens include whole shells with por- tions cut away. These shells show signs of having portions cut from their sides. The holes are roughly oval or rec- tangular and may be the result of cutting bead blanks from the shell. A very few of these shells also have the spire ground off. That the spires themselves may sometimes have been used for beads is suggested by one neatly cut and drilled spire found associated with some of these cut shells. 9. Unmodified shells are more numerous than any of the worked forms. They range in size from very small (1.6 cm. long) to large (3.1 cm. long) and were found in all levels of the digging. These are imported pieces not yet fashioned into beads. TABLE 5 Shell Species from Nap-1 in Order of Frequency Speciesa Worked Unworked -Total * Olivella biplicata ........ 1,259 771 2,030 * Saxidomus nuttalli ........ 826 18 844 * Mytilus edulis . ..........b.... .. b .... * Ostrea lurida . ... 20 20 * Haliotis rufescens ........ 14 2 16 Margaritifera margaritifera . . .... 13 13 Gonidea angulata . . .... 11 11 * Macrocallista squallida (?) 1 3 4 * Mytilus californianus . ....... 2 1 3 * Saxidomus aratus . ........ 1 1 * Schizothaerus nuttalli. . .... . 1 1 * Polinices (?.)or Natica (?) 1 1 Totals ........ 2,102 842 2,944 a Entries marked by an asterisk are marine species. b Abundant. Saxidomus and gther genera 1-With one exception, only a single type of clamshell bead was found in the Nap-i mound, a flat circular disk with a central, biconi- cally drilled perforation. The striations on the outside of the shell were usually left on, and the shell can often be identified as Saxidomus nuttalli. Though the diameters vary from 0.4 to 1.4 cm. and thickness varies from 0.2 to 0.4 Is Mainly S. maUiaL;L 1 valve6. .aul 1 fragment Schzoha nuttalli, 4 pieces Macrocallista squallida (?). I 273 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Association of Shell Beads at Nap-1 Type Olivella 1.............. 2.............. 3.............. 4.............. 5.............. 6.............. 7.............. 8.............. Saxidomus Burial no. 3, 7 3 6 Cremation no. 2 5 2 1, 5 2, 3 5 2 2 9................ 1,2,3,4,5 cm., size does not seem to be a significant characteristic of the beads. A few beads have small diameters, with the thickness of the shell sometimes approximating the diam- eter. There is, however, no clamshell tubular bead. In its worked form clam shell is not found below 48 in. The concentration of the unworked pieces of clam shell is simi- lar to that of finished beads, these shells being absent be- low 48 in. except for an association with burial no. 3 of a whole valve of S. aratus containing red ochre. One bead blank (depth unknown) has been very tentatively identified as an exotic species, Macrocallista squallida. There are three small fragments of Macrocallista (?) shell in the 24-48-in. level. It is possible that these three fragments, together with the bead blank, were originally from a single shell. Clamshell-disk beads are often associated with crema- tions, and most of the specimens found had been burned. These beads are lacking in burials from the lower levels. The whole-shell container found with burial no. 3 is Saxi- domus aratus, a different species from that found in the rest of the mound deposit (S. nuttalli). This lack in the lower levels of the mound is interesting since S. nuttalli was not used by the Early and Middle culture peoples of the Interior Valley. A single specimen from Nap-1 in the Davis collection is a tubular bead of clam shell (?), 1.8 x 1 cm., with drilled pits ornamenting the surface of the barrel at the ends. The type appears to be a copy of the magnesite beads with drilled-pit ornamentation. Haliotis rufescens (?).-There is very little Haliotis from Nap-1. The few pieces are fairly evenly distributed as to depth, but again most of them are in the upper four feet of deposit. Of the two unworked pieces, a small fragment was found in the 0-24-in. level, and a rim frag- ment was found in the 60-72-in. level. Fragments with the back ground off but otherwise unfinished were distri- buted as follows: 1 specimen, surface; 1 specimen, 0-12 in.; 1 specimen, 19-36 in.; 2 specimens, 48-60 in. For two of the eight ornaments, there are no depth data; 1 was found at 18 in.; 1 at 26 in.; 3 at 30-58 in.; 1 at 36-48 in. Eight ornaments were recovered from the University of California excavations; five of them were burned. On is rectangular with four shallow punctate depressions at one end (burned) (fig. 12, e); 4 seem to have been rec- tangular originally (3 burned) (fig. 12, f, 1 ); 1 is circular (burned) (fig. 9, k); 1 is trapezoidal in shape (fig. 12, h). The seven pieces just mentioned have one perforation near the edge; an eighth ornament is an unperforated rim fragment 4.7 cm. long with an encircling groove about one-third the distance from one end (fig. 12, ). Identifi- cation of the species of the shell is uncertain, as even the unshaped fragments have had the back of the shell ground off. However, the shell ornaments are probably H. rufescens, since this is the most common species found in the area that would grind down in this manner. There are only two fragments that show no evidence of working. An additional Nap- 1 circular ornament with decorated edge is in the Lillard collection (fig. 9, d). Additional Haliotis ornaments from the Davis collec- tion are shown in figure 12, a-d. Figure 12, d is a water- worn piece of shell that was modified by grinding to the shape shown. Haliotis specimens from Nap-i may be assigned to the Late horizon. The fact that most of the specimens are burned, indicating association with cremations, is evidence of Late manufacture. In addition, a late period is indicated by the close typological similarity between some of the Nap-i specimens and pieces from the Late horizon sites Nap-57 and Nap-59. The rarity of this shell, its careful working, the as- sociation of pieces with cremations (nos. 2, 6) indicate that Haliotis was a semiprecious material. Mytilus16.-There were two pieces of mussel shell which might have been worked, both Mytilus californianus. One, associated with burial 3, has a roughly serrated lower edge and may have served as a spoon; the other, a fragment, has a small circular depression, which maybe a drill pit, on the outside of the shell, the remainder of the fragment showing no other evidence of work. Distribution through the mound mass was scanty. There was one large pocket of over three hundred M. edulis valves resting on top of an ash lens 64 in. below the pres- ent surface, which may represent the remains of a feast. The rest of the shell except for the "spoon" accompanying burial 3 was in the upper 48 in. of the mound. None of the shell was burned. The shell in the mound mass is chiefly from freshwater mussels, except for the pocket of M. edulis. Ostrea lurida. -This shell is unworked and was found in two pockets only, associated with Mytilus edulis. It is unburned. Polinices (?) or Natica (?).-This small burned frag- ment of shell was not worked, and this identification is not certain. '6 M. californianus. M. edulis Gonidea angulatag Margaritifera margaritifera. 274 U I DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD The Goddard mound (Nap-i) contained evidence of two stratigraphically separate methods of disposal of the dead. The upper level of the mound co,ntained cre- mations, whereas the lower level yielded only flexed burials. The remains of seven cremations were uncovered in the upper stratum. (See table 6.) The burning of the corpse itself must have taken place elsewhere, since there was very little ash or charcoal. The burned bone fragments and artifacts had been gathered together and placed in a dug pit, which might have been about 4 ft. in diameter, like the pit of cremation 2. The large di- ameter of the pit may have been necessitated by its depth, which was at least 38 in., perhaps more; a per- -son would need a space of this diameter in order to re- move the earth at this depth. Apparently as the hole was being filled, other artifacts were thrown in from time to time. Hence it .is sometimes difficult to determine which artifacts were associated with the cremation and which "were not. Thus artifacts and scattered cremated bones of cremation 2 were found in a definable pit at depths of 6 to 38 in. Similarly, cremation 4 remains were found at depths ranging from 30 to 58 in.; those of cremation 5 from 25 to 42 in. and of cremation 6 from 16 to 38 in. The deepest possible points of origin of the pits contain- ,g cremations 2, 4, 5, and 6 were respectively 6, 30, 25, and 16 in. from the present surface. No pit outline was apparent in cremations 1, 3, and 7, which lay at depths f 10,13, and 12 in. respectively. Cremations 2 and 5 were intruded through a large bouse floor. They had been buried after the house was bandoned, as evidenced by the quantities of associated artifacts found in the earth above the floor level. The brning was almost complete. The average weight of e recovered calcined bone was 9.7 oz., with a range f4.5 to 18.5 oz. Artifacts were associated with 86 per cent of the cre- * tions. The average number was 14.7, with a maximum 29. In our calculation of artifact associations, similar jects catalogued together, such as shell beads, were unted as one item. Associated artifacts included such Jects as obsidian blades and points; magnesite, stea- te, Olivella, Haliotig. and Szaxdmus shell disk beads; steatite pipe fragment; painted sandstone tablets; a charmstone fragment; worked antler fragments; bone awl fragments; a piece of incised bird bone; and mortar and pestle fragments. In other words, artifacts associated with cremations are a representative sample of all the artifacts found. Three cremations were associated with mortars. Cremations 1 and 3 were contained in the grind- ing cavity (pl. 41, b, f ) and cremation 4 was under an in- verted mortar. The mortar associated with cremation 3 was fire cracked, indicating that it had been in the cre- mation fire. The cremations clearly belong to Phases II and III of the Late Central California culture horizon, i.e., to the historic and protohistoric periods. Two of them, includ- ing the deepest one found, contained objects of Caucasian origin. The head of an iron bolt was associated with cre- mation 1, and with cremation 4 were pieces of a cast- iron Dutch oven, red and white trade beads, and bone buttons. Saxidomus shell disk beads were associated with cremations 1 through 5. These beads did not appear in Central California until Phase II of the Late horizon. Thus, the cremations are probably not older than this protohis- toric phase. (Heizer, 1941; Beardsley, MS.) Cremation 4 might be hypothetically selected as the oldest, since its point of origin cannot have been less than 30 in. under the present surface level. It should be noted, however, that many items of historic manufacture were associated with tnis cremation. In ali probability this pit was dug from present surface level. If so, the pit in which the burned bones and artifacts were placed would have been 58 in. deep. This depth would necessitate a pit di- ameter like that of cremation 2 (about 4 ft.) in order to permit a person to get in and remove the earth at depth. The seven inhumations (pI. 40, a-d) were confined to the lower stratum of the mound; the depth varied from 55 to 84 in. The body was flexed, generally tightly, and was placed on the face, the side, or the back. The orientation was westerly, and varied from 30 degrees west of south, to northwest. These orientation figures, however, may not be significant since the sample is so small. Artifacts were associated with 71 per cent of theburials, averaging 1.4 items per burial with a range of 0 to 4. In calculating artifact associations similar pieces catalogued together were counted as one item. TABLE 6 Cremations at Nap-i (x = occurrence) Deepest possible Depth of Weight of No. of Cremation no. In pit point of origin pit bottom calcined bone associated (in.) (in.) (oz.) artifacts 1 . . ... 10 ... 15 2 ........ x 6 38 6.5 29 3 . . ... 13 14.75 7 4 ........ x 30 58 5.75 22 5 ........ x 25 42 4.5 21 6 ........ x 16 38 7.75 8 7 . . ... 12 18.75 0 (275] 11 I I ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS It will be noted (table 6) that no objects of historic ori- gin and no Saxidomus shell disk beads occurred with burials. Thus, the burials may safely be assigned to a period preceding the introduction of Saxidomus shell disk beads at this site. Stratigraphically, then, we have only cremations in the upper level of the mound (table 7). The deepest pos- sible point of origin of any cremation pit is 30 in. under present surface level. In the lower levels of the Nap-1 site only burials were found. None of them lay in dis- cernible pits, but it is reasonable to suppose that they were originally placed in dug graves. If we assume that a grave 30 in. deep was excavated for burials 1 to 5, and 7 (one burial, no. 2, was that of an infant, probably un- ceremoniusly placed in a small hole, as was the usual practice elsewhere in Central California), we have the highest theoretical point of origin of any grave pit at 45 in. below the present surface. On the same theoretical basis, burial 4 at 84 in. depth would have been intro- duced into the mound mass when the site's surface was 54 in. beneath the present surface. The crema- tions are thus separated from the burials by a strati- graphic gap of at least 15 in., which probably has some cultural significance. TABLE 7 Burials at Nap-1 (TF, tightly flexed; LF, loosely flexed) Burial no. | Depth Position Orientation Associated objects (in.) 69 75 80 84 80 55 79 TF on left side LF on right side TF on face TF on back Disturbed T o r TF on right side 450 W of S 300 W of S 100 N of W 600 W of S 450 N of W Obsidian blades, bone awl fragment Ursus claw 200 Olivella beads Mytilus californianus shell Saxidomus eratus shell (with red ochre) 80 Olivella beads 5 Olivella beads 887 Olvilla beads 3 obsidian projectile points _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 1. _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __I 1........ 2........ 3........ 4........ 5........ 6........ 7........ 276 ANTHROPOMETRY Despite the abundance of artifacts from Napa Valley, there is an unfortunate scarcity of skeletal remains. Be- fore the excavations at Nap- 1 no skeletal materials from this area had been collected for study. 17 This may be partly explained by the practice of cremation. The upper level of the mound (Level A) contains cremations, as has been pointed out elsewhere in this report; burials are limited to the lower level. Excavation at Nap-i revealed four measurable skeletons, whereas at other places in the Valley there was only one measurable specimen, this at Nap-39. It is obvious that by no stretch of the imagina- tion can the data obtained from four skeletons be con- sidered an adequate representation of the Wappo Indians. It is, however, all the information available at present, so until further excavations are made, it will suggest roughly the type of people who inhabited Napa Valley. All measurements have been made in accordance with the definitions in Martin's Lehrbuch der Anthropologie ( 1928). Numbers in parentheses after the measurements or indices refer to the number of the definition in the ehrbuch. Because there are few specimens, no standard eviations have been computed except for those series in wich eight or more members are found. For those with fewer members, only the range and the mean have been alculated. The physical type of the Wappo Indians has been dis- cussed only by A. L. Kroeber (1925), and his comments ere presumably based on observation of the living, since b had no skeletal material available. He points out that ey differ from the Yuki in physical type. Kroeber con- iders this difference "a consequence of gradual inter- rriage and shifting of populations from their former eats; in other words, a secondary phenomenon" (1925, 159). The following discussion attempts to evaluate roeber's observations in the light of the material, ad- ittedly meager, now available. The existing Yuki and entral California skeletal material, as well as anthro- metric data derived from living Yuki, Pomo, and Pat- will be reviewed and compared with the Wappo terial in order to place the Wappo physical type in its roper place in California anthropometry. WAPPO SKELETAL MATERIAL The four skeletons from Nap- 1, the only ones on which anial observations could be made, were in fair condi- n. The crania required reconstruction and, though they re considerably warped, it was possible to make most the observations. There is, however, a conspicuous ence of complete sphenoid bones, bizygomatic arches, the basalar parts of the occipital bone. The post- nal observations and measurements are limited to long bones, since vertebrae, scapulae, pelves, and ribs-as well as wrist, finger, toe, and ankle bones- e either missing or deteriorated beyond the possibility >study. Individual observations have been averaged and a gen- conclusion is offered for those features observed. never a particularly large deviation from the norm is d, it is noted as an exception; however, if no excep- is given, it may be assumed that in this respect the skeletons are identical. Observations are based on a 17The UCMA now has one male cranium from this region, donated * citizen of Calistoga. Since it was found on the surface, there are chaeological data concerning it. It is, however, atypical, so it been considered advisable to omit it from the Wappo series. I standard set by the Western European male (Hooton, 1930, p. 80); the categories generally used are "absent," "small:' ''medium,' "large:" and "pronounced:" unless these terms are by the nature of the material inapplicable. The crania are described in terms of the morphologically demarcated areas of frontal, parietal, temporal, occipital, facial, and mandibular regions, and the postcranial skeleton in terms of the different long bones. Of the four specimens three are undoubtedly males, the fourth a female. Sex determination is based on amount of temporal muscularity, on size of brow ridges and mastoids, and absolute as well as relative cranial measurements. The postcranial bones of each specimen corroborated the sex- ing. As regards age at death, the specimens belong in the young adult to middle-aged adult categories; no. 1 is esti- mated as twenty-two years old, no. 2 is thirty-eight, no. 3 thirty-one, and no. 4 twenty-two. For all the specimens postcranial observations on the pubic symphyses were im- possible because of the deterioration of the pelves. Though age for each specimen has been given to the year, varia- tions of five years for no. 2 and no. 3, and of two years for no. 1 and no. 4 would be tolerated because of warping and the generally observed tendency of California Indians to display lethargy of suture closure. The female skull was of light weight, the male skulls of medium weight. When viewed from norma verticalis, nos. 1 and 2 are sphenoid in shape according to Sergi's categories of head form; nos. 3 and 4 are ovoid. Frontal.-The males-have medium-sized brow ridges, which are divided. The female head shows only a trace of ridges. The glabellae of all the specimens are visible to a medium degree, but because of the lack of brow ridges, the glabella of the female forms a more readily defined anterior protrusion. None displays metopic sutures, where- as all the postorbital constructions are seen in bold relief. The frontal regions have only a medium amount of slope and height, except for the female, which has a high fore- head with only a slight degree of slope. The frontal bosses range from a trace to small and are divided by very slight median crests. Parietal.-The parietal regions of all four crania are conspicuously lacking in any sagittal crest, and in the an- terior portions there is a slight to medium amount of post- coronal constriction. The crests are smallish, though ap- parent and recognizable as crests. There are parietal fora- mina in only one skull (no. 1). Temporal.-All the skulls display a medium degree of temporal fullness. The temporal crests, which are never clearly defined, are midway between the sagittal suture and the squamous. The supramastoid crests are small to medium in size and overlie medium-sized mastoid pro- cesses in the males. However, the female has a medium supramastoid crest with small mastoids. The sphenoid depressions, when in sufficiently good condition to be ob- served, were all rather large. Occipital.-The occipita of all the specimens are equally unspectacular. The squamal portion has little contour, and none of the lower tori are manifested to any degree. Inion, when distinguishable at all, is not very apparent. The nu- chal lines of muscular attachment are weak, so that the occipital tori are only conservatively protuberant. Trans- verse sutures are absent and lambdoid flattening is from slight to submedium, but never too apparent. When present, the flattening is apparently not the result of artificial coh- ditioners. Wormian bones appear in only one specimen [277] r 278 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS (no. 1) and here these supernumeraries are in the lamb- doid suture only. Facial. -The basalar portions of the skulls were too badly destroyed to allow careful analysis and none will be offered, except on the meati and glenoid fossae. The mandibular fossae are uniformly medium in depth- and wAdth and give rise posteriorly to medium-sized post- glenoid processes. The external meati are all oval in shape and divided from the postglenoid processes by- medium to thick tympanic membranes (except for the thin membrane of the female). Specimen no. 2 has in the right ear a small exostosis, but all others have unobstructed passages. The openings of the orbital regions of each of the four crania are uniformly hypsiconchic and square in shape. Although it might be expected from other American In- dians that the left orbits would have greater height and narrower maxillae-frontale-ectoconchial diameters than the right, it will be noted that there is a high degree of uniformity between the two sides. All crania displayed a small amount of orbital inclination. The nasal structure of the males is significantly uni- form, as is evidenced by medium-sized nasion depres- sion, root height, and bridge height and breadth; they have a large root breadth and concave-convex nose forms. The female has little nasion depression, a medium root height, large root breadth, low bridge height and small bridge breadth. In index numbers they are mesorrhine (no. 2), and chamaerrhine (nos. 3 and 4). Nasal sills are either absent or dull and subnasal grooves are small. Size of the nasal spine varies from large (no. 3) to small (nos. 1, 2, and 4). The malars are large and there is an obvious amount of lateral projection, but only a medium degree of an- terior projection. The breadth of the face, though gen- erally not measurable owing to the destruction of the bi- zygomatic arches, is large. The arches are of medium thickness and on their upward projection toward the ex- ternal angular processes of the frontals there are a vari- ety of sizes of marginal processes. The generally medium amount of anterior projection of the malars, when ob- served, is correlated in each specimen with slightly de- veloped suborbital fossae. The palatal form of the specimens is parabolic (no. 1) or hyperbolic (nos. 2 and 3), and the external palatal index is from high mesuranic (no. 3) to brachyuranic (nos. 1 and 2). Alveolar borders of the males' crania are moderately well preserved, though the palatine bones are so deterior- ated and broken away that observations of torus form and size, transverse sutures, and postnasal spines are im- possible. Palate height in the males is medium. No. 4, the female, though a young adult, has lost the entire upper dentition and an advance amount of alveolar absorption has taken place. The exact nature of the pathology involved is unknown, but it has led to complete edentulation of the maxilla only, for the mandible is not affected. Though possibly abscesses were once present, absorption has ob- literated all traces. Any description of the teeth of the Wappo Indians (or any American Indians) must take into account the large amount of dental attrition which they present. The abra- sive effects of their diets and general nutrition militates against well-defined crown patterns. Accordingly, no observation of tooth wear can be made. The specimens show three caries each, on the average;.except for the possibility of abscesses on the maxilla of the female, only no. 2 has this degenerative condition. With the ex- ception of suppressed third molars in no. 3, all the speci- mens have complete eruption of the teeth. There is no I pronaunced tooth crowding in any of the specimens; the teeth, when present, are generally straight. All the crania indicate an edge-to-edge bite and slight to medium, defined lingual rims and fossae on the upper central inci-, sors, when present. These shovel-shaped incisors, so A common to all American Indians (Goldstein, 1948) are, ] however, not particularly marked in the Wappo. In no. 1 there is a supernumerary impacted in the maxilla above the right medial incisor. Mandibular.-The mandibles of all the specimens are large (except for the expected decrease in the size of the female mandible) and of medium weight. Although the males show bilateral chin forms and the female has a median-shaped chin, the amount of anterior projection in each varies. No. 3 has a large amount of this projection, no. 1 medium, and no. 2 and no. 4 have only a small amount.." The genial tu.bercles are consistently small and the mylo- hyoid ridges the same. All have small mandibular tori. The pterygoid attachments are submedium and no mandible has more than slight eversion of the genial angles. In the absence of measurements on the bizygomatic diameter (except for no. 2) we can at least conclude, though with only an impressionistic assurance, that the facial structure of the specimens shows a medium amount of face height and face breadth. The result is a mesoprosopic to euryprosopic total facial index and mesen to euryene upper facial index. The nasal index is mesorrhine to cha- maerrhine, with a typically Indian concave-convex nose form. The gnathic indices indicate prognathism for no. 1 and no. 2 and an orthognathous condition for no. 4. All the crania are prognathous to a certain degree, ranging from a large amount of prognathism in no. 1 to a medium amount in the rest. Again, all obviously have some alveolar prog- nathism, especially no. 1 and no. 2. The craniometric features of Wappo specimens are not particularly distinctive. Their mesocranic to dolichocranic head forms have diameters which are absolutely and rela- tively long and narrow. Except for no. 2, all have high basion-bregmatic measurements. Thus we legitimately expect (and get), coupled with the diameters of front-to- back and side-to-side, high cranial capacities and cranial nodules. Postcranial.-Before comparing the Wappo postcranial material with that from other California Indian tribes, let us examine briefly the postcranial material from Nap- 1. Only the long bones are in a condition to be measured. One skeleton from Nap-39 is barely measurable and it seems best to omit the data. One skeleton, the cranium damaged beyond even the most superficial examination, was found in a different stratigraphic level from other material analyzed, hence it cannot be considered representative of the Nap-39 population or even of the Nap-i people. Just as the Wappo crania show a preponderance of medium-sized features, so also do the long bones. Male stature, as computed by the Lee-Pearson interracial for- mula, gives 167 cm. (right) and 164 cm. (left) as the mean, which marks them as medium in height. The significance of this mean stature must of course be questioned, owing to the small number of specimens. The muscularity, as expressed in robusticity indices and displayed in muscle attachments, is, like the crania, medium in development. As for the different long bones themselves, the femora all have stenomeric subtrochanterica, as shown by the mean of 144 for the index of platymeria. The pilastric in- dex mean of 104 corroborates the observation that there are no pilasters but only medium crests. The midshaft shape varies from oval (nos. 1, 3) to quadrilateral (nos. 2, 4). There is a complete range in crista hypotrochanterica from absent to pronounced (absent in no. 3, medium in nos. I ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION 1, 2, pronounced in no. 4); and a similar range in the asso- ciated fossae hypotrochanterica (absent in no. 3, sub- medium in no. 1, medium in no. 4, and pronounced in no. 2). Third trochanters appear with medium development in nos. 1 and 2. Torsion in all the femora is in the medium range (10-20 degrees), and there is a medium amount of bowing or anterior curvature of the shaft. The tibiae tend toward mesonemia in the region of the nutritive foramina, though one specimen (no. 1) is platyo- nemic and one (no. 4) is low euryenemic. The midshaft shapes vary, but a general oval shape of the posterior halves predominates. All have a medium degree of retro- version of the superior end and a correlated presence of squatting facets, which suggest that hyperflexion of the .proximal end of the tibia on the head of the astragalus, due to habitual squatting, was probably a cultural feature of the Wappo. The shaft shape of the humeri of the Nap-1 specimens is generally quadrilateral. Only the female possesses perforations of the olecranon fossa (left humerus only) and no supracondyloid processes are present. The radii, ulnae, and fibulae have been destroyed, hence cannot be measured or described. In the fibulae examined, a medium amount of fluting is noticeable (pronounced in no. 4). Pelves, scapulae, and other postcranial skeletal material cannot be measured accurately. YUKI SKELETAL MATERIAL Though the Wappo measurements present a long list of medium classifications, those of the Wappo's linguistic brothers-the Yuki, of Round Valley in Mendocino County- indicate a genuinely significant difference in physical type. Kroeber's opinion that the Wappo and the Yuki are of dif- ferent physical types is borne out by any examination of the skeletal materials. An examination of the Yuki skele- tal material in the University of California Anthropology Museum and a review of the anthropometric data in the literature will help us to assess the difference between Wappo and Yuki and to place the Wappo more exactly in ;the Northern California picture. Gifford reviews some Yuki cranial material in his Cali- fornian Anthropometry (1926, p. 242), and a comparison th table 8 shows that, despite Gifford's lumping of males and females, there is an agreement within 6 units of eight-length index (72 for Gifford), height-breadth index (96 for Gifford), and cephalic index (75 for Gifford). If tifford's cranial index for men only is recomputed to make it comparable to skeletal measurements from Nap-1, e get 73, which is within a significant range of the rele- vant measurement of Nap- 1 skulls. The male cranial modules agree within two points (145 for Gifford). Recom- puting Gifford's height-length and height-breadth indices for males only, we get 70 and 97 respectively, which again may be compared favorably with those from Nap-i. The seven measurements and indices on Yuki males from Gifford consequently reinforce the results obtained by the writer. No other tabulation of Yuki skeletal material is available, although Gifford gives anthropometric data on living Yuki, as does Boas in his Anthropometry of Central California (1905). The results of their work will be dis- cussed later. Gifford, like Boas, has emphasized the low face height, the broad nose, the absolutely small cranial breadth, and short stature of the Yuki. These are features which can 'be expressed in figures, but a more striking picture can Ibe drawn from actual observation. Eleven Yuki crania have been examined, measured, and described, and the data are here summarized to facilitate comparison with the Wappo of Nap- 1. With only a few exceptions the Yuki males can be easily distinguished from the females. Brow ridges (except on nos. 6458, 6463) are not pronounced enough to be diagnostic of sex. Supramastoid crests and mastoids are the only definitive characters used. Occipi- tal crests and chin form plus size of teeth are used as corroborative features in sexing. The generally infantile character of all the skulls obviously distinguishes the Yuki from the Wappo. All the crania are extremely light in weight and tend to be friable. None of the skulls are artificially deformed, though several are so warped that some of the measurements could not be made. Frontal.