ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 10:2 YOKUTS AND WES1TiRN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY II: Northern Foothill Yokuts and Western Mono By A. H. Gayton UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES 1948 YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY II: Northern Foothill Yokuts andWestern Mono BY A. H. GAYTON ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Vol. 10., No. 2 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Editors: A. L. Kroeber, E. W. Gifford, R. H. Lowie, R. L. Olson Volume io, No. 2, pp. 143-302, 5 maps, 5 figures in text, i plate Submitted by editors September 24, 1946 Issued December 22, 1948 Price, $2.00 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON, ENGLAND MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA PREFATORY NOTE '"Yokuts and Western Mono Ethnography," of which the present paper forms Part II, was pre- pared originally as a single publication. In Part I will be found a general introduction and certain illustrations relating to the cultural materials described in both parts. I wish to reiterate here my indebtedness to Miss Barbara Thrall (Mrs. Arthur Wood Rogers) for the section on the Chukchansi Yokuts: the data are hers, their organization mine. A.H.G. November 8, 1945 [iii] INFORMANTS Below are the names and approximate ages of contributing informants and the tribes abo which they gave data. The initials are those under which they appe' in the text. Asteris note major informants. Interpreters, none of whom were important as personalities, are li8 separately. About eleven individuals who will remain unnamed were tried and rejected as in, formants. Yokuts: Lake Tribes *** J.A. Josie Alonzo, 65, Chunut, Wowol, Tachi, Telamni, and Nutunutu ** M.G. Mollie Garcia, 80, Tachi and Telamni Yokuts: Southern Valley ** M.A. Martha Alto, 70, Paleuyami and Yaudanchi * F.M. Frank Manuel, 65, Bankalachi B.J A. Big Jim Alto, 70, Yauelmani and Hometwali D.F. Dick Francisco, 80, Koyeti Yokuts: Central Foothills M.L. Mollie Lawrence, 70, Wukchumni and Gawi (blind) ** S.G. Sam Garfield, 65, Wukchumni and Yaudanchi ** M.G. Mary Pohot, 55, Wukehumni ** J.P. Joe Pohot, 60, Wukchumni and Patwisha * J.B. Jim Britches, 70, Wukchumni K.G. Katie Garcia, 30, Wukchumni (and a star interpreter) L. Lottie, 60, Wukchumni M.S. Mary Sanwihat, 100, Yaudanchi J.W. Jim Wilcox, 70, Yaudanchi T.W. Tillie Wilcox, 70, Telamni A.M. Annie Marlo, 60, Chukaimina P.M. Pete Marlo, 60, Chukaimina Mo. Mollie, 60, Chukaimina ** P.D.W. Pony Dick Watun, 70, Choinimni, Gashowu, and Entimbich Yokuts: Northern Foothills * E.M. Ellen Murphy, 70, Kechayi and Gashowu * B.W. Bill Wilson, 90, Dumna C.D. Chicago Dick, 70, Chukchansi * N.W. Nancy Wyatt, 50, Chukchansi M.W. Mike Wyatt, 55?, Chukchansi * J.R. Jack Roan, 80, Chukchansi and Southern Miwok * P.R. Polly Roan, 50, Chukchansi M.N. Matilda Neal, 70?, Chukchansi Transitional Yokuts-Western Mono *** S.0. Sam Osborn, 65, Michahai and Waksachi (blind) ** B.0. Bob Osborn, 75, Waksachi D. Dinky, 55, Michahai and Waksachi Western Mono *** M.J. 'Merican Joe, 80, Wobonuch ** Jn.W. Jane Waley, 65, Wobonuch * Jo.W. Joe Waley, 75, Wobonuch * G.D. George Dick, 40, Wobonuch and Entimbich (and a star interpreter) B.S. Basket Susie, 60, Wobonuch D.S. Dead Susie, 75, Wobonuch and Entimbich M. Martha, 60., Wobonuch Interpreters M.L., K.G., S.G., G.D., Lillian and Marian Wyatt (Chukchansi), and Martha Waley (Wobonq Civ] PHONETIC KEY a, e, i, o, u as in Spanish E as in met * as in it o as in off U as in German fUr o as in German sch5n a the obscure vowel of about or idea ai as the vowel sound of eye ei as the vowel sound of hay oi as the vowel sound of boy iu as the vowel sound of you i raised vowel, whispered g as in gig j as in jig ni as in sing 8 as in share c as in church r trilled r t postalveolar or palatal placement x deep or gutteral aspiration h simple aspiration, as in hand glottal stop raised period, protraction of a vowel sound accented syllable Ev3 CONTENTS Page Prefatory note . . . iii Informants .iv [Phonetic key V YOKUTS: NORTHERN FOOTHILLS Choinimni .....lb.............. 143 Territory and Intertribal Relations .143 Structures . . 145 Subsistence and Clothing .146 Miscellaneous Data .147 Games .148 Social Organization 148 Burial .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 Shamanism ...................................... . 149 Various Dances and Ceremonies ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150 Ghost Dance of 1870 .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152 na ............................................................................................ . 153 Tribes and Localities . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153 Shelter, Food, Implements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155 Miscellaneous Data ..................... ........ .... . 155 Moieties ..................................... 156 Shamanism ................................ 156 Beliefs a .158 Ceremonies and Rituals ............ .... ..... .... ..... . . 158 Anecdotes ..................................... 158 chayi ..........................159 Intertribal Relations and Localities. 159 Structures . 160 Miscellaneous Data. 161 Games . ... 0 162 Social Organization.. ................ 163 Life Cycle.. ................ 166 Supernatural Power and Shamanism ... . . . . . . . 168 Beliefs .. . 172 Various Oeremonies . . . . ......... ........ . ................................... 172 Ghost Dance of 1870 .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174 hansi. 175 Territory and Intertribal Relations .175 Subsistence and Clothing ... . . . . . . . . . . . 177 Structures .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186 * ufactur es and Utensils ........................ . ..... . 188 Miscellaneous Data ... . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 190 Life Cycle . . ... .. ................. . . . ......Is..... 192 Social Organization .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198 Mourning Ceremony .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 199 Games and Dancing .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201 host Dance of 1870 ................................. . 203 upernatural Power and Shamanism ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203 TRANSITIONAL YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO: ESHOM VALLEY REGION hahai and Waksachi .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 erritory and Intertribal Relations ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 213 helter, Dress, Bodily Ornament . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 lubslstence .218 nufactures ............................................... 225 oney, Numeral System ............................................... 227 tleasures ............................................... 227 [vii] ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS TRANSITIONAL YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO: ESHOM VALLEY (CONTINUED) Michahai and Waksachi (Continued) Pag Times, Nature, Directions, Seasons, Beliefs .22 Social Organization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Life Cycle .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Supernatural Power and Shamanism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 Ceremonies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24 Ghost Dance of 1870 ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 WESTERN MONO Wobonuch and Entimbich.2 Territory and Intertribal Relations ...........................a........................ 25 Structures ... o . . . o o ... .. . . . . . . 25 Hunting and Fishing . . . . . . . . . . 26 Crafts . . . . . . . . . . . 26 Miscellaneous Material Culture Items.26 Calendar, Nature, Directions .2. Pleasures .. ..... . . 261 Social Organization ..... . o Life Cycle ... o . o o o o o . o 27 Supernatural Power and Shamanism .. . 27 Ceremonies. 28 Ghost Dance of 1870.28 BIBLIOGRAPHY .29 INDEX.29 MAPS 1. Yokuts and Western Mono Tribes . . . . ....... . . ... ... facing 14 2. Local Map D: Choinimni and neighboring territory .. . . . . . . . . . . . 14 3. Local Map E: Waksachi territory ..21 4. Local Map F: Entimbich and Wobonuch territory .25 5. Local Map G: Wobonuch territory.25 FIGURES IN TEXT 1. Bird cage 22 2. Sacred talisman .23 3. Fish weirs .26 4. Ceremonial paint patterns: Emtimbich, Wobonuch.2 5. Wobonuch games 2 PLATE 2. Yokuts and Western Mono specimens, Go6teborg Museum 2 [viii) SOUTHERZN SIERRA MIWOK (POHONICHI) U' CHAUCHILA 0 ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ B I -, "IO 10~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~0 C',~~~~~~~~~~- 5 a oc~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I.. Map . Ykut an Weter Moo tibe (aterKrober YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY PART II: NORTHERN FOOTHILL YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO BY A. H. GAYTON YOKUTS: NORTHERN FOOTHILLS CHOINIMNI TERRITORY AND INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS barterers, with the Monachi (Wobonuch Western Mono) neighbors on Kings River above Sycamore The Choinimni occupied land along Mill Creek. The Yokuts considered themselves su- k from the junction of its north and south perior. Unlike the Penutian-speakers of the s to its union with Kings River (see Local valley, the upland Monachi were found to be D). Above them on Mill Creek were the En- treacherous and thievish by the Mayfield fami- ich, a mixed Yokuts and Mono tribe, and ly. However, with characteristic fairness, Michahai, a basically Yokuts tribe who Mayfield said that this might be due to his ed Squaw Valley with the Chukaimina Yokuts. family's friendliness with the Yokuts and that, Sycamore Creek on Kings River, where had the Mayfields been placed first amongst the wic was the Wobonuch frontier -village, the Monachi, these Indians probably would have been nimni held both sides of Kings River as far the friends and the Yokuts would have proved as Hughes Creek and perhaps a little be- equally inimical.3 where the Toihicha took up the north side What is clear throughout is this: that the river. On the south bank the Choinimni utmost friendliness prevailed among all the itory continued to Kipai 'yu, their last Yokuts tribes in contact with one another along age, which was fairly close to Centerville; these waterways, particularly with regard to e Aiticha land began on the south side and, fishing privileges. While the Choinimni felt the opposite side, now somewhat west and the north bank of Kings River to be theirs, th, were the Wechihit. This area is some- between the Wobonuch on the east and the Toi- larger than that indicated on Kroeber's hicha on the west, the Gashowu were welcome to .' The data for Mill Creek, I think, are occupy their fish camp (Map 2: Local Map D) lly trustworthy: that is the locality P.D.W. during the spring salmon run. These neighbors best. His eastward extension to Sycamore remained there while the fish dried, which they ek fits with Jeff Mayfield's statements for then took home to store. Similarly there were t 1850-186o.2 On the west, Centerville as the most flexible "boundaries" for seed and eastward limit of Aiticha territory was a acorn gathering. As elsewhere along the nt on which P.D.W. was insistent; his loca- eastern side of the San Joaquin Valley, there of Kipaiyu, however, may be incorrect, was an abundance of fish, game, and vegetable ber's location being perhaps more exact. foods; probably for that very reason, nothing still leaves it possible for the Choinimni was begrudged. There was much intertribal have dominated the river on the south side visiting during ceremonies; the Choinimni, some distance, that is, to about Center- Michahai, and Entimbich particularly combined le. on such occasions. Prior to 1860 the social relations be- The Choinimni, for their part, were annual en the Yokuts and Western Mono were not so visitors in the Tulare Lake region, where they ally friendly, much le,;s so intimate, as were hospitably received by the Tachi. An ex- yhave been in recent years since the two cursion to the lake on tule balsas is described ups were forced into mutual contact by white by Jeff Mayfield. The visitors took with them nation of their country. In the 1850's supplies and equipment for camping. The large Choinimni carried on trade, through a few balsas were boarded at the edge of the hills, lviduals who seem to have been professional some ten miles below Sycamore Creek, where the river waters were broad and placid, yet full 1Handbook, pl. 4~7._______ 1Latta, Uncle Jeffs Story, 15. 