-In the frontal regions, as mentioned, there is an outstanding lack of brow ridges except in nos. 6458 and 6463, where they are divided. As might be expected, glabellae are generally never more than medium in size, and are usually small (large glabellae are found in nos. 6458 and 6463). No metopic sutures are found in thp whole series. Frontal bosses and median crests are conspicuous- ly absent (except for median crests in nos. 6458 and 6463). The most readily distinguishable feature of the frontal region, however, is the extremely low height and pro- nounced slope. This trait is undoubtedly diagnostic for it is reflected in the very low head height, the chamae- cephalic length-height indices, and the low metriocephalic breadth-height indices. This feature alone would distin- guish the Yuki from the Wappo, with their diametrically opposite hypsicephalic length-height indices and acro- cephalic breadth-height indices. Parietal. -In the parietal region also Yuki crania differ from those of the Wappo. They display a medium-to-large amount of sagittal elevation and an interestingly large amount of postcoronal depression. There is enough varia- tion in the sagittal elevation to prevent its being used for diagnosis, but its presence in a medium degree gives the skulls a distinctive appearance. The pronounced annular depression posterior to the coronal suture, however, is a striking characteristic of the superior cranial surface. This constriction seems genetically, not artificially, caused, since it occurs in both sexes; hence it is not the result of women's carrying loads by means of a strap. It is true that many peoples show a certain amount of this constriction, but rarely to the same extent as the Yuki. The parietal bosses are usually small or medium. The unusually low cranial breadth rather than the glabella- opistho-crania diameters accounts for the dolichocranic Yuki skulls. These diameters are low, but not to any pro- nounced degree. Correlated with the low basion-bregma height of the Yuki skulls is the absolute lowness of the temporal crests. In no single specimen is the crest higher than one-third the distance between the squamal suture and the sagittal suture. Parieial foraminae are generally lack- ing, though three skulls displayed small ones. Temporal.-As has been mentioned, the supramastoid crests have been used as criteria in sexing the skulls. For the males they were medium to large, for the females small. The mastoids were small as compared with those of Wappo skulls, but absolutely large in relation to the small size of Yuki skulls. Sphenoid depressions, when present, were notably large. The amount of temporal full- ness varied from small to large. Occipital.-In the occipital region, though there is a noticeable variation, the tendency is toward large occipital curves and large mound-shaped tori. Several skulls have pronounced "buns" and all display more protuberance than any single Wappo skull. We might conclude that large pro- tuberances are characteristic of the Yuki and are relatively and absolutely larger than in the Wappo. In these specimens the basalar portion of the occipital region is generally 279 280 ANTHROPOLO warped beyond description or destroyed. The foramen magna are, as might be expected from the generally small heads of the Yuki, proportionately smaller than in the Wappo. Facial.-The Yuki have square orbits, which tend toward rhomboids; and the orbital indices, like those of the Wappo, are hypsiconchial. The nasia are only slightly depressed and flatten into uniformly low and broad nasal roots. The bridges are low to medium in height and medium to large in breadth, with emphasis on the larger of the two categories. The nose form is concave to concavo-convex. Indicially, the Yuki are hypochamaerrhine, and present to the eye an extremely broad piriform aperture. The difference from the Wappo nasal architecture is immediately apparent in this fea- ture as well as in the lower and broader nasal root and bridges. Like the Wappo and, in general, all other chamaerrhine peoples, the Yuki have weak nasal sills and subnasal grooves. The nasal spines are uniformly small. The smallness of the facial structure, as well as the vault, gives the impression that the malars may not be so broad and, absolutely speaking, this is true; yet the malars are recognizably large in relation to the rest of the face. Most of this size is manifested laterally as there is only a medium degree of anterior projection. Despite the absolutely smaller crania of the Yuki, the bizygomatic diameters are nevertheless almost as large as the Wappo's. Marginal processes on the upward pro- jections of zygomatic bones are generally absent or sub- medium. The bones themselves are thin. Correlated with the medium amount of anterior projection of the malars are suborbital fossae which are absent to small. Mandibular.-The maxillae form brachyuranic palates (with one dolichouranic variant) and are hyperbolic to parabolic in palatal form. The absorption of the alveolar borders and repair of the teeth varies from individual to individual but is generally fair. The palate height is not uniform but does not vary too far from medium. No ob- servations could be made on the palatal tori, transverse sutures, postnasal spines, or pterygoid plates. The diet, combined with the quality of the teeth, causes so much attrition that crown patterns cannot be discerned. The crowns of the teeth are worn to the pulp cavities, as they are in the Wappo skulls. Caries are noticeably absent, but since more teeth have been lost before death in the Nap-1 specimens, this difference may be insignificant. Certainly, without intensive study we cannot say which of the two populations had better teeth. Abscesses were noted in two of the crania. Four of the Yuki had sup- pressed third molars, one (no. 6337) a suppressed upper right premolar. There is no crowding of the teeth, and they have an edge-to-edge bite like that of most other American Indians. There are no supernumerary teeth. Whenever upper medial incisors are observable, there are the typical lingual rim and associated fossae, called shovel-shaped incisors; but like those of the Wappo, these are never developed beyond a submedium degree. Of the six mandibles (3 male, 3 female) measured, all are small to medium in size. The male mental eminences are bilateral, while the females have median-shaped chins. This particular fact was one of the criteria used in sexing the specimens, even though it is normally not a deciding factor in sexing crania. The chins have a vary- ing amount of anterior projection, from neutral to medium. Genial tubercles are expectably small and the associated mylo-hyoid ridges are small (except for one large one, a female, no. 6445). The processes along the internal lin- gual surface in the premolar region vary considerably, ICAL RECORDS these mandibular tori being generally medium in size. Thee bigonial diameter could be measured in only one specimen and here it is markedly less in absolute size. At the goni angles there are small pterygoid attachments and the gonial angle eversion ranges from absent to small. Two specimens show definite inversion. Although the gnathic indices indicate a mesagnathous to prognathous anterior facial protrusion, the craniostatic measurements show a general prognathic condition. Espe-- cially is this so in the alveolar region, where there is a 1 pronounced degree of projection, especially in the females~ Far and away the most noticeable feature of the Yuki face,! apart from the great breadth of nasal structure and malars is the low face height. Though no facial indices were ob- tained, because of the broken zygomatic arches, one gath- ers an immediate impression of the low face height. The nasion-prosthion and nasion-menton diameters verify this impression, and indicate probable hypereuryprosopic faces, or at least low euryprosopic faces. The one upper facial index is low mesen. Postcranial.-Postcranial measurements of the Yuki, shown in table 8, present the picture of a small, lightly structured people. The long bones are in a very poor state of repair and the other postcranial skeletal material can- not be examined or measured. By Lee-Pearson interracial formulae male stature is computed as a mean of 149.3 cm. (right) and 151.6 cm. (left). These figures place the Yuki as of very short stature, as compared to the meduim height of the Wappo. Robusticity is nowhere well defined, since muscle attachments along crests are weak. The femora are all stenomeric in relation to the index of platymeria and, though the pilastric index has a mean of 115, there is a general lack of the pilaster on the pos- terior surfaces. Midshaft shape varies, being oval, quad- rilateral, or prismatic, though this observation was diffi- cult to make. Crista hypotrochanterica and the associated fossae are submedium to medium. Third trochanters, often correlated with the fossae, are generally absent, except in two specimens with medium trochanters. Torsion of the femoral heads is pronounced throughout. The tibia, like those of the Wappo, are mesocnemic, and the shaft shapes are all quadrilateral, except one that has a plano-convex form. There is a moderate degree of retroversion of the tibial heads. Squatting facets are pres- ent on the anterior aspects of the distal ends of the fibulae. The humeri show quadrilateral cross sections at the midpoint. Of the five specimens measured, four possessed olecranon fossae, an unusually high proportion for any population. On the other hand, no supracondyloid processes were found. Observations and measurements on the remain- ing bones have not been made since they have deteriorated too much and are badly broken. There is then, little doubt that Kroeber was right in saying that the Wappo did not resemble the Yuki. The dif- ference is apparent, borne out both by statistics and ob- servation. The short Yuki, with their small, low, annu- larly grooved heads, broad but low faces, and broad, low noses, present a striking contrast to the Wappo, with their medium-sized crania and medium stature. Not only do these anthropometric measurements of skulls show the difference; the Wappo may also be com- pared to the living Yuki. Gifford (1926, p. 251) equates the Yuki crania discussed above with those of living Yuki of Mendocino County. His evidence, combined with that of Boas (1905), indicates that historically the Yuki did not look like the Wappo (assuming that the historic Wappo phylogenetically resembled those whose skeletons were excavated at Nap-1). Table 8 summarizes the data pre- sented by Gifford and Boas. In the preparation of this table I I )G. ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION TABLE 8 Anthropometry of the Living Yuki Boas (1905) Gifford (1926) Measurements No. of Range Mean D. No. of Range Mean S D 8 ~~~~~~~~~specimens .......... . .... (mm.) (mm.) specimens (mm) (mm.) Male Glabelia-occipital length 25 184-207 195 5.66 14 184-208 196 5.398 Maximum breadth .2 25 137-157 149 4.947 14 141-152 146 3.514 Cranial index . 2 25 73.0-83.5 76.6 2.245 14 70.1-78.3 74.5 2.249 Maximuim bizygomatic breadth. 25 140-154 147 2.97 14 142-158 147 2.726 Total face height .2 25 104-122 114 5.079 14 107-136 117 6.97 Facial index .... ..... 25 66.9-86.1 77.2 4.528 14 73.8-86.1 79.6 3.24 Stature ...................... 24 150.3-175.0 159.4 5.676 13 148-169 158.9 6.422 Female Glabella-occipital length ...... 18 176-195 185 5.131 17 175-197 187 5.27 Maximum breadth ..... ....... 18 136-158 144 5.359 17 136-152 143 3.974 Cranial index ...... .......... 18 72.2-85.0 77.9 3.135 17 74.3-80.6 76.7 1.684 Maximum bizygomatic breadth 18 130-145 137 4.664 17 132-144 139 3.478 aTotal face height x. .18 91-119 106 6.514 17 99-120 108 5.55 Facial indee 1 8. 18 70.69-86.4 78.0 4.005 17 72.7-86.3 78.2 3.992 Stature ...................... 18 139.0-155.6 148.6 4.523 17 139.0-158.5 148.2 5.597 Sources: F. Boas, AnthropometryofCentralCalifornia, AMNH-B 27:347-380; E. W. Gifford, California Anthropometry. OC-PAAE 22:217-390. Ita on all subjects less than eighteen years old are .mitted. In the absence of positive statements to the con- ary, we are forced to assume that none of them was lentulous. It is, however, safe to say that some were; ch would inevitably affect the facial indices. Since the roximate face height is better than none at all, the es for face height are included. Boas and Gifford t nasal diameters and indices and Gifford suggests 926, p. 299) a comparison between the nasal indices of e crania and the nasal indices of the living subjects. e present writer, however, considering this compari- questionable, has omitted the figures for nasal in- es from the table. Again, though Gifford suggests that e general addition of two units to the cranial index will ye a comparable cephalic index on the living, the pres- writer, following Stewart (1943), would add a less ar- trary and less uniform figure. Since there is a statis- ally significant decrease in indicial size as the skull roaches hyperdolichocephaly, it seems advisable to only one unit to the cranial index to get a comparable halic index (Stewart, 1943, p. 137). Gifford (1926, p. 249) says that indicially there is "practically no difference between the living and the dead:' but table 8 does not bear this statement out. Boas gets a mean cephalic index of 76.6 and Gifford one of 74.5. If we compare this with the mean cranial index of 70.7 for the Yuki crania (table 8), we do not get an optimistically close statistical result, even by adding one unit to make the indices comparable. The answer, as Gifford cogently points out, is probably to be found in the smallness of our series. Considering the data as a whole, we find the living Yuki comparable enough to the skeletal remains to allow a cal- culated guess that the physical type has not changecv greatly. Be it noted that this is a guess; without a larger series of specimens, it must be so taken. The observations of Gif- ford and Boas indicate that the living Yuki are short, low- headed and low-faced, broad-nosed and broad-faced, and dolichocephalic, thus out of the recent phylogenetic line of the Wappo. The figures unhappily do not make this conclusion too convincing. How the Wappo could have had the Yuki in their ancestral background is difficult to comprehend. I 5 281 PART II: ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION EXCLUDING SITE NAP-1 DESCRIPTION OF ARTIFACTS GROUND STONE Artifacts Painted stone tablets.-These interesting artifacts are known from four Napa region sites besides Nap-i. A specimen from Nap-20 is pendant-shaped, 6 cm. long, with red pigment on both longitudinal edges. This stone does not have central notches. A specimen from Nap- 14 is somewhat smaller, 4.6 cm. long, with center notches on both sides (fig. 2, h); the pigment on one end is in the Vform of three red X's. Site Painted Stone Tablets: Occurrence No. of specimens Nap-i ....................... Nap-14 ...................... Nap-20 ..................... Nap-57. Guinda, Capay Valley ......... Total ................... 18 1 1 15 3 38 This type of artifact apparently reaches its mo laborate development in the painted stone tablets Iap-57 mound. Here, fifteen specimens were foui i T. Davis (fig. 2, a, f,.g4 , k; fig. 3, a-1), all of the ainted in complex patterns with red and white pig Lirteen of these stones were found with a single [on. Two are notched near the center of both side ,e,L); the rest are not notched. The size range i 3.8 cm. width and 3.8 to 8.5 cm. length. All are lm. thick, except one specimen, which is 1 cm. t We center, tapering to a thickness of 5 mm. at th4 he largest specimen is a fragment, 11 cm. long . wide (fig. 2, k), which may represent only one the original complete tablet. The patterns on these painted tablets show indi iations but are very similar in general design. -the tablets have horizontal lines at one end and se a series of concentric semicircles, the rest lets being covered with a few crisscross lines 4 ent. The colors are sometimes applied in alt es of red and white, but nine of the tablets have se stripes in a pattern of red, white, black, w! Two of the tablets are decorated on both side ign of one side being much simpler than the oti Painted Stone Tablets: Traits Notched ................................. Unnotched ............................... Pigment on both sides ................... Pigment on all of one side ............... Pigment only on one end of one side ...... Pigment on edges........................ [o pigment visible 1 ........... se of X's as decorative element .......... 9emicircles at one end as decorative element .Specimens showing no pigment are either fragmsentary or si svlng been burned. Probably all these stones had pigment de we time, but some of them have lost the pigment coating by t lrmeans. )st ; from nd by Yment. crema- ts (fig. .s 1.8 > 5 or 6 thick at e ends. Three similar tablets are known from Capay Valley (fig. 2, i, m, n). These are of the same material as the Nap-57 specimens, and they are also alike in other re- spects. Two of them are almost exactly the same size, the larger measuring 13.2 cm. long, 5.5 cm. wide, and 1.8 cm. thick. The third stone is smaller, being 9 cm. long and 4.2 cm. wide. The two larger stones formerly had painted designs of some complexity, but so little of the pigment remains that only traces of the original pat- tern can be made out. The painting (in red pigment) was apparently confined to one end of one side, a specific trait found also in the Nap-1 specimens. All of these specimens from Capay Valley have deep central notches. Painted Stone Tablets: Type Differences Correlated with Sites Nap-1 .... Small, rectangular, notched. Red pigment only, on one end of one side. No pat- tern; end is solidly colored. Nap-20 ... Small, pendant-shaped, red pigment on edges (not illustrated). Nap-14 ... Small, rectangular, notched; red X's covering one side. Nap-57 ... Large, rectangular, unnotched. Red and white pigment used on all of one side. X's and semicircles the predominant motifs. Guinda ... Large, oval; red pigment on one end of one side. Geometrical designs. Note that information on Nap-14 and Nap-20 is based on a single specimen from each site. and 3.2 There is apparently no ethnographic evidence of the -fourth use of these painted stone tablets, and their significance can only be guessed. The comparatively large number vidual found at Nap-57 seems to indicate a local and highly prized Most elaboration of their smaller and simpler counterparts from below Nap-1. This may also indicate temporal change, as dis- t of the cussed in the conclusion of this section. of red Kidder (1932, fig. 133) illustrates worked sherds from ernating Pecos which are similar in form to the painted sandstone > trans- tablets from the Napa region. Whether these, too, may hite, represent crude attempts at making human effigy figures 5s, the cannot be decided. her. Beads.-The Napa region does not add any other bead types to those known from Nap-1. Hourglass-shaped steatite beads come from three 20 mounds in the Napa region. D. T. Davis collected 149 18 beads of this type at Nap-57, ranging in size from 8 to 20 2 mm. in length and from 5 to 15 mm. in end diameter. 17 Davis also found specimens at Nap-18 and Nap-19. 13 Three unperforated steatite bead "blanks" were found 1 at Nap-15. These are 8 to 14 mm. in length and have a 5 diameter of 7 mm. Nap-15 also produced five biconically 17 drilled steatite disk beads. They average 9 mm. in diam- 15 eter, are 3 mm. thick, and have a drilled perforation 4 mm. in diameter. how signs Also at Nap-15, three biconically drilled magnesite burning or disk beads were found, averaging 1 cm. in diameter by 4 mm. in thickness. One specimen of this type was found at [283] . _ | . ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Nap- 14. Pipe8.-Tubular steatite pipes with a basal flange were found at Nap-57 (6 specimens) (fig. 4, p-r, x, y) and Nap- 14 (1 specimen) (fig. 4,1). D. T. Davis also found a pipe of this type in Capell Valley (fig. 4, a). One other pipe of the same form, but made of magnesite, was found at Nap-57. Steatite pipes of bowl form were found at Nap-66 (fig. 4, f, .). One specimen has a small notch cut in the rim of the bowl. Nap-57 also yielded specimens of this type (fig. 4, i). Four new types are represented by specimens found by D. T. Davis at Nap-57 as follows. 1. Tubular form, with a basal flange and a ridge en- circling the pipe 1 cm. above the flange. The ridge ex- tends laterally from the side of the pipe about 1 cm. The material is steatite. One specimen of this type was found at Nap-57 (fig. 4, c), and a similar one at Nap-66 (fig. 4, v). 2. A second type is similar but has two encircling ridges (fig. 4, w). The single specimen of this type is quite large, being 5 cm. in diameter at the ridges. Though frag- mentary, this specimen indicates a pipe which was per- haps 20 cm. in length when complete. The fragment shows no evidence of biconical drilling. The perforation is straight and regular to a degree which suggests use of a steel drill. However, a number of small longitudinal striations can be seen on the walls of the perforation, suggesting that the perforation was smoothed by pushing some kind of abrader through it. 3. One steatite specimen is tubular in form, lacks a basal flange, and has three irregular rows of drilled pits decorating the outer walls of the basal end (fig. 4, k). This pipe is 1.6 cm. in diameter at the base. The pits are from 2 to 4 mm. in diameter and of like depth. 4. The fourth form, made of steatite, is also tubular in shape (fig. 4, e). The outer rim of the bowl is decorated with a number of incised lines, 2 or 3 mm. long. The end diameters are 1.3 and 2.5 cm., the length 6 cm. The sides appear convex in cross section, and there is no basal flange. Charmstones.-Charmstones will be discussed accord- ing to their type. Unless otherwise stated, these charm- stones fall within the range of variation of the Nap-i ex- amples.2 Specimens from the D. T. Davis collection are indicated by (D) folowing the site number. Type Ia. One specimen comes from Nap-57 (D) and one from a site near Napa Creek (D). Two were also recovered from Nap-56. Yates illustrates a specimen of this type from the Napa region (1890, pl. 1, fig. 8). Type lb. None. Type Ic. None. Type II. There are four specimens of this type. One each comes from Nap-56 and Nap-33. One from Nap- 16 (D) is a rather poor example, having an elliptical cross section at the ridge. A charmstone of this type from Nap-57 (D) is about 4.5 cm. in length and has a ridge diameter of about 2.5 cm. This specimen has a slightly concave profile from the ridge to the lower end instead of the usual slightly convex or straight pro- file. The bottom end is squared off, making it even more distinctive. Type IlIa. None of this type is on record in the UCMA, but the Davis collection has one from Nap-56 and another from Nap- 16. Yates illustrates one example from Napa County (1890, pl. 1, fig. 9). Type IlIb. Five specimens are recorded as being from Nap-56 (D), one from Nap-16 (D). 2 For descriptive typology, see Pt. I. Type IMIc. There are two charmstones of this typ from Nap-16 (D) arid one from Nap-56 This last specimen has a slight flatte along the longitudinal axis. Type IV. One specimen of this type is from Nap- (D). Two more subtypes must be added to our last typo- logical class. Type IVa. Simple biconical. Plummet shape with no outstanding distinguishing character- istics. Four charmstones of type IVa ar on record from Nap-56 and one from Na 66 (D). They have a range in length of 8 to 14 cm. and in maximum diameter of 3 to 3.5 cm. An average specimen would be 11.5 cm. long with a maximum diameter of 3.3 cm. A Nap- 32 specimen is 13.7 c. in length with a maximum diameter of 5.5 cm. Except for its extremely large size i could be described as type IVa. Type IVb. Biconical shape. One end squared off a longitudinally flattened. Commonly re- ferred to as a "fishtail." Site 57 (D) pro- duced the one specimen of type IVb. It is 13.8 cm. long and has a maximum diam- eter of 2.9 cm. Three charmstones from Nap-14 and one from Nap-39 must be listed as "miscellaneous," since they cannot be placed definitely in any of our types. They are conical fragments averaging about 4 cm. in length. A unique specimen from Nap-57 (D) has a plano-conv cylindrical body. The center of its flat base has a low rounded circular eminence. From the center of the con- vex surface rises a cylindrical stem. The length of the specimen is about 4.5 cm., its maximum diameter about 3.5 cm., and its stem diameter about 1.5 cm. Ear plugs.-Except for the previously mentioned specid mens from Nap-1 no ear plugs of ground or polished ston are reported from any known Napa region site. However, the Davis collection has a wooden ear plug from Nap-57, from an unknown depth. It corresponds to type a of Lil- lard, Heizer, and Fenenga (1939, pl. 30). Saws. -One artifact from Nap- 14 may be a stone saw. It is similar in size and shape to saws described for Nap- 1 but is more crudely made and has a less distinct edge. Mortars and pestles.-Unfortunately, most of the Napa area mortars in the collection are accompanied by ver little data. Most of them are surface finds for some of which we have no information except the fact that they are from Napa County (pl. 41, a); for only two of these have we data on the depth at which they were found. All available information concerning these specimens is presented in tables 9 and 10. There is a like dearth of information concerning pes- tles. All available data on the types discussed in Part 1 (types I-V) are summarized in tables 11 and 12. One specimen from Nap-53, differing from any pre- viously described, deserves special mention here. One of its two pounding surfaces lies at an angle of about 60 degrees with the center line, although the other end is at right angles to the line, like all the others described. The sides have been roughly shaped, but the piece retains to a great extent the rectangular cross section of the original block of sandstone. The dimensions of this specimen are 12.5 by 7 by 5.5 cm. Another unusual object was found at Nap-6. It is a large piece of basalt that has been roughly shaped by percussion 284 Uw I ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION TABLE 9 Napa County Mortar Types Type Site No. of Location a Material I .... Nap- 57 1 ... Basalt ,II N5 Nap-57 8 ... Sandstone, scoria, basalt Nap- 16 1 Surface Granite Ia.. Carneras 1 Surface Scoria Napa Co. 1 ... Sandstone IV? Nap- 57 5 ... Sandstone, basalt, scoria Nap-16 1 Surface Basalt Nap-39 1 Surface Sandstone Ib.. Nap-18 1 Surface Nap-37 6 ... Scoria Napa City 1 . Basalt (?) Napa Co. 2 ... Scoria Nap-57 1 Nap-39b 1 29 in. Scoria Md.. Nap- 14 1 Surface Sandstone Nap- 37 1 Surface Sandstone IV... Nap-25C 2 Calistoga 1 Surface Sandstone Nap-33c 2 Nap- 14 2 Surfaced Sandstone 24 in. d Sandstone Nap- 57 1 ... Scoria St. Helena 1 Surface Scoria .... Berryessa V. 1 Surface Sandstone Chiles Cr. 1 Surface Sandstone Nap- 14 1 Surface Sandstone a Ellipses indicate no recorded location; specimens a have been excavated or collected on surface. b This specimen only tentatively included in type IIIb. CAll information has been taken from photographs. dOne specimen. TABLE 10 Size of Napa Cdunty Mortar Types (cm.) Type Largest Smallest Average 25 x 28 .. ... 16 x 34 11 x 21 14 x 26 - ... 25x40 11 x24 16x30 b ... 13 x 23 5 x 8 10 x 14 I ... 5x8 4x6 4.5x7 ...... .31 x 36 12 x 23 20.5 x 32 ...... .32 x 31 x 12 31 x 25 x 14 31.5 x 27.5 x 13 a rectangular block 80 by 14 by 8 cm. This object ars to be a pestle blank, although it may have had e other use. Bead-grinding slabs.-D. T. Davis recovered from -57 the only bead-grinding slab about which informa- is available. This specimen is symmetrical, with lel sides and rounded ends which show a consider- -amount of pecking. Longitudinal ridging, drill pits, side notching, characteristics all previously de- bed, are in evidence. Both sides of the slab have used, though one shows considerably more wear than the other. The dimensions are 58 by 31 by 9 cm. The material used was a fine-grained sandstone. The specimen was found under a mortar inverted over a cremation. Abrading stones.-In the Museum collection there are only two or three fragments of sandstone abraders from Napa region sites other than Nap-i. A single complete bead-grinding slab from Nap-57 is described in the sec- tion on grinding implements. Nap-1 was a manufacturing center for beads and similar objects and therefore needed more abraders than other sites in the region. This fact would account for the comparative scarcity of abraders in those other sites. It seems more likely, however, that this apparent scarcity is due to the less intensive exami- nation of the other sites and that more abraders will be found when further work is done in the region. TABLE 11 Napa County Pestle Types Type Site No. of Material Locationa specimens I... Chiles V. 2 Sandstone ... Napa City 1 Sandstone Surface Napa Co. 1 Basalt Nap- 5 1 Sandstone Surface Nap-8 1 Sandstone Nap-11 1 Basalt ... II Calistoga 1 Sandstone Surface Nap-37 1 Gneiss ... III.. Calistoga 1 Basalt ... Nap-37 1 Sandstone Nap-57 1 Basalt ... Trancas V. 1 ... Vortey ranch 1 Sandstone Surface V Nap- 16 1 Scoria PitC, 49-in. aEllipses indicate no recorded location; specimens may have been excavated or collected on surface. TABLE 12 Size of Napa County Pestle Types (cm.) Typea Length Maximum Maximum range diameter width I .8-23 ... 2.5-8.5 II....... 15-20 ... 5-6 III...... 15-26 6-8 ... IV ...... 8-16 2.5-6.5 a Type V is represented by a fragment which cannot be measured. California Distributions The ground stone artifacts which are characteristic of the Napa region are also found in other California areas. This section deals with some distributions of these arti- facts. Painted stone tablets.-So far as we know, these painted stones have not been found at any site outside the Napa region, with the exception of the previously mentioned in- cised specimens from near-by Capay Valley, which are apparently a unique local type. Beads.-Magnesite disk beads have been found at seven sites in the Sacramento-Delta region. One published re- port classifies these beads as a trait of the Late culture (Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939). Disk beads of mag- nesite are not thus far reported from other areas. 285 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS TABLE 13 Distribution of Ground Stone Beads and Pipes (L, Late; M, Middle; P, phase of Late culture; x, occurrence, culture horizon unknown) Site | Magnesite Beads Steatite Beads Pipes Tubular Disk Tubular Disk Ring Hourglass Tubular Bowl Sacramento-Delta Col-l P ,PI ... ...... ... .. .. I,.. Col-2 ............. . ... ... ... L Col-3 ............. ... P I Sac-6 .L ... ... L x L x Sac-49 . ........... ... ... x ... Sac-66 ............ ... M ... M ... ... L Sac-107 ........... ... L L L ... P L CCo-138.PU PU ... P U ... P n P u P U CCo-150 .......... ... ... ... ... ... ... L L SJo-43 ............ x ... x x x SJo-60 ............ L ... L, M ... ... L SJo-80 ............ ... x ... ... ... SJo-82 ................ . . . . . . x.. SJo-83 ............ ..... ... x... SJo-86 ............ ... x ... ... ... ...x SJo- 142 ........... ... ... M M ... Southern San Joaquin Ker-39 ........... ... ... x x ... ... x Ker-40 ........... ... ... ... x ... Kern Lake ........ ... ... x x ... Alpaugh region ... ... ... ... ... ... x... San Francisco Bay Mrn-266 .......... L ... ... L ... ... L Mrn-242 ......... ... ... ... L ... ... L Mrn-275 .......... ... ... ... L ... ... L Ala-309 .......... ... ... ... ... L M CCo-259 .......... L ... L ... ... ... L CCo-283 .......... ... ... ... ... ... ... L M CCo-295 ............... ... ... .. . .,L M SFr-7 ............. ........ ..... L.. Tubular magnesite beads occur in both the Sacramento- Delta region and the San Francisco Bay region, including Marin County to the north. These are generally classed as Late culture, many of them in Phase U of the Late hori- zon. Three of the tubular magnesite beads from Nap-1 are decorated with drilled pits. The trait of drilled-pit orna- mentation, where it occurs in the Sacramento Valley, is a very late feature (Phase U, Late). Schenck and Dawson (1929) illustrate a tubular magnesite bead with drilled pits from the Delta region. Tubular steatite beads are found throughout the Central Valley, but are rare in the San Francisco region. These also appear to be Late, though some found at site C-A42 are listed as Middle horizon (Lillard, Heizer, and Fen- enga, 1939). The distinctive "hourglass" or spool-shaped steatite beads seem to be restricted to sites in the Napa region and to the Sacramento-Delta region. They are rare in the Stockton area. This type of bead is a trait of the Late cul- ture, Phase II. Steatite disk beads are reported from fourteen sites outside the Napa region: in the Sacramento-Delta, San Francisco Bay, and Southern San Joaquin regions. When dated, they are uniformly listed as Late types, though very small disks (2-3 mm. in diam.) are found in Middle horizon sites (Sac-60, Sac-66, and SJo-142). Steatite ring beads were found at sites Sac-6 and SJo-43 in the Delta region. (See table 13.) Pipes. -Tubular stone pipes are known throughout Cen- tral California. Tubular steatite pipes with a basal flange have been recovered from sites in the San Francisco Bay and Sacramento-Delta regions. In the Sacramento-Delta area, double- and triple-flanged specimens occur. Tubular stone pipes are rare in the Southern San Joaquin Valley. Only two specimens are reported, one from the Alpaugh region (Gifford and Schenck, 1926), the other from Ker- 39 (Wedel, 1941). It is to be noted that one tubular stea- tite specimen from Nap-57 is ornamented with drilled pits As has been previously mentioned, this drilled-pit decoraw tion is a trait of the Late horizon, Phase U. In general, tubular stone pipes seem to be Late. The bowl form of stone pipe was found in sites near Sacramento and near San Francisco Bay. This type ap- pears to be characteristically Middle where it occurs in San Francisco Bay sites (Beardsley, MS), and Late where; it is found in the Sacramento Valley. Charmstones.-Charmstones are also found, as is well known, in various other regions of Central California be- sides the Napa region. Table 14 gives a distribution seri of Napa region types found in other parts of Central Cali- fornia. For the sake of convenience and clarity this majot area has been divided in table 14 into four regions: Sacra- mento-Delta, Southern San Joaquin, San Francisco Bay, and Marin. These particular areas were chosen because; extensive archaeological investigations have been carried on in them in recent times and also, because there is a 286 I i ?i' I k I I ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION TABLE 14 Distribution of CharmstoneTye I-I ~~(E, Early; L, Late; M, Middle; P, phase of Late culture; x, occurrence, period unknown) T ~~~~~~~Occurrencea Site J~~~Ia lb IC I j Ia luIIb l Icl IVi IVa IVb [Aacramento~-Delta CCo- 139....... Sac-60 ....... Sac-33 ....... Sac-107....... SJo-56 ....... SJo-68 ....... Suhern San Joaquin Ker-39 ....... Ker-60 ....... Alpaugh region.... Lake region..... Slough region. Vicinity of Tulare Lake San Francisco Bay Ala-307....... Ala-309....... Ala-326....... Ala~-328....... CCo- 142 ...... CCo-259 ...... CCo-295 ...... CCo-300 ...... Mrn-3........ Mrn-76....... Mrn-85....... SFr-7........ SCl- ........ Alameda ...... Centerville ..... Mayfield ...... San Lorenzo..... San Mateo...... San Pablo Creek ... Vallejo ....... Marnn Mrn-266 ...... Mrn-242 ...... Mrn-275 ...... Manzanita Station .... Tomales Bay..... Mrn-201....... Santa Rosa City. Napa Nap-1........ Nap-16 ....... Nap-32 ....... Nap-33 ....... Nap-56........ Nap-57 ....... Nap-66 ....... Near Napa Creek --. L E E E 16 E 2 M/L . 8 M/L . x 24 i L i L 1 1 1.. 2 2 E i M 1 1 1 1 1 2 20 3 2 1 1 x iM E 1. 1 iL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1L ... ... 2 L 3 6 1 1 1 1 5M M 4 12 17, xL 3 1 1 1 i L 1 1 1.. 2 2 1 .. 3L 3M 19 8 1 1 1 3 2 1 .5 L 11 2 x 2 8 8L I L 2L 7M 1L 6, 1M 1 3 3 2.. x 23 M 11 M 5L 4M 1 3 1 M 4L 1. 1 1 a Arabic numbers indicate number of specimens. b Not perforated. 287 . . . . . . ... . . . ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS TABLE 15 Concordance of Typologies of Napa Region Charmstones Source Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939 ... Beardsley, 1947 .... Gifford and Schenck, 1926 ............ Gifford, MS ........ Type Ia I Ib B-2 B-3 B-4 IIBla IIIaa I Ic I JII I Ila I IIb I IIIc IV - I a I I .. El . . . . . . D5 V IIA2 ILAl ... Ia ... IIBIb IIc IBlb ... IIB2 :D ... ... ... WBal(?) ... ... ... ... W~~V,Bbl(?) IVLlc IVLld IVLlf(?) IVLla * * WBa2 WAa3(?) WBbl(?) WBb2 WAbl WAb3 IVL2b IVL3d IVL3f IVL3c(?) IVL2c IVL3e IVL2a ... IVL3b ... ... IVL4a ... IVL4b(?) ... a When perforated. b When not perforated. certain correlation between geographical location and culture type. The number of occurrences of each type of charmstone is noted in the table by an entry in the appro- priate box. The entry X indicates that only the occurrence of the type is known and not the number of specimens. The letter E, M, or L signifies Early, Middle, or Late cul- ture period. The total number of each type found within the Napa region is included for comparative purposes. Many more charmstones than are listed in the tables have been found in these four regions but are omitted be- cause of insufficient typological information or because they do not occur in the Napa region. Certain specimens found in the Southern San Joaquin Valley are similar to the grooved charmstones of the Napa region. It is suggested that they represent rattlesnake rattles (Gifford and Schenck, 1926, p. 98). In the Southern San Joaquin Valley, charmstones are rare in the Lake (Wedel, 1941, p. 101) and Slough regions and abundant in the Alpaugh region. Since these objects were not made in modern times in this area, it is sug- gested that the Alpaugh culture is older than either the Lake or Slough culture (Gifford and Schenck, 1926, p. 97). In order to obtain the data for this table of type distri- butions (table 14) other charmstone typologies of this Central California region (Gifford and Schenck, 1926, pp. 94-97; Beardsley, MS, pp. 223-226; Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939, pp. 13, 14; Gifford, MS) have been corre- lated with the newly established Napa typology (table 15). This correlation entailed certain difficulties, primarily because different criteria were used for the different typologies. For example, Gifford and Schenck use per- forations in the charmstones as a major distinctive trait, whereas Beardsley makes no such distinction, selecting quality of workmanship as his basic criterion. The reason for Beardsley's classification is that the run of charm- stones found in one area has certain distinctive features differentiating them from specimens found in another region, even though both regions produce similar indi- vidual specimens. The charmstones in our general Cen- tral California area which fall into this new typological pattern are recorded by region and, when known, by specific site. Ear plugs.-Of the two types of ear plugs found at Nap--i the oval type appears to be unique; there is no record of a similar stone ear plug in any of the regions covered by this distribution report. The other type, the circular, corresponds to type A of the Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga classification. The accompanying tabulation shows its wide distribution. Distribution of Circular (Type A) Ear Plugs in Central California Sacramento-Delta CCo-250 .................. CCo-141 .................. CCo- 148 .................. Sac-6 .................... Sac- 16 ................... Sac-66 ................... Sac- 122 .................. Sac-157 .................. Southern San Joaquin Ker-39 ................... SJo-34 ................... Lake region.............. San Francisco Bay Ala-397 .................. Ala-309 .................. CCo-295 .................. CCo-300 ................. Marin Mrn-232 .................. Mrn-266 .................. Nap- l......................... M 3 M M x 3 L 3 M L 1 M x 7 x 1 M 2 M 2 M 1 M 1 M 1 4 In this tabulation the Central California area, aside froml the Napa region, has again been divided into four parts: I 288 I i . - - -- - - I_ i I ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION Sacramento-Delta, the Southern San Joaquin Valley, San Francisco Bay, and Marin. The number of ear plugs found is given for each site. If the culture period is known, it is represented by the letter M or L, signifying Middle or Late culture period; ear plugs are not reported for any Early Central California cul- ture. An x indicates occurrence, with the actual num- ber of specimens unknown. Abrading stones.-Because of the differing terminol- ogies in various reports and the lack of adequate infor- mation, it seems unwise to offer a distribution of abrad- 'ing stones at this time. However, it appears that the type of abrader called a "bow-smoother" in the Sacramento Valley (Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939) is also found in the Napa region; in our report we have referred to cer- tain of our shallow-grooved abraders as "bead-polishers." Conclusions A study of the ground stone artifacts from the Napa region shows that this area was subject to influences from both the coast and Interior Valley regions. On the basis of the ground stone artifacts alone, one might say that these influences were approximately equal, since the Napa charmstone types most closely resemble those from 'Bay and coastal sites, whereas the stone bead and pipe forms are more like those from the Delta and Sacramento areas. The quality of workmanship of the stone beads and ipes is the same in the Napa and Sacramento regions. onsiderable care is taken with the external surfaces of e object, but the biconically drilled perforations are en off center or at an angle from the longitudinal axis the piece. This imperfection may be due to the lack of asily managed drilling tools. The drilled-pit ornamenta- n of a pipe from Nap-57 is also irregular; the pits vary size and depth and are not arranged in regular rows. The painted stone tablets are among the best examples polished stone from the Napa region. Aside from the o-color painted surfaces, the smooth planes and regu- outlines of the stones demonstrate the care with which y were manufactured. The charmstones from the Napa region are most like e specimens from the coast, in both type and workman- p. The perforated type from the Napa region is more dely made than the perforated type of the Sacramento on. The Napa specimens are not so finely polished r so symmetrical, exceptions being types Ib and Ic e bulb and phallus-ended types). Type II (ridged) is d in Late Sacramento sites but not in the San Fran- co Bay region, though a similar type is described for Marin coast. The rest of the charmstone types are re concentrated in the Bay and coast areas. Chronologically, the most diagnostic Napa ground stone act types may be assigned to periods, as follows. Since no charmstones are reported from levels below in. at Nap-i, most of the charmstones described may considered Late. Types IVa and IVb, which do not ur at Nap-i, may be earlier. Type IVa is of the "fish- "shape, characteristic of the Middle horizon in the ramento Valley (Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939). None of the Nap-1 charmstones are reported as burial ociations. They were abundant with cremations, how- r, 5 specimens occurring with one cremation and 11 another. It is a fact of some interest that certain of the Napa a may be assigned to the Late period. Type Ia, for ple, occurs in four, and type Ib in two of the Early ramento sites. Five of the ten Napa types (types Ia, Mc, IVa, and IVb) are reported as occurring in Middle horizon deposits (see tables 14 and 15). In spite of their earlier occurrence elsewhere the Nap-1 charm- stones can hardly be anything but Late at this site. Three specimens of type Ia charmstones are reported from Nap-1, and another specimen was found at Nap- 57, which is definitely a Late horizon site. All of the type I charm- stones probably represent an areal variation: a type de- veloped in Late times in the Napa Valley. Their occur- rence in the Napa Valley is a link with the sites of the Drakes Bay area, which also yields perforated biconical charmstones from Late horizon sites (Beardsley, MS). Magnesite beads occurred at depths down to 40 in. Most, however, were recovered from the upper 24 in. of the site and all specimens are probably of Late manufac- ture. Tubular magnesite beads are known ethnographically for the Pomo (Gifford and Kroeber, 1937, p. 146) and the Wappo (Driver, 1936, p. 188). Steatite beads also appear to be restricted to the upper levels of Nap-i and are classed as Late. All of the pipes for which depth provenience is re- corded came from the topmost layers of the mound de- posit, none being found deeper than 18 in. The pipes must therefore be of the Late period. They are not of the same type as the ethnographic specimens, however, since the latter are either of wood or have a wooden stem and a small inset stone bowl (Gifford and Kroeber, 1937, p. 146). Ear plugs corresponding to Type A of Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga (1939) were found in Nap-1. In San Francisco Bay sites this type is of the Middle horizon ( see tabula- tion, p. 288). In the Sacramento Valley, however, type A ear plugs occur in both Middle and Late sites. On the basis of present evidence the small sample from Nap-1 cannot be assigned definitely to either horizon, and this problem must be left to future excavators. It appears possible that type A ear plugs are of the Middle horizon in the Napa Valley, however, since they are not found in the samples from any of the Late sites in the region. The only ear plug from the Napa area which can be definitely assigned to the Late horizon is the single specimen, of wood, found by D. T. Davis at Nap-57; it is type B (Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939, p. 30). Painted stone tablets of the distinctive Napa type are not known to occur elsewhere in California. Fortunately, there is a sufficient sample to place the painted slabs chronologically. They are unquestionably late in time, since they occur only in the topmost levels of Nap-i and in other Napa region sites which the occurrence of clam- shell-disk beads marks as Late. It may be possible to work out a sequence of develop- ment for the painted stone slabs which will permit their use as a very precise time marker. The Nap-i specimens may be slightly earlier than the Nap-57 pieces; this as- sumption is supported by other artifact types, such as shell ornaments ("banjo" type ornaments, which are very late, occur at Nap-57 but have so far not been found at Nap-i). If the Nap-57 specimens are later in time than those from Nap-i, there is a clear developmental change from small notched tablets colored red on one end to larger unnotched tablets with red and white designs on all of one side. To sum up, in later times the painted stone tablets became larger, lost the side notches, and added white pigment to the designs. The designs became much more elaborate in execution, changing from a mere paint- ing of one end red to a complex pattern of red and white semicircles and X's. It is of course always possible that these changes rep- resent areal rather than temporal variation. However, this sort of elaboration of ritual objects is most easily ex- plained as a time change; it is difficult to believe that the 289 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS residents of Nap-57 began the production of their com- plex painted tablets without having some simpler proto- type to guide them. The time represented by the change in styles cannot have been long, since a specimen of the Nap-57 type is reported from Nap-i. If there is no error in attribution here, it seems probable that Nap-57 immediately post- dates the abandonment of Nap-i. The very late historic material from Nap-1 which may be due to reoccupation of the site must be excluded from our consideration. The single specimen from Nap-14 is of an intermedi- ate style, being identical to Nap-1 specimens but with three red X's on one side-a pattern elaboration charac- teristic of the Nap-57 pieces. UNWORKED STONE Napa Region The UCMA collection from Nap-18 and Nap-39 includes unworked stone in the form of brightly colored pebbles. Although there are in the Museum collection no specimens of unworked stone from other sites, it is believed a priori that all Napa region sites, as well as all Indian mounds in general, contain a certain number of these pebbles as well as other unworked stone in the form of natural con- cretions. These objects are not natural to the sites; they were most likely brought in by the Indians, who were probably attracted by their unusual appearance. They may have had some fetishistic significance. Pebbles of this sort may have been used with slings. (Driver, 1936, p. 191.) California Distribution Colored round pebbles are reported from most of the sites in all the regions of Central California. Schenck suggests (1926, p. 267) that pebbles from the Emeryville mound (Ala-309) are sinker material. Similar pebbles from the Buena Vista Lake sites may have been used in certain games in which pebbles were rolled into holes (Wedel, 1941, p. 100), somewhat like the marbles of to- day (?). Ethnographic reports speak of the use of simi- larly formed stones in girls' puberty ceremonies among the Diegueino Indians (Waterman, 1912, p. 286, pl. 21; Rust, 1906). Pebbles from the Marin region may be throwing stones (Beardsley, MS, p. 137). Some pebbles from the Stockton-Lodi area may have been used as cook- ing stones or acorn shellers (Schenck and Dawson, 1929, p. 395). Colored pebbles from Early horizon sites are discussed by Heizer (1949, p. 25). It is probable that, besides being used as suggested above, many of these small stones were merely curiosi- ties, or perhaps they had some ceremonial or magical significance. CHIPPED STONE Artifacts Projectile points.-Artifacts of this class from Napa County, exclusive of site Nap-i, number 311, as com- pared with 113 with specific data recovered from Nap-1. Of these Napa County specimens many are inadequately documented, but the pieces themselves may be typologi- cally placed. Type specimens of chipped projectile points, blades, and drills are illustrated in figures 7-9. In the following typology Napa County is used to refer to all sites in the county except Nap-1. (See table 16.) Type 1. This type is uncommon in Napa County, being represented by two pieces, varying slightly in execution, from two sites in the eastern part of north- ern Napa Valley, from Nap-37 and Nap-40 respectively. No specimens of type 1 were found during excavation at Nap-1. The Nap-1 surface piece is mediocre rather than finished. Type 2. This type is represented by a single piece from an unspecified location in Napa County. Type 3. This type is represented by one specimen, a single-shouldered piece from Nap-37. Type 4. This type is represented by a single piece from Chiles Valley; the exact site is unknown. Possibly this piece represents a localized type that never dif- fused to Napa Valley proper. Type 5. Pieces of this type come from two sites be- sides Nap-i; one in the University collection from Nap- 14, the other in the Davis collection from Nap-61. Thesq and a third piece from a site seven miles north of the city of Napa show the same variation in stem form note at Nap- 1. The occurrence of this type suggests that it is present throughout the whole Napa region. Type 6. Six pieces come from three sites, besides Nap-1, in Napa Valley: 4 from Nap-37, 1 from Nap-14, 1 from an unknown location in the Napa region. Type 7. This type, similar to type 6, was found at two Napa Valley sites, as well as at Nap-i. Three pieces come from Nap-37; 1 from Nap-54. Type 8. This type, three examples of which were found at Nap-1, is represented by single pieces from Nap-31, Nap-55, and Nap-58 respectively. Two pieces come from Nap-37, a single piece from an unspecified site. All these are in the UCMA collection. Davis' col- lection contains specimens of this type from Nap-57, Nap-32, and Nap-19. The piece from Nap-57 has a max, imum length for this type of 9 cm. The sites at which type 8 occurs are chiefly in the northern part of Napa Valley; it is apparently absent in the south. Type 9. The frequent occurrence of type 9 suggests a general distribution in the region. Nap-37 prpduced 16 pieces; Nap-15, Nap-16, Nap-32, and Nap-63 each a single piece. Specific depths are noted for 2 of the 8 specimens from Nap- 14: 16 in. and 6-20 in. respective- ly. A single piece was found at a depth of 23 in. at Nap- 39. Five pieces come from Nap-25, 1 from the vicinity of Nap-48, 2 from a site seven miles west of Napa, 1 from the Chiles Valley area, and 7 from unknown loca- tions within Napa County. Thus the distribution of this type appears to be the widest of any type, with exam- ples coming from at least thirteen sites. Type 10. The small number of type 10 points from Nap-1 contrasts with the type's frequency at other Napa County sites. There are 25 pieces from Nap-37, 3 from Nap-38, and 2 from Nap-53. Single pieces come from Nap-22, Nap-31, Glendale Ranch, and a spot near Cali- stoga. Three pieces were found at unspecified locations in Napa Valley. Points of this type occur in the whole Napa region, but most are from the northern part of the valley. This occurrence may represent either an actual difference in distribution, or merely result from the fact that sites contemporaneous with the early level at Nap-1 have not yet been excavated in the southern part of the valley. Type 11. Two pieces of this type come from Nap-37. Type 12. Five pieces with the unusual chipping tech- nique of type 12 have been found at sites other than Nap-1. Single pieces come from Nap-14 and Nap-54; 3 from Nap-37. This type seems to have a general dis- tribution. Type 13. This type is more common in Napa Valley than the collection from Nap-1 would suggest; 3 pieces 290 ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION are known from Nap-37, 1 from Nap-54. Type 14. Eight pieces of type 14 were collected from sites other than Nap-i. Three came from Nap-37, single pieces from Nap-53 and from the Pope Valley area. The 3 other pieces are from un- specified localities in Napa Valley. This type is con- centrated in the northeastern part of the region. Type 15. This type, with a general distribution, is represented by 33 pieces from eight or more sites. Seventeen pieces come from Nap-37; 1 from Nap-53. Of the 3 pieces from Nap-39, 1 was found at a depth of 9 in., 1 at 27 in. Two pieces come from Nap-38 and 7 from the vicinity of Nap-48 and Nap-25. Three pieces come from the Calistoga region, 1 from Chiles Valley, and 5 from unknown localities within Napa Valley. Twenty specimens are from Nap- 1. Type 16. This type is represented by 4 pieces from Napa County: 3 from Nap-37 and 1 from near Nap-40. The absence of this type at Nap-i suggests that it represents a period when that site was not occupied. Type 17. This type is very like type 16; the dif- ference is in the size. Type 16 is medium-sized, type 17 small. Three pieces of type 17 are illustrated to show the range of variation. In all the specimens the blade is first diagonal, then diagonal reverse; the base vertical and excurvate. In one extreme, however, the blade tends toward diagonal excurvate with a di- agonal shoulder, thus resembling type 18. Type 18. This type resembles one extreme of type 17, from which it is distinguished by its double-tapered 'basic shape and its distinct shoulders. For purposes of description it was necessary to assume one end of the piece to be the point. As a guide, type 20, in which e flaking clearly indicates the blade, was used. The houlder of type 18 is similar to that of type 20, hence is assumed that the part of the artifact from which e shoulder juts out is the blade. Type 19. Six pieces of this type come from Napa ounty: 1 from Nap-37, 1 from the Glendale Ranch in pa Valley, 1 from Chiles Valley, and 3 from un- own localities. This type is absent at Nap-1. Type 20. The single artifact of this type comes from p-53. Type 21. Two artifacts of this type were recovered Napa County sites. The piece found at Nap-16 was covered at a depth of 30 in., in association with an bones. The second, a projectile point, comes m Nap-23. The occurrence of this type in associa- n with human bones, as were three out of the four cumented finds, might suggest that this type was ed specifically as a burial accompaniment. Type 22. Of general distribution are triangular pro- tile points which constitute type 22. The ten pieces m Nap- 14 were found at depths of 8 in., 13 in., 17 19 in., 20 in., and 23 in. Single pieces come from -16, Nap-22, Nap-53, and Nap-67. Two projectile ts of this type come from each of the following sites: p-37, Nap-38, Nap-39, and Nap-25. One of the ces from Nap-39 was recovered at a depth of 24 in. hingle piece comes from the Chiles Valley region. ee other pieces are from unspecified localities Napa County. Type 23. Three single pieces of this type come m sites other than Nap-1: from Nap-25, Nap-38, Nap- 39. Type 25. As at Nap-i, type 25 in Napa County in- ed artifacts which are either nonserrated or have saw-tooth serration. Some specimens are suffi- ciently long to be classified as medium. There are, however, no pieces large enough to be so classified; hence the type is here associated with shorter types. The specimens come from seven sites: 23 from Nap- 37, 3 from Nap-14, 2 from Nap-53, single pieces from Nap-20 and Nap-51, 3 from the Calistoga region, 5 from Nap-16. The five pieces from Nap-16 were ex- cavated from depths of 27 in., 32 in., 38 in., and 47 in., respectively. Three pieces of type 25 come from Nap-65, the Wooden Valley cairn excavated by Mr. Davis. Type 25 therefore has a generalized distribu- tion in the Napa region. Type 26. This type, of which there are fifteen pieces in the UCMA collection, is the serrated form of type 25. The Museum pieces are distributed as follows: 8 from Nap-37, 2 from Nap-25, 4 from Nap-14 (1 from a depth of 4 in., another from 6 in.), and a single piece found in the course of construction at the Napa County State Hospital. Type 27. This small, side-notched, nonserrated type is found at 8 sites: 9 pieces come from Nap-37, 4 from Nap-14 (2 from specific depths, 5 in. and 7 in., respectively), 2 from Nap-16, 2 from Nap-39, single pieces from Nap-32, 2 from unspecified locations in Napa County. Mr. Davis found 29 pieces at Nap-65, the cairn in Wooden Valley, associated with clamshell-disk beads and small red, white, and blue glass seed beads. Type 27 is thus probably present throughout the whole Napa region. Type 28. Like this form at Nap-1, type 28 at other sites varies in details of serration and base shape. Eight of the nine pieces come from Nap-37. A ninth is from an unknown location in Napa County. Type 29. Ten artifacts of this small, side-notched, convex-based, serrated type were recovered from sites other than Nap-i: 5 from Nap-37, 4 from Nap-14 (1 from a depth of 17 in., 1 from 24 in.), 1 from an un- known site in Napa County. Davis found 25 pieces of type 29 associated with clamshell-disk beads (but no glass beads), at Nap-41, the Yountville cairn. Type 30. Parallel-stemmed, serrated projectile points have been found at six sites in the Napa region, other than Nap-1: 3 from Nap-25; single pieces from Nap-37, from Nap-69 on the Napa Asylum grounds, and from the Calistoga region; 4 from Nap-14 (1 from a depth of 25 in., another with burial 1); 2 from Nap- 16 (1 of these from a depth of 50 in.). The type has a gen- eral distribution. Type 32. One graver has been reported from Nap-16. Type 33. An unusual form of drill is represented by two specimens from Nap-37. This type is absent at Nap-i. These neck-stemmed artifacts vary in shoulder shape; one piece has a diagonal, the other a vertical, shoulder. The general outlines are so similar that the two pieces must be classified together. Type 34. There are two triangular drills of this type from Nap-14. One was found at a depth of 12 in., the other at 14 in. Type 38. A single bangle drill from Nap-16 repre- sents this type for the entire Napa region, except for the specimens from Nap-1. Type 39. A distinctive bipointed agate drill from Chiles Valley is in the UCMA collection. This is the only occurrence of this type. Type 40. Flake drills are known from three sites besides Nap-1. Single pieces came from Nap-37 and Nap-53; 2 pieces from Chiles Valley. The distribution appears to be general. Type 41. A very large, crudely chipped but distinctly 291 0 0~ v o A r- _ r I . I In. 0 a. z V z eq it) C-- IVX co a) C') ( U10) a2U.B. q2uaT tqluaT a2eJVAV (tUe) 1112a9M aBselaAV quoT;JodOJd C - LO) q . C; 600 adseqs utaxS adsqs JPplnolOS adeqs ap-el adsis o1Seg Ss-Tl T-eU0OUflu!T uofln3axa ci aL) 0. H . I : elq V,-4 - -., e.q .4 . . 