3Ibld. C143] S5oo' /600' ' WATTS VALLEY -4 30 ?700, fyR vME ]300 X " -- I ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I "'I'< - " [TR-M - E s X ' cc a -oo C/, M ap 2. L o cal M ap D: C h oini m ni and N eig h b orin g T errito r0 ' '~~~~So ?00'~~~~~1 S,00 ~ ~~~tk, I'll ENEN-rLEBCA o~~~~~~~~~La N4 1 orrOLA) Z,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~. Map 2. Local Ma :Chiin ai0eghoigTertr GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 145 the spring floods which would carry them Wobonuch sites: impeding sand bars. About ten days were 14. sui nawe ired for the trip. Accompanying hunters 15. suina weta mapa'dow&n; suinawe times traveled afoot all day and joined the Junction or fork on the barges wherever they were rmoored 17.. kini ,dewetu: Sacata Flat the night. While at the lake, the foothill 18. sasi wetu fishing camp; given as le engaged in fishing, bird snaring, rabbit sasi we by D.S. es, and so on, and doubtless traded their 19. wiya'ma: Oak Mountain ve products for local ones.4 P.D.W. had heard of but one "war," in h "all the Indians gathered at a flat near STRUCTURES erville and then ran up back of Pine Ridge." re coherent statement could be got: it Dwellings.--A house was called tomo `hgs, Bets an occurrence under white pressure, and was probably hemispherical, not conical aps in connection with the Ghost Dance.5 nor gabled, if my understanding of P.D.W.'s In referring to neighboring people, description is correct. The frame was called tional terms were generally applied when sutuw*ts, the term for the material used, and did not wish to make reference to a spe- was covered with a thatch, not mats, of a .c tribe. Thus the Gashowu, Kechayi, Dumna "brush" called ai ac, which was tied on with she north were called hosa'm. The Michahai, ho'. This grassy "brush" had the quality of imina, and even Wukchumni were homti'n&n, matting when wet, so it was practically water- herners. The term wa "kli'u was applied to proof. The floor was not dug out "except to Toihicha and Wechihit on the west. The make a good sleeping place"(possibly individual 'nuch and Entimbich to the east were spoken hollows filled with bark and tule mats). The not. Collectively all Western Mono doorway of the house was called ti `s', cov- ps were referred to as nuta wi or nutsa wi ered with a removable door of twined aiact terrers, uplanders), just as were other fastened on a frame. taineers to the south, TUbatulabal (Pit- A dome-shaped earth lodge was used by the ha) by Paleuyami, Koyeti, etc. Choinimni, according to Mayfield; his circum- Directions were spoken of spontaneously stantial description fills an omission in !.D.W. and given unhesitatingly in the Kroeber's data and my own. This lodge was Lowing order: hoso mo (north); homtintn circular, excavated about two feet deep. Willow th); wakli'u (west, possibly downstream); poles were abutted in the walls about six (east, mountainwards); ti p&n (up); atVl1 inches apart, their tips then bent inward and tied to a wood hoop. Other circular, horizon- tal withes were lashed around the frame. "Around and over this frame were stood tules Localities to a depth of about ten or twelve inches. Then the soil was thrown over the tules to a depth Local Map D shows the following Choinimni of several inches. After a few years grass Wobonuch sites. grew over the house and it looked like an underground house or cellar." The floor was covered thickly with tule mats, with extra Choinimni sites: layers at the sleeping places. Rabbitskin 1. kipai yu: west terminus of Choi- blankets and, if obtainable, bearskins were i territory; Centerville usets and,vif in ber. wer 2. hoha ltao- valley east of Piedra usdabe-orig inwtr. Svfr 3. ho'hasyu: cemetery for no. 4 sleeping, the house was used only in bad 4. tihe cu: meaning "fish going up"; weather, when a fire was made in the middle of ,shing camp the floor, the smoke escaping directly above. 5. wohoi nu: campsite Otherwise all food preparation, cooking, and 6. kulusa o: an old large village eating were done outside.6 7. wasa mao: a village The average-sized house comfortably held 8. yegwo "nyu: a village a family of siX. No ceremonies took place in 10. mucuto"u: a village it, though a man might dance or a flutist play 11. wise lao: west terminus of Entim- if he were asked, or someone might sing. The *territory where they came for fish hand game (henao*s'a) was played there. 12. wo'a ltyu: northeastern terminus Storehouses.--Little thatched storehouses chahai territory (wici ti: literally, little house) were built 13. apa"w&c: Trimmer Springs; west close to the dwelling. There the men of the s of Wobonuch territory called by them family kept their dance regalia and their mu ~~~~~~~~~~materials (sinew, hides, drills, feathers, Sbid., 29, 30. etc.) for making various things, as well as lerhaps earlier, 1851, at the time of the Mariposa ________ * ilon 's Loraya . 6Latta , op . c it ., 22 -23 . 146 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS small trinkets stored in baskets. Women kept Meals were irregular, save for a late extra baskets, the burden and fish baskets afternoon supper Just before sundown. Sna there, and food which was stored for immanent were taken by workers as they came home fr use. tasks away from the village. Mayfield cla The acorn storage bin (su'u'na) was made all persons ate from a central basket by of twined mats of aiac tied around a stout dipping in three fingers, but used small cylindrical framework. The upper ends of the baskets for drinking. mat wefts were left untwined and, after the Traps and weapons.--The fish trap was bin was filled, these loose tops were bunched cone-shaped net of milkweed fibre. Its ro up and tied tightly. Acorns were removed mouth gaped in a weir facing upstream; the- from a hand hole near the bottom which was were driven downstream into it. In shallo plugged up with willow bark (or any convenient pools fish were caught by wading in and p material). The bin was set up on a special ing an open-bottomed basket over them; theq platform supported by four posts or in the were then extracted by putting a hand thr branches of a tree, to which it was lashed with the opening. ho '.7 A double-pointed harpoon, one tip ofM Sweat house (mos).--This was the usual was detachable, is described by Mayfield; two-post structure described for the Central pole handles were often 20 feet long. A sc Foothill region. A new one was not built until folding was constructed to spear the fish f the old one burned or was beyond repair. The two poles, crossed like shears, were set b fire was Just inside the door; so was the fire- down in deep water 10 to 15 feet from the wood, in two piles, one on each side of the the crotch about level with the land. In t door. Whoever was sitting nearest the wood crotch were lashed the tips of two long po1 kept up the fire. whose ends rested on the bank and were some Any male "old enough to stand it" was feet apart. Across this frame were laid pe welcome to make use of the sweat house. There and leafy branches, amongst which the fish was no ceremonial dancing within it, but man lay face down. As he could see fish in doctors or others who knew how would occasion- the shady water below, he speared them thro ally dance there (perhaps for practice, as we an opening between the poles. know from the Wukchumni). The flute was often Mayfield, when a lad, was given a fine played there, but games were not indulged in. sinew-backed bow. This was about 3-1/2 fe long, wide, flat, with handgrip in center recurved ends, and was "painted in pretty SUBSISTENCE AND CLOTHING colors." The string was of sinew, tied at end and looped at the nocked end, which was Foods.--Foods available and used were fastened when not in use. These bows were those customary with other foothill Yokuts and bought from the Monaohi by the Choinimni a were procurable in abundance. Rock salt was taken back to them for repairs, in fact, to known -- probably traded from the Monachi -- certain skilled individual north of Sycamor but more often the salty deposit on certain Creek. grasses was flicked off on a small willow twig. The Choinimnis' own simple bows were w Greens and bulbs, tule and iris roots were the out recurved ends. vegetable foods besides the staple acorn. Excellent details of hunting, of the Buckeye seed was used after a thorough leach- making of weapons, etc., are given by Mayfi ing only when acorns were scarce. in a passage too long to reproduce here. In discussing the preparation of acorns, essential points are: arrow release with Mayfield says that "a sort of sieve or colland- fingers, three fingers for heavy bow; arro. er, made of fine willow shoots," was used to with obsidian-tipped foreshaft for warfare separate the coarse and fine particles. (This heavy game, hardwood foreshaft for light g does not necessarily preclude the usual Yokuts simple arrow for practice; bird-arrow tipp circular winnowing tray.) The preparing and with four cross-pieces; foxskin quiver; the cooking of acorn foods are as reported gener- pigeon booth (see Michahai below); and the ally for the Yokuts. The soaproot brush with deer disguise. Deer and elk were snared,b straight bristles was used for brushing up the method is not described. acorn flour at mortar holes. Clothing.--The man's breechclout was t Pinon nuts were collected and prepared as inches wide, cut from a full length of deer. by the Waksachi (see below), eaten roasted or hide, held in place by a buckskin thong ove mashed in a rich mush. which the clout was doubled at the back and Ground squirrels were smoked from their over which the two front ends hung in a l burrows, but the fan used was a basket or Women wore a "rabbit skirt woven together 1 piece of hide, i.e., evidently not a feather the blankets." This consisted of two knee-' fire fan. length aprons, the larger one in front. Cou skins were worn about the shoulders in cold 7Mayfield describes a similar granary (ibid., 23). weather. Mayfield claims footgear was unk GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 147 th sexes wore the hair long, banged across ally a basket cap was worn under the tumpline e forehead by women, parted in the middle to ease the pressure, as was sometimes done held back with eagle-down cord by men. when carrying a heavy child in a cradle.-1 en tattooed their chins, and a few wore a Musical instruments.--The elderwood flute ne through the nasal septum; both sexes had (u'tac) had four holes. Not many men could erced ears. Men plucked beard hairs with play it; P.D.W. thought one had to dream about lit-twig tweezers. The hair was brushed it to become really adept. Two Choinimni ex- th a soaproot brush which had curved tips on perts at Kulusao were Kudu 'ma and La'hai 'yi. a bristles. White paint put on over red Samson Dick (Ya ki) is the only person living nt was used ornamentally.8 now who can play well.12 The hawk shinbone A hairnet served as the foundation for whistle (pu sac) was held in the mouth while ther head ornaments, the usual cu and sema; the musician executed dance steps. This kind it was also used by any man who wanted his of whistling is called wusinuha o, the term r held compactly for practical purposes. applied to ordinary (European) whistling with D.W.'s net, made of grocery string, is now pursed lips. The elderwood clapper (ta wal) versity of California Museum specimen no. was used for most ceremonial accompaniments, 7001. The method of putting on the net is the cocoon rattle (sa'nac) being reserved ex- described for the Central Foothill region clusively for doctor's shamanistic dancing and shown in figure 7, Part I. for the Bear Dance. Beating upon a hollow log is reported by Mayfield. MISCELLANEOUS DATA A short musical bow, twanged upon while one end was held in the mouth, was heard by Means of transport.--As with all Yokuts Mayfield. Whistling, he said, was used only elling upon the lakes, sloughs, rivers, and for signaling.13 eks of the, San Joaquin Valley, the Choinimni The singers who accompanied dancing were e expert swimmers. Infants were immersed in called ale 'kt; the act of singing, or songs, waters before they were able to walk and e lkas. ned to swim from that time. A swimmer in Paint.