1- a) w -4 cil U) UX 1- ..s V 4- LO c O a) _ it) : *19 iZ 0 0 Z > co co z .. 0 a0 c ci Ut),CiV,4Q H C La V- cd I H Y I Loci4 I a)C 4 L 0.0 ciZZd 'D.a C 0I L a)ci la d * CO 4) ci 0 0) C Z ,O-c4 Z r. 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VI 0~~~~ mmm~~~~~~~4ri,~~~~~~~4~~~~4~~~4~ cco ' -.4 . 1(L C- cq CL) C) '0 -4 b2 0) C- 0 04 cq ci) C.) 02 0 *- 0) C) Q) *- l '0 02 'C. cd 1.4 0) K; cu c- * 4 4 C- C.) 0 'V 0 C) a} : a} 2 ,Cq .-4 C'* C.) 0) c^ cn c N O cc X 0 t0cc a) 0i) 0) J., - b.0 02 0 cci 0) 0)0d C-4 4.- C) co 'C -0) 0 cci 02 C0 0 cc .0 C r14 44 rZ4rx44 44 :~rz4 : ~ 42: : ~ 2 4~ ~ i - 0 1 11 D P) 6 i P4 II I I ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS shaped piece was found at Nap-37. Its extreme length of 20.8 cm. sets it apart from other heavy pieces of this class. This is an example of what has been termed "blanks"-heavy pieces, that is, pieces weighing more than 100 gm. Their edges are thick, not thin like the blade of a projectile point or knife. The term "blank" suggests that this type is a crudely shaped obsidian artifact used for trade. Types 41, 42, 43, and 44 are classed as blanks. Large numbers of these obsidian blanks were recovered from Hotchkiss site (CCo-137) in the excavations of 1948. Type 42. A lone, single-tapered blank comes from Nap-53. Type 43. Two ovoid blanks are in the UCMA collec- tion. One is from southern Napa County, site unknown, the other from Nap-37. Type 44. This unique specimen from Nap-57 ap- pears to be a projectile point that has been later used as an unhafted side scraper. Possibly it was originally type 16. The faint indication of shoulders would sug- gest this original. Type 48. Four thin knives of this oval type have been recovered in the Napa region. Two come from Nap-37, one from Nap-31, the fourth from an unknown site in Napa County. Type 50. Two flake knives of medium size have been recovered from Nap-14. The pieces come from depths of 8 in. and 14 in. respectively. Type 51. A single medium-sized, oval flake knife of type 51 was recovered from the Pope Valley region. This piece is distinguished from type 48 specimens by its breadth and the resulting heaviness. The examination of three partly finished pieces may provide information on manufacturing technique. One specimen of type 25 from Nap-14 (depth, 34 in.) is com- plete except for corner notching. The whole surface is chipped and one notch has been flaked out. This piece suggests that notching was done after the point was en- tirely finished. A second piece, broken, from Nap-l also gives hints as to the manufacturing process. (See fig. 8, i.) It is finished except for a final serration. Usually the serra- tion is equal on both sides but here the last serration toward the base is missing. This suggests that projectile points were completely finished before they were ser- rated from tip to base. A third piece from Nap-1 (depth, 44 in.) is probably a projectile point of type 9. One side has been entirely finished; the other is partly done. The incomplete side has been retouched along most of its edge but one final part of the blade is also incomplete. The process of manu- facture may be reconstructed as follows. A flake is knocked off a raw piece of obsidian, as suggested by the fracture lines on the unfinished section of the blade. The point is then shaped roughly, one side being finished by retouching. The other side is then flaked into the proper form, and the point is ready for use. A final comment on manufacture must be made. A few chipped artifacts from the Napa area show that the natives often reworked a projectile point that they had themselves dug up. ;f they chanced to find a finished point, they often rechipped it slightly and then used it themselves. We may summarize the available data on the geographi- cal distribution of point types by saying that types 5, 9, 15, 22, 25, 27, 30, and 40 probably have a general distribution throughout the whole Napa region. Type 4 appears only in Chiles Valley. Types 10 and 14 are found in the northern and eastern parts of the Napa region, though this distribu- tion-may mean only that there has been more excavation than surface collection here. Correlation of point types from Nap-i with those from other Napa region sites may suggest the culture horizons of some of these sites. Too few pieces are available, however, to provide an accurate correlation. The follow- ing suggestions are presented for their possible value to later investigators. All key types of points, except type 20 (that is, types 8, 9, 10, 14, 15, 17, 22, 23, 25, 28, 29, 30, 40) and bangles are present at Nap-37 as well as at Nap-i. This would suggest that both sites are of the same period. Types 1 and 17, however, occur at Nap-37 but not at Nap- 1. Possibly these types represent a period when Nap-37 was occupied but Nap-1 was not. Collections from Nap-53 include points of types 9, 10, 14, 15, 20, 22, 25, and 40; types that occur in both early and late periods at Nap- 1. Thus it may be suggested that Nap-53 was occupied in both early and late periods. At Nap-14 points of types 9, 22, 25, 29, and 30, and bangles occur, but the early point types found at Nap-i (types 10, 14, and 20) are missing. Thus Nap-14 may be considered late or possibly historic. Points of types 9, 15, 17, 22, and 23 were found at Nap-39, as well as bangles; the early Nap-i types are absent. This suggests that Nap-39, an ethnologically known site, was occupied during late or historic times. The points from Nap-25 are of types 9, 22, 23, and 30, which suggests historic or late occupation of this site. Nap-16 has types 9, 22, 25, and 30, again suggesting late or historic occupation. Beardsley (1948, p. 11, pl. 1) suggests that our type 3 point is to be considered a Middle horizon McClure facies knife form. It should be emphasized that any accurate correlation between the various sites with respect to geographical variation or chronology must await the study of estab),ished chronologies for adjacent areas. Bangles.-Bangles have a wide distribution in north- ern Napa County. Few have been found in the Napa- Suscol area. Specimens come from Nap-37, Nap-38, Nap- 39, Nap-27, and Nap-54. One specimen in the UCMA col- lection comes from Chiles Valley. Three pieces from Nap-14 come from depths of 9 in., 12 in., and 21 in.; the specimen from Nap-39 is from 31 in. A piece in the Davis collection is especially large, with a weight of 46.5 gm. and length of 11.8 cm. Scrapers and choppers.-Percussion-flaked glassy basalt disk choppers, elliptical in cross section with a diameter of 75 mm., resemble the heavy plano-convex type, but are worked equally on both faces. The chopping edge extends all the way around. There are two specimens from Nap-61 and one from Nap-16. (See table 17, p. 295, for occurrence of Nap-l scraper types on other sites.) Pitted hammerstone. -A disk-shaped pebble, 82 mm. in diameter, has a deep pit pecked into the center of each face to give finger grip. The single specimen comes from Nap- 16 (pl. 36, b). (See table 17 for occurrence of Nap-i hammerstone types on other sites.) BONE AND ANTLER Eight sites besides Nap-1 are represented in the col- lection of bone and antler objects from the Napa region. Nap- 14 and Nap- 16 mounds together yielded twelve arti- facts, Nap-57 sixteen, Nap-67 ten, and the three other mounds (Nap-59, Nap-60, Nap-67) one or two artifacts each. In general, these objects are duplicates of Nap-1 294 ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION29 TABLE 17 Distribution of Certain Chipped Stone Implements: Napa Region Occurrence *44 Implement v~~~~C ~ co co ~ 0 ~ 0 0. 0. 0 0. 0. 0. 0. 0. 0. 0. 0. 0 . z z z z z z z z z z z z Z Scrapers A ......... 16 .. .. 1 1. . . . .. 1 1 2 .. .. B.... ......29 1.1.. . ... 1. 1... Bi.... ...... 6 .2 ...1 1 1.11. G. .7 1. ...... ..1 Hoe-shaped......4 1 .......... I .. . Triangular.. .. ..11 2 .. .. Piano-convex..... 7 1 . . . . Piano-convex small 3 .. ...... Heavy piano-convex 2 1 1 Thick, round..... 6 2. .... ........ .. . ...2 .... Scraper planes 3 .. .. .... Gravers........8 1. ..1 Choppers ... .... 8 .. ...... '~Chopping disKs......... 1 . ....2 [Hammerstones Round .... ...13 1 .. .. 2 .2 .. .. Spatulate .. .... 6 2 1 1 1 . . . . . . Pitted .... ....1.. .. .. . Dgging tool.......3 ... ...... ....1 I maaterial, but new forms include two awl types, perforated bone, incised bone, variant incised patterns, and gaming hones. Little can be.inferred from these as to their rela- ~Lnwith Nap-i material, for the collection from each mite is too small to be representative. Nap-57, Nap-16, and Nap-59, Nap-60, and Nap-67 are ousde Wappo territory, being held in historic times th othern Patwin, for whom little ethnographic teilis available. The custom of cremation at Nap-57 d o-236 suggests either that the Southern Patwin did follow the general Patwin practice of inhumation of the d or that those groups adjoining the Wappo borrowed emation from them. The artifacts from Nap- 16 are in- tinguishable from Nap-i forms, and the gaming bones Nap-67 are similar to those from Nap-14. The sites in twn territory share incised bird bone with Nap-i, but *only design element common to all is the crosshatched ond, while the technical skill evidenced on Nap-i ces is completely lacking on most specimens from the ghboring sites. Incised and perforated mammal bones Nap-57 have counterparts only in the Sacramento Valley. oincised bone art of sites within the Patwin territory is ch alike and this close similarity distinguishes it from ~tof the Napa Valley sites, suggesting a possible differ- e in culture. In addition, the absence of beamers from Southern Patwin and River Patwin mounds agrees with ographic data, and again contrasts with their presence itswithin historic Wappo territory. This inadequate peof former cultures cannot support any valid specu- oas yet. Bone Implements Awls. -The following types occur in Nap-i1. sites other than AlaV. One awl of deer radius, the whole proximal end intact, was found at Nap-14. It is 11.1 cm. long, with the fractured shaft smoothed only at the lustrous tip. The roughness of the base suggests it was wrapped when in use. (Cf. Gifford, 1940, pp. 168, 199.) Albli. Nap-16 produced three fragmentary awls of quartered cannon bone, the head unmodified, similar to the Nap- 1 examples. The most complete is 9.4 cm. long and lacks a tip, whioh originally was very fine, judging from the re- malning taper. The entire tool has been pol- ished through use. Two other tips average 6.3 cm. long, and are doubtfully included in this type. They are sharp but not needlelike. AlbIV. One radius awl, with head unmodified except by original splitting, is unique to Nap- 14. (P1. 37, a). Being 9.5 cm. long, it was fashioned by fracture, with a minimum of smoothing. The lustrous tip has been abraded to needielike sharpness. (Cf. Gifford, 1940, pp. 168, 200.) Aid. Also conforming to Nap-i specimens is an awl of mammal long bone, the head entirely removed, from Nap-14. It is 10.7 cm. long, with both ends lacking. Its mode of finish, with all fractures abraded, suggests it is not 295 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS type Alc. Ale. An awl of mammal-bone splinter, 7 cm. long, comes from Nap-16. It lacks both tip and pol- ish, but apparently had a fine point originally. A6. Unclassifiable bone awl tips and fragments in- clude four from Nap- 14 and one from Nap- 16. All show high polish and vary in length from 2.6 to 4.8 cm. Beamers. -One medial fragment of split cannon bone from Nap-14, with one polished edge remaining, is classed as a depilator. Only 8.4 cm. remain. Specimen 1-69232 is a partially split cannon-bone fragment, pos- sibly intended for a beamer or awl. It apparently broke irregularly and was discarded. Gaming bones.-Six fragments of hollow bone tubes were found at Nap-67, (pl. 39, q, t ) and one at Nap- 14 (the last may be of antler) (pl. 39,Y). One whole speci- men, 5 cm. long, now in the Davis collection, was found at Nap-32. All have rounded ends and have been burned, probably with cremations. The original size of these measurable specimens varies from 3.2 to 5 cm. in length and 1.5 to 2 cm. in diameter. Five have constricted centers. The use of these can only be suggested. Possibly they were ear tubes, the constricted center serving as an aid in their attachment. However, their small size and the presence of long bird-bone ear tubes may indicate that they were used as gaming bones in the universal hand game. They are not like the more common solid, flat type, but are similar to gaming tubes used in the Sierra foothills (Dixon, 1905, pp. 209, 210, fig. 55a). Powers and Meredith mention cylinders of bone used in gambling. (Powers, 1877, p. 190; Meredith, in Moorehead, 1900, p. 270.)3 Medial wrappings of combustible material, used as distinguishing marks, may explain the charring on the constricted centers of two of the specimens. Less likely is their use as hair tubes. Grass cutters (?).-Four fragmentary serrated scapu- lae were found at Nap-16, ranging from 6.8 to 13.5 cm. in length. Two retain the coracoid process of the left scapula and vestiges of serrations, with the characteristic break paralleling the axillary border, with spine removed. Two others are fragments bearing the suprascapular border of the right shoulder blade. One is blackened, 6.9 cm. long, and the other, 11.1 cm. long, may originally have had serrations, but was last used with irregular edges only. Ulna tools.-One typical complete specimen (type C2c, flaker [?]) was found at Nap-14. It is now in the Davis collection. Bone Ornaments Hair ornaments.-Included in this group are five frag- mentary pieces of mammal bone from Nap-57, with all edges carefully rounded and polished. Three are incised. Two of the incised pieces are fragments of the base end with one biconical perforation. Both are calcined. Figure 11, _, 3.8 cm. long, is decorated on both sides with groups of three lines; figure 11, r, is smaller, 3.3 cm. long, dec- orated with hatched triangles on one side only. Figure 11, s, 7.6 cm. long, is the tip end of a similar ornament, decorated with crosshatched triangles and a three-line border. It may have been perforated, or pos- sibly was bipointed. Two other pieces, 6.5 and 8.5 cm. long, are devoid of decoration, but have a shape similar to that of figure 11, s. These artifacts resemble hair ornaments of the Hopi 3 Powers (p. 332) states that there was a "subtle difference" in material used (buckeye, pine, deer, or cougar bone) and the quality of the game. (perforated) (Fewkes, 1926, p. 13, pl. 8, a-c) and Hupa (bipointed) (Mason, 1886, pl. 7, fig. 36, p. 211). There are numerous ethnographic specimens of groups of two or three slender bone or wood shafts decorated with feather tufts, flicker quills, and shell ornaments, which were used in certain dance headdresses of the Pomo, Wintun, Miwok, and other California Indians (Kroeber, 1925, fig. 21; Mason, 1886, pl. 8). These artifacts could also have been head scratchers, but a wooden stick is recorded for this implement for the Patwin (Kroeber, 1932, p. 271). Bird-bone beads.-Two simple bone beads were found. From Nap-16 came one that is 4.1 cm. in length, 7 mm. in diameter, with both ends finished. The other is a frag- ment from Nap-39, 3.2 cm. long, with a large diameter of 1.4 cm. The polished bead has only one cut end, the other being jagged. Mammal-bone bead.-Specimen 1-66778 is a bead from Nap-16, probably made of mammal bone. (Pl. 39, m.) It is 3.3 cm. long, 1.3 cm, in diameter, with both ends smoothed and one rounded. (Gifford, 1940, Type EE lb, pp. 180,227). Incised bird bone. -A variety of artistic designs from scattered sites indicates that this art expression was com- mon in the Napa area. The largest lot (8 specimens) comes from Nap-57, three are from Nap-59, and two from Nap- 60. Only one piece from Nap-57 is calcined, although cre- mation was the only type of disposal of the dead found at that mound. Again the dominant pattern is the diamond, cross- hatched with parallel lines, which occurs on fragments from each of the following sites: Nap-57 (fig. 11, i, 1.8 cm. long, calcined; fig. 1 l,I, 1.8 cm. long; and another piece, 4.5 cm. long with a three-line border); Nap-59 (fig. 11,k, 5.2 cm. long, 1.4 mm. in diameter); Nap-60 (6 cm. long, 1.4 mm. in diameter, a medial fragment retaining only the diamonds). The hatched three-line band was the next most common motif, but all four fragments come from Nap-57. The band spirals downward to the left on two specimens (fig. 11, 1, m) and downward to the right on two other fragments (fig. 11, n, and on one piece, not illustrated, with a four- line border). All specimens are less than 5.1 cm. long. Comparisons with specimens from the Sacramento Valley suggest that the complete three-line pattern con- sisted of several of the sections shown in figure 11, n, in which the bands alternated in the direction of the spiral. The interlocking triangle pattern of the specimen shown in figure 11, o (5. 0 cm. long, 1.6 cm. in diameter), is from Nap-57; figure 11,p, one of a pair of identical tubes, 12.7 cm. long, was found at Nap-60. Four encircling lines are all that remain on a fragment 4.4 cm. long from Nap-57. Bone Whistles Three bird-bone whistle fragments were found at Nap- 57, with cut, unrounded ends. Both are broken through what was probably a single medial stop. One fragment is 7.4 cm. long, 9 mm. in diameter. Specimen 6 (Davis col- lection) is 4.1 cm. long, 8 mm. in diameter; possibly it was made from the complete lower wing bone (the two fused metacarpals), as the smallest shaft has been freshly broken near the fusion. Specimen 8 from the Davis collection is 7.9 cm. long, 7 mm. in diameter, and is calcined. Antler Wedges.-The two wedges found are similar to those from Nap-1. Only one from Nap-14 was originally over 11.9 cm. long, but lacks both tip and base. The other is 296 ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION from Nap-16, with 8 cm. remaining. Miscellaneous antler.-Nap-67 yielded four calcined fragments of probable antler tip, 2.3 to 3.6 cm. long (pl. 39, z, a). Three show considerable modification, one in particular having been abraded on both faces to a long, thin, flat point. All were found together, and may have been part of a feather headdress or ornament. Manufacturing Techniques Most larger animal bones were smashed to extract the marrow, no care being taken as to direction of fracture. From some resultant linear splinters such awl types as Ale and probably some Ald examples were fashioned. More careful fracture was employed to make type AlaIV and to section the cannon bone linearly for awls. AlaIV awls from Ala-309 have been sawed, but at Nap-i for- tuitously fractured bones appear to have been selected for these tools. Personal pride or functional need may be reflected in the finish of some specimens. Thus, speci- men L-12185 has been carefully split by sawing, but 1-72575 retains part of the unmodified intermetatarsal groove, with no trace of splitting of the articular end. The result is a crude and unshapely, though quite service- able, implement. Nap-1 yielded one whole deer metatarsal which illus- trates the technique of this longitudinal splitting, a pro- cess resorted to for most of the cannon-bone tools. Speci- men L-13321 is 18.9 cm. long, lacks the distal end, and has been partly split by sawing with an abrasive sharp- edged stone (pl. 39, a). Advantage was taken of the natural intermetatarsal grooves (anterior and posterior sulcus) as starting points. One beamer, specimen 1-72461, bears scoring along part of the groove still visible, as though 5the channel had first been deepened by an obsidian (?) knife (pl. 37, n). This particular cannon bone had appar- kently been sawed on one side till it broke through on each end to the marrow channel, and was being extended to- w9rds the middle of the shaft. When abraded sufficiently, e remaining connection would break under natural pres- ure of sawing. This last technique is evidenced on an- er beamer, specimen 1-72660. The predominance of annon-bone tools is almost certainly due to the ease of eir manufacture. Tibiae and radii were less used, be- ause fracture was necessary, with more attrition to re- oe rough edges. Initial scorings were also made on two otherwise un- rked cannon-bone medial fragments, which are, re- ctively, 11.3 and 9.6 cm. long. The awl shafts, particularly of type Ald, were pre- ably shaped and smoothed by abrasion with rasplike nes. Tips were rounded, pointed, and flattened by bing the bone tool on an abrasive stone and grinding ay the osseous material to the desired surface, leav- "file-mark" scorings, which are evident on all the a polished pieces. Several specimens illustrate transverse sawing. Most ear to have been "sawed" with obsidian (?) knives, a back-and-forth motion, though some indicate a ttling technique of cutting. Several bones are whittled emove the unwanted articular ends. One distal end Wildcat humerus, specimen 1-72647, 9.2 cm. long, been scored around three-quarters of the circumfer- just below the olecranon fossa (pl. 39, b). While the Qve was being deepened by the scoring tool, the shaft ently broke, and the tube was ruined by a crack ng into the articular end, so the piece was discarded. ore successful outcome was achieved with two others, ed by specimen 1-72640, the cut-off proximal head wildcat femur, 2.8 cm. long. The shaft was encircled completely by scoring, close to the lesser trochanter, sawed nearly through, and then snapped the rest of the way, a slight lip remaining to show the direction of down- ward breakage (pl. 39, n). Larger bone was treated in the same way. Specimen 1-72510 is the distal end of a deer tibia showing evidence of considerable difficulty in getting the groove started. Four definite incisions were made and slightly deepened, besides the light scorings which encircle the whole bone within 1 cm. of the final break. The groove was sawed to within 1 mm. of the marrow channel, at which point it could be broken. The same difficulty in making the initial guiding groove can be seen on specimen 1-38599, the proximal end of an unidentifiable bird leg bone, with ran- dom incisions over an even greater area than in the last piece described. Similar treatment was accorded the dis- tal end of a Mustelid femur, 3.9 cm. long. Another ex- ample, specimen 1-38700, is a medial section of a deer tibia, 8.1 cm. long, cut on both ends to a depth of 2 mm., the remaining 3 mm. being broken (pl. 39, h). Jagged edges not conforming to the shallow grooves resulted, and the tube was thrown away. Here the maker showed undue haste in making the final break. At least two methods were used to make whistles, after the articular ends had been cut off. The single ovoid holes were sawed or rubbed to the desired depth by an abrading stone with a rounded edge, which was moved back and forth across the main shaft axis. Others were incised to approximately the desired shape (often circular or squar- ish) and deepened by cutting with a sharp (obsidian ? ) tool. The rough edges were then smoothed by abrasion. Specimen 1-66786, 8.1 cm. long, appears to have had small flakes chipped out of one edge, in a manner not generally found in natural breaks. Two distal ends of the tibia, specimens 1-72471 and 1-72664, each 5.5 cm. long, also were evenly chipped on all sides. It is thus obvious that the Indian always sought to uti- lize the natural shape of the bone, with a minimum of time-consuming change. This is true not only of the can- non bone but also of ulna tools (with a knifelike blade), scapula implements (with a natural thin blade), and ribs, which often required no modification. One long section (25 cm.) of antler was found, with the base and the brow antler still attached. This has been cut midway along the shaft, all other tines being removed. It and some of the wedges, indicate that a hacking technique was common for pieces with thick diameters; a medium deep groove only was cut, and the remaining connection was then broken by pressure. Less care was needed with antler than with hone, since the spongy interior broke easily and regularly. There is no indication of this antler section having been used as a club or in any other way; apparently only the tips were desired. Eight tips show evidence of burning, and two medial fragments are charred only on each end, as though fire was used to aid in breaking the material. Most tips appear to have been fractured by force, but several were sawed partway through and then broken. A minimum of abrasion seems to have been employed, except on wedges, and there is practically no splitting. Distributions Comparisons within our area, while potentially signifi- cant because of the two ethnic groups represented (Wappo and Patwin), are not possible because the small collec' tions from all sites except Nap-1 are so small. Therefore the whole collection will be considered typical of the Napa region. Certain awl types are characteristic of the Central 297 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS California culture area. Central California differs sharply from the Great Basin and Southwest in the neglect of the scapula for making awls and in the limited number of the varieties of bone utilized. Limited species are represented in California awl collections, and awls made from the mandible, femur, or whole tibia are virtually absent. Bird bone was very little used, again in marked contrast to Southern California. Even the ulna and rib awls are rare, being only a small per cent of the total. The Napa area is quite typical of Central California. Since Sol-236 has the same geheral range of awl types, it may be cited as an extension of the northern distribution. The split cannon-bone awl was the principal tool of the region, and of the rest of Central California as well. It is often the only awl mentioned ethnographically. Nearly half of all the awls found were made of the unmodified split proximal end of the cannon bone. This is the typical occurrence in all other areas of Central California ex- cept possibly the Mosher facies, where, judging from the UCMA and Lillard collections, a greater number of modi- fied cannon-bone awls may represent a holdover from the dominant awl type of the Middle horizon. In this connection it may be significant that the next most common type in the Napa collection is the splinter awl. This frequency, with the unmodified split heads of Alb, indicates that less attention was paid to awls in the Late horizon than in the Middle. The rarity of ulna awls places the Napa region as the antithesis of the Bay mounds, while the number of awls with the head entirely removed agrees most closely with the collections from the Bay re- gion. Other types are represented by too few examples to be considered quantitatively. The scarcity of ulna and distal-ended awls, as well as the greater average length of the specimens, are minor differences which set the Napa area off as distinct, though it shares all types with each surrounding area. It may prove that the closest simi- larity is to be found in the archaeologically unknown Pomo territory, where, as yet, no study of the relationship of awl types to basketry seems to have been made. It may be noted in this connection that the coiled (Weltfish, 1932, p. 115) and rigid-twined (ibid., p. 116) basketry of Lovelock Cave was most closely paralleled by historic Pomo (and therefore probably Wappo) textiles, but the awl types (Loud and Harrington, 1929, pl. 13) are not particularly similar to Napa forms. The scarcity of beamers makes it apparent that, ethno- graphically, tanning was no art in the Central Valley and adjoining coast region; the use of buckskin can be regarded as negligible in the Late horizon culture. Its most constant use was for thongs and straps. It is possible that at the time of white contact certain elements of tailored skin clothing and hide armor were entering from the northeast (Kelley, 1932, p. 106, pl. 20), but the environment and cultural pattern already established would make their ac- ceptance very gradual and this diffusion from the Plains area seems not to have reached the Interior Valley proper. Thus to the Wintu bearskin rugs and all furs were the most prized possessions, whereas buckskin had little value (Kroeber, 1932, p. 356). Farther south the Patwin frequently ignored skins of slain deer, and, if they took them, used them as floor mats without depilation, tanning apparently being absent completely (ibid,, p. 283). The Hill Patwin knew the art of tanning, but their use of buck- skin.le unknown (ibid., p. 289). The Nisenan were influ- enced by their Sierran relatives and did make a true though simple moccasin. However, they used no other article of buckskin clothing, being satisfied with the com- mon deerskin cape (Beals, 1933, p. 345). The Miwok had little use for deer skin either, but did remove the hair from bear skins with a fresh natural tibia (Barrett and Gifford, 1933, p. 248). With one exception, 4 none of the adjoining Central, Southern, or Southwest Pomo record the use of any buckskin clothing; often they specifically deny the use, the capes, women's skirts, and men's aprons being of deer skin with the hair retained. The scapula, stick, rib, and elk horn, however, are recorded as beamers by a few of the groups. Since the Wappo used buckskin for women's skirts and for the simple "moccasin" (merely a footpad, and better termed a sandal) (Driver, 1936, p. 188), they would seem to have been among the most developed tanners in the whole region, and the presence of simple but manufactured beamers might be expected. It is interesting that the lack of ethnographic occurrence of the split cannon-bone beamer parallels its archaeologi- cal absence. Except at Sol-236, a Phase I component, it has been found only in the Middle horizon of both the Coastal and Interior provinces, where its frequent occur- rence with such implements as long bone needles would suggest that the greatest emphasis on leather-working in the Central California lowlands took place during the Middle culture period. The related slotted beamer s also occurs in this earlier horizon, occasionally associated with the split form. As traced by King (MS, map 3, p. 23)6 the longitudinal cannon-bone beamer had an extensive use in the Great Basin, with a scattered occurrence through the Plateau into the distribution outlined by De Laguna (1947, pp. 190,191) for northern and eastern NorthAmerica. This isolated occurrence in the Napa area may thus rep- resent a survival of an earlier cultural feature, even though the split beamer is also a stage in the manufacture of the dominant Napa awl types, and its use as a depilator could have been suggested by the unmodified rib, stick, or other beamers made use of by the surrounding groups. Bunt points are widely distributed among hunting peoples (Collins, 1937, pp. 324, 325; Guernsey and Kidder, 1921, pl. 34, e; M. R. Harrington, 1933, p. 38, fig. 16, a, c,; Hough, 1914, fig. 136, p. 61), but the articular end form has a limited occurrence. It has been reported from the Late horizon of the Interior Valley at Sac-109 and Sac-120, and is an implement used by the Basketmaker and early Basin cultures, having been found in southeast Utah (Pepper, 1902, p. 126, pl. 3), Lovelock Cave (Loud and Harrington, 1929, p.39, pl. 13,j1; p.111, pl.46,a,b), Humboldt Cave (UCMA no. 1-45223), and Oregon (Cressman et al., 1940, p. 40, figs. 8, 9). Hough identifies two such "throwing stick darts" from "ancient Pueblos" of New Mexico (1914, figs. 75, 76, p. 36). The Napa form of serrated scapula (de-spined) extends south to the Phase I site, Sol-236, and is found throughout the Marin province to the west in Phase II levels. In both of these areas the scapula accompanied cremations, as against a single burned specimen from Nap-1. They are not typical of the Interior Valley, being common only at Sol- 1. One example from Yol-52 and a doubtful specimen from Sac-107 are the only other occurrences in the area. The Bay form of serrated scapula, which consistently 4 Gifford and Kroeber, 1937. The Ma'kahmo, closest southeast Pomo neighbors of the Wappo, record buckskin and scapula beamers (p. 137, nos. 272, 268, and p. 176), but no uses as clothing (pp. 127-129); only elk- hide and bearskin are recorded as armor (p. 142, nos. 463 and 464). It should be noted that the Ma'kahmo share no uses of buckskin with the Wappo and that the latter did not use the leather shield. This tibia or cannon-bone beamer retains the whole articular ends but the medial shaft is slotted and the edges are polished in a manner such as would result.from skin working. See Schenck and Dawson, 1929, pl.81,f, p.35. 6 An example from Lovelock Cave is illustrated by Loud and Harring- ton, 1929, pi. 13, t. 298 f 11 ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION iins the spine and coracoid border, accompanies Phase wrials of the Emeryville facies, and is found all around Bay, extending eastward only as far as CCo-250 and ,-138.7 Since they did not occur with any Middle hori- tburials, Beardsley (MS, pp. 172, 189) was hesitant to ribe them to so early a period (at SCl- 1 they accom- led burials intermediate between Middle and Phase I kta). However, they have been found unassociated at it of the exclusively Middle sites along the East Bay, ch at present appears to have been the local center. & single reference is the only evidence of their pres- e in Southern California (Boscana, in J. P. Harrington, 4, p. 29). They occur in reduced numbers in the Pueb- area (Kidder, 1932, p. 246, fig. 206g; Alexander and ter, 1935, p. 36, fig. 7, pl. 10, fig. K; Roberts, 1940, 18f, p. 116) and, as they are not mentioned from south- Oregon (Cressman, 1942) their occurrence in the l (M. R. Harrington, 1933, pp. 29, 137, fig. 12; Hum- Cave, UCMA nos. 1-42991, 1-43623, 1-43877, 1-65816; and Harrington, 1929, p. 40, pl. 13, j) may indicate loan influence. The Napa form appears to be char- lstic, except for examples of the Bay type at Hum- Cave, Nevada (UCMA no. 1-42991), and Deadman's , Utah (Smith, 1941, p. 35, pl. 7, fig. 14; pl. 8, fig. 1). here they occur sporadically. (Maine: Wyman, 1868, * pl. 15, fig. 15. New York: Ritchie, 1944, p. 243, pl. fig. 16 [?]. Alaska: Murdoch, 18 92, pp. 174, 175, fig. e possible bone knives are too fragmentary for any [bution to be given, but an almost identical calcined gent was found at Nap-3. er metatarsal needles are definitely concentrated Alameda-Coastal province, with a few from Interior y sites. They were found throughout Ala-309 (Gifford, .type Alg, p. 169), implying that they occurred in the e horizon, but they are unreported from any Interior *'e site. The only other noted occurrences, of per- d examples, are from Burton mound (J. P. Harring- 925, p. 130, fig. 133; 1928, pl. 21, i, j, p. 134) on the Barbara coast, and the Caribou Eskimo (Birket- , 1929, p. 248). * ulna matting tool (?) is unusual because of its with no significant distribution. The large number clusive occurrence of fiber working tools (C2b) is a feature of the Napa area. It is possibly a reflection great basket-making skill of the Wappo, though the f archaeological material from the Pomo area ham- Any such inference. The closest resemblance is with ttoral Zone, where, however, the ulna awl was domi- The ulna flaker (C2c) likewise is concentrated in the tal Zone appearing first in the McClure facies of the l horizon, with an extension into the Delta at CCo-138 rd, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939, p. 93, pl. 29, o; ley, MS, p. 81.)s It also occurs in Utah (Smith, ipl. 8, fig. 3), the Anasazi (Hodge, 1920, pl. 23, a, b, e; r, 1932, p. 232, fig. 193a; Hough, 1914, fig. 60, p. 34), ends into Texas (Jackson, 1936, pl. 24, figs. a, b, c). tler tip flakers are a universal implement, extending to the Early horizon. ere is considerable variation in the gaming bones in the popular hand game. The plain tubes (Dixon, p. 220) frequently occur with those having constricted rs (Schenck and Dawson, 1929, pl. 78, v, x; Lillard, r, and Fenenga, 1939, pl. 29, a,b.), but these are e CCo-138 specimen lacks the coracoid process and may be the rm or the rare Bay form made of the axillary border. Possibly ement from C-59, illustrated by Schenck and Dawson (1929, pi. is a grass cutter. may also appear in the Ellis Landing facies; if so, it is rare and accompanies burials. The tool is typically a Late type in both areas. usually distinct from the flat, solid types (Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939, pl. 19, 0-q). Both straight and con- stricted variants were common in Phase I, at Sol-236, Ala-309, and especially in components of the Hollister facies. In Phase II they appear to be limited to the Mosher and Miller facies. The incised hair ornaments (?) are rare in California. They are most common in the Interior Middle Horizon. A single Bay example was found in level IX (probably Middle horizon) at Ala-309 (Uhle, 1907, pl. 7, fig. 16, p. 73). The only Late occurrences besides Nap-57 are at Sac-122 and CCo-144 in the Interior province. Somewhat similar orna- ments occur among the Hupa (Mason, 1886, pl. 7, fig. 36) and Hopi (Fewkes, 1926, pl. 8c). Bird-bone beads are a universal feature in California, extending back to the Early horizon. Undecorated bird-bone tubes are rare in the Interior Valley Zone in the Late horizon, while they are quite fre- quent in the Littoral Zone. They are most characteristic of the Middle horizon. The collection of incised bird bone from the Napa area elaborates considerably the previously known distribution of this specific Central Californian trait. No crude begin- nings can yet be discerned, since all elements found were already present at the inception of the art in Phase I of Hollister facies, although the crosshatched diamond is the only element shared by all components. Phase II witnessed a general diffusion of the art, spread- ing from these interior centers into most of the Delta to the east, and northward through the Valley with a second- ary center developing in the Colusa province. A minimal influence entered the Alameda province. A great develop- ment of patterns also occurred. In general the Colusa and north Delta provinces retained the simple diamond and triangle motifs, particularly in the peripheral areas. Ef- forts were directed toward the production of a bewildering variety of patterns, often unique, made up of the gommon geometric elements. In the south Delta region, on the other hand, the art underwent a greater development, producing patterns and even elements which were never used on baskets and which were seemingly more complex. The narrow band became the dominant element rather than the solid figure, used with contrasting unhatched bands in many variations, pri- marily of openwork diamonds and chevrons. Line motifs without hatching reached the zenith of technical skill and beauty. (Schenck and Dawson, 1929, figs. 5, 6, 6 a, 1.) This complex also entered the Central Valley, resulting in a confused picture of lines of diffusion with no clear evi- dence of trade or local manufacture. Added difficulties of inadequate samples from numerous sites and the intentional uniqueness of patterns preclude their use in deriving rela- tionships between components. Undoubtedly trade is strongly responsible for the spread of certain patterns, but local manufacture seems indicated by the occasional concentration of some specific element at one site and the varying skill of workmanship, so notable, for example, between sites Nap- 1 and Nap- 57. The Napa region definitely falls within the simpler northern area. Nine of the twenty-three pieces of incised bone found, with all sites yielding incised bone represented, indicate that the crosshatched diamond (figs. 11, a, b, i, L k) was the characteristic design element. In Phase II it is likewise the dominant motif in the Miller facies (greatest number per site) and Mosher facies, with a minimal occur- rence in the south Delta. It is the most common of three elements used in the Estero facies on the Marin coast, where incised bird bone is rare. Its virtual absence from the mounds bordering the Bay may indicate a transmission 299 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS of the art to the coast via the Napa area. It was also the dominant motif of Phase I. The next most common design element in the Napa collection is the narrow hatched band, with its two vari- ants (figs. 11, 1-n), which frequently appear on the same tube. This design is restricted to the Miller facies, where another variant using four lines in each band was more common, and the northern components of the Mosher facies. It was present in late Phase I or early Phase II at CCo-138. Determination of the distribution of the pattern shown in fig. 11, c is hampered by the fragmentary condition of the specimen. Most likely it conforms to a design pattern like that described for figs. 11, 1-n; if so, it has a similar northern distribution, though more scattered, less fre- quent, and extending farther south. It is also possible that it is a zigzag or even a chevron pattern (Schenck and Dawson, figs. 5, 6), but the southern concentration of these motifs makes this theory improbable. The crosshatched triangle appears on two tubes, as well as on the possible hair ornament. The pattern on the complete tube from Nap-60 (fig. 11,p) is concentrated in the Miller facies (greatest number) and Mosher facies, with a Phase I occurrence in the Hollister facies. The more complicated design (fig. 11, o) from Nap-57 is almost identical with one from the Phase I site of CCo-138, where it is found within the double three-line border. Figure 11, e is unique to Nap-1, and unusual in that the triangles are only hatched. A slight similarity can be de- tected in Schenck's figure 6k, from C-43, in the Delta, but both are probably special variants of triangle patterns limited to the Miller and Mosher facies. The consistent' three-line border was frequent at Sac- 21 and common at CCo-138 in Phase I; but in Phase I it is found only sporadically throughout the area and is rarely used consistently even on single tubes. However, CCo-260 in the interior Alameda province, yields only the three-line border pattern on several fragments of what is probably the single tube from the site; here we find the specific arrangements of figures 11, d and 11, f. The only other occurrence of figure 11, d is in Phase I at Sac-21. Both the crosshatched border and the double three-line border occur separately on tubes from CCo-138. Thus the closest ties of Nap-i mound are with Sac-21 and Phase I, and the bird-bone designs of the Napa region as a whole likewise conform to the patterns of the-Hollis- ter facies. Whether this fact, taken with the location of the intervening Bay site of CCo-260, indicates the direc- tion of the diffusion of this art in Phase II towards our area cannot yet be stated. The character of the art in the Napa area is not like that of the Delta, whose openwork style may have already been present at CCo-138 in Phase I. Rather it retains the simplicity of the north, and the three single sites of Phase II sharing most of the Napa ele- ments are Col-1, Col-2, and Sac-16, all in the Miller facies. These, however, are also among the best exca- vated sites, yielding the most tubes. Local specialties of the northernmost sites leave Sac-16 as the most similar and also the closest geographically to the Napa area sites. The rarity of the triangle in the Napa collection and the clooer correspondence with Hollister facies suggest that the original stimulus came from the south and that the similarity to the northern sites, due largely to the ab- sence of the openwork diamond-chevron motifs, results from the peripheral location of both areas. More ex- amples of the art are needed from Patwin territory be- fore the route of diffusion can be established; it may be significant that the historic boundaries of the Patwin in- cluded, on one side, Nap-57, Nap-59, and Nap-60 and, on the other, Col-2, and closely adjoined the Sacramento River villages of the Miwok. The punctate decoration of figure 11, h suggests diffe ent cultural relationships. Ornamentation of this type is8, most characteristic of Southern California. (Gifford, 14 type L, pp. 173, 215, types Q5-Q8, QQ, pp. 184, 233, 234; Orr, 1947, pp. 124-129. On shell, Gifford, 1947, esp. V 2-5, pp. 33, 95.) Though it occurs on abalone ornaments (Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939, pp. 15, 16) and on magnesite beads in the Interior Valley, bone tuibes deco-j rated in this style are unreported from the area,9 except for one aberrant incised specimen from CCo-138 which. has two bands of incised squares with central dots. Howur ever, bone beads have been found in the Estero facies with both ends encircled by a row of dots similar to thos on the Napa specimen. The use of an identical motif on three magnesite beads from Nap-i, in all probability de rived from the Pomo area, strengthens this western cOD nection, and perhaps indicates a Pomo influence. Loeb (1926, pl. 3, b) pictures Pomo ear tubes of wood decorat with a burned spiral design. Since the third design elem in the Estero facies is the incised spiral, lacking in the interior, a Pomo center is again suggested. The art of incised bird-bone tubes had a simpler ex- pression among the Wintu,'0 and Mountain Maidu (Dixon, 1905, fig. 38a, p. 166), with a developed center among th Chumash along the Santa Barbara coast that may have in fluenced the Buena Vista population (Wedel, 1941, p. 42). In the Basin (Loud and Harrington, fig. 7, a, d, pl. 12, c, d,. i, h, pl. 15, f; M. R. Harrington, 1933, fig. 26; Cressman, 1942, fig. 92,L, 93, i) and Southwest (Kidder, 1932, figs. 218-220, 223, 224; Gladwin et al., 1937, pls. 127, 128; Fewkes, 1926, pp. 31-32, pl. 18; Kidder and Guernsey, 19 pl. 86, f; Nusbaum, 1922, fig. 25) mammal bone was more frequently used than in California, with incised lines, punctate decoration, and carved bone occurring together, used in characteristic patterns having very few correlat with Central California. The small undecorated whistle is a constant feature of the Late horizon everywhere but the Marin province. Th long whistle, with the oval, off center stop, is most typi cal of the Middle horizon of both the Coast and Interior provinces, with occasional examples surviving into the Late period, particularly at Ala-309, and CCo-250. The incised decoration is a Late horizon feature. The Napa area is near the southern limit of intensive use of antler wedges, though they have been found as far south as Buena Vista Lake (Wedel, 1941, p. 42) and the Santa Barbara coast (J. P. Harrington, 1928, pl. 21, lr, m, p. 135). They first appear in the Middle horizon and con-1 tinue to be common in both the Coastal and Interior pro-; vinces into the Late horizon. Bear claws are sporadic, the nearest occurrence bei at Sol-236 and CCo-260 with a large number coming fro: the Mosher facies. They were most typical of the Middle horizon. COILED BASKETRY A fragment of coiled basketry recovered from a cave 6 mi. north of Monticello measures 7 by 6 cm. The follo ing analysis was kindly prepared by M. A; Baumhoff. It has a three-rod triangular foundation and interlock stitches. The foundation rods are small sticks 2 mm.in 9 Gaming bones of the Middle horizon also had punctate decoration. Se& Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939, pl. 20, f, g. 10 Mason, 1886, pi. 12, fig. 49. As the piece illustrated (p. 214) is part of the Wilkes collection, it is probably Wintu rather than Hupa, consider-. ing the Central Californian center of incised tubes. I i j I el I 1, I I 300 ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION diameter and the stitches-the thread is grass-are about 1.5 cm. wide. It is a tightly made piece with 8 coils and 70 stitches per 10 cm. It may be part of a bowl-shaped basket. This type of basketry was known to the Pomo (Barrett, 1908b, fig. 3, pl. 19). Morris and Burgh (1941, fig. 3d) illustrate the technique. SHELL Shell beads or ornaments were recorded from ten sites in the Napa region besides Nap-1. All ten of the sites con- |tained clamshell-disk beads, the characteristic time mar- [ker for the Late horizon. Olivella beads are reported for only four of the ten sites, as shown in table 18. Haliotis ornaments were recovered from sites Nap-15, p-39, Nap-57, and Nap-59. A summary of our informa- n concerning the types follows. Site Nap-15.-In 1941, Mr. D. T. Davis of Napa re- overed ten pendants of Haliotis from Nap-15. Five of ese are illustrated in figure 12, r-v; the other two were the same type as figure 12, t but varied in size, mea- ing 4 by 2.5 cm. and 5 by 3.5 cm. Two additional pen- ts are too fragmentary for identification. Nap-15 is the historic Suscol site which has yielded an 50 dime and glass beads, as well as other Caucasian terial. The Haliotis pendants from this site may there- fore be considered representative of the latest types made in the Napa Valley, dating from the nineteenth century. Site Nap-39.-Four small Haliotis pendants were found at Nap-39 (fig. 12, m-_). They are nondiagnostic types, with the possible exception of figure 12, n which approaches the form characteristic of the latest period (Gifford's 02a). Site Nap-57.-The Davis collection contains a number of Haliotis specimens from Nap-57 (fig. 13, a-n). The di- agnostic types are late in time in the Sacramento Valley (Lillard, Heizer, and Fenenga, 1939), and it may be assumed that this collection represents forms of the late precontact period. Additional Haliotis specimens from this site, not illustrated, include the following: 2 addi- tional specimens of the type shown in figure 13, e, one of which has only one perforation instead of two; and rim ornaments, similar to figure 13, d, one incised on both sides for about one-third of the length, one incised on one side for a third of the length, and a third incised on one side for its whole length. Site Nap- 59.- There are four Haliotis pendants from Nap-59 (fig. 13,R-s). The type in figure 20,p, is known ethnographically for the Pomo (Gifford, 1947, p. 20), and the type illustrated as figure 13, s, was recovered from a very late burial associated with glass beads in Marin County (ibid., p. 30). Site Nap-59 has also yielded numer- ous glass bead types, so these pendants may reasonably be assigned a nineteenth-century date. TABLE 18 Distribution of Shell Beads: Napa Region (excluding Nap-1) Type N . Occurrence Nap-14 0Nap-15TNap-18 |Nap-22 Nap-39 j Nap-57 Nap-59 Nap-63 Nap-65 Nap-70 vella [ 3 ................. ... ... x x........ 5............. . . . . x x x x.... 7 ............. .. .. .... x x ... .. .. .. mshell disks I9.x x x x x x x ... x x garetiferaa .. ... ... ... ... ... x ... ... ... Spoon or ornament. A., i z I . I , 301 DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD Archaeological information concerning the disposal of the dead in the Napa area is both scanty and scattered. Much more field work both at Goddard site (Nap-i) and elsewhere is needed to clarify the picture. D. T. Davis reports twenty-five cremations associated with mortars at site Nap-57. The depth at which they were found varied from 2 to 3.5 ft. Twenty-three were under inverted mortars; the other two were placed in the grinding cavities of mortars. Also associated with these cremations were Saxidomus shell disk beads, but there were no objects of historic origin. There was no large quantity of wood ash, evidence that the actual cremation took place elsewhere. The cremations were strikingly similar to the late prehistoric cremations of Nap-1 and may be assigned to the same culture period. Burials are known from six sites in the Napa area be- sides Nap-1. Historic burials are reported from Nap- 5, the old Yount farm, and Nap- 15, the historic Patwin village of Suscol. There were prehistoric burials at Nap-16. Two burials reported from Nap-70 were associated with Saxi- domus shell disk beads. No further information is available concerning any of these, but it is to be assumed that the burial position was flexed, as is usual in Central California. According to an article which appeared in the Napa Register of December 20, 1882, reproduced in full supra (Archaeological Site Survey), burials and cremations were discovered at Nap-69 on the State Asylum grounds. The burials were flexed and lying on their sides, at a depth of 3 to 4 ft., while the cremations were about 6 ft. below the surface. The author of the article speaks of "beads united by the action of fire" accompanying the cre- mations. Since the aboriginal shell and stone beads do not fuse when they are heated, the beads in question were most probably glass beads. The burials are said to have been wrapped in bark. Bark is not preserved for long in the moist Napa Valley soil. Stratigraphic position, more- over, indicates that the burials were more recent than the cremations. Therefore it seems highly probable that both the burials and the cremations were of historic origin. Nap-14 site produced two burials. No artifacts were associated with either of them. Burial 2 was tightly flexed and was placed on the back (pl. 41,g). It was oriented west and lay in a pit in the subsoil at a depth of 35 in. from the mound surface. The pit was filled with mound soil, indi- cating that the body was deposited after the mound had been at least partially built up. Burial 3 was an infant, found resting on top of subsoil at a depth of 25 in. The item entered, for convenience, as burial 1 in the burial information table, was actually a partial cremation. It lay at a depth of 18 in. The cremation had taken place in situ and a few of the bones were still in articulation. An Olivella bead and an obsidian point were associated with it. Whether this cremation is an isolated instance or rep- resents a standard procedure is a moot point. It can only be settled by more field work. Two burials were found at Nap-39 (pl. 41, c, d). Both had been disturbed, one at least quite recently to judge from the wire nail found two inches above the skull. This type of nail did not come into use until the twentieth century. With burial 1 were an obsidian blade fragment and a Haliotis ornament placed in the mouth. Burial 2 had no associated artifacts. The burials were at depths of 19 and 40 in., respectively. The material so far known is entirely too meager to draw any very satisfactory conclusions concerning the temporal or areal relationships of the various methods of I disposal of the dead in the Napa area as a whole. Owing to a lack of distinctive artifacts it is impossible to date the Nap-39 and Nap- 14 burials. However, on the basis of their location it may be suggested that they are graves of recent Patwin. This supposition is supported by a single Haliotis pendant (fig. 12, h) which is of the same type as specimens found in Nap-15, a nineteenth-century site. THE CULTURAL CONTEXT The archaeological findings in the Napa area are to be understood only in terms of their temporal and areal con- text in relation to the rest of C entral C alifornia. The follow- ing summary of the distribution of methods of disposal of the dead in surrounding regions is included for this reaso Ethnographic information indicates that in recent times ~ the Wappo, within whose territory most of our Napa area lies, cremated the dead. The cremation took place about a mile from the village. A hole about two feet deep was dug. Wood was then heaped up several feet high, and the body was laid on top. The body was poled around to make it burn evenly. The dead person's possessions and other offerings were also burned. The burned remnants were theiF buried in the hole beneath the fire. (Driver, 1936, p. 200.) In recent times the Pomo, to the north and west of the' Wappo, likewise cremated, as did the Coast Miwok to the southwest (Kroeber, 1925, pp. 253, 842), and the Patwin of Bartlett and Long valleys (Kroeber, 1932, p. 291). The cus tom of the Lake Miwok to the northeast is unknown, but they probably cremated, since in most other respects they resembled the Pomo (Kroeber, 1925, p. 275). All the Patw outside of Bartlett and Long valleys buried their dead in recent times (Kroeber, 1932, p. 290). Patwin territory bor dered Wappo territory on the south and southeast. Extensive archaeological work has been done in threv areas in Central California. These are the Sacramento Valley and Delta, the Marin County coast, and the San Francisco Bay shore, areas which surround the Napa region on three sides. The fourth side is bounded by Lake County. Since little work has been done there, only a smattering of information is available. Three culture horizons are known from the Sacramento Valley region. The Early horizon has so far been found only in the great bend of the Mokelumne River and on the lower Cosumnes River. There the characteristic burial position is ventral, extended, and oriented west. There was little deviation from this practice. Artifacts accompanied 87 per' cent of the burials. Cremation was not practiced. The Interior Province of the Middle horizon embraced the region of the Interior Valley between Knights Landing and Stockton. Burials were usually tightly flexed and lyin on the back, the side, or occasionally the face. A few de- viants were loosely flexed, semi-extended, or extended. Orientation varied from site to site, but it was generally between south and west. Forty-one per cent of the burials had artifacts associated with them. Cremation appeared in the Valley during this period, but was uncommon. Almost all cremations were accompanied by artifacts. The Late culture horizon of the Interior Valley is di- vided in area into two provinces, and in time into three phases. Cosumnes Province comprises mainly the Delta region, while Colusa Province takes in the Sacramento Valley to the north. Chronologically, Phase I lasted from the beginning of the horizon until the appearance of the [302] I I I I ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION TABLE 19 Disposal of the Dead: Napa Region S (TF, tightly flexed) Burial no. Depth Position or Orientation Associated objects (in.) condition Site Nap- 14 1 ............... 18 Partial cremation ... Obsidian point; olivella bead [ 2 ................. 35 TF on back West 3 .............. . . 25...... eNap-39 1 ............... 19 Disturbed ... Haliotis ornament; obsidian blade fragment 1 2 ................. 