--White paint (ho sot) was a clay San Joaquin used "a long overhand stroke."9 "dug up, in the swamps around here" (i.e., at The Choinimni at Sycamore Creek made small the edge of the foothills toward Centerville). e rafts for use on the river near their Red paint (hu'iyu) was got in trade from the lage; these carried one or two persons. Eastern Mono. Black paint (wa 'wan) was of un- The large barges of tule, made for the known source. All these paints were lumpy; in ey to Tulare Lake, were constructed in preparation they were ground or rubbed down on ughs about ten miles downriver from Sycamore a rock, then mixed with grease and applied with ek. These were 50 feet long, of three long the fingers. P.D.W. insists that there were no arate bundles bound with willow withes; distinctive totemic paint patterns. White two outer ones were raised slightly as a paint, crudely smeared, was worn on a doctor's t of bulwark above the level of the center arms and body when he was dancing. dle. Each end of the boat was pulled up 2 Pipes.--A pipe of wood (elderwood) was 3 feet higher than the deck. Along the called a tsi. P.D.W. 's pipe, the typical ter was piled all the equipment, which "in- Yokuts pipe, was about 3 inches long, about ded mortars and pestles, baskets of acorns, 5/16 of an inch in diameter at the base and rn bread, seeds, mleat, skins for bedding 1/2 inch at the outer end. The hollowing for many other things." Eight to ten persons, the "bowl" was about 1/4 inch in diameter, and lly of one or two families, sat along the held but a small pinch of tobacco. Only one or es while four men stood and poled, though two puffs were taken, perhaps twice a day. A B was mainly for guidance as the river pipe of clay was called sa 'kmai; these were not ent carried the craft. The return trip common.14 The other common form, comparable to made toward summer while the river was the wood pipe, was called si "ktl (cane) from 11 high enough so the boats could be poled the cane which was obtained for this and for tream to the original point of departure. arrow-making from the Aiticha; no cane grew up there the dunnage was carried afoot up to in the hills, said P.D.W. The cane pipe was village at Sycamore Creek.'0 3-6 inches long and was often carried behind According to Jeff Mayfield, the carrying of milkweed twine was used to support the 'lIbid., 23, 4o.. cal burden basket on the back, though it 1'This man, who was at outs with most of his neighbors Implied_.that this was done only with an ex- at Dunlap in 1927, refused repeated requests to become an ively heavy load, such as acorns. Occasion- informant. Other Indians apologized for his unwillingness, _ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~although his refusals were made with the greatest tact . 8Ibid., 16, 17, 23, 26, 27, 38, 39, 40-4~2. 13Latta, op. cit., 25. 9Ibid., 29, 12. '4Mayfi eld claimed he had seen no clay or stone pipes 10Ibid ., 29-31 , 37. of the Choinimni ( ibid ., 21) . 148 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS the ear; only men smoked, the tobacco being Women's dice game.--This was played as pulverized seed, not leaves.15 the Wukchumni (see Pt. I). In scoring, two Pottery (kiwts).--Clay, red clay, and seven face sides up counted 1. clay dishes were called by the single term Hand game.--The hiding game was played kiwts; the clay pipe was sokmai. In the old shuffling two sticks, one of which was mar days many old women made pottery. They went behind the back; apparently no blanket or after the clay with a carrying net and digging covering was used. The marked stick was stick. They "dug around until they got the guessed for. This was a man's game. right kind" [presumably with the correct ad- Football.--A ball of polished stone wa mixture of sand], although they knew the best propelled off the tip of the foot toward go of the many places to go. The clay was laid posts some two hundred yards apart. This w on an old deerskin, put in the net, and taken a very rough game with much pushing and sho home where it was given a thorough pounding on perhaps like that disapproved of by J.P. a bedrock mortar (pe 'sn, acorn pounding place). chumni-Patwisha informant). The details of-building up and finishing a pot Shinny.--This was played with a wooden P.D.W. could not describe well: the process ball and a stick with curved end. It was 8 was coiling, as elsewhere among Yokuts. After to be played roughly, usually by youths fo the pots we're dried, they were fired in a pit teen to twenty years of age.'6 filled with coals. This "took all morning" [probably longer). [I failed to ask about a "slip" of gruel or of any other material-i SOCIAL ORGANIZATION Firemaking.--$triking a fire (svike ttl) by means of rock or flint sparks in old times was Officials never heard of by P.D.W. The "only way" to make fire was a buckeye board Chearth] called The chief (di ya) had powers similar t tu'pun (buckeye) and a pointed stick [drill) those of chiefs elsewhere; he sanctioned or of white oak called se ktas. The drill was rejected personal projects that affected th twirled between the palms, the hearth held community, such as mourning ceremonies, bui down with the left foot. ing a sweat house, or moving out to campsit At Kulusao, the Tokelyuwich chief was Wato GAMES and the Nutuwich chief was Ahac. Followi Watoki came Gu Jam (John Hughes), and after Mayfield, who found his Choinimni hosts a Ahac, whose son had died, another Nutuwich jolly, fun-loving lot, describes several of named Toku"yan (Hammond Bill). After Gujaml their games. There was a gaming court near the death, his sister acted as chief in a casua center of each village; this was smoothed, way; and since Tokuyan's death there has be centampedofeac villand; cove wath sanohd, a no Choinimni chief, although his son is ali tamped (stamped?), andand working at Bill Hancock's (1927). PD here an exhilarated crowd of players and spec- and orsi av as to futo n as c.D.1 tators was often gathered. and others have asked him to function as ch Boys amused themselves by tossing dummy but he has refused to take on the expense ducks of bark on the river and shooting them responsibility, which would consist largely with arrows or throwing spears at them. directing the aberrant funeral rites carrie with arrows or throwing spnain private. Pierced hoop and pole.--The pole was 10 on in private. feet long, the disc about 1-1/2 feet in diame- Each chief had his own winatum (messen ter with a center hole of 2-3 inches. This ger). P.D.W. was Ahac's messenger (AhaNtn disc was made up of rolled bark wound with winatum). both his parents had been Nutuwic split willow. This game was played by all, winatums. The Choinimni "followed the fath sometimes as many as thirty players, in sides in everything' i.e., in moiety, totem, and 20 to 30 feet apart. As the disc was rolled official positions, but not necessarily in from one side to the other, all tossed their professions such as doctoring. The Tokelyu poles at it. If the hoop was pierced, it messenger for Watoki was named Kucu"i. Wh counted 2; if knocked over, 1. A scorekeeper traveling, a messenger carried a tall walk i called out the tally. Incidentally, counting stick, which was sometimes painted red. He was in the decimal system as with other Yokuts. not carry any beaded or knotted cord, or ot Stone disc and arrow.--A perforated stone mnemonic device to show the number of days disc, 3 to 4 inches in diameter, also used for fore an assembly. He built public fires, g arrow-straightening, was rolled across the wood, food, and water for ceremonial gather court, and arrows were shot at it by young men. ings, and was paid for all his services. Scoring was like that for hoop and pole. Other diversions were rolling globular T6b- , - stones into a hole and casting flat stones at 17Jeff Mayfield's description of the chief's resy a line. bilities and of the manner in which chief s were select and retained their positions is in accordance with my I5bid . from the Choinimni and other Yokuts ( ibid ., 28) . GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 149 An official speaker was called di 'ele; BURIAL ie was his totem. This official is ob- 8sly identical with the Chunut pine ti. He If it were thought a man would die within ,a kind of "consulting attorney" or go- a day or two, the chief of his moiety would be een; if persons had a proposition to lay asked to send a messenger to notify and as- re the chief, they would consult the di'ele, semble his relatives. Burial was made the would report to the chief. There was such morning after death occurred. The deceased's Ifficial at Kulusao when P.D.W. was a boy, own family washed the corpse, put it in its P.D.W. cannot remember his name. best clothing, adding ornaments of "money" beads and personal talismans, such as those of eagle-down string. Then the body was wrapped, Moieties with flexed posture, in hides. Meanwhile official buriers (tono ctm) had The moieties Tokelyuwich and Nutuwich dug a grave, and they came to carry away the ded the Choinimni into groups which func- corpse and bury it. P.D.W. thought that this ed reciprocally at the mourning ceremony. occupation "went from father to son," but he attempts to get information on the relation was uncertain under questioning. He emphatic- the lineage to the moiety and to the nature ally denied that they were berdaches: "they otems resulted in confused mutual misunder- were just plain men and women." They performed ding. The following "animals" were readily no dance, nor did they make a speech at the gned to one or the other moiety by P.D.W. grave. ought anybody could eat any of them so far The story of the man who followed his oiety regulation was concerned. He did not wife to the afterworld was not known to P.D.W., gnize a description of "first fruits" eat- and when told of this legendary trip, he by either moiety. evinced great surprise. (This lack of informa- tion was one of the many peculiarities of this informant and his knowledge.) Mayfield reports the usual shortening of to htl: eagle hair and the smearing of pitch and charcoal on naho o: grizzly bear women's hair and face as evidences of mourning.' iwe ytt: long tail cat'8 hots: buzzard ka"nkas: crow SHAMANISM o i'o i': roadrunner This subject was a difficult one for huih su: coyote P.D.W. From others I had learned that he had hunmhk falcontE"bullet hawk") been a doctor's winatum and, like most of them, di'kwi`l1ts: fisher [or martin] had acquired considerable knowledge of doctors' ta tcai: mudhen'9 ways. With the disappearance of true doctors la'la: goose among the Indians today, he had attempted to oi '*k: blackbird practice himself. While not eminently success- ma o: tree Cgrey?3 squirrel ful, he at least had the respect of neighboring hoi: deer kti ds n, "red-bel" sedS20 Indians, who often appealed to him for help. ki 's&n: "red-bell seeds It was also said that he had been put in jail twice by white authorities because of this practice, a punishment which the old man bore wets: condor with fortitude, stating that "they can put me tono"hop: black bear in jail, but they can't kill me." Consequent- wehu sLt: cougar ly, questions on his own methods of doctoring ho toi: raven had to be avoided, and he even hedged away from upye'i: dove toi 'io: wildcat queries about specific doctors of earlier so'hup: "chicken" hawk times. However, in a sudden excess of confi- tep&s: beaver dence he got out his martenskin talisman to so so': kingfisher show me. This he stroked with a kind of loving wa twat: duck abstraction as we were talking, and he volun- SL c6l: ground squirrel tarily gave it to me to hold and stroke. In o8iJyal: antelope old times evil shamans were dispatched, with o coc: magpie public approval, as elsewhere in the San ti pLn: acorns Joaquin. ndoubtedly the large or mountain coyote called iwey't, To be a doctor you had to have a dream ulally known as wolf. (ana tsiwal)22 of an animal or bird, which was .DvW. recognized the "pun" on Tachi and said, "Those '1Latta, op. cit., 39. Ie lived in the water too" but the "words were not .the 2T esep sE'L.Te aeo h rb nibc b ~~~~~~~~~~~~~was mentioned here, and P.D.W. denied any pun or meaning in Calendrinia . this connec tion . 150 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS prayed to and dreamed about. Tobacco (so'gan) There was a doctor named Ho datpa*na, was eaten with lime and vomited to stimulate who could dance and predict earthquakes. P. dreaming. Anyone could do this who wanted to; was living at Kulusao in 1872. He remember P.D.W. denied ever using tobacco this way, a the quake of that March, which preceded the denial which seemed doubtful. Eagle down was Ghost Dance episode. The cause of earthqu scattered at sacred moments at certain springs, (pa 'an wokoi as, ground shake) he did not probably when prayers were being made.23 but thought "the old people" probably knew. Doctors cut and sucked when curing. If A peculiar method of curing is given b the patient did not improve, the practitioner Mayfield. "They [the doctors] would twist danced, called on his dream helper (anatsiwal), gether some wormwood leaves and set them af and dreamed for further power. Sickness was With -the glowing end of this firebrand a st caused by intrusion; a bad shaman could send was burned along each side of the spinal something into one; this might be an insect, column of the patient."25 The purpose of th or some small object, or the "airshot" (toiWyas) treatment is not explained. which they were said to manufacture. Ghosts frequently caused sickness called hocu nac. The spirit of some dead man would VARIOUS DANCES AND CEREMONIES catch a victim after dark and insert a long hair in his forehead. To cure this a doctor Pleasure dance.--A dance (he s S na mit cut at the end of the nose and sucked, with performed largely by Choinimni, Entimbich, long audible inhalations and rapid brief ex- Wobonuch was described by J.B. He said "no halations. The hair he extracted might be "as to the south had this; the Wukchumni paid th long as your arm." when they went down there as they had none of', A malicious ghost could even make one their own," i.e., hesLS namit dancers. It wa crazy (ale 'ta), an ailment which doctors could performed after the washing rite at a mourning not cure. P.D.W. said he "saw that tried once ceremony and at no other time. at Squaw Valley" but the attempt failed. The dance group was composed of four to Poison (ta'wats, dead person ?) was dif- six youths and two singers. Often two or thre ferentiated from airshot, but P.D.W. was girls would take part. Besides the usual danc "afraid of that and didn't want to talk about regalia the men wore quivers on their right it." As elsewhere, the source of poisoning shoulders and held bows in their hands. The was attributed to southern doctors. "After women held a short stick (ci'w&t) between thei that [the Ghost Dance] the Tule River doctors hands. They stood at each end of the group of; got mad when they got home. They danced all men or in front of them and swayed back and one night and made poison. People got sick forth while the men engaged in a continuous all around." trembling. The singers used clapper accompani An anecdote of P.D.W.'s curing was re- ment. lated by J.A., the Chunut, who was herself The participants whom J.B. recalls were cured of headaches by another Choinimni doctor, all Choinimni, he thinks. The dancers were Samti `wsS. Wa"tun (P.D.W., Pony Dick Watun), Ko lon, and Si nci; the singers were Modu ca and Wo'kuc. J.B. did not know the totem or occupation of About 1927 a Choinimnl woman suffered from any of these save P.D.W., who "was a winatum an abdominal ailment; she dreamed she should be and doctor."' cut approximately over the uterus. She went Jimsonweed ritual.--Jimsonweed (ta'nai) home to have P.D.W. do it. When he cut and was taken about March. Both men and women sucked, "he got out nothing but blood" [i.e., ws ta aout March.aBoth men wen no intrusive object], and the woman has con- used it, women particularly if they were il tinued to grow worse. Some people, for this from some unknown cause. Shamans took it but reason, doubt his abilities, others hava faith like others, only in the spring. It could be, in his power. J.A. implied, however, that taken each year if one wished. P.D.W. himself claimed no special skill. The participant ate no meat for six days and then ate nothing at all for two more. Bu P.D.W. said even so, the Jimsonweed should be The other Choinimni doctor, SDmtiwa s (Bob dreamed about and talked to before one dared of Bobtown), was visiting at Dunlap and could to take it. The night before the drinking t not be interviewed. In curing J.A. of head- participants went out alone and prayed saying aches he sucked out a "little white pointed "Tanai, you're going to doctor me. I don't thing" from a cut at each eyebrow. His own like to be this way." daughter had a pneumonialike sickness attribu- 2A metathesis Of Hopodno's name? Hopodno in 1870, v ted to her eating of raw, cold gooseberries as metathesis of onohs n e? Hopodno, in shortly -___- aftr gvin birth to- an infant, as far north as Kings River on his weather-predicting t shortly fter giing birh to aninfant.(see Powers, Tribes Of California. 372). The earthquake. 1872 may in some way be associated in P.D.W. 's early r ries . 23Latta, op. cit., 38. 2Latta, op. cit., 40O. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 151 The following morning the old man who was the morning of the sixth day, the Huhuna Dance rig to administer the drink brought out the in the afternoon, after which the usual games ts on a tray. Holding this he ran two or and pleasure dances were indulged in. This ee times around the village. Then he mashed arrangement may be quite correct, for the the plants and left them to soak in water. Huhuna Dance appears here to be without "mourn- znidafternoon the participants drank, and by ing" significance and is nothing more than a following morning their narcosis changed display. While it is unusual to have display o active behavior. Then "they saw every- dances such as the Bear Dance and kam on the rng and it was all pretty." The causes of first days, the program for these days was Lness could be seen: a man might see another somewhat plastic, even in the Kaweah River eding from his nose or he might see sickness area. himself. An animal would talk to him and Reciprocity at mourning ceremonies was 1 him about it. When he saw something primarily intertribal; secondarily, by moiety pernatural] he would blow it away if he did opposition. Most frequently it was the Micha- twant it. Sickness on others the "dreamer" hai and Chukaimina who served the Choinimni as ht brush off with hand feathers. He brushed "washers," but often the Aiticha and Wechihit onto a basket; it was removed and buried, were the reciprocants. the basket washed by a winatum. All that A special camp was made with brush shel- seen was told about afterward, as the ters and shades. The winatums of the host rikers returned to their normal condition: tribe got wood and water for the visitors. ookers could ask them about it. This vision- Every morning and evening just before sunrise ability during the narcosis was called and sunset a group of singers went outside of i ti pni (jimsonweed supernatural power). the camp and sang mourning songs and wailed. The participants waited six days before The relatives of the deceased and any others ching meat, then they had a little party dolefully inclined joined in. When the singers te luni sa) with kam dancing at night. clapped their hands, the performance ceased. . was probably given by the participants' Some of the visitors played games during the lies, as it was the parents of young day, but not the hosts, and sometimes "the old nkers who paid the administrant for his people felt too bad and cried all day." ices. If the drinker was an independent During the first two or three days, it lt, he paid for himself. Persons of both seems, the Bear Dance might be given in the eties engaged in the drinking and party day or evening "if the chief wanted it." hout differentiation. In the daytime or evening the kam also Tanai was not taken by many Choinimni as might be danced. Usually two Wechihit dancers, ey were afraid of it; it was used more by whose names P.D.W. did not recall, were the men Wechihit." Two Choinimni men made the who did this. They wore the usual ceremonial ye mistake of taking jimsonweed in the regalia. er, and died as a result; these were Gujam, On the fourth day the Shamans' Contest chief, and Wokoi [his brother?]. The case (he 'Swas) was held. So far as P.D.W.'s inco- well known and is spoken of even by Lake and herent description can be followed, the contest *hern Valley informants, was essentially the same as elsewhere. It took The plant was used medicinally, especially place in the early afternoon. There were four broken bones, when it was drunk as an doctors on each side, of whom Pusl&l&n and sthetic or wrapped on the injury in poul- Kapl&.l&n are the only ones remembered. In e form. (No splints were used.) making their "airshot" (toiy-s) they used no The mythological source of jimsonweed was fire, it "was just grabbed from the sun," al- known to P.D.W.: he had never heard that though P.D.W. claimed no "talking to" [praying plant was two brothers [a Wobonuch belief to] the sun was involved. As they made their which I told him] or two girls [as believed seizing gestures from the sun toward their he Chunut]. basketry trays on which the shot appeared, Mourning ceremony.--This ceremony (luni sa) they exhaled heavily and jerkily, saying "hxI ed for a six-day week called cu lipi laka 'n. hx1 hx!" The airshot "looked just like white order of events, given as follows by P.D.W., fish eggs; it could be shot about 50 feet." ers considerably from the Central Foothill The surviving doctor in the contest was al- ts norm. The first day, as elsewhere, was ways [?] KaplLltn. ely devoted to settling visitors in their The fifth night brought the climax of s. On the second and third days the host crying and image burning. The "Cry Dance" was ef might ask to see the Bear Dance (as de- called aha na. The mourning relatives, who had bed by P.D.W.), which might be performed been in retirement during the day, made two ex- he afternoon or evening. Then the Pleasure cursions out to the central fire during the te (kam) might be displayed by one or two night, carrying with them the images or "dolls" tors. The fourth day the Shamans' Contest (ta w&ts nao sa, dead made-like), which were held. The "Cry Dance" took place on the not raised on poles. P.D.W. expressed puzzle- th night. Ceremonial washing was done on ment over the images and said he did not think 152 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS they were really aboriginal because he anyone, "it was his own know" (i.e., learn "couldn't figure out what they were made of through dream power). It had no reference before we got clothes -- the real old-timers acorn eating. had nothing but skin." While the mourners Kowo wore the usual doctor's dance re- were parading about, the chief made a speech, galia -- feather skirt, feather bunch (cu') which P.D.W. would not attempt to paraphirase. skewered to a headnet, and feather crown(' Then the images were burned or given away, but Singers with cocoon rattles accompanied him the informant was unable to say to whom or why. he danced "half the night." On the following morning, the sixth day, P.D.W. said he had never seen any Aiti the ritual washing (epla'o'isa) was performed. or Wechihit make this dance. The system of reciprocal washing was like that Rattlesnake ritual.--This rite (le'a'1 of the Chunut: the reciprocant was another was held at Kulusao in the old days. Somet tribe whose Tokelyuwich members washed the a doctor who had Rattlesnake as a helper w Nutuwich of the mourning or host tribe, and the dream; the snake would tell him to hold the visiting Nutuwich washed the local Tokelyuwich. rite, and he would do this immediately. P.D.W. thought the actual washing was done only A Choinimni, Puslt l&n, was a Rattles by the chief of the "washing" moiety, assisted shaman. He would tell the chief that they- by his male and female winatums, which again should have the dance in six days. Then he is like valley practice. They dressed up the would get some other snake "doctors." In.t cleansed mourners in new breechclouts, aprons, days they went after their rattlesnakes. ornaments. The old garments were burned. Pay- brought them home in cagelike baskets which ment was made to the washers in money or arti- they hung from a tree branch. cles of use -- again, P.D.W. said, "because The ritual lasted three days. On the-- there were no clothes in the old days." [Bolts first two days the men danced with the snak of calico, blue jeans, etc., are the usual re- on their shoulders, displaying their impet turn gifts in modern times.] The chief made a ness to snake bites. On the third day, the speech and told everybody to be happy, especi- reptiles were put in a hollow in the ground ally those who had been mourning. where they were symbolically "stepped on" Then Huhuna danced. This was done by given "payment" in beads and eagle down. La'haiya, whose costute consisted of a feather the rite was over, the men returned the sn wreath (sema) on the head, and a "sack" cov- to their dens. ered with feathers. The face and eyes were not P.D.W. said that Keya, the Wukchumni, covered. He held a bone whistle (pusac) in his J.P. 