40 Disturbed ... amshell-disk bead complex. Phase II extended from this me to the beginning of the historic period. Phase III was e historic period. The clamshell- disk bead complex is defined by Beardsley possessing the following traits: Saxidomus disk beads, gnesite tubes, steatite tubular and disk beads, Tivela bular beads, and a specific type of Olivella bead. Wherever py one of these occurs, the others are also likely to be found. Many traits of the Middle horizon continued into the Late 0riod. Both phases were characterized in Cosumnes Pro- ace by tightly flexed burials, lying on the face, the side, the back. Orientation was westerly in more than half the als. Red ochre occurred with burials, and associated tarian objects were often "killed." Unworked beaver pth and mandibles were also associations, as well as arti- 3ts, which accompanied a large percentage of the burials. Pe burning of property in the grave pit before interment beared in the Late horizon, as did the practice of bury- whole Haliotis shells with the dead. Cremation was e frequent in the Late than in the Middle horizon. Com- e cremation appeared for the first time in the Late Lod. Artifacts were associated with almost all crema- The clamshell-disk bead complex differentiated e II burials and cremations from those of Phase I. uring Phase I, burials in Colusa Province were dor- extended or semi-extended. In Phase U, fully flexed al was diffused into the area along with the burning of rty in the grave pit before interment and the clam- 1-disk bead complex. The practice of complete cre- on never reached Colusa Province. e Middle and Late culture horizons have been identi- on the Marin County coast. The burial position in both ed from tightly flexed to semiflexed. The body was d on the side or the back, or else the torso was ed dorsally or ventrally, with the legs flexed to the Seventy per cent of the burials were loosely flexed. 60 per cent were oriented within 30 degrees of west. acts were associated with 50 to 75 per cent. remation did not appear on the coast until the Late horizon. preinterment grave-pit burnings and two in situ cre- ons are recorded, but the standard procedure was to the body elsewhere. Artifacts, which frequently included rs, were associated with almost all the cremations. o facies of the Late horizon are distinguished. One se (Phase U), characterized by the clamshell-disk complex, was in operation from 1595 until the Ameri- riod (1850). The other (Phase I) lacked the disk-bead ex. Little is known of its temporal position except t antedates Phase II. Objects of historic origin have en found with burials of this phase. ddle and Late horizons are known from the San Fran- Bay shore. The Middle culture horizon resembled 5of the Marin coast in its burial customs. In the Late horizon, flexed burial, semi-extended burial, preinter- ment grave-pit burning, and cremation all occurred. Phase II of the Late culture did not develop on the Bay coast. This makes it seem probable that the clamshell-disk bead complex was not present in the Interior Valleybefore 1700 at the very earliest. It is difficult to see why, if the complex was there, it did not diffuse to the Bay before the Spaniards brought an end to aboriginal culture in that area. If the date of 1700 is correct, there remains an unexplained time gap between it and the date of 1595 for the coast. 11 Very little archaeological field work has been done in the Lake County area. Two cremations were found in a Long Valley site. Directly beneath these were four tightly flexed burials. Saxidomus shell disk beads were associated with both the cremations and the burials. Three similar flexed burials associated with Saxidomus shell disk beads are noted for a site in Bachelor Valley. In addition, a historic cremation and a prehistoric burial are reported from Clear Lake, as well as a historic burial from Upper Lake. 12 Even on the basis of this evidence we may conclude, as does M. R. Harrington from work at two sites at Clear Lake (1943), that the practice of cremation by the historic Pomo was a custom of recent innovation. The methods of disposal of the dead in the Napa region are the same as those used in the rest of Central Cali- fornia. Their exact sequence and their temporal relation- ships to the rest of Central California are not always en- tirely clear, but several facts have come to light. Crema- tion appeared in the Napa area in Phase U, and continued into the historic period. Flexed burial was practiced dur- ing both Phase II and Phase III, but whether it coexisted with cremation or not is unknown. Burial may have been replaced by cremation during Phase U, and then been re- vived in Phase III under Caucasian influence. No clearly Phase I burials have yet been unearthed in the Napa region. The burials from Nap-1 (Goddard) have tentatively been assigned to the Middle culture horizon on the basis of the bead types associated with them. The burials from sites Nap-39 (Tulukai) and Nap-14 (Las Tran- cas) did not contain artifacts by means of which they might be classified. In Nap-1 there was a definite stratigraphic gap between the burials and the cremations. It might be filled by more specimens of the burial and cremation types already found, but it seems more probable that this gap represents some change in burial custom. What this change may have been can be discovered only by more excavation. 11 The preceding archaeological discussion is summarized from Beards- ley, MS. For a discussion of the direct historical approach to Central California archaeology see Heizer, 1941, and Beardsley, MS. 12 Field work by the Department of Anthropology of Sacramento Junior College. 303 WAPPO ANTHROPOMETRIC COMPARISONS Following Kroeber's suggestions that the Wappo looked more like their neighbors than their northern linguistic affinals, we might examine their relationships (if any) with the Pomo, who were their western and northern neigh- bors. Since the Pomo exerted such a cultural influence upon the Wappo, it is conceivable (though of course not necessarily true) that the Pomo and Wappo were of the same physical type. Table 20 summarizes the work of Boas on the living Pomo (1905). Since the Pomo cremated, there is no skeletal material to represent them. The time differential between the Wappo skeletons and the living Pomo must not be forgotten, since this fact may be crucial to the comparison. Point for point the comparison is not at all exact, though the Wappo appear, at least in statistical terms, to be closer to the Pomo than to the Yuki. The cranial-cephalic indices are still not close enough to be significant; the Wappo cranial index mean of 74 compares not too favorably with the Pomo cephalic index mean of 81. Though the head lengths are close, the breadths swing wide of an agreement. The total face height in the Wappo (117 mm.) is close to that of the Pomo (115 mm.) If we consider the probability of loss of teeth in many of the Pomo-which would lower the total face height-the bizygomatic breadth of the Wappo (a measurement which must be accepted with reservation since only one specimen could be measured) agrees with the Pomo face breadth. We might say that, apart from the discrepancy in the head breadth and the con- sequent indicial change, there is a certain similarity in the measurements of Wappo and Pomo. Since the Patwin, who were neithbors of the Wappo 4 the south and east, influenced them culturally, let us e amine Gifford's data on the living Patwin. These are summarized in table 21. The only difference between Pomo and the Patwin is in face height, which may be accounted for by teeth loss. At any rate, the Patwin ar; apparently closer to the Wappo than to the Pomo, judgi from the facial index alone. As has been pointed out, one of the difficulties with comparisons between living Pomo, Yuki, or Patwin and the extinct Wappo is the obvious time differentialt Not standing, there is still a similarity between Wappo and Pomo or Patwin. Presumably at approximately the sa4 time that site Nap- 1 was occupied, the Indians of the C tral Valley were living along the banks of the Sacramen River and its tributaries. Russel W. Newman has kindly put at the writer's dig posal the results of his research on the Late Sacramen Valley Indians (Newman, MS) and his data are present in table 22. Newman's figures are obtained from ex tion of a large series, hence the comparisons are mor likely to be significant. The time factor is equivalent the measurements and indices derived are extensive. I immediately apparent, however, that there is not any t great similarity to the Wappo. The measurements of di' ameters of the vaults come no closer than 4 mm., nor.1 the facial measurements much closer. A larger Wappo series might afford a more exact comparison but, as it we are obliged to conclude that, though the two populati TABLE 20 Anthropometry of the Living Pomo Males (8) Females (10) Measurementl Range | Mean S. D. Range Mean S. D. Glab.-occipital length ......... 182-200 190 5.099 174-190 182 5.147 Max. breadth .145-167 154 7.288 137-161 147 6.156 Cranial index .73.0-87.2 81.1 3.949 76.3-86.5 80.8 3.878 Max. bizygomatic breadth 140-155 149 4.782 133-147 138 4.136 Total face height .100-126 113 8.283 98-121 102 6.101 Facial index .66.2-90.0 76.4 6.611 68.5-87.6 79.2 3.351 Stature .1579-1800 1658 6.449 1447-1647 1554 5.453 Source: Franz Boas, Anthropometry of Central California, 1905. TABLE 21 Anthropometry of the Living Male Hill Patwin Measurement Range Mean S. D. Glab.-occipital length ...... ........ 184-197 190 4.665 Max. breadth ....... .............. 143-164 154 5.607 Cranial index ..................... 74.5-85.4 81.1 3.309 Max. bizygomatic breadth .... ..... 142-152 147 3.937 Total face height ...... ............ 112-131 123 5.811 Facial index ........ .............. 75.2-89.1 84.1 4.084 Stature ........................... 1588-1702 1643 5.029 Source: E. W. Gifford, Californian Anthropometry, 1926. [304] I ?i? I I I ?A I I i A A i I ?l .1 Al .1 .1 ,i I ?a A i I 11 )4 I o? I I o .fi '.6 I i 4 A A I 'A I ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION TABLE 22 Selected Cranial Measurements and Indices: Sacramento Valley, Late Seriesa Measurement ~No. of Measurement :|skeletons Range Mean S. E. S. D. S. E. V. S. Glab-occipital length .... 42 170-194 181.60 0.88 5.64 0.62 3.11 0.34 Max. breadth ........... 40 136-160 146.25 0.78 4.88 0.55 3.34 0.37 Basion-Bregma height ... 40 135-154 143.48 0.65 4.09 0.46 2.84 0.37 Auricular height ........ 38 117-135 125.16 0.69 4.22 0.49 3.37 0.39 Min. frontal diameter ... 41 89-108 98.39 0.67 4.21 0.47 4.28 0.47 Max. bizygomatic diam. 34 133-153 143.32 0.75 4.32 0.53 3.01 0.38 Gnathion-nasion height 34 110-136 123.14 1.28 7.35 0.90 5.97 0.72 Prosthion-nasion height. . 38 66-85 75.18 0.79 4.81 0.56 6.40 0.73 Nasal height . ...... 38 47-59 52.10 0.31 2.91 0.34 5.58 0.64 Nasal breadth . ...... 38 21-30 25.29 0.98 1.91 0.22 7.55 0.87 Bigonial breadth ........ 38 93-121 105.13 0.44 5.96 0.69 5.67 0.65 Nasion-prosthion angle . . 38 77-90 84.63 0.48 2.66 0.31 3.14 0.36 Cranial index . ...... 40 794-873 80.68 0.43 3.01 0.34 3.73 0.42 ight-length index 40 70.0-84.2 78.85 0.53 2.71 0.31 3.44 0.38 eight-breadth index .... 39 89.5-105.9 98.14 0.97 3.27 0.37 3.33 0.38 Facial index 31 77.1-96.2 86.39 0.58 5.32 0.69 6.17 0.78 athic index ........... 38 91.9-107.7 99.32 0.72 3.50 0.41 3.53 0.40 asal index ............ 38 40.0-58 48.87 0.86 4.37 0.51 8.94 1.02 eft orbital index ....... 38 82.5-108.3 90.68 1.15 5.26 0.61 5.80 0.67 andibular index ....... 35 72.9-100.8 85.46 0.61 6.72 0.81 7.86 0.94 ranial module ......... 39 147.6-167.7 157.1 14.05 3.75 0.43 2.38 0.27 ranial capacity ........ 39 1405-1847 1576.50 0.68 86.70 9.94 5.50 0.62 ture . ......... 39 158.2-174.8 167.86 ... 4.20 0.48 2.52 0.29 lNewman, MS. have a common phylogenetic background, there is no iediate relationship. fford (1926, p. 224) writes of two large groups of ifornia physical types: the low-faced Yuki type and high-faced type. Our previous data lead us to conclude e Wappo do not belong to the first category. If Lfed as the last type, to which of the two subgroups 1ifornian (broad-headed) or Western Mono (narrow- d and narrow-nosed) do the Wappo belong? In nose at least, the Wappo would fall outside the Mono . Gifford further divides the Californian type into subtypes: (1) the narrow-nosed type of extreme rn California and extreme southern California; (2) type of southeastern California; and (3) the broad- type of central California. Geographically as well hropometrically the Wappo fall outside the first two O. By a process of elimination, and by comparison res obtained for the Pomo and the Patwin, we must place the Wappo as belonging to Gifford's broad-nosed Californian type. Of the Pomo, he remarks (1926, p. 227): "Between the Yuki type and the Broad-nosed subtype of the Californian type lie the Northern Pomo, who appear to be a mixture of these two." We might then with some safety conclude with Kroeber (1925, p. 159) that the Wappo resembled their neighbors and that as "a consequence of gradual intermarriage and shifting of populations from the former seats" they took on characters common to the broad-nosed Californian type; or they may possibly have once been of this basic type and then developed their own subtype because of their isolated position. In conclusion, it must be repeated that a larger series of Wappo skeletal material might well place the Wappo more firmly in their Californian niche. Until skeletal material is found, these four skeletons from Nap-1 must represent the once thriving aboriginal population of Napa Valley. 305 CONCLUSIONS The prehistory of the Napa Region has been found to be intimately related to the known culture succession of the lower Sacramento Valley region to the east. Middle and Late Horizon culture is represented in the Napa area, but to date the distinctive Early horizon culture (Heizer, 1949) has not come to light in Napa Valley. An inadequately studied pre-Middle culture phase, exemplified by sites Nap- 129 and Nap- 131 (Apps. III, IV) is known to occur, but whether this is contemporary with the Sacramento Valley pre-Middle (i. e., Early horizon) culture is not known. It may prove to be the case that the north Coast Ranges and lower Sacramento Valley regions were occupied, before Middle horizon times, by populations differing rather markedly in cultural equipment. The Borax Lake site (Harrington, 1948) is considered by Meighan (App. III) to show strong similarities with the Nap-129 and Nap- 131 complex. The general uniformity of the Napa Valley and Great Interior Valley culture on the Late and Middle hori- zon time levels cannot, at any rate, be projected back into earlier periods. Details of the culture phase represented at the numer- ous sites thus far recorded are scanty. Many sites are temporary camping spots or obsidian-flaking stations. Others are extensive and have thick midden accumulations. Some of the latter (e.g., Nap-1, Nap-32) are stratified and have clear evidence of initial Middle horizon occupancy overlain by Late horizon deposits which, in Nap-i, termi- nate in the full historic period of aDout 161b0. The antiquity of the earlier (i.e., Middle horizon) levels in sites Nap-1 and Nap-32 may be 2,000 years or even more. A radiocarbon date for site Ala-328, received from W. F. Libby (Institute of Nuclear Studies, University of Chicago) in May, 1953 gave a figure of 2,339 ? 150 years. The culture level to which this date refers is Middle hori- zon, and we believe the dates for the lower levels of sites Nap-i and Nap-32 cannot be very far from that of site Ala-328. A maximum possible antiquity for the Middle horizon occupation of Nap-1 and Nap-32 is about 4,000 years, judging from the radiocarbon age date for a late phase of an Early horizon site (SJo-68). The data reported in Parts I and I of this report are too extensive to summarize. It is important to note, how- l INS sample No. 690. Charcoal from deepest midden level. Two runs: 2588 + 200, 2090 + 220, average 2339 + 150 years. ever, that the Napa Region appears to be a reasonably cohesive culture unit which may be set apart by the pres ence of certain distinctive culture traits such as extensL, use of obsidian, painted sandstone tablets, sandstone bead-polishing slabs, type 12 flaked points with "scal- loped" border, flaked drills, abundance of ulna flaking tools and scapula "saws," stone with grooves (App. IV, piq l,f) The obvious problem in the archaeology of the Napa region, which was occupied in the historic period by thi Yukian-speaking Wappo, is to try to throw some light on} the matter of the history of the Yuki proper whom Kroet (1925, p. 159) believes to be the strongest contenders a autochthonous Californians. (See also Gifford, 1928, p. 115). The Wappo, though Yukian-speaking,2 are not of Us1 distinctive physical type of the Yuki proper, but are of "Californian" physical type (Kroeber, 1925, p. 159; Fos ter, 1944, p. 155). The Middle horizon population of Nap-1 (as well as of Nap-32) is also Californian and not Yukian in somatic type, so we can say only that there is no evidence that the Yukian physical type ever was pre ent in the Napa region. Language and culture have their particular and unique combination in the Yuki proper-t4 language must have diffused to neighboring peoples of different physical type. Klimek (1935, pp. 67-68) discus, ses this problem in his statistical analysis of California Indian culture, and entertains the idea tnat "prior to thee Penuti expansion a direct connection existed between tho Wappo and the main body of the Yuki." If this was so in ancient times, it must have been before 2,000 or 3,000 years ago, for no evidence of the Yuki-Wappo somatic identity implied by Klimek has been discovered by site excavation. Further discussion of this matter will be found in Treganza, Smith, and Weymouth (1950, pp. 119.i 120). In briefest terms, the results of this report are the demonstration of a culture sequence for a hitherto un- known archaeological area in the north Coast Ranges, though the data recovered throw no new light on the im- portant problem of Yuki-Wappo origins. 2 Radin (1919) suggests that Yuki is related to Penutian. Sapir (1925). gives Yukian independent rank within the Hokan-Siouan superfamily. Kroeber (1925) considers Yuki entirely independent and unrelated to any other language family. [306] I i A I ,'i j 'i m I APPENDIXES APPENDIX I OBJECTS OF CAUCASIAN MANUFACTURE BY R. F. HEIZER Historic objects of metal or glass which can be indubi- tably associated with native artifacts in aboriginal sites are important because they allow specific time attribu- tions to deposit levels and permit identification of abori- ginal artifact types used during the latest prehistoric period. Types of glass beads recovered from our area are illustrated in figure 2. Nap-1 was undoubtedly occupied in the postcontact period, as evidenced by scattered pieces of broken glass and square nails in the upper eighteen inches of the de- posit, and by two cremations (nos. 1 and 4) which con- tained objects made by Caucasians. Cremation 1 contained the head end of an iron carriage bolt. Its presence is possibly due to the use, as crema- tion fuel, of a piece of wood in which the bolt head was imbedded. Yount's establishment (Kaimus village), about a mile downstream, was near enough to be the source, and it is even possible that the cremation took place there, the remains then being reburied in Nap-1. Cremation 4, which lay in a large deep pit dug from the present surface level or from a point just below it, contained a number of objects of historic origin. Five round bone buttons for trousers or shirt, recognizable as the type used in the midnineteenth century, and seventy- five small glass beads (types 17,b and 18,b), accompanied the cremation. In the bottom of the pit (50 in. deep) lay a much broken cast-iron Dutch oven with lug handles and long tripod legs (fig. 1). There was also a bent strip of thin sheet iron 1.5 cm. wide and originally about 50 cm. long. The Dutch oven is certainly from the American period (post 1848), and the cremation therefore may be supposed to date from ca. 1850. I a c I N O NES Fig. 1. Cast-iron Dutch oven from cremation at site Nap-1. 1-38978. The upper twelve to eighteen inches of mound deposit at Nap-1 contained scattered items from the postcontact period. Among these are square iron nails, bits of blue- glazed porcelain, white crockery, bits of bottle glass (deep olive green and clear), a pocket knife, and miscel- laneous fragments of metal. Not all of these can be as- cribed to historic native occupation, but some of them un- doubtedly can be. At a depth of thirteen inches a small hand-blown glass bottle'was found, bearing on one side a cast legend: "Dr. D. Jayne's Hair Tonic," and on the other, "Philada." It appears to be rather old and may date from the decade 1840 to 1850. Glass and metal objects of the early historic period found in the upper deposit layers of Nap- 1 and in crema- tions intruded from these levels lead us to conclude that site Nap-1 was occupied from 1830 to 1850. HISTORIC MATERIALS: OTHER NAPA SITES Several lots of glass beads were found on the surface of site Nap-5, together with clamsheli-disK oeads. Nine types of these glass beads are recognized. It is also known that there are inhumations at this village site, which is on the grounds of the State Game Farm. The base of a footed jar of Chinese origin, made of a utility glazed ware, was picked up on the surface of site Nap-32. Its perimeter is chipped in a regular fashion. The chipping may have been done aimlessly or purposelessly by some Caucasian, but this seems unlikely. If done pur- poselessly, it represents Indian modification of an object introduced by Caucasians and suggests probable occupation of site Nap-32 in the historic period. No glass beads are reported from this site. From site Nap-15 near old Suscol Inn D. T. Davis of Napa recovered a number of postcontact burials. Most of these were accompanied by glass beads, buttons, knives, scissors, and other Caucasian-made objects. A represen- tative sample of the glass beads was obtained from a local farm laborer who had dug the site in his spare time; the beads are of seven types. From site Nap-59 at Putah Creek Crossing came eight- een types of glass beads found in burials and associated with clamshell-disk beads and cupped Olivella shell beads. An 1850 dime was also found at this site. The stone cairn on the trail from Wooden Valley to Napa Valley (site Nap-65) was examined by D. T. Davis, who recovered, among other items, examples of thirteen types of glass beads and a number of clamshell-disk beads. None of the glass beads can be attributed exclusively to the Spanish-Mexican period, which might extend here from 1800 to 1848, though the Wappo of Napa Valley were cer- tainly known to the missionaries and to early settlers like Vallejo from whom they might have obtained such items. We may suspect that some of the beads do date back to the early historic period, but most of the types belong pretty definitely to the American period, 1848 or later. The small IBottles of this sort, originally containing patent medicine, have been re- covered from sites Col- 1 and Hum-169 in association with native materials. [309] I I ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS TABLE A Occurrence of Glass Beads: Napa ReFion Type Nap-i Nap-5 OccueNce Nap-65 |pColor la . . . ... ... x x Opaque white lb.. ... ... ... x Clear red exterior, opaque yellow interior lc ..... ... x ... ... ... Clear red exterior, opaque white interior ld ..... ... ... ... x ... Clear green 2a . . ... ... x ... Opaque white porcelain 2b. .- ... ... x ... Opaque blue porcelain 3a . . ... ... ... Opaque yellow exterior, clear red interior 3b . . ... ... x ... Clear light blue 4. . ... ... x ... Clear blue 5a . .... ... .. x Clear blue 5b. .... ... ... x Clear green 6. . ... x ... ... Amber 7. .... ... ... x Clear red exterior, opaque white interior 8. . ... ... x ... Opaque white porcelain 9a . . . ... ... x x Clear blue 9b . . ... ... ... x Clear green 10 . . ... ... x x Dull red exterior, clear light green interior 11 . . ... ... x ... Opaque blue-green 12 . . ... x ... ... Opaque white porcelain 13 . x x ... .. Opaque white porcelain 14a . . ... ... ... Clear pinkish red exterior, opaque white porcelain interior 14b .... ... x x x x Like 14a except smaller 15a. .x ... x ... Clear blue 15b . .... ... ... x Opaque apple-green 15c . .x ... ... x Opaque white 15d . . ... ... x ... Black 16 . . ... x ... ... Opaque white glaze exterior, opaque porcelain interior 17a . . x ... x x Opaque red glaze exterior, clear light green interior 17b .... x x ... x x Like 17a (except smaller) 18a . . x x x ... White porcelain 18b x x x x x Like 18a (except smaller) ?I2 Ia rr 32LI lb : c =I I c 7 (ED 8 ED 9a-b 9r - t D 16 10 gn 5o-b 36 (JD 12 0 13 ;3l I 17a-b (ID 18a*b I inc.h Fig. 2. Types of glass beads from the Napa region: r, red; w, white; y, yellow; gr, green. Nat. size. a 3a ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~1 *''1 @ Z D Id {D 15 O-d 3b 4 2a-b 2, I p i 310 r ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION number, five only, of provable historic sites in an exten- sive and heavily populated area must simply mean that our survey is deficient, and that there are many more sites which, when excavated, will yield similar objects. Some idea of the cultural change produced by American contact may be gained from these data. The stone cairns ere used even after the whites came to Napa Valley, and us we have evidence of the persistence of native reli- ous belief. Since cremation was the late prehistoric de of disposal of the dead, the two Nap- 1 cremations sociated with glass beads are therefore earlier than the storic burials from sites Nap-5, Nap-15, and Nap-59, r the Americans throughout California banned crema- on by Indians and insisted that they bury their dead. This wt is not only documented by early accounts, but has n verified by archaeological investigation throughout ntral California. D. T. Davis found, near Rutherford on the Silverado rail (the highway which runs up the east side of Napa alley) and not far from sites Nap-1 and Nap- 5, a black oria three-legged chili grinding bowl (fig. 3) of un- ubted Mexican origin. The piece is certainly not of local Indian manufacture, but the occurrence is worth recording in view of the numerous finds throughout Central and Southern California of grinding bowls and three-legged metates imported by Mexicans. Since racial discrimina- ltion often throws Mexicans and California Indians together, these objects of Mexican derivation are often found in or upon Indian village sites. 2 Inches Fig. 3. Molcajete of Mexican origin from the Davis Collection. 311 APPENDIX II JOURNALISTIC ACCOUNTS OF THE INDIANS OF THE NAPA REGION The San Francisco Weekly Bulletin, May 12, 1860, re- prints from the Napa Reporter the following description of the Indian tribes who originally inhabited Napa Valley: 1 The Indian of Napa Valley. -Twenty-five years ago there was not a white resident in the valley. The only inhabitants were Indians, of whom there were 6 tribes. The Myacomas (pronounced Mi-a-comas) dwelt in the vicinity of the Hot Springs, in the upper end of the val- ley; the Callajomanus (Cal-ya-ho-ma-nus) had their home on the land now known as the Bale ranch; the Cay- mus (Ki-moos) tribe occupied the tracts now owned by G. C. Yount; the Napa Indians inhabited the Salvador Vallejo ranch of Entre-Napa-that is, the place between Napa river and Napa creek; the Ulucas (Oo-loo-cas) lived on the east of the river in the vicinity of the pres- ent town site; and the former domain of the Suscol In- dians afterwards known as the Suscol Ranch, became the property of M. G. Vallejo. These tribes spoke dif- ferent dialects, and were almost constantly at war with each other. Their rancherias were numerous through- out the length of the valley, being built on the banks of streams, or near springs. Their food consisted mainly of acorns, horse chestnuts, grasshoppers, fish, clover, and amole or soap root. It is not known how many of these Indians there were, no census having been taken, or careful estimate made at the time by anybody. Mr. Yount thinks that their number was not less than 3000, and probably twice as many. It would have been an easy matter to collect a thousand warriors in those times. Not more than 100 or 200 remain; all the rest of them have been swept away. PRIEST TELLS ORIGIN OF NAPA COUNTY INDIAN NAMES Father McKeon of Calistoga Has Made Extensive Studcy On Meaning of Designations Given Grants2 By winning the confidence and learning to speak the language of the fast disappearing survivors of the once large Indian tribes of Napa and Lake counties, Father Thomas J. McKeon, pastor of the Catholic Church at Calistoga, has been able to make an original research in- to the meaning of place names in this region, which com- monly are referred to as "Spanish." Father McKeon gives interesting and logical reasons to substantiate his statements. The article below was contributed by Father McKeon to The Monitor, official Catholic weekly of San Francisco, and it appears in the issue of April 4 [1931]. Perhaps there is no Indian place name in California the meaning of which has been more disputed than "Napa" which has given the name to one of the fairest valleys of the state. So it is said by Bancroft that Napa was the name of a very brave Indian tribe which lived in the Valley and which was exterminated in the smallpox Also printed in the California Farmer, June 7, 1861, and lies- perian Magazine, April, 1860. 2 Reprinted from the Napa Register, April 10, 1931. epidemic of 1833. (This epidemic started at the Russi settlement at Fort Ross (Rossiya) thence spread to Sonoma Mission and the Indian settlements and wrought dreadful toll among many Indian tribes.) There is a Pomo Indian word "Napa" meaning harpoon point, "be-i tween which and the name Napa there may be some con nection" is another explanation. Dr. Vallejo, in his memoirs states that the suffix "pa" signifies proximity, and that Napa means near mother, or near home, and according to traditions of the Indians Napa Valley was the cradle of the Suysun race. Menefee, in his "sketch book of Napa,," says the wor means fish. In Slocum and Bowen's history of Napa an Lake county (Palmer, 1881), it is said that the word is derived from "Nappoo" which means village. Kanaga's History of Napa County, 1900, states that the word is derived from Nappoo, meaning village or anything col- lected in such amounts that the idea of numbers is em- bodied. Then taking a point from Menefee, it is sug- gested that the great number of fish caught by the India here caused the place to be called "Fish Village.' It is further stated that the once famous tribe which lived in the beautiful valley, the Pomos, is gone. Harry Gunn, in a local history published in 1928, quotes Kanaga at length, as "authoritative." In brief, there is no agree- ment as to the meaning of the word, among the so-call authorities. Dialects Conflict To say that there is a Pomo Indian word meaning harpoon point, or of another Pomo word that it means village is meaningless. For Pomo means people and is the name of a race of Indians, each tribe of which had more or less distinct dialects, unintelligible to the others. This was a noteworthy discovery of the Francis' can Padres in the earliest explorations, and has been found true today, among the remnant of the tribes still living. It would be meaningless to say that there is a white man's word for "house" as if there were no word' in French, Italian, etc., to express that idea, and so it, is to say there is a Pomo word for anything. Nappoo is an Indian word of the Upper Lake dialect, and the Upper Lake Indians are Pomos. It may be used for village, bua more correctly it is used for place. The Upper Lake ln dians, for instance, do not use Nappoo for their settle- ment at Upper Lake, but call it "Cahkai-yo" head of the. waters. Hence it is not conclusive that Napa was de- rived from Nappoo. The Indians who lived in Napa Vail when the white men came were part of an extensive tribi who left place names on Rancho land grants, rivers, a, mountains in several counties. In Marin County for in- stance, words like Tamalpais, Olompali and Tocaloma, to mention only a few, can be explained only by refereni to the language of this group; several place names in Sa noma, V. G. Sotoyomi, Cotoyomi, are words of the lan- guage, and in Lake County, all but two place names are "Cozarttowyomi, Coz-art-tow-yom-i" words. Cozart- towyomi means those who speak our language in the dia lect of this tribe. Now if it can be shown rather clearly- at this late date, that with the exception of the obviousw Spanish words used as place namesAin Napa County, V. [312] ; I ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION Rancho Rincon de los Carneros sheep corner ranch, and ignoring Napa for the time being, all the land grant names in Napa County south of Calistoga are all words of the same tribe, the conclusion should be inevitable that "Napa" must be a word of the same language, a coz-art- tow-yom-i word. And further, with the exception of an Indian name for Mt. St. Helena, no other "Upper Lake" dialectical word is found. And this word for the Mountain has all the indi- cations of being a "borrowed" word, since some parts of it cannot be translated by the Indians. Rancho Tulocay Rancho Tulocay, the name of a land grant which has given the name to a creek and cemetery, does not mean "red" as Sanchez explains but comes from "Too-look- kai-yay" and means "All mud hens" or "full of mud hens" because it was at the head of the Napa Slough and the mud hens gathered there. Rancho Huichia, to the west of Napa City, might be from "Kee-kee-cah" and it would mean fire gate or bar- rier because the slough checked a grass fire that threat- ened to burn the country. But Kee-kah-cah main mouth or gate is a better meaning, because of the widening of the channel at the point. Rancho Chimiles, in Gordon Valley is derived from FChimay-ee, an oven for baking, and lee, a variety of a aterpillar, which the Indians roasted, skinned and ate e inside meat. An old Indian was the only one who re- membered the word, and he told how his grandmother ued to spread a blanket under a tree, tap on the trees d call out "Lee-lee-lee-lee" when the caterpillars would fall off the tree into the blanket. This variety must have been eaten by the woodpeckers, and the apping by the Indians would make the caterpillars, in far, leave the tree. The calling "lee" would be a need- less act. Rancho Yajome, above Napa City, means beginning r commencement, and this may have been what Dr. allejo had in mind, though confusedly, when he was ying to remember what Napa was derived from. Dr. allejo, like Bancroft on Indian names, cannot always e relied on, for his derivation is faulty in many ases. Sonoma, he claims is derived from Sono-ma, ig nose land, because the chief of the tribe had a big ose "sono." Actually, Sonoma, from Tsonoma means ome village or home place. Rancho Caymus means Dry Breast Rancho, and has story that is very interesting behind it. The oldest In- s remember that there was one of their tribe who as called Caymus, that he left Lake County and thered a tribe about him near Yountville but what Cay- us meant no one knew. It must be remembered that the dian has no written language and words that are not con- tly in use become obsolete and lose their meaning the course of two or three generations. An old man called Salapthiel but he has forgotten why or what e word means. A boy is Moppay but no one knows at it means. On being asked what 'c'ay" meant the an- er was that if you pour water on the ground, it dis- pears, that is "cay." After more time than one wishes remember having spent in quest of a meaning, it is und by process of elimination that "cay" means "dry." d the conclusion is that this boy was born of a mo- er who could not nurse him, and this was so extra- dinary for an Indian that the boy was called "caymus" breast. The California Poppy is also called Caymus m the blossom. Pope Valley Rancho Rancho Catacoula in Pope Valley may mean five girls, Cata-five and cola-girl. But since Cata is a Mishaywahl (Foreign) word and the Indians do not generally combine common words with the common words of other dialects, this is most likely not the meaning. Further girls should be colaco in Coz-art-tow-yom-i, since the plural is formed by adding "co" to a noun. Keeta-cola is perhaps the word and the meaning is "lousy girl" not a nice term, perhaps, but the Indians have not some of our squeamish- ness. Down in San Mateo, there is a Las Pulgas Musquito abatement district, and Las Pulgas means the fleas be- cause the Leather Jacketed soldiers on going into an In- dian straw house, came running out brandishing their jackets over their heads and calling "Las Pulgas," "Las Pulgas." There is a spring in the head of the Pope valley called Keetolla, louse water, but no one knows which name was used first. Rancho Lajota means Rancho. Added on, because the word is used for something that is added as an afterthought. It was given, perhaps, to the land, when it was acquired in addition to the land first granted. Above Keecola Rancho is Rancho Locallomi. It is a mistaken spelling for Locaiyomi and means "Goose-place" because of the number of geese shot or trapped there. For just as the Indians called a place Chimaylee because they found edible caterpillars there, so they called the place they knew geese gathered Goose place. Where they gath- ered turtles were known as Mellay-a-popol, Turtle Lake. There is another Locaiyomi in Middletown, though there the mis-spelling is Loconomi. Came Humana Rancho Carne Humana is a name applied to a land grant below Calistoga and invariably it is called the Human Flesh Rancho. Sanchez spends a deal of space writing about some act of cannibalism which gave the locality its name. And all authors take it for granted that this is the name. But since there is no authenticated case of canni- balism among the Indians of California, it is not neces- sary to accept that explanation for the name. Bancroft in his Native Races, Vol. 1, puts one on the track. He quotes Hittel as saying the "Calajomanas" had their home on the land now known as the Bale Ranch, Page 452, Vol. 1. Be- low this notation there is another on the same page from the California Farmer, March 30, 1860. "The Canaumanos lived on Bayle's ranch in Napa valley." Cana, the way most Americans pronounce Spanish, would become Carne since umanos would be taken to be humanos, -a Spanishizing of words rather common among people who try to find a Span- ish spelling for every Indian word. Then since carne meant flesh, it was but natural to conclude that umanos should be "humana." But it is not necessary to accept the name as Spanish. There was a famous Indian chief named Jumena who was fabulously said never to have been defeated in battle, never wounded but always victorious. He left his tribe, as so many do even today, to live with his wife's people, since Matriarchy plays so large. a part in Indian life, near Kelseyville. She may have died, and Jumena moved away, as is usual, and settled at the Bale Ranch, or his son may have done so, for on this point no one re- members, and only two old Indians remember him at all. Now Canay in Coz-art-tow-yom-i means one or only, and Canay Jumenah would mean the only Jumenah, as we might say, there is only one Lincoln or Washington. Jumenah from Ju, quick or fast, and menah, think means quick thinker. 313 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS The 'Cross Roads.' The Ranch Mallacomas, from Mallacomas Rancho, is cited, not because it is a Coz-art-tow-yom-i word but to instance the fact that all the other Indian words are place names from the same dialect. This is the sole exception, and it occurs on the map of Napa Valley and County, only because the land of the land grant to which the name was applied extended from Knights Valley in Sonoma County into the upper part of Napa. This is a Mish-ah-wahl or foreign word and should be spelled Mayocnoma, May-oc- no-ma. "Y" with some Spanish dialects became "L" or double L, the other misspellings were due to the attempt to spell in the Spanish fashion what is undoubtedly an In- dian word. Noma, like the last part of Sonoma means place, Mayoc means standing. There are several Indian trails converging in Knight's Valley, two from Lake County, one from Santa Rosa, one from Healdsburg, one from between those places, one from Calistoga (mQdern places are used to show the location and direction of the trails.) Should a group of Indians pass, and wish to let a following group know the direction it took, it would leave an Indian or a stick "standing" at the cross roads, hence the name. Muristool, the name Thomas Knight always used for the Rancho means North Valley, from Muree, North and Tool valley. The "S" was inserted for euphony just as the "S" in Calistoga was inserted between the Cali from California and Toga from Saratoga by Sam Brannan, the founder of Calistoga. New Napa Meaning Now, all the Indian place names in Napa Valley, with the exception of Mallacomas on the North, are words of the same Indian dialect. What is more natural than to con- clude that "Napa" must be a word of that dialect also, even though no one heretofore has been able to find the word heretofore, for like many of the words used as place names, it had been forgotten even by the Indians themselves. When an Indian mother carries her child on her back, that is "apou"; to carry it under her arm, that is Nahpow. To walk beside another is to walk "anahto." Rain is "opan." One way to indicate "yes" is to say "oo" and an obsolete word for eat is "pah," and, as the Indians depended so largely on grasses and seeds for food, what is more na- tural than for them to greet the rain with "oopah" yes, we eat. Now we eat. These were the guide words that led to the discovery of the meaning of Napa, for no longer do the Indians use the word. Bancroft, Native Races, Vol. 1, page 84, describes how the Indians gathered seeds. Two baskets were used, a large one to catch the seeds as they were cut from the stems, a small, scoop-shaped one to cut the seeds, gath- ering them into the scoop and with the same motion con- tinued to cast them into the large basket hung behind the back and over the shoulder. He quotes Gerstaeker's Jour- nal ". . . They (the Indian Girls) put some live coals among the seeds and swinging and throwing it together to shake the coals and the seeds well and bring them into con- tinual and close contact without burning the latter, they roasted them completely . . ." The Indians of Napa County used to go into the lower lands of the valley and gather seeds which must have been wild oats, from the description with baskets as Bancroft describes. They would roast the seed with live coals as Gerstaeker described, in baskets woven from the roots of fire resisting trees. When roasted, they ground the seed in a mortar and pestle, and sifted the resultant flour through a mesh basket. This flour called Ooskon was simi- lar to our oat meal for mush. When the Indians travelled, they carried this flour in a bag slung over the shoulders and hanging at their side. If they had time to make a fire and heat water, they made what would be equivalent to our mush; if not they moistened the flour with water, as Bancroft says they did with other flours, like pinole, acorn flour, and ate it that way. Napa then means a food which the Indians carried at their side to eat, on their journey. 314 APPENDIX III ARCHAEOLOGY OF SITES NAP-129, NAP-131 BY C. W. MEIGHAN In 1951, after the greater part of this report was writ- ten, two additional sites were investigated which merit brief description because of the new material found. The sites, Nap-129 and Nap-131, produced an assemblage of crude basalt core tools and also exhibited features of geo- logical association not present in other Napa region sites. There are some indications that the artifact complex from these sites represents the basement culture so far dis- covered in the Napa region. This conclusion, however, requires verification and more detailed description than can be presented from the limited excavation done to date. The sites are individually described as follows. SITE NAP-129 Nap-129 is an extensive habitation area and chipping ation on the west bank of the Napa River near St. Helena. e site was first reported by L. L. Valdivia, who donated collection of core tools from the surface to the Univer- y of California Museum of Anthropology. Later, the e was visited three times by University personnel, and owner of the property, L. E. Merriam, kindly permitted eliminary investigations to be made. Specimens from the site are illustrated in plate A 2 3 BLADES 0200 I 2 20 3 4 3 ~~~~~~~7 PROJECTILE POINTS Fig. 1. Typology of chipped stone implements from sites Nap- 129 and Nap-131. (4-8, 34-36, 39, 40). Nearly all the specimens are sur- face finds; two small test pits in the site yielded only amorphous worked flakes. The specimens are chiefly of interest because of the manos and basalt core tools; neither of these artifact types is reported from any other Napa sites except the near-by Nap- 131. The stratigraphy at Nap-129 is not clear, since there are late types of projectile points mixed in with the pre- sumably older material. The owner of the site reports a sweathouse pit which could be seen on the edge of the site about seventy five years ago, so there can be little ques- tion of late occupation. Most of the core tools have been found in a swale at the east edge of the site; this depres- sion has been cut by the Napa River within the last few years. There is thus a possibility that the cruder mate- rial is washing out of the creek bank or out of the soil beneath the mound. The solution of the problem demands careful examination of the site area. TABLE A Artifacts from Nap- 129 and Nap-131 Artifact |Nap-129TTap-131' Amorphous obsidian pieces with minor working, probably rejects 77 473 Amorphous basalt pieces with minor working, probably rejects .... ..... 27 2 Amorphous fragments, cobbles and other non-basaltic stone, with some working ....... ............. 4 0 Obsidian blades Type 1 ........ ............... 1 0 2 ........ ............... 1 3 3 ........ ............... 0 3 Fragments and unidentifiable pieces 3 44 Obsidian projectile points Type 1 ........................ 0 6 2 .............0.......... 1 2a ...........0........... 1 3 ............. .......... 1 0 4 ............. .......... 6 0 5 ............. .......... 1 0 6 ....................... 1 0 7 .............0.......... 4 8 .............. .... . . 0 1 Fragments and unidentifiable pieces 1 17 Obsidian scrapers ................... 0 7 Cobble hammerstones ................ 2 1 Obsidian "turtieback" .................. 1 Basalt core scraper planes ........... 4 4 Core choppers, basalt or cobble ...... 2 1 Basalt core pick ....... ............. 0 1 Manos ............................. 2 1 Pestles . ............................ 3 1 (?) Basalt core scraper ...... ........... 1 0 Total .......... ................ 137 572 [315] I ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS SITE NAP-131 Nap-131 is half a mile north of Nap-129 on the east side of the Napa River, on a slightly elevated slope where the hills meet the valley floor. The west edge of the site has been cut by a highway, the Silverado Trail, and the site was first identified by the presence of artifacts ex- posed in the road cut. Following this discovery, the owner, 0. E. Hultman, granted permission to make test excava- tions, and ten pits were excavated to the base of the site. The exact nature of the site is difficult to determine. It is a workshop area for chipping obsidian, but whether it is also a habitation site is uncertain. The soil is a very rocky brown loam with only a trace of the darkening char- acteristic of midden soil. No fire hearths have been found, and only two much decayed fragments of animal bone were recovered. However, artifacts occur to a depth of more than forty inches in some spots (pit depths in midden ranged from 24 to 42 in.), and there is probably some occupation deposit, even if much leached and altered. Specimens from Nap- 131 are illustrated in plate A (1-3, 9-33, 37, 38). Nap-131 is similar to Harrington's Borax Lake site in many respects (M. R. Harrington, 1948): the brown midden color, its situation on the slope near a basin floor, the almost complete absence of animal or human bone, and the abundance of chipped obsidian. The arti- facts are also similar in type to the Borax Lake specimens; they include manos, Borax Lake fluted points, and "willow leaf" points. In fact, except for the single specimen of the type illustrated in plate A (26), figure 26, all the Nap-131 specimens could be fitted into the Borax Lake collection. The Borax Lake site, however, contains many additional types not repre- sented at Nap-131, and there is therefore a sugges- tion that Nap-131 may represent chronologically a part of the time period of the Borax Lake site. Most noteworthy at Nap- 131 is the complete absence of all stemmed and notched points, although a larger sample might produce some of these artifacts. Explanation of Plate A Plate A. Stone artifacts from sites Nap-129 and Nap-131. Length is given in cm. a. Basalt, sandstone, and cobble artifacts: (1) basalt core chopper or plane, 1-203741, Nap-131, 9.5 cm.; (2) bas core scraper plane, 1-203707, Nap-131, 6.6 cm.; (3) basalt core scraper plane, 1-203623, Nap-131, 6.8 cm.; (4) baa core chopper, 1-93387, Nap-129, 6.9 cm.; (5) basalt hammerstone, 1-93384, Nap-129, 7.9 cm.; (6) sandstone pestle fragment, 1-128163, Nap-129, 14.3 cm.; (7) cobble mano, 1-128271, Nap-129, 9.5 cm.; (8) basalt scraper plane, 1-128171, Nap-129, 9.5 cm. b. Obsidian blades, scrapers, and projectile points or drills: (9) blade, 1-203713, Nap-131, 9.9 cm.; (10) "turtle.back,' 1-203798, Nap-131, 8.4 cm.; (11) blade, 1-203682, Nap-131, 8.3 cm.; (12) ovate scraper (?), 1-203806, Nap-131, 7.1 cm.; (13) projectile point or drill, triangular cross section, 1-203775, Nap-131, 5.6 cm.; (14) projectile point or drill, triangular cross section, 1-203674, Nap-131,. 6.4 cm.; (15) projectile point or drill, triangular cross section, 1-2037 Nap-131, 4.1 cm.; (16) projectile point (?), 1-129141, Nap-131, 6.8 cm.; (17) projectile point, 1-203673, Nap-131, 6.7 cm.; (18) projectile point, 1-203803, Nap-131, 6.5 cm.; (19) projectile point or drill, 1-128512, Nap-131, 4.6 cm.; (20) projectile point or.blade, 1-129142, Nap-131, 7.6 cm.; (21) projectile point, 1-129151, Nap-131, 5.6 cm.; (22) projectile point, 1-203709, Nap-131, 6.0 cm.; (23) projectile point, 1-203768, Nap-131, 5.7 cm.; (24) projectile point, 1-128486, Nap-131, 4.6 cm.; (25) blade (?), 1-203647, Nap-131, 5.8 cm.; (26) projectile point, 1-203674, Nap-131, 5.4 cm. c. Obsidian projectile points, blades, or scrapers: (27) projectile point, 1-129134, Nap-131, 5.9 cm.; (28) projectil point, 1-203804, Nap-131, 5.4 cm.; (29) projectile point, 1-128532, Nap-131, 4.5 cm.; (30) projectile point, 1-128533, Nap-131, 2.1 cm.; (31) blade or scraper, 1-203633, Nap-131, 4.4 cm.; (32) scraper, 1-203723, Nap-131, 4.5 cm.; (33) projectile point, 1-129148, Nap-131, 4.2 cm.; (34) projectile point, 1-128169, Nap-129, 5.3 cm.; (35) projectile point, 1-93390, Nap-129, 3.3 cm.; (36) projectile point, 1-93396, Nap-129, 2.2 cm.; (37) amorphous scraper, 1-128519, Nap-131, 6.6 cm.; (38) amorphous scraper, 1-128472, Nap-131, 5.3 cm.; (39) projectile point, 1-93392, Nap-129, 5.2 cm.; (40) blade, 1-128164, Nap-129, 11.3 cm. I 316 - 0 _ 7 t00 - 3X- 36 4 Plate A. Stone artifacts from sites Nap-129 and Nap-131 [317] APPENDIX IV EXCAVATIONS AT SITE NAP-32 IN JULY, 1951 BY R. F. HEIZER AND R. J. SQUIER Limited excavations in the western half of site Nap-32 (pl. A, a) were carried out by the Summer Session class in Archaeology (Course 197). The class members were: Clarence Dake, Mary E. Hall, Cherie Gregoire, Nancy Crenshaw, Kay Eckman, Robert G. Squier, David Fred- rickson (Assistant), Robert Geistweist, Thomas Bolt, and Robert E. Greengo. ARTIFACTS RECOVERED Table A shows the occurrence of artifacts recovered from the stratipits. We may use these to check certain conclusions arrived at in the earlier part of this mono- graph on Napa region prehistory. Painted sandstone tablets occurred at 0 to 24 inches (2 specimens) and 72 to 84 inches. The specimens from the upper level are undecorated, but similar in shape to those from Nap-1 and Nap-57. The tablet found in the lower level is a natural flat pebble, lacks side notches, and has a single fugitive red streak on one side. Steatite disk beads and Olivella beads, types F5 and X3bl, are apparently both early and late within the Nap-32 deposit, as are clear quartz crystals. Clamshell-disk beads and steatite hourglass-shaped beads are limited to the upper 24 inches of deposit, thus bearing out our earlier conclu- sion that these forms were late in time. The sandstone object shown in plate A, f is exactly duplicated by another from Nap-i (UCMA L-16053). As far as is known this type is unique to the Napa Region. Projectile points were not sufficiently abundant in our limited collection to provide any clear evidence for a sequence of types at Nap-32. Certain early Nap-1 forms (types 10, 17, 20) were not recovered at Nap-32, and other types which occur in both sites (e.g., nos. 8, 23, 28, 32, 40) do not have clear horizon affinities, though types 23, 28, and 32 occur only on the surface or in the upper- most levels in both sites. Our Nap-32 evidence, there- fore, does not contradict the Nap-i data; at best, however, it provides only weak confirmation. Artifacts recovered during excavation of the main north-south trench are listed in table B according to depth of occurrence. A few observations may be made concern- ing culture development at Nap-32 compared to that at Nap-1. A dissociated flat stone tablet from the 60- to 72-in. level bears a fugitive red painted design (fig. 1, c). The form is natural and the paint is not applied in the same manner as on those from Nap-1 and Nap-57. This may be a prototype of the intentionally shaped and carefully painted pieces found in other site levels of later date. The same type of small tablet, unpainted but with notched edges, found at Nap-1 occurs also at Nap-32 in the 0- to 12-in. level. Short stone pestles which appear to be worn down rem- nants of once longer cylindrical specimens occurred only in the top 36 inches at Nap-32. Long pestles were found in the upper 4 feet. Since mortars occurred at greater depths (to 90 in.), it appears that our recovery of pestles is erratic. Clamshell-disk beads, pointed out by Rainier and Meighan as late in the Napa sequence, occurred in the upper 48 inches, thus confirming their conclusion. The large half-shell Olivella bead is probably a Middle hori- zon form, and its main occurrence in the 84- to 96-in. level appears to bear out its relatively early vogue in the Napa region. The same observation applies to the "sad- dle-shaped" Olivella beads (type X3b.1) which occur at Nap-32 in the 60- to 72-in. level. Ulna flaking tools (fig. 1, f ) are abundant throughout the Nap-32 deposit, as elsewhere in sites which have been sampled by excavation (e.g., Nap-1). Their abun- dance can probably be ascribed to the extensive practice of obsidian flaking. A single charmstone from the 36- to 48-in. level is nondescript in form, and may be an unfinished piece (fig. 1, a). Projectile points of obsidian are more common in the upper than in the lower levels at Nap-32. The following forms, as judged by recovery from the main trench (table B), appear to be late: types 7, 8, 16, 21, 22, 27, 30, 37. Type 42 occurs only in the lower levels at Nap-32 It is obvious that only extensive excavation in the Napa d a. d. I inch Fig. 1. Artifacts from site Nap-32. 1-203388. b. 1-126296. c. 1-126716. 1-126131. e. 1-126518. f. 1-203467. [318] 7m I c ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION TABLE A Dissociated Artifacts from Stratipits, Site Nap-32 -~ ~ ~~- ----- 1-- -- Artifacts I Depth (in.) 0-12 1 12-24 1 24-36 36-48 1 48-60 1 60-72 1 72-84 1 84-96 j 96-108 Glass and porcelain fragments .......... Sandstone tablets..................... Stone ornaments ...................... Stone pipes ........................... Stone mortars........................ Heavy flaked chopping tools ............ Stone pestles ......................... Boulder chip scrapers ................. Steatite disk beads .................... Steatite hourglass beads. Quartz crystals ....................... Clamshell-disk beads ................. Whole Olivella beads (type F5).. Olivella saucer beads (type X3bl) ....... Rectangular Olivella beads (type Xabl). .. Olivella "saddle-shaped" beads (type X3bl) Haliotis shell pendant ................. Tubular bird-bone beads ............... Bone punch ........................... Cannon-bone awls ..................... Awl fragments-(type uncertain)......... Bone-splinter awls ..................... Ulna awls............................ Rib awls ............................. Obsidian use-retouched flakes .......... Obsidian flake edge-scrapers ........... Obsidian turtleback scrapers ........... Small obsidian points i Type 25 ........................... Type 9 ........................... Typell ........................... Type 28 ........................... Type 35 ........................... Type 27 ........................... Type 19 ........................... edium obsidian points Type 8 ........................... Type 10 ........................... Type 13 ........................... Type 21 ........................... Type 22 ........................... Type 23 ........................... Type 32 ........................... rge obsidian points Type 42 ........................... Type 50 ........................... sidian drills Type 40 ........................... ______________________________________________________________________________________________ L~~~~~~~~~~~~ 39 1 2 1 1 3 2 2 12 2 1 I ... 16 1.9 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 .. 3 1 . . . . . . 1 3 2 2 2 1 1 lb 2 2 7 1 . . . 2 . . . 2 1 . . . * . . * . . . . . . . . 7 1 1 . . . 2 * . . 4 5 1 . . . 1 1 2 . . . * . . 3 3 * . . 2 6 1 . . . * . . 3 2 2 1 5 2 1 6 1 . 1 . 1 * . . . . . 1 21 29 . . . 1 * . . 2 3 * . . 1 3 3 la * . . 2 . . . 1 1 . . . 7 20 . . . . . 1 2 . . 1 3 . . . 1 . . . 4 17 . . . 1 . . 2 2 2 1 2 * . . . . * . . * . . . . . 2 1 1 1 1 . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . 2 . . . ... ... ... ... 1 1 ... 1 1 aOne painted, design indeterminable. b Of ulna. ley sites will tell us which forms are early and dch late. At this writing, few types appear to be kuted to either lower or upper levels; and what .nges there are will probably be expressed in terms varying frequency of types which show increased or reased vogue through time. The hopper or slab mortar occurs as deep as 72 es at Nap-32; here it was not so commonly used the boulder mortar or the contemporaneous bowl rtar with shaped exterior. Miniature mortars (used for grinding tobacco or paint ?) occur in both the up- per and lower levels at Nap-32. DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD The Nap-32 data on disposal of the dead, though few, confirm the Nap-1 sequence of primary interment preced- ing cremation. In pit 40/N3 at a depth of 39 in. from the surface was found a cremation containing calcined human bones. The cremation occupied an area 20 in. in diameter 319 * . . * . . . . . * .* . . . * . . . . . . . . . . . 3 * 5 I 320 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS TABLE B Artifacts Recovered from Trenches, Site Nap-32 Depth (in.) Trait 0-12 12-24 24- 36 36-48 148-60 60-721 f72-841 84-961 96-108 Reak Painted sandstone tablets.1 . .. .. 1 ... ... ... P1. B, e. See fig. 1, C. Expanded head 'needle" ... 1* .. P1. B, c. Stone pestles Long2 ..... .. . .. .. . ... 2 ... ... ... Clamshell-disk beads ......1 11 1 1 .. .. .. . Large half-shell Olivella beads . .. 1 . . ... ... . . 10 .. See fig. 1, e. Spire-lopped Olivella shell bead . . . 1 .. . Saddle-shaped Olivella beads. .. . .. .. 2 .. Small Haliotis disk bead ...... . . . . Whole clam shells.1 . . . .. .. . 1I . .. Large magnesite disk bead 1 ... .. .. .. .. .. .. . See fig. 1, b. Tubular bone bead........ 1 ... . ... ... . .. Ulna flaking tools ..... .1. 1 2 1 2 1 1 .. Fig. 1, f. Cannon-bone flaking tool ...... . . . . Bird-bone whistle........... .. 1..... Mammal-bone whistle....... .. .. 1 ... . . .. P1. B, a. Bipointed bone pin........... . . 1 ..... ... P1. B, b. Charmstone ............. .. .. .. .. ... See fig. 1, a. Obsidian projectile points Type 7..2..................2 Type 8......2..............2 Type9..1..1.........1.... Typel43...........1 .. 2... 2.... Type19....... .1.1.... 1.2. 3 . Type21l....... .2...1 .2 ... . .. Type22 ....... .1....... .2 ..... Type279.3......... . 3 1 1. 3. . ... Type321.....2..... .........2 . Type372.........1............ Hopper27or .slab .mortars . 2....3 3 . 1 . 2 .. .. MoTarswit exterior.shaped..24...2... . . Unmodified boulder mortars . . 3 1 ... 1 3 ... 1 Miniature mortars..... .1...I 1 ... 