's grandfather, was the "best snake ha mouth, but carried no cane. He danced with the ever known" (see Wukchumni account, Pt. I) "shimmy" step, as did other Huhuna dancers, He and Pusliltn most frequently gave this c and found hidden money. There were no singers mony; PuslLlLn was known and witnessed as f or any sort of accompanist with him. Nor was south as Tule River. The powerful shaman he "killed" by a doctor. P.D.W. stoutly in- Kapl&l&n did not participate, "it was not sisted on this, and reverted to the Shamans' know." The Wechihit did not have a snake Contest when I persisted with inquiries on the handler among them. point. It seems clear that this Huhuna per- Deer Dance.--No dance representing or formance was aberrant in both costume and ex- ferring to deer was known to P.D.W. ecution, which probably explains its position in the mourning ceremony as a pure display for entertainment after the washing ritual. Guksai.--This informant had never heard GHOST DANCE OF 1870 the word gu ksai, or any variation of it; nor did he recognize any ceremonial figure which A man (not identified) went over to t might be identified as guksai: "Huhuna was "Paiute" to visit; there he learned two SOD the only one." Then he went up to Table Mountain and to "a Bear Dance.--As described by P.D.W. this big rancheria behind Pine Ridge [both place dance is like the form reported from the Lake Posgisa, Western Mono, territory. There, tribes, and does not resemble that of the Wuk- sumably, they were talking of or already ho chumni or Western Mono. A man named Ko'wo, a ing Ghost Dances.] Then a man came down he Chukaimina at Squaw Valley, made this: people [to Kulusao] and told them about it; he we went over there to see him, as did P.D.W., or and got the Toihicha, Wechihit, and Tachi. he visited around at Kings River villages and lot of Choinimni went to Uplinao, a Wobonu gave a performance. He had Bear as a dream village, to attend their first Ghost Dane. helper; he danced "in the spring because Bear The people put black and white paint on th was going to come out." Most positively, faces."26 The true purpose of the dance P P.D.W. asserted that the dance was never done apparently did not care to reveal; he insl in the fall of the year and that, if requested, "they made that dance Just for fun." it could be performed at a mourning ceremony. ______ He did not learn or inherit the dance from -26Shown in Gayton, Ghost Dance Of 1870, flig. 2, c GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 153 DUMNA TRIBES AND LOCALITIES 5. huku'ktuktu: 1/2 mile south of no. 4 6. ka"oso: village at Firebaugh where 'The informant B.W.'s notions of tribal I" used to go for salmon fishing ations were definite as to direction but 7. ce ao: salmon camp above no. 6 8. ce sao: salmon camp above no. 7 zy and conflicting with other information on 9. a 'tbu: main Dumna village at cific locus. He located neighboring tribes Millerton follows. The center of Tu'mna (Dumna) territory was Y , ~~~~~~~~~~~~~The following were not located: 10, Millerton where their largest village (A 'tbu) co'omtLlao; l1,ya pLk'nao; 12, y&msu; 13, located. B.W. gives the word ho' as its ho"suniu; 14, ce pnao; 15, t'ne lao; 16, e, and tci' as the Gashowu name: I inter- kooyu; 17, ti'ce niu; 18, hogonlao; 19, t this not as a specific name but as the hutu ntlao; 20, ko wacko co; 21, taka tipao; 22,te,"nnao 23 Camx& 'ns'iu;24pa kCiu d for village, or possibly even tribe. The 22, te ninao; 23, - 24, pax& keiu; efs at the Millertcn rancheria were To mk&t 25, so koiyu; 26, woto tiu; 27, co hono no; 28, ca ttlao; 29, hotoi Yiu; 30, tubaudibao; mWilson, B.W.'s father), next We sca, then 31, tiseniu [no. 17?]; 32, nepinwasu; 33, Ct. B.W. thinks there were as many as ten s 1u [Table Mountain?). efs after his father, who died in B.W. 's ood. Below the Dumna on the San Joaquin, and The Northern Foothill Region in 1851 upying both sides of the river, were the yima (Hoyima), and beyond them the Tuko yo The tribes at the eastern edge of the siibly Tokia, the Salinan or Chumash). Up northern San Joaquin Valley, along the San river from the Dumna were the Kece yu Joaquin and Fresno rivers where they debouch chayi). East of them, about a half-mile from the foothills, were dislocated drastically th of the San Joaquin River, were the by the Mariposa Battalion in 1851. The forma- ki sa (Posgisa), a Western Mono tribe. North tion of this battalion to subdue the Indians the Posgisa, on the North Fork of the San of the San Joaquin Valley foothills climaxed quin were the Yaya c'i (Yayanchi). Two con- increasing hostilities between the native own- porary chiefs there, in B.W.'s youth, were ers and encroaching white settlers. Lafayette icu i (Joijoi)27 and Pine waci. The Chuk- H. Bunnell, a physician accompanying the group nsi were on Fresno River at Coarse Gold; two which first entered the Yosemite Valley, in- their important chiefs were Kalo masmLn and cluded in his interesting and sympathetic book o kn us. At the present town of Chowchilla on the Yosemite and Indian War of 1851 some e the Nuatsu. And on the Fresno River at references to the Northern Foothill Yokuts. era were the dausi la (Chauchila) whose The Chowchilla were believed to be the d man was Opa mci. The Gaso "wu (Gashowu) ringleaders in resisting white domination; and e on the north side of Kings River, north their name at that time was used to cover Centerville.- native groups which lived on the Fresno and An additional comment was that "at Auberry San Joaquin rivers, as a dialectic difference people were mixed 'Digger' [Yokuts] and was recognized between their speech and that of chi [Mono]." Of people at Fresno Flat and the tribes to the south on the Kings and Kaweah amore, B.W. could recall nothing. Any kind rivers, who were called collectively Kaweah.28 people were collectively yoko, an indi- (Or so do I interpret Bunnell's usage of the al man, no no. names "Chowchilla" and "Kaweah.") The outstanding figure in the conflict was one Jose Rey, a "Chowchilla" chief whose as- Localities sistant was Tomktt, the father of our Dumna informant, B.W.29 After Jose Rey's death, A long list of place names was given but Tomktt and Frederico went down to the Kings ya few could be definitely located; con- River people for help; there the local chiefs uently they have not been mapped. advised them to meet the terms of the white soldiers .30 1. ho': a Dumna village [a generic not a name ?] 2. tci': a Gashowu village [a generic 28Bunnell, Discovery of the Yosemite. not a name ?] 3. tewa nco: old village site 1/2 mile 2B.W. represented himself as Dumna (Tumna) ta me, as from B.W. 's house at Friant "Chowchilla" to Dr. Stanley Newman. As I have no reason to f4. ai iyu: old village 8ite about doubt his statements and have no contradictions from his Lle east from B.W.'s house Kechayi step-relative, I have kept his material under the nTThe introducer of~ the Ghost Dance (Gayton, Ghost Dance Dumna label. 70). 30Bunnell, l140-l141. 154 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Of interest to our current ethnography is of the Chow-chil-la warriors with them and Bunnell's estimate of stored foods encountered several of the Chuk-chari-cies...Never did I at or near villages. I believe the quantities hear before such an infernal howling, whoop he mentions can be taken as typical for the and yelling, as saluted us then from the throats of about six hundred savages... Th, entire east side of the San Joaquin Valley. group of Indians included a total of 400 war. These were seen in March, 1851. riors "as near as could be ascertained."33 In the Yosemite Valley (Southern Sierra Miwok) the caches in native granaries included principally acorns, also nuts of bay (Cali- War behavior and tactics are mentioned.. fornia laurel), pinion pine, chinquapin, grass Besides the yelling and howling, which may seeds, parched wild rye or oats, dried worms, have been intended to terrify the enemy, the scorched grasshoppers, and dried larvae of in- native warriors indulged in derisive shouti sects gathered from the waters of lakes "in obscene gestures, and eructations, when the and east of the Sierra Nevada." There were in- sighted their white pursuers.34 In direct dications that dogs were eaten at feasts. "The counter between the Indians and American tr acorns found were alone estimated at from four the natives continued their traditional met hundred to six hundred bushels." This was at of battle, in which a single warrior stood one camp; numerous other caches were found. forth to fight another. This resulted dis- When Jose Rey's "Chowchilla" village was found astrously, of course, as the whites neither on the upper San Joaquin River, nothing of understood the intention nor would have sent value was left but the stores of acorns near by. out a man to fight under such circumstances. In exploring the region north of the San "To kill him [Major Savage), many of th Joaquin River toward Black Ridge they came sacrificed their own lives. They would come upon more stores. out one at a time and, standing in open gro send arrows across at him until shot down; old chief who used to cook for Savage, would There were in the country we passed over ask him after every shot where he had hit h some beautiful mountain meadows and most lux- They would talk to him to try to find out wh uriant forests, and some of the sloping table- he was, and as soon as he would answer, the lands looked like ornamental parks of an ex- balls and arrows would fly thick around his tensive domain. These oak-clad tables and bd ridges were the harvest fields of the San head. 35 Joaquin Indians, and in their vicinity we found At this battle an old squaw who was wo an occasional group of deserted huts. These, ed seized a bow and lodged three arrows ina with their adjacent supplies of acorns, were at soldier: normally, women and children were once given to the flames. The acorns found and sent to hidden safety. destroyed by the scouting parties here and on Signal fires were used, as well as oth the South Fork were variously estimated at from signs of communication. eight hundred to one thousand bushels; beside the supply of Pin-on pine nuts and other supplies hoarded for future use. By a peculiar arrangement of these fi From the total amount of acorns estimated during the nlght, and by smoke from them dur to have been destroyed, their supplies were the day, they are able to telegraph a systf comparatively small, or the number of Indians secret correspondence to those on the looko on the San Joaquin had been, as in other locali- An arrow shot into the body of a tree at a ties, vastly overrated.3' ground, or along a trail; or the conspicuou arrangement of a bent bush or twigs, often shows the direction traveled. A bunch of A few remarks are made on numbers of men. grass tied to a stick and left at the fork In the first engagement on a high peak up the a stream or trail, or at a deserted camp per Fresno River in January, 1851, the tribes rep- forms the same service Upon the treeless resented were "the Chow-chilla, Chook-chan-cie, deserts or plains, a mark upon the ground, Noot-chu, Ho-nak-chee, Po-to-en-cie, Po-ho-no- camp or trail, gave the required informatio chee, Kaweah and Yosemite." The number of thus proving these people possess considera fighting men or warriors was estimated at about intelligent forethought. 3 five hundred. Later on "a body of Indians, 33Ibid. 31 32. numbering about two hundred" was seen on a distant mountain about to join the previous 3Ibid., 14-15, 127, 143. Garc6s thought himself a, 32 claimed when, on White River, natives there "gave theI group.) selves smart slaps with the palms on the thighs," and shouted "Ba! Ba! Ba! Ba!"; undoubtealy "Va!" (go!) as A participant in the same battle wrote: was one who spoke Spanish among them(Coues, On the Tra "He [Major Savage] found it was a town of 35Bunnell, 33. See the battle between Lemonda and the Kee-chees [the village on Battle Mountain), (Pt. I, pp.10-11), and also the running conversation but that there were about one hundred and fifty mythical battles (Gaytcn and Newan, Yokuts and Westet 31Ibld ., 134k. Mono Myths , 3 , 88 , 89) . 32Ibid., 21. 36Bunnell, 125. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 155 The type of country in which the Northern Large fish, such as salmon, were speared thill Yokuts dwelt was praised by Major with a two-pronged harpoon. The whole instru- e. He described it as land of the "Chow- ment was called pice 'kamni, the handle, ti m's, las," but in recent times Western Mono have the hooks or detachable points, mike , and the upied the area and may have then. strings, hilu's. Speared fish were: e'p&s (lake trout), p5oi ysm (whale [sic], pike?), - ~~~~~~~~~~~and gai htt (salmon). This belt of country [Sandhill Crane The carrying basket (a .as) was "used by ley on North Fork of the San Joaquin] beats The oarrying baske (arrie a ) eas "s b region of the Yosemite or the Po-ho-no every woman"; it was carried by means of a Ovs for game, if the Indians tell the tumpline (wic6 n). th; and with the exception of the Kern River The carrying net (wa 'lak) was made and try, it is the best south of the Tuolumne used by men only. er. It abounds in grizzly and cinnamon Women pounded acorns (pai 'yn) at bedrock a, and there are some black bears Deer mortars (tintl), using a large pestle (Oe'; very plenty, and a good variety of crane, pa lui, Gashowu). Acorn mush was called se, quail, pigeons, road-runners, squirrels k ' n rabbits -- besides, in their season, water i'n&m (ti'p&n, Gashowu). 1. This territory of the Chow-chillas has ty of black acorns (their favorite acorn), besides this there are plenty of other MISCELLANEOUS DATA plies of bulbous roots.37 Tobacco.--Tobacco (pa"om) grew plenti- SHELTER, FOOD, IMPLEMENTS fully in Dumna and adjacent foothill territory, SHELTER, FOOD,IMPLEMENTSaccording to B.W. About April it would be well Structures. --There were six different grown and turning yellow; then old people, men or women, went out to pick it. They pulverized twhouses (mos)ff t agWes Duana village;wo the dried leaves, added water, and formed the ywere of different ages and sizes, two of pat inoabsutieptcle ,ogn in~~~~ dirpi'8We e wa os paste into a biscuitlike pat called svo 'gan. Ein disrepair.38 When a new sweat house completed, a "fandango" was given by the When dried this tobacco was smoked (pa'mon, to smoke) in little pipes (su ktao, pipe of elder- ef. B.W. could not describe this, save that w u te was plenty to eat and everybody had a wodsukt sikla,peofcn ikl time was Tent toea anld swev o h B.W. has seen stone pipes, but never any of dtime. Then they could sweat."cly The houses (sa m&s), large and spherical, clay. - .. ' ~~~~~~~~At night bef ore going to bed, men or covered with "brush" thatch, not tule. A Foods and beverages..--Pine nuts p women who wanted good health or were seeking obtained_on_trips_up_to_the (puta'nsa or supernatural dreams would cause vomiting by eating tobacco and lime. The cake tobacco was ebrought down for trade by the Kechayi. brneought adow for trade byethe Kallehy tpounded up in a special small mortar (koi wts) pine coneand pine treet were called ton; with burned shells (ok), water added, and the Mna ant her split pin cone. mixture eaten or drunk in very small quantity. Manranita whicieremasphu) was madeedof tBlankets and clothing.--The rabbitskin serreds whichulp wer ashedt and frd fof blanket (xeu'ci; cext 'na, Gashowu), made of the r seeds. then pulp liquid was putrin ir fskins cut in strips and rolled, was made by eral hours, then the liquid was strained women. B.W. could give no intelligible de- u, a baske sv A hot t e dnk scription of its manufacture. (Mexican or Am- erican blanket was called subo n.) Women also ;the pulp, with a little water, was eaten "made clothes of deerskin." l mushi and called 'ca pi. A thickening md lte fdesi. ral"msh lad calle waspiudA thckning Ferrying.--Everyone was a good swimmer, erial called ca not was pounded up and added but children, sick persons, and goods some- times ntsnoTh ideintified] ikon times had to be taken across the San Joaquin ofmpine,mbuts wasgoplain bow (mikodne wam t River, which is swift and deep. For this pur- e of pine, but was gotten by trade from the pose there were large flat-bottomed baskets ,hyi or Posgisa, as was also the sinew- called te'w&c (taskai', Gashowu). These were tZbow (piki'l). All kinds [sic] of arrows caldt i"(asi .Gshw) Teeer edlbow (iil A k s i tightly coiled, but were not waterproofed. In- called tuyo s. fants and goods were placed in these and pushed A knifeafor scraping wasr made froma therib ahead with one hand by one or two swimmers. A e of a deer or any other large animal. sick person would be laid on a raft of two or For fishing, a hook (mike ) was made of three logs; these too were used for goods, but end piee ofibon whc wast boiled ts mked it baskets were preferred. Rafts also were pushed ringfor andgthen itnwas bEnt." Tisnwaduson ?.by swimmers; the river was too deep for poling. $ring for angling [European introduction ?]. 11 fish eaten were: polhu'i, (sucker),______ a' (lamprey eel), and lu 'pt! (brook trout). 39The Mayfield family were assisted across the San " ~~~~~~~~~~~~~Joaquin River by a group of friendly bathers who, if not 'Quoted, ibid., 116. n~~~~umna, at least were their close neighbors (Latta, op. cit:, gToold to be any good, Just like I am nlow,"' said B.W. 11-12). 156 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Calendar.--Each moon "had a name Just like MOIETIES the months," but B.W. would not attempt to re- call them. The informant was quite unable to form Nature, stars, directions.--B.W. was in- late the concept of the moiety or to descri terested in categories and liked to volunteer its functions, although he recognized its this information.40 presence in his culture. He claimed that he He gave the following terms: soko'wa himself, his father, and his father's brothe (wind); me'mi'ac' (thunder, ta'lak, Gashowu); and sister were Nutuwich, and that his moth wa'lma (lightning). Op (sun); hapi'l (heat of and his sister's son were Tokelyuwich, whic the sun); hai'li (day). Hac'a'mi'op (new moon, is correct if moiety regulated marriage, ase lit. young); pime'mat (full moon); toyonu'mni probably did. He volunteered the following' (dark of the moon, waning moon?). Se yal classification of animals, but claimed that, (rain); com (cloudy condition; fog?); vegetable foods and fish were not dichotomit ye le'a'yela (big rain from the west). Wa'la which does not agree with more reliable infO (sky or firmament); ce'a'tas (stars); tawa"nLs mation from the neighboring Kechayi. (morning star); c'omo'loalo'hi (evening star); yese'yes (Pleiades); kacpe'la (a constellation, Tokelyuwich, west "husbands of the Pleiades"); hata'nhun (eclipse of sun or moon). Ho'lki (the ground or earth); to`hLl: eagle si1ll (rocks, embedded rocks); i ltk (water). w4he sut: cougar Directions were particularized as follows: a'luwats: crow [blackbird?] ho'~im homoti ta'ntn homotiho'toi: raven ho S"im (north); homo ti (south); ta"ntn homoti humi x: Jackrabbit (to go south); to'x&l (west; toward the plains): toxtl tu'nulao (westward downhill); notu (east; te cel: rattlesnake, Gashowu toward the mountains); notu tunulao (eastward ko-lonki : king snake up hill); toxLl pa'a'su (the plains); tunulao oi'u'i: roadrunner (hill, hillwards); a'ttl (directly down, also tono l: a large, red, wildcat downhill); tantn attl (to go down); at&l te'pwk: beaver tunulao (down hillwards); ti`ptn (up, directly white head, "catches fish above). Wakai'yao (downstream); tip&n wakaiyao all the time" (upstream); hami'ni (near side of any stream); wa'hat: crane hada miu (far side of any stream). Ho" ho si kal: ground squirrel (ocean, which B.W. had never seen). In con- nection with directions he added the following: Nutuwich, east hihi'mst (to run); witi'n&t (to fall down); hasw 'nit (to fall down dead or to be dead). hihi "ma: horned owl po hiyon: Cooper's hawk Life span.--The life span B.W. divided as naho lo: bear follows: pai (baby); haca'mi (pre-pubertal cai cai: bluejay boy or girl); muke'la (mature woman); no'no hoi: deer (mature man); moha'lo (aged man or woman, like hope'l: gopher snake himself, said B.W.). He added: hoi'i'lLt koto'nt6: gopher snake, Gashowu (to be well after being ill, convalescent, upla ,mliap dove again "like himself"); haswL nLt (dead person). cawacu: wildcat, smaller than tonol Burial.--When a man died, all his rela- naha "'t: otter tives, even his distant cousins, came and cried so ksok: kingfisher- for one or two days. They would not keep the ce'ha: dog body longer than that. If it were buried, the grave was 3 to 4 feet deep. In the old days all bodies were cremated on a pile of brush SHAMANISM and heavy wood; the pile was about 4 feet high. During the burning the relatives and others sat Curing in a circle around the fire and wept. About one day later, when all was cool, the bones Persons who wanted supernatural power and ashes were gathered in a basket, and the (t 'pni) acquired it by dreaming, swimming,. receptacle and its contents were buried. B.W. praying. When a significant dream (ana'ts) could not say who officiated on these occasions. came, the person rose, went outdoors and pr The Chowchilla tribe also cremated.~41 to that which had visited him in the dream. dawn he went to swim, regardless of how col was. When B.W. was a small boy, his father carried him down to swim at the same time h *%ater, when in recovered health, he became Dr. StanleyJ did. Beyond this, B.W. 's description of ti Newman's inforant for linguistic material, an experience acquisition of power was quite incoherent.i I feel sutre the old man enjoyed to the utmost, doctor was called te"'is; B.W. claimed a'nty X1Bunnell, 122. was the Gashowu word. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 157 Of doctors, he said that in earlier times Another doctor, "Dr. Baldy," a Gashowu, 'doctor was bad because he feared "that the cut and sucked the chest of a baby who had ple would get mad and kill him" [the state- pneumonia: "the white doctor had given it up." it tself indicates that there were evil The next morning the baby was improved and re- tors and that they were killed]. A -bad covered. tor "had all kinds of poison; if he got mad sent this at you." Such projection of "son could kill trees: a shaman would hit Bear Shamans and the following year it would be seared dead. Bear shamans, according to B.W., did not A good doctor did not take money unless have anything to do with the acorn crop, as in was sure of curing his patient. If he was the Central Foothills, but were persons who had successful, he was expected to return the fee. dream power from Bear and used it for display turally there must have been much difficulty and intimidation of others. 'defining a cure in many types of sickness.] His brother (NipEc), Te wus (Sam Smith) A shaman's display dance was usually done was a bear man and doctor. "He danced any time tside. If such a performance were scheduled, for show and to get money." The two men would it rained, the shaman took one or two walk somewhere at dusk to visit people; on the ers and went into a dwelling house (samts), way, when they reached a big log, Tewus would tinto the sweat house (mos). As many spec- turn himself into a bear. This frightened tors as could crowded in to watch him. This B.W. very much. At the display dances which ce was probably comparable to the kam: B.W. Tewus gave he would dance in the fire without ld neither name nor describe it. being burned. Sometimes one or two bears ap- There was a prophetic and curing dance peared and danced with him. led mi y&n wa tiye to se ("the to-tell Once when Tewus was walking up a very ce") performed by several doctors. Some- steep hill toward a mining shaft, a huge es as many as five doctors participated at boulder from above came rolling down and in- e. People assembled at a big fire in the jured him badly. He was ill from five to six ly evening. The doctors were there with months. During that time three bears came ir singers and winatums. Persons already each night to visit and to cure him. Tewus were brought in and disposed -near the fire. talked to them prayerfully and asked their doctors danced while the singers sang. help. He got well "because of those bears." n they told who was going to be sick. They (See the Kechayi version of this from E.M., a big basket of water [each had?] in which below.) ey dipped their hand feather, (waca "m), and shed off the patients and the "patients- ect." "They blew the sickness away before it Rain-making .e." Onlookers would say, "Wihe'l&t a'mam 'aka'tc" ("doctoring-process him [does] B.W. said his father was a rain shaman. "). "A big doctor knew everything, especi- He would predict the weather: if he said it Iy about sickness that was far away. If we would rain no more for the season, people would those doctors now they could stop this flu then pay him to make it rain. However, he idemic) we've been having." could make it rain for as long as he wished -- The doctoring activities of the Choinimni, one week to a month. Then people paid him to .W., were witnessed and experienced by B.W. make it stop. Women could not pound acorns le doctoring B.W., P.D.W. sat in front of when it rained, as the holes in their bedrock He could see the sickness. He sang: mortars were filled with water. He deliber- ately made rain to discomfit others and be paid, said B.W. oyohwi kika To do this, he donned the usual shaman- ha nana-, istic regalia -- crown of feathers and feather te`pi niihi ti (t&pni) skirt. He carried a wacam ( a bunch of magpie feathers) in his hand,-which he dipped into a .W. could not translate it; thought it meant large basket of water, sprinkling the water was asking ttpni to help him.) P.D.W. sang about. (Informant did not know if there was s over continuously before and while he was sprinkling in certain directions.) He "danced ting at painful spots. "A doctor could do for three or four days, or all night." Then it ihng without singing to his t&pni." The in- rained soon While the sprinkling was going sions were made with a piece of glass and the on, B.W.'s brother sang for his father: cekness" sucked out. P.D.W.'s curing outfit~ nsisted of the glass, magpie and owl feathers, si li ka'na'ha (water) la weasel [?) head ornamented with beads. [repeated six times] eday following this treatment B.W. "got up awalked all around" [cured]. te'p&n i te'i (t&pni) 158 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS ko no-no, to the Jimsonweed. Three days before taking the decoction they ceased eating and drinki si li ka na'ha, entirely. Then when they drank,"one little [repeated twice] basketful was enough." Women relatives ad- ministered the drink and watched over the si This B.W. could not or would not translate. ing partakers during the narcosis; B.W.'s The first and second words are probably "song sister did this for him. There was "some ki renderings" of rain (se'el) and water (i'l&k) of singing and dancing" first, but B.W. coul and supernatural power (tspni). not describe it. The drinkers sat in a row When there was a big rain and one wanted to receive the drink. The drink was consum to stop it, one would strike a dog. The cries in the evening, and by morning was in full of this animal would be heard by a celestial operation. Then the drinker "could see eve dog who caused thunder and controlled C?] the thing, far away, and everywhere." He could weather. see sickness on other people and this he wou blow (not brush) off them. B.W. did not know of the use pf Jimsonw BELIEFS as an anaesthetic or as a poultice for frac- tures. He could not recall any racing or ho B.W. said that his father told him the Jumping in connection with the jimsonweed dead got up in three days and went above, ritual. where God is. B.W.'s dead brothers and sister Snake ritual.--"No one up this way made were already there. Co 'konik and Pusltltn are the only ones did He conceived God as God (not t&pni or (See Choinimni account.) Eagle), but Jesus Christ as the ya y&l hawk and son of Eagle. Thunder is the result of noisy behavior ANECDOTES by Roadrunner, Blackbird, Raven, and Dog, who are above in the sky. The big dog, whose name A Visit to Heaven is Ya oltc, makes the most noise. "He can hit anything and smash it down. He is mean. He This elderly informant had just returne makes all the big rains." When he hears the from a stay of four months in the Madera hos cries of a dog on earth, who is being beaten tal. Soon after he was taken there he had a. because of the rain, he makes the rain cease. dream or vision which he regarded as an act B.W. had never heard of thunder being twins or experience, a visit to heaven. associated with tule.42 An eclipse of the sun or moon is caused A big dog came up to the side of his be by an eagle spreading its wings over it- B.W. It was very large, standing about 4 feet hig could remember no attempt being made to change It put its head close to B.W.'s and breathed this condition. (See Kechayi information.) (heavily aspirated] "h-c-h!" sound into his Three seasons, which are the natural moods face three times. A hospital attendant ask of the climate, were distinguished: tisa'miu, B.W. if it were his, but he said no.45 Theg spring, about February to April; hai'alu, offered the animal some crackers to eat, whi summer, Ma oOcoe; ooksit refused. It was taken outside and there summer, May to October; tomo ksiu, wintery lay down on the steps; by evening it had dis November through January. appeared. Missionary X came to visit B.W. He sto beside the bed. B.W. said he was always th CEREMONIALS AND RITUALS ing of God, and for this the missionary com-, mended him. When Missionary X left he offer Jimsonweed ritual.--Jimsonweed (ta nai) B.W. his hand, to shake hands, but he really was taken in the spring; "in the summer it was only stuck out his little finger, so B.W. J poison." Two Choinimni tookitinthesummer- grasped it as best he could. B.W. could not poison." Two Choinimni took it in the summer- see plainly because the big dog was there time and died. It was drunk by both sexes. was licking his eyes; its tongue covered his This informant said he took it each spring with eyes. It was God who was shaking hands and his father and uncle; yet, as in other matters, given his little finger. he was unable to bring his mind to bear on de- B.W. could see into heaven. He saw eve tails. He claimed "people quit eating meat one of his dead relatives; he saw his father for one year before taking tanai. "43 During and his brothers and sister. They were all that year the person went out each night re- beautifully dressed and had flowers stuck al gardless of the weather and talked prayerfully over their clothes. All the country was gr '2Wobonuch and Chunut beliefs, respectively. *There is a large celestia:L dog which lives in the 43Perhaps this was only for the first taking. If it was an;ae hne;BW huh hswshsvstr taken each year, as B.W. clai'his ,he did, the drinker would 45B.W. had Just bought a small dog at that time, Vh have to become "vegetarian. " he still had at the time of my visit. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 159 saw sloping hillsides with trees on them, catch an Indian. The people on the Creek had everywhere there were hundreds of people. never seen any white people or Mexicans before; could see directly in front of him and well they were all scared and hid around in the toward the right, but to the left he saw hills. But some were caught, among them B.W.'s hing. On that side he Just saw Missionary father, his brother, and himself A bullet had back where he was walking off toward the hit his brother. They went back into their tand disappeared.46 village B.W.'s father was the headman and he B.W.'s relatives came up to welcome him asked the white men to leave their guns at home they told him to stay with them now. But unless they wanted to have fights. The white refused, saying that it was not yet time for men said they Just wanted to make friends. to live in heaven. He did not see God Then his father called all his people together here in heaven, but he could hear him talk- and told them to go down [where?] to the "white Everything was green there. fandango." About twenty or thirty went and were given food, hats, and coats. Then others went down. They had been told to come once a When B.W. ended he added, in the prayerful month for presents. er in which the sun, water, morning star, A man [named Dover?] had one hundred and ,,are addressed, "God is with me all the sixty acres of land where he wanted the Indians band makes me well." to be placed. All the headmen, Gashowu, Tachi, everybody, were sent for B.W. went with his father. The government wanted to make schools. Beginning of White Occupation Each morning two white men and [native] inter- preters told them what was going to take place. After narrating the Dumna creation myth, Then a white man [Dover?] went over to Kings added a coda of his own: River to see the Indians there, but he got killed. The Indians called him Ca wis. The government sent no money at this time. But Then God dropped acorns, manzanita, and this was the beginning of all bad things -- the seeds that were needed. In the spring sickness and drunkenness -- and all the Indians salmon came, were dried, and were taken went. . On the Sacramento [River) it was Just same. The Indians moved around everywhere ihis time, went anywhere to pick acorns. On another occasion B.W. declared that the ything was loose [free] The [Dumna) high price of native basketry was due to the le camped along the river [San Joaquin) all fact that some white land owners charged Indian way down to Firebaugh.47 women for the privilege of coming on their property to get the grasses and roots needed. Then he continued his narrative: He said that "over on Kings River" some men Then white people came, about seven or charged $2.50 a day for the gathering of basket- t miles up Madera Creek. They wanted to ry materials on their land. KEC HAYI INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS AND LOCALITIES feel the wrists of their partners in the dance. If they had hard wrists, the Mono knew they Tribal areas, localities, and sites were were Mono also; if the wrists were soft, the obtained from E.M. Her information on dancers were Yokuts. The Eastern Mono con- al relations corroborates the statements versed with the Yokuts through their linguistic thers that close contacts between Yokuts and cultural kin, the Western Mono people Western Mono date only from about 1860 on- (Yayanchi and Posgisa). When these said the Since her childhood, and particularly Yokuts were friends, the Eastern Mono left them e the Ghost Dance of 1870, intercourse has alone. more facile between the Mono and Yokuts E.M. recounted the story of a war with sp on the western slope of the Sierra Mono people which occurred before she was born. a. When people gathered at Table Mountain the Ghost Dance, the Eastern Mono' would Long ago [before E.M. was born] a number .W. described Missionary Y as "a lover of the Indians' of Yokuts people from the Chukchansi, Kechayi, .n He was always asking for money which he took away to and Gashowu tribes were camping east of Friant. r-by town. B.W. said he told his boy not to put money They had all gone there for acorn-gathering. e collection plate while Y was the missionary because It was the general practice that the men, im- oved thelendian but he loved their money too much mediately after the morning meal, went out to ntrst MisoayX*h ueree ,wsctda shake down the acorns. Leaving these to be ontas, Mssonry , hosuprsdedY,wa ciedas collected by the women, they then went off for odman. the day to hunt or fish. Toward sundown they ayton and Newman, 28. returned and helped the women crack the nuts. 160 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Now some Monachi [Eastern Mono] had come together to gather acorns, just as the Wuk- over the mountains: their chief had told them chumni (J.B.) mentioned for the seed-gathe to "go over and kill those people like birds." camps in the Central Foothill region. While the Yokuts men were away, the Monachi In spite of the somewhat inimical rel surrounded the women's camp. One man came tions with the Monachi, or Eastern Mono,a closer to spy. He saw the women cracking the acorns with their teeth and thought they were lively trade was carried on between Yokuts eating. He went back and reported this Sever- Mono to exchange the products, natural and al times he came close to spy and each time saw manufactured, of the valley and mountain the women putting the nuts to their mouths: he regions. In this trade the Western Mono "thought they just ate all day long." anchi, Posgisa, etc.) were the middlemen. Next morning the Yokuts men went out very Monachi came over as far as Auberry, bring early to knock down more acorns. They found a rachin ovets far as Auberry, r series of stakes, with feather bunches (so'n&l) rabt blankets (ye moccans ri tied to their tops, which had been set up by salt (obo'ko), red and blue paint, and pine the Monachi.48 They knew the Monachi were near nuts In exchange they received acorns, w by, so they returned to camp and sent the women bark baskets, and bead money (5il& 'mki). off. The women fled across the river (San bead money the middlemen had received in p Joaquin], leaving everything behind. The men ment from the foothill Yokuts, who, in tu went in pursuit of the Monachi. Their camp was got it from the valley Yokuts in exchange located, and the Monachi were found asleep. deer meat, oak wood (ti htn), and stone mo Rushing in, the Yokuts killed all of them, save one man who smeared himself with his comrades' blood and pretended he was dead. Later on this lower lake and barren northern valley regi man went back to his village and reported The expeditions for trade were made b; events to his chief. The chief was very angry; Monachi: E.M. said "nobody from this side he determined on revenge. went over there." It is possible that the Soon after that a Yokuts was working for a general direction of trade expeditions was white man and was sent up into the mountains westward -- Eastern to Western