2 .. .. . P1. B, h-i and 4 in. deep. In all, nine burials were found. The essen- tial data regarding these are given in Table C. The burial data are very incomplete. This is primarily owing to disturbance by burrowing animals which had run tunnels through skeletons, broken the bones, and removed part of them. SITE AREA A contour map of the site (map 6) was prepared during tne excavation. Whiie we were borin-g to determin-e the limits of midden deposit, the auger unfortunately was broken and this operation had to be abandoned. Thus the area covered by the mound had to be determined from mathematical calculations. This was difficult because part of the mound had been eroded by Bale Slough, which runs along the northern side of the site, and all evidence of the former outlines of the mound in that area had been destroyed. It is assumed here that the part of the mound removed by Bale Slough originally conformed to a projec- tion of the outline and contours characteristic of the re- mainder of the site. A line from the highest point of the mound was plotted along the measured gradient to inter- sect the plane of the greatest known depth. This line was then moved along the gradient to circumscribe the mound base. The figure described on the plane of the base was a rough ellipse, approximately 490 ft. along the major axisI and 220 ft. along the minor axis. The formula for the area, of an ellipse was applied, giving a figure of 7,865 sq. m. It must be noted that this estimate is made on the as-, sumptioii that the moand rests upon a level base, an as- sumption derived from the profile drawings made during the excavation of the site. All of these indicate that the base of the mound consists of level-bedded pea gravels,. probably laid down during comparatively recent times. There is no reason to suppose that these conditions do not' prevail beneath the entire mound. Because of the difficul-, ties involved in this method of estimating area, however, it is probably safer to consider the figure obtained as an overestimate rather than an underestimate. i i I .1 I I ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION TABLE C Nap-32 Burials Burial Pit Depth | Ageb Position Sex Associated artifacts Remarks No. No.a (in.) 1 ... 41/53 50 Inf. .. ... Bird-bone whistle fragment 2 .... 40/N8 80 Inf. ... No artifacts 3 .... T. P. 1 60 Ad. ? M ? Whole Olivella shell beads; Bones badly disturbed and body clamshell-disk beads; frag- position indeterminate mentary obsidian points 4.... 41/S4 41 Ch. Flexed ? Stone mortar 3.5 in. in diam.; ... Haliotis shell pendants (pl. B, o); Olivella and steatite disk beads 5.... 40/N5 54 Ad. Flexed M Obsidian point fragment; in- Rock feature (pl. 00, o) is post- cised bird-bone fragment burial in time 6.... 35/N8 80 Ad. Flexed M No artifacts Lay in yellow subsoil. Upper portion of body above ribs missing 7 41/S3 74 Ad. Flexed M ? 3 obsidian projectile points; Bones badly disarticulated by obsidian scraper; minia- rodents ture mortar painted stone 8 40/N7 /N7. 55 Ad. ? M Three semicircular Haliotis Incomplete and disarticulated ornaments (pI. B, P); skeleton Olivella disk beads 9 35/ N4 48 Ad. Flexed? M ? One obsidian point fragment Incomplete and disarticulated and 1 blade fragment; skeleton Miniature mortar (pl. B, .g) aPit numbers (e.g., 41/S3) refer to the grid square location, for which see map 6. bInf., infant; Ad., adult; Ch., child. VOLUME The volume of the mound was computed following the methods outlined by Treganza and Cook (1948, pp. 288- 289). As these writers indicate, any volume figure ob- tained by this method is only an estimate since archaeo- logical sites do not as a rule conform exactly to simple geometric patterns. However, under ordinary circum- stances, the error in volume derived by geometrical methods should not exceed plus or minus 25 per cent. Probably in the present investigation, because of the method employed in estimating site area, the error is again an overestimate. The sides of Nap-32 slope in a linear, rather than curvilinear, fashion from the summit. It was considered, :therefore, that the formula for the volume of a cone was most applicable. A cone having a base area equal to the area estimated for the site and a height equal to the great- est known depth of midden was visualized. The volume thus derived is 7,511 cu. m. This figure represents the entire mound, including the part removed by Bale Slough erosion. Although in this paper the mound is treated as though in its complete, pre- erosion state, it may be of interest to estimate the volume of midden carried away by the waters of the slough since e mound was formed. It is impossible, without actual evidence of the former outline, to do this with any real accuracy, but a minimum estimate based upon the recon- structed outline may be made. The volume of midden re- moved is thus estimated at approximately 417 cu. m. This is an interesting figure, representing as it does a rela- tively large, although peripheral, section of the mound. This volume subtracted from the figure for the complete Cook and Treganza, 1950, p. 227. T. P. stands for Test Pit. mound leaves a volume of approximately 7,094 cu. m. of midden remaining today. TOTAL MASS The total mound mass was estimated, using a value for the apparent density obtained from a total of twenty- six soil samples taken at the site, thoroughly dried in the laboratory, and weighed. Sixteen of these samples were taken, two per 12-in. level, from the screened test pit located near the center of the site. The other ten samples were obtained from the 6- to 12-in. level at locations scattered over the site. No significant variation in den- sity with depth was noted for the sixteen samples from the test pit. Marked differences were noted, however, in the values for the ten random surface samples. We may have here a reflection of difference in density between central and peripheral areas of sites as noted by Treganza and Cook (1948, p. 289) for the Petersen III site, but the number of samples is too small to be certain of this. The mean apparent density for the twenty-six samples is 1.201. This value may be slightly high for the mound at large since most of the samples are from the central area of the mound, but such error should not exceed 10 per cent. If this figure is used, the estimate for total mass is 9,021 M. T. for the entire mound (before erosion) and 8,520 M. T. for the mound as it stands today. POPULATION Maximum population of the site was estimated from site area by linear interpolation from the area/population graph worked out by Cook and Treganza (1950, p. 232). The popu- lation figure obtained by this method, 85 inhabitants, rests 321 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS TABLE D Mound Constituents of Three Sites as Exemplified by Contents of Single Pits Five Feet Square Level l Stone Obsidian Bone Shell (in.) Weight Per cent Weight Per cent Weight Per cent Weight Per cent (gm.) (gm.) (gm.) (gm.) Site Nap-32 (Pit T-1) 0-12 .... 12-24 .... 24-36 .... 36-48 .... 48-60 .... 60-72 .... 72-84 84-96 96-104 ... Total pit Site Sac-6 (Pit T-5) 0-12 12-24 24-36 36-48 48-60 60-72 72-84 .... Total pit Site Sac-6 (Pit T-7) 0-12 .... 12-24 .... 24-36 .... 36-48 48-60 60-72 72-84 .... 84-96 .... 96-106 ... Total pit Site SJo-43 (Pit T-1) 0-12 12-24 24-36 36-48 48-60 60-72 Total pit 107,048 96,615 97,976 68,492 70,760 83,007 71,214 43,091 37,648 675,851 2,494 1,446 2,634 3,280 3,060 4,426 420 17,760 1,362 1,927 1,754 1,076 650 992 65G 1,698 84 10,193 2,325 1,445 2,325 1,815 2,778 2,296 12,984 11.614 10.482 10.629 7.430 7.677 9.005 7.726 4.675 6.126 8.4606 0.2983 0.1729 0.3150 0.3923 0.3660 0.5293 0.0502 0.3034 0.1629 0.2304 0.2097 0.1287 0.0777 0.1186 0.0777 0.2030 0.0120 0.1380 0.3232 0.2009 0.3232 0.2523 0.3863 0.3192 0.3008 3,452 2,286 2,109 1,493 1,793 1,623 1,029 392 104 0.3745 0.2480 0.2288 0.1619 0.1945 0.1760 0.1116 0.0425 0.0169 14,281 0.1787 16.0 36.7 37.9 12.0 11.7 1.7 6.8 0.0019 0.0043 0.0045 0.0014 0.0013 0.0002 0.0008 122.8 0.0020 26.5 11.0 5.4 0.0 3.5 1.2 4.7 8.8 1.1 0.0031 0.0013 0.0006 0.0 0.0004 0.0001 0.0005 0.0010 0.0001 62.2 0.0008 6.1 0.8 9.8 8.8 1.9 5.4 0.0008 0.0001 0.0013 0.0012 0.0002 0.0007 32.8 0.0007 1,151 821 995 820 929 949 738 350 44 0.1248 0.0890 0.1079 0.0889 0.1007 0.1023 0.0800 0.0379 0.0071 6,797 0.0850 423.0 436.1 550.0 887.0 1,355.3 903.0 446.8 0.0505 0.0521 0.0650 0.1060 0.1621 0.1080 0.0534 5,001.2 0.0854 434.8 791.4 548.7 304.1 221.0 175.1 118.7 236.2 24.1 0.0520 0.0946 0.0656 0.0363 0.0264 0.0209 0.0141 0.0282 0.0034 2,854.1 0.0386 525.0 353.5 398.8 536.5 367.5 394.6 0.0729 0.0491 0.0554 0.0745 0.0510 0.0548 174 0.0188 118 0.0128 114 0.0123 53 0.0057 98 0.0106 . 0.0 0.0 0.0 ... 0.0 557 0.0069 39.0 39.9 55.0 105.0 103.6 104.0 62.0 0.0046 0.0047 0.0065 0.0125 0.0123 0.0124 0.0074 508.5 0.0086 63.3 84.0 52.4 46.1 64.0 44.0 16.4 37.6 0.7 0.0075 0.0100 0.0062 0.0055 0.0076 0.0052 0.0019 0.0044 0.0001 408.5 0.0055 552.9 366.0 424.5 322.8 209.4 273.5 2,575.9 0.0596 2,149.1 0.0768 0.0508 0.0590 0.0448 0.0291 0.0380 0.0497 upon an apparently constant relationship between site area and population observed by these writers for four Central California and sixteen Northern California sites. We lack the data at present which would enable us to determine whether this relationship holds for all Central California sites and what its limits of error are. A figure of 80 to 90 inhabitants for site Nap-32 would perhaps be a reasonable interpolation from this graph. 2 2 S. F. Cook, personal communication. The writers are indebted to Dr. Cook for many helpful suggestions in connection with this paper. MOUND COMPONENTS Table D shows the recovery of midden constituents from screened stratipits in three sites (Nap-32, Sac-6, and SJo-43). UTILITY OF SINGLE-PIT FIELD SAMPLING The question might be raised whether single-pit screen- ing with the 1/2-in. screen is a reliable method of deter- mining the internal composition of archaeological sites. As a partial answer to this question, we have shown in Table D the results of such screening of two pits at site I I 322 ARCHAEOLOGY OF THE NAPA REGION Sac-6 and one pit at site SJo-43, compared with site Nap-32. A level-by-level comparison of the two pits screened at site Sac-6 shows that there are significant differences in the weights of the components recovered by the 1/2-in. screen from these two pits. Such differ- ences are of the sort which might be expected for dif- ?ferent areas of a refuse midden. It may be concluded that screenings from a single randomly located pit does not provide an accurate index of the internal composition of the site. This has been demonstrated in another study (Cook and Heizer, 1951) in which it is also shown that the I/-in. screen is inadequate for accurate analysis even wen a number of pits at each site are so screened (ibid., p. 291-295). A screen of much smaller mesh is required r precise and reliable internal analysis of midden de- osits. Single-pit field sampling with a coarse (1/2-in.) screen however, useful in determining gross physical differ- ces between two or more sites, and it was for this pur- se that such sampling was conducted at site Nap-32. A mparison of the total percentages of the several com- nents from the single pits at site Sac-6 and site SJo-43 ble D) with the total percentages of these same com- nents from a number of pits at the same sites as shown Cook and Heizer (1951, table 3, "Field or Pit Samples') hws that the results from single-pit sampling are in e with those obtained by multiple-pit sampling. The eatest difference revealed by this comparison is in the ta for stone at site SJo-43, which show a difference of per cent between the results of single-pit and multiple- sampling. The likelihood of almost complete artifact covery from pits so sampled (Meighan, 1950, p. 15; ook and Heiz,er, 1951, p. 295) adds something to the lity of the method. In table D we have compared the stone, obsidian, bone, d shell recovered from stratipit T-1 at Nap-32 with arly excavated pit recoveries at site Sac-6 (strati- t T-5, T-7) and SJo-43 (stratipit T-1). The reader is erred to the publication by Cook and Heizer (1951) for discussion of the utility of pit-screenings with vertical trol as a means of aiding in the reconstruction of cer- aspects of everyday life in antiquity. The most obvious fact in table D is, of course, the ch greater proportion of rock in the Nap-32 site as mpared with the lower Sacramento Valley middens c-6, SJo-43). The use of baked clay "cooking stones" Sac-6 and SJo-43, together with some rock (all of which imported into the stoneless delta region), brings the al rock and clay component of Sac-6 up to 5.644 and of o-43 to 3.921 (figures extracted from table 3 in Cook Heizer, 1951), as compared to 8.4606 at Nap-32. We y infer that this differential reflects an actual cultural erence. Stones for cooking, being more readily acces- le at Nap-32, may have been automatically discarded en once broken, new cobbles being brought up from the eam bed to replace them. At Sac-6 and SJo-43, where rocks had to be carried in from some miles away or y balls fashioned and fired, economy of labor and con- ation of still utilizable boiling-stones had the effect discouraging extravagance, and the refuse deposits refore contain fewer rejected boiling-stones. Obsidian, as might be expected, is much more abundant ap-32, situated only a few miles from Glass Mountain e Nap-31), than at Sac-6 or SJo-43. Volcanic glass atituted approximately 0.18 per cent of the Nap-32 mid- by weight and only 0.0017 and 0.0008 per cent at Sac-6 SJo-43 respectively (figures from table 3, Cook and zer, 1951). It is interesting to note the scarcity of ob- an in the lowest leveis of both the Napa and Sacramento Valley sites and the relative abundance of this material in the upper 3 to 4 feet of the deposits, whose total thick- ness ranges from 6 to 9 feet. Bones of mammals, birds, and fish comprise 0.085 per cent by weight of site Nap-32. This is closely com- parable to the 0.0634 per cent at Sac-6 and 0.0724 at SJo-43. Large mammal bone (of elk and deer) is the largest element in this, with waterfowl and fish in de- creasing quantity. Apparently Napa Valley and the lower Sacramento Valley were equally favorable hunting areas. Shell fish, Margaritifera (freshwater clam), lived in Napa, Cosumnes, and Mokelumne rivers, on which sites Nap-32, Sac-6, and SJo-43 lie. Although not abundant, this ranked as a minor dietary item at all three sites. The percentage by total weight is 0.007 at Nap-32, 0.009 at Sac-6, and 0.059 at SJo-43. Apparently the SJo-43 in- habitants were better favored in their supply of fresh- water mollusks. Beyond these simple comparisons we do not venture at present, but as more refuse sites are excavated and 5-ft. square stratipits are screened and sorted by 12-in. levels, we will be able to derive certain conclusions con- cerning the nature and extent of certain dietary and eco- nomic activities over most of California. MOUND COMPOSITION AND STRATIFICATION The black occupation refuse ranged from 60 to 90 in. in depth. At its base it graded rather sharply into a r7! 77fr77hi- Fig. 2. Stratification of the north wall of pit 40/N8, site Nap-32. 323 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS brownish midden about a foot thick, and this in turn graded into a yellow sandy loam, which contained some obsidian artifacts and worksfiop flakes, animal bone, mussel shell, and charcoal. Under the yellow loam was a layer of rounded pea-gravel, deposited by a fairly fast- moving stream. The stratification in pits 40/N8 and 40/N1 is given here to illustrate the various strata (figs. 2, 3). It was our impression that the fine yellow loam was deposited in ancient times by slow waters, perhaps the backed-up overflow of Napa River in time of high water. From the time the gravel was laid down, and during the period while the loam was slowly accumulating, man lived on the site intermittently, as shown by the inclu- sions of charcoal, animal bone, mussel shell, and ob- sidian in this layer. Occupation was not intensive, but probably seasonal. In the course of time the stream seems to have been re-channelled, for the yellow silt deposition stopped and the site was then occupied intensively, as shown by the black ashy refuse layer that accumulated. The upper black midden we would equate with the simi- larly constituted Nap-1 midden. No evidence of any sort was found to indicate that the site was occupied in the historic period; it had either been abandoned by that time or was then vacated as the result of introduced diseases or the conversion and removal of the population to one of the Spanish missions. AGE CONSIDERATION The earliest occupation must be respectably old, and we would suppose that a carbon sample which we submit- ted for radiocarbon dating may prove to be something like 2,000 years old. If this figure is wrong, it may be too small. Unfortunately, our recovery of artifacts from the yellow loam layer was so scanty that no conclusions can be drawn about the culture horizon represented. These earliest occupants may be earlier than, or contempora- neous with, the earliest inhabitants of site Nap-1. Whether the early Nap-32 dwellers were contemporaneous with the people who left their evidence of obsidian chipping at sites Nap-129 and Nap-131 would again be only a guess, but it is our impression that, in the last two sites, we are deal- ing with evidences of man's presence at an earlier period of time. The Glass Mountain obsidian was known very anciently, for blades and points from Early horizon sites in the lower Sacramento Valley which have a radiocarbon date of * 4,000 years, are made of this material. This use of the Glass Mountain obsidian implies occupation of upper Napa Valley at least by 2000 B.C. Our sampling was simply too small to warrant much hypothesis about the history of the Nap-32 site. What has been presented above is merely a factual account of our recoveries and some suggestions of their significance. Taken as a whole, the excavation of Nap-32 yields re- sults comparable to those derived from Nap- 1. Both sites have two culture phases. The later one at Nap-32 is not marked by a change of midden texture as at Nap-1, but is nevertheless apparent on the basis of culture items (e.g., cremation, clamshell-disk beads). The earlier phase at Nap-32 is probably equivalent to the lower level occupa- tion at Nap-1, but this cannot now be proved. In the lower levels of both sites flexed burials occur, as well as shell beads of Middle horizon type. This sequence in turn paral- A lels that observed farther east in the lower Sacramento Valley. The still earlier culture marked by limited use of obsidian, and extensive use of basalt (noted at sites Nap-129, Nap-131, Nap-173) is not evidenced at either Nap-1 or Nap-32. Black, loose ashy midden containing obsidian, shell, bone, charcoal, artifacts, cremations, and burials. Brown midden grading above-and-below into the midden and loam layers. Yellow loam containing obsidian, animal bone, charcoal, shell. Rounded pea-gravel -.,.-Limit of excavation -0 0 O O Po 0,0 0 00080'a, 00-00000. 0 .-oo . ..& 00 0 ".000. . 00 a 0 0.0 o .0 OVOW'Do 0 O 00 0 00 0 . - 00 00 vp dolo 0 I* a J. 0 "O .0 004, 00 00 0 0 O 0 - 0 .0. 0 0 000 O 0 "d, 00 . 0 0 040 dp 0 a 0 0 lp a 0.0 0a 00O .0 0 400 0 0. 0 0:0.0 .0 0 0 a 00 0 0 0.0 0 a 0 Fig. 3. Stratification of the west wall of pit 40/N1, site Nap-32. 324 8"I a b c Plate A. Site Nap-32. a. Field camp, Nap-32. Summer, 1951. b. Burial 4, Nap-32. c. Burial 5, Nap-32. [325] ~S I a~~~~~ 0~~~~~~~ Plate B. Artifacts from Nap-32. Dimensions in cm. are for length except when otherwise indicated. a. 1-126276, mammal-bone whistle, 19.4 cm. b. 1-126177, bipointed bone implement, 10.8 cm. c. 1-126217, eyed bone needle (?), 4.5 cm. d. 1-126998, bipointed cylindrical stone pendant (?), 7.3 cm. e. 1-126449, side-notched sand- stone "tablet:'. unpainted, 3.6 cm. f. 1-126836, stone with 4 diagonal notches, 5.2 cm. &. 1-126609, "medicine" mortar made of obsidian nodule, diam. 7.4 cm., ht. 5.0 cm. h. 1-126782, pitted pebble, possibly miniature mortar, diam. 6.0 cm. i. 1-126215, miniature mortar, diam. 5.2 cm., ht. 2.5 cm. i. 1-125683, miniature mortar, diam. 8.0 cm., ht. 5.0 cm. k. 1-126811, short stone pestle, 11.5 cm. 1. 1-126903, short stone pestle, 10.0 cm. m. 1-126835, short stone pestle, 7.5 cm. n. 1-126555, sandstone polishing (?) stone with facetted sides and ends. o. 1-125693, Haliotis shell pendant. p. 1-125711, Haliotis shell ornament, 9.2 cm. g. 1-126514, Haliotis shell ornament, 6.7 cm. 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Quarterly, 2:3-66. - - Ir i 1, 331 EXPLANATION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL SPECIMENS Figures 2-13 Fig. 2. Decorated stone tablets from various sites. Black areas, red; stippled, white. a. Site Nap-57, Davis Collec- tion. b. Site Nap-1, Davis Collection. c. Site Nap-i, L-12466. d. Site Nap-i, 1-72577. e. Site Nap-i, i-38906. f,.&v Site Nap-57, Davis Collection. h. Nap-14, 1-69627. i. Plain notched tablet from Guinda, L-12742. L Site Nap-57, Davis Collection. k. Nap-57, 1-72795. 1. Site Nap-i, Davis Collection. m. Incised tablet from Guinda, L-12870. n. Incised tablet from Guinda, L- 12886. Fig. 3. Painted stone tablets from Peripoli site, site Nap-57. Davis Collection. Black areas, red; stippled, white. Fig. 4. Stone pipes. a. From Capell Valley, Davis Collection. b. Site Nap-i, Davis Collection. c. Site Nap-57, 1-72800. d. Site Nap-i, 1-38929. e. Site Nap-57, Davis Collection, no. 581. f. Site Nap-66, Davis Collection, no.611. g..Clark Ranch, Davis Collection. h. Site Nap-1, 1-38948. i. Site Nap-57, Davis Collection. j. Site Nap-i, L-11754. k. Site Nap-57, 1-72802. 1. Site Nap-14, 1-69652. m. Site Nap-1, L-1411. n. Site Nap-57, 1-72813. o. Site Nap-i, 1-38574. p. Site Nap-57, 1-72801. _. Site Nap-57, 1-72798. r. Site Nap-57, Davis Collection. s. Site Nap-1, L-1409. t. Site Nap-1, L-1409. u. Site Nap-1, L-12091. v. Site Nap-66, Davis Collection. w. Site Nap-57, 1-72797. x. Site Nap-56, Davis Collection, no. 599. Z. Site Nap-57, Davis Collection, no. 580. z. Site Napl, L-12090. Fig. 5. Stone mortar and pestle types. Fig. 6. Chipped stone implements. Typology. Nos. 1-31, projectile points; no. 32, graver; nos. 33-40, drills; nos. 41-44, blades; no. 45, reamer; nos. 46-51, knives. Fig. 7. Types of chipped stone artifacts. a. Type 1, site Nap-40, 1-72597. b. Type 2, Napa Valley (site not known), 1-7011. c. Type 3, site Nap-37, 1-4818. d. Type 4, Chiles Valley, L-16086. e. Type 5, site Nap-1, L-18370. f. Typ 6, site Nap-i, L-15220. ?. Type 7, site Nap-54, 1-24225. h. Type 8, site Nap-31, 1-63971. i. Type 9, site Nap-37, 1-16476. j. Type 10, site Nap-37, 1-16475. k. Type 11, site Nap-1, L-1461k. 1. Type 12, site Nap-i, L-18408. m. Type 13, site Nap-54, 1-24219. n. Type 14, Napa Valley (site not known), 1-7010. o. Type 15, site Nap-37, 1-4814. p. Type-15, site Nap-37, 1-16489. _,. Type 16, site Nap-121, 1-16404. r. Type 17, site Nap-1, L-1461. S. Type 18, site Nap-67, 1-28983. t. Type 10, Napa Valley (site not known), 1-7011. u. Type 20, site Nap-1, 1-72697. v. Type 21, site Nap-i, 1-72696. w. Type 22, site Nap-i, L-18407. x. Type 23, site Nap-i, 1-72498. y. Type 24, site Nap-37, 1-16497. Fig. 8. Chipped implements from the Napa Region. a. Type 25, site Nap-i, L-15220. b. Type 25, site Nap-16, 1-66756. c. Type 26, site Nap-1, L-18410. d. Type 27, site Nap-37, 1-16482. e. Type 27, site Nap-37, 1-16481. f. Type 28, site Nap-37, 1-16479. &. Type 29, site Nap-37, 1-16479. h. Type 30, site Nap-i, 1-72556. i. Type 31, site Nap-1, L-1692. j. Type 32, site Nap-i, 1-72477. k. Type 33, site Nap-37, 1-16500. 1 Type 33, site Nap-37, 1-16501. m. Type 34, site Nap-14, 1-69246. n. Type 35, site Nap-i, L-16315. o. Type 36, site Nap-i, 1-72528. p. Type 37, site Nap-1, L-15210. g. Type 38, site Nap-1, L-18399. r. Type 39, Chiles Valley, L-16066. s. Type 40, site Nap-37, 1-16498. t. Type 41, site Nap-57, Davis Collection. u. Type 46, site Nap-i, 1-38979. v. Type 46, site Nap-i, L-1461k. w. Type 47, site Nap-1, L-17531. x. Type 48, site Nap-117, 1-69543. y. Type 49, site Nap-1, 1-72513. z. Type 50, site Nap-14, 1-69251. a'. Type 51, Pope Valley, L-16155. Fig. 9. Miscellaneous stone and shell artifacts. a. Blade, type 41, site Nap-37, 1-16467. b. Blade, type 42, site Nap-i, L-11758. c. Blade, type 44, southern Napa County, 1-64162. d. Haliotis ornament, site Nap-i, Lillard Collec tion. e. Tubular magnesite bead with drilled-pit decoration, site Nap-i, 1-38983. f. Tubular magnesite bead, site Nap-i, L-12180. g. Disk-shaped, drilled steatite object, site Nap-i, L-1496. h-j. Magnesite disk beads, site Nap-i, 1-38982. Fig. 10. Scrapers. a. Type A, 1-69389. b. Type Al, 1-72552. c. Type Al, 1-72677. d. Type B, 1-72480. e. Type B1, L-1461k. f. Type G, 1-72513. &. Hoe-shaped, 1-72646. h. Triangular, 1-72597. i. Thick, round, 1-69250. L Large, plano-convex, 1-72513. k. Small, plano-convex, 1-72625. 1. Graver, 1-18347. Fig. 1i. Incised bone artifacts. a. L-20036. b. 1-38683. c. 1-38908. d. L-20035. e. 1-72704. f. L-20037. i. L200 h. L-20038. i. 1-72770. j. 1-72816. k. 1-72904. 1. 1-72770. m. 1-72774. n. 1-72770. o. 1-72771. p. Davis Collectioe q. 1-72774. r. 1-72774. s. 1-72778. Note that 3 specimens (i, 1, n) have the number 1-72770 and 3 specimens (, g, - the number 1-72774. Fig. 12. Abalone shell ornaments from sites Nap-i, Nap-15, Nap-39. a-l. Site Nap-i: a. D-343, Davis Collection. b. D-342, Davis Collection. c. D-284, Davis Collection. d. D-282, Davis Collection. e-f. Davis Collection, no number g. D-283, Davis Collection. h. 1-72579. j. 1-38708. k-l. Davis Collection, no number. m-g. Site Nap-39: m. 1-69403. n. 1-66790. o. 1-66791. p. 1-66791. g. 1-66789. r-v. Site Nap-15: r. D-781, Davis Collection. s. D-786, Davis Colle tion. t. D-783, Davis Collection. u. D-796, Davis Collection. v. D-795, Davis Collection. Fig. 13. Abalone shell ornaments from sites Nap-57 and Nap-59. a-n. Site Nap-57. a. Davis Collection. b. 1-72784. c-j. Davis Collection. k. 1-72785. 1. Davis Collection. m. 1-72781. n. 1-72782. p-s. Site Nap-59, Davis Collection. p. D-761. q. D-760. r. D-768. s. D-763. I _ ~~~~~[332] I inch Fig. 2. Decorated stone tablets from various sites [333] U e &a I f111 IIII h Fig. 3. Painted stone tablets from Peripoli site, site Nap-57 [334] Fig. 4. Stone pipes [335] 11 ~2d b a 9 U 0 I Inch 2 I I cz~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Iz azz?D Am [336] 0 9 [1 aI II II II. U S OQ 0) a 0) w *P- 0-) CU 0) 0 tt tN 10 UN I I I N I I I 10 14 0 V 3 V 4 oil 16 a I V26 2 ~~~~d~~3 3Z 40 i 2Q?4) 4) 0 &4 Fig. 6. Chipped stone implements [337] I 6 77 II IO I, 2 ZI Q 7 Z0 U4 Li. Fig. 7. Types of chipped stone artifacts [338] f' I inch C C ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~e E s -- s F p k r II Fig. 8. Chipped implements from the Napa region [339] h is=- q i a c h I I Inch Fig. 9. Miscellaneous stone and shell artifacts [340] / TJ es a I I O 0 i f k Fig. 10. Scrapers [341] 2 . p s I Inch Fig. 11. Incised bone artifacts [342] b C~~~ c 6i L r W x x n r I, I I -a 9 d a e i Nap-I k c h 9 I m Nap-39 u V S I inch r Fig. 12. Abalone shell ornaments from sites Nap-1, Nap-15, and Nap-39 [343] Naop-15 u's b d b e " 9 i Nap- 57 r o a I * 0 --* S \ /p q I I nch Nap- 59 Fig. 13. 'Abalone shell ornaments from sites Nap-57 and Nap-59 [344] a PLATES EXPLANATION OF PLATES PLATE 30 a. Rock of Ages site (Nap-46) looking north. b. Interior of Nap-46, floor showing bedrock mortar holes. c. Typical white-ash pit in Nap-i. d. Bead-grinding slabs in situ near ash pit, site Nap-1. PLATE 31 a. Cairn, site Nap-41. b. Cairn, site Nap-41. c. Ukiah Pomo woman using hopper mortar. Photo by V. K. Chestnut. d. Yuki woman using bulb-ended pestle and hopper mortar. Photo by C. H. Merriam. PLATE 32 a. Site Nap-i, 1-38906. b. Site Guinda, L-12742. c. Site Nap-i, Lillard Collection. d. Site Nap-i, L1416. e. Site Nap-1, L-12448. f. Site Nap-1, 12449. g. Nap-1, L-1449. h. Site Nap-1, L-1452. i. Site Nap-1, L-1453. i. Site Nap-1, L-1451. k. Site Nap-1, 1-38689. 1. Site Nap-1, L-i408. m. Site Nap-i, L-1402. n. Site Nap-1, L-12149. o. Site Nap-i, Lillard Collection. PLATE 33 All specimens from site Nap-1. a. L-1462. b. L-1437. c. L-1435. d. L-1440. e. 1-72601. f. 1-72741. g. L-1433. h. L-12096. i. L-1465. ji L-1443. k. 1-38681. m. 1-72757. n. L-12100. o. L-1422. PLATE 34 a. Site Nap-14, 1-69326. b. Site Nap-37, 1-24144. c. Site Nap-1, L-12089. d. Site Nap-32, 1-39531. e. Site Nap-i, L-16593. f. Site Nap-i, L-12169. g. Site Nap-53, L-16070. h. Site Nap-i, 1-72519. i. Chiles Creek, near Chiles miln, 1-38431. j Near Calistoga, 1-63902. k. Site Nap-1, L-12216. 1. Site Nap-1, 1-38884. PLATE 35 a. Site Nap-i, L-1507. b. Chiles Creek, near Chiles mill, 1-38432. c. Site Nap-i, L-12089. d. Site Nap-1, 1-38577. e. Site Nap-1, L--11638. f. Site Nap-1, L-1406. j. Site Nap-l,b 1-72823. h. Site Nap-1, L-13245. i. Site Nap-i, 1-72615. PLATE 36 a. Site Nap-i, 1-72578. b. Nap-16, 1-72824. c. Site Nap-53, L-16068a. d. Site Nap-1, 1-72521. e. Sage Creek Valley, 1/2 mi. above Conn Creek junction, 1-38425. f. Site Nap-1, L-13768. PLATE 37 a. Site Nap-14, 1-69182. b. Site Nap-i, 1-38597. c. Site Nap-i, 1-38788. d. Site Nap-i, 1-72710. e. Site Nap-i, L-12185. f. Site Nap-1, 1-72575. &. Site Nap-14, 1-69183. h. Site Nap-1, 1-72479. i. Site Nap-1, L-11814. jL Site Nap-i, 1-38589. k. Site Nap-1, 1-38869. 1. Site Nap-i, 1-72664. m. Site Nap-1, 1-38595. n. Site Nap-i, 1-72461. PLATE 38 a. Site Nap-i, 1-39771. b. Site Nap-i, 1-72510. c. Site Nap-i, 1-72479. d. Site Nap-1, 1-72471. e. Site Nap-i, L-18336. f. Site Nap-1, 1-38596. j. Site Nap-1, L-12188. h. Site Nap-1, 1-72708. i. Site Nap-1, 1-72482. L Site Nap-i, 1-72703. k. Site Nap-i, 1-66762a. 1. Site Nap-39, 1-73174. PLATE 39 a. Site Nap-1, 1-13321. b. Site Nap-i, 1-72647. c. Site Nap-i, 1-18338. d. Site Nap-1, 1-39018. e. Site Nap-1, 1-38600. f. Site Nap-i, 1-72668. g. Site Nap-1, 1-38700. i. Site Nap-i, 1-72570. j. Site Nap-i, 1-72682. k. Site Nap-1, 1-72706. 1. Site Nap-i, 1-72744. m. Site Nap-16, 1-66778. n. Site Nap-i, 1-72640. o. Site Nap-1, 1-72566. p. Site Nap-1, 1-72731. q. Site Nap-67, 1-28978. r. Site Nap-i, 1-16220. s. Site Nap-i, 1-72586. t. Site Nap-67, 1-28977. u. Site Nap-1, 1-38991. v. Site Nap-1, 1-12184. w. Site Nap-i, 1-38945. x. Site Nap-i, L-1461c. y. Site Nap-14, 1-69177. z. Site Nap-67, 1-28980. a'. 1-28980. b'. 1-72705. PLATE 40 a. Burial 1. b. Burial 2. c. Burial 3. d. Burial 4. Trowel points north. PLATE 41 a. Type MIIa scoria mortars from Pope Valley. b. Type II mortar in situ, Nap-1. c. Burial 3, site Nap-39. d. Burial 2, Site Nap-39. e. Type IV mortar imbedded in house floor, site Nap-39. f. Type IV mortar containing human cremation, site Nap-1. E. Burial 2, site Nap-14. [346] Cb c d Plate 30. Features of sites Nap-46 and Nap-1 [347] 17 Co CU 0 p.4 0 0 0 ia) X Co 0 0) 0) Co CU u p.4 A c; CU U - .0 a-) C V- v : : L 0- +j c .H [348] A C,. md Plate 32. Ground stone artifacts from the Napa region [3491 Ij h 9 / m n 0 Plate 33. Charmstones from the Napa region [350] Plate 34. Stone pestles [351] 1, 4i 0 3 .m 4 U [352] f! e d Plate 36. Hammerstones and digging tools [353] I O v w ?/ tm _k Plate 37. Bone awls [354] r w a c f / k Plate 38. Ulna and scapula tools [355] ,t 3 t l ) I- Z's *~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~., , -N ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~1 [356] go 43 '4 0 43 0 la 43 43 '4 143 U 0; 43 -- -- --- ---- I . 7 , -- -- - " -- -.., . --- - - -1- ? - I I . .. " 1, 11 ft a d Plate 40. Burials at site Nap-1 [357] b c a - b d C f Plate 41. Mortars and burials from various Napa region sites [358] e