Mono, Westea with some hogs. Some Monachi lurking about on Mono to foothill Yokuts, foothill Yokuts ti this side of the ridge saw him; they came down valley Yokuts 49 and valley Yokuts to the to him and asked him who he was. When it was time for the Yokuts man to return to the valley, Chumash and Salinan on the coast. his employer warned him not to make the trip alone. But the man was anxious to get back home and went anyway. The Monachi were am- Localities bushed along the way and killed the man and his horse. Few sites or localities could be named E.M.; these have not been mapped. There was no mark of ownership on land or trees or seed-areas, but a woman would verbally aho lu'i: a Kechayi village on the S designate certain trees or grass spots as hers Joaquin River not far from Auberry and would "growl" if some other woman took the owo mniu: a Posgisa [?] village at t products therefrom ahead of her. Her com- edge of Table Mountain plaints would be on the personal level, and su 'mhun: a village at the junction o would not be taken to the chief under ordinary Fine Gold Creek and the San Joaquin River circumstances. Sometimes arguments between sanwo ganiu: Dumna village on the a women did grow into family feuds, which the on the spot)50 chief attempted to control by counsel. There taka tipao: Kechayi territory or pa was a tacit, traditional ownership among fami- in general lies, and in the larger sense among tribes, of aco po: unlocated desirable land and its concomitant hunting, kumku m'.: "humming bird place"; not fishing, and seed-gathering assets. The family located, a saloon there where Hai'ai' c:- "ownership" operated to the extent that a young liqukokotp Syamore married woman continued to gather vegetable k products with her own mother, rather than with her mother-in-law. This was regardless of STRUCTURES matrilocal or patrilocal residence, and surely led to inheritance of such plots, even though Dwellings.--The houses of the Kechayi- inheritance was not defined in set terms by of the hemispherical thatched type. The f' any Yokuts people. (wa'ai) was circular, about 10 feet in di. It is clear from the account given above, ameter, and excavated for about 18 inches.. that people from several tribes might be camped _ 49__See the Choinimni trips to the Tachi -n Latta, Jeff 's Story, 29 ff . 45The exact nature of these E.M. could not define: they'X may be such stakes as those the Tachi informant , M .G ., had 50Although E .M . calls the village Sanwo 'ganyu, tM in mind when she described boundary markers (see Tachi, is actually Penutianized "San Joaquin" and is applld Pt. I). the river also. : GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 161 s (lo 'kot) of any pliable wood were set monies took place indoors, save the inception in the edge of the depression, and were of a pleasure dance and a doctor's debut (see in position by horizontal bands of willow below). If a rain spoiled an outdoor dance, the es (ka pai). There would be three or four dance would, if possible, be moved into a large these bands, each one smaller than the pre- dwelling. But this was only if it was purely ng, constricting the frame poles in a for entertainment. No ritual was ever held ular (not conical) form. The last ring indoors. nac), about 20 inches in diameter, had tips of the side poles tied to it; the s did not extend through it. The nearly ght sides of the dwelling were lined on MISCELLANEOUS DATA inside with vertical strips of cedar or bark (solo pi'). Thatching was of "any Pottery.--E.M. said pottery was "used by of long weeds" [sic] (ko 'osn&l).5' This people long ago." She had never seen but one thought was not twined, but was inserted pot. This was owned by an old man (Old Dick) unches under the horizontal withes lashed near Auberry, who told her what it was. Auberry over it. Mats were not used. is within range of the Western Mono groups who The doorway (palu'an) was covered with a may have been the source of Old Dick's piece. ed mat of "weeds" stiffened by lashing on No one of the Kechayi used pottery, much less Fame. On each side of the door were two made it, in E.M.'s time. a poles, parallel with those of the door Tobacco.--There was no cultivation of e, behind which the mat door was slipped tobacco (po 'om), but its growth was watched; eep it from tipping over. it grew best on burned ground. When beginning The fire was in the center. to turn yellow, about May, it was gathered by An earth-covered house was known but evi- old people. The leaves were washed, tied in ly little used by the Kechayi: "plains bundles, and allowed to sour, then dried and ple used them more." The frame was hemi- pounded. The leaves and stems of "a plant with ,rical, like that of the'thatched house, berries" (kai'a'sni) were added and pounded the structure had an excavated floor. After with the tobacco. The resulting powder was itweeds" were tied on "dirt was thrown all moistened, shaped into round cakes, and dried. r it." The entrance was in the side (not In this condition it was called so'gan. The ugh the smoke hole) and had a separate fine tobacco, pulci na, was not made by the covered door. In short, it seems to have Kechayi or Gashowu. E.M. knew what it was but the usual Kechayi house with a covering thought "only Choinimni doctors" used it. arth, and similar to that of the Choinimni. The drinking of a tobacco and lime mixture all Kechayi houses this was a one-family was customary among people wanting to induce ling. supernatural dreams, or those who sought good . Houses of the Northern Foothill district health "by keeping their stomach clean." The r had more than one room. During the day tobacco and burned shells of freshwater oysters sition on either side of the door was con- (ke'wi) obtained from the river were pounded red desirable, "because there was no smoke together in a small mortar, moistened, and e. But at night a guest always had the licked off the pestle. e at the center back, the warmest and Ferrying.--Men and women were equally good at. In summer, fires were outdoors. swimmers and usually crossed the San Joaquin Husband and wife joined in the construc- River (or other water) by swimming. Babies or of their house, the man looking after the possessions were put in a large flat-bottomed ework, the woman after the thatch. Men coiled basket (ta okac) made for ferrying. A on the upper layers of thatch, as climbing swimmer pushed this ahead of him with his left not seemly for women. There was a sense of hand, while he used his right arm, elbow hori- t ownership and, upon divorce, the offend- zontal and forearm swinging downward in an arc, tparty was expected to abandon the dwelling, to propel himself. The feet were kicked be- Houses of a village were set out in a row hind, but there was no splashing. In the same he site permitted; if it did not, any ar- way a man might hold a baby or small child on ement was permissible. Regardless of his his left shoulder. One or two swimmers would ty, a chief's house was always placed at push a log ahead of them on which a sick or est end. No other house had a special infirm person would ride astride. A two-log tion. raft was made for an invalid or corpse. E.M. -Dance house.--The Miwok "round house" was added with pride that the Kechayi were all good to the people on the San Joaquin River, swimmers, whereas the Chukchansi were poor it was not imitated. No dances or cere- swimmers. i ~~~~~~~~~~~~Posture. --Posture was not observed, as at ^ere was undoubtedly some preferred material, as sug- this small reservation all people sat on chairs. by the nae E.M. offered, but she couldn't or wouldn'tE.M., however, frequently pointed with her lips, ity it. with a slight raise of the head as she did so. 162 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Star lore.--Terms used for stars, phases who "wanted to fix up for dances." It was of sun and moon, etc., follow: sociated with the Tokelyuwich moiety. hu iyu: red. This doctors bought fr. the Western Mono; the Eastern Mono were the, u Pts: sun ultimate source. It was the Nutuwich color toiyu nam u pts: moon (lit , night sun) sa lu: black. Charcoal. tawa nts: morning star wa wun: green (called blue by a Wobo tomo lo'o lohi: evening star informant). It is said to have-been introd caya tas: star (general) by the Paiute who brought the Ghost Dance. muxe ma: Pleiades (lit., young girls). E.M. disclaimed all knowledge of the tale of the girls' flight from their husbands .52 When Face patterns E.M. could not describe this constellation was on the eastern horizon yond this statement: that the Tokelyuwich at dawn, the river was deep, but when it was on covered the face with white and added two V the western horizon at dusk, it was time to go cal stripes of green [black in earlier time to the river for tne spring salmon run.53 and that the Nutuwich merely used red horiz soiyo lui yawac&t: Milky Way (lit., tal stripes.54 She added that the Tokelyuv antelope-place running). Antelope and deer ran sometimes put white horizontal streaks acro a race across the sky from northeast to south- west. Deer won. their upper arms (but see sweat house dance wate lau: a shooting star. Doctors knew Shamans were the usual owners and traders o something about these, but "plain people paint. wouldn't know." Money.--Values for clamshell disc beadi we c'n cano "onit: eclipse of sun or moon were: once around the hand without crossil (lit., Condor eating). The Condor was thought the wrist, 25 cents; five times around the to be eating the luminary; he hid it with his hand, $5.00. This is incongruous, of cour wings. At this time everyone went out and shouted. This shouting was led by the Nutuwich (see fig. umra c, Pt.- I) people: "the Nutuwich could holler best, the Numeral system.--The usual Yokuts numi Tokelyuwich couldn't holler very good." Coyote cal system, based on 10, was used by Kecha was not involved in eclipses. When an eclipse Gashowu, and Dumna. E.M. gave the followi. of the sun occurred, a horse was killed, in Kechayi count: addition to the shouting. The meat was eaten, the carcass being left to attract Condor away from the sun. 1. yet 14. ha'cpam 2. po noi 15. & ,cam 3. so ptn 16. co lpop Calendar.--The year was divided into moon 4. hatpa"nai 17. no"mcom months (yet u'p&s, a month, lit., one moon). 5. 'tc& nil 18 mu'ncum These had special names which E.M. forgets. It 6. co lipi 19. no"mpom contained five weeks, that is, four weeks of 7. nu mc&n 20. ponoi te yiu six days each, and the dark of the moon 8. mo 'nos 21. ponoi teyao yet (gatai si) counted as six days. The week 9. no nap 22. ponoi teyao pono 10. te'yo2.pniiyos p (su'man, Sp. semana?) is now said to have seven 11 y cam 23 e days (nu'mc'n, seven); the old week was called 12. bo'6top 100. yet pica cu'lupai (co'lipi, six). 13. so'pi'op 1000. yet mi la (Sp. Earthquake.--E.M. had never heard of an earthquake in this region. (This is curious since she had such a clear memory of the Ghost GAMES Dance in 1872, the year of a violent earth- , i quake in the San Joaquin Valley. Shinny.--This game (ko'nic). was playe Snake-charm.--In the spring men and women both sexes The sticks and ball were of 1"s wore abalone-shell gorgets, the glittering of hard wood." Usually there were three peopi which was thought to make rattlesnakes give a each side; moiety opposition functioned wh warning rattle (snake-charm, cune ki). the game was played at mourning ceremonies. Paint.--The colors and sources were as The Kechayi played the game around the t follows: post, which was not struck or aimed at. Tossed hoop and pole.--E.M. had not se this game (ha 'lao) played; she had "Just h ho sue: white. A clay which "the doctors the old people talk about it."f got some place."t They would give it to anybody Football.--For this game (i wac) two were set up about one hundred feet apart. 520ne suspects reticence: the story is regarded as some- ball of deerskin stuffed with grass was ki what obscene, at least to tell to a stranger. and scuffed along the ground between two op 53This is approximately the same tie; May 1 the Pleiades ponents. They pushed each other vigorously are on the eastern, horizon at 6 a.m., western horizon at maintain possession of the ball. They star 6 p.m. Allowing for actual circumstances (the wall of the fro n pot, wet in a circuit around thd Sierra Nevada, what constitutes "dusk, " etc .) there may' l have been a two -week interlude between the "tilme Of high l water" and the "time for spring salmon." 5*Cf. Gifford, Miwokc Moieties, 146.l GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 163 r, and returned. Both sexes played. Pairs SOCIAL ORGANIZATION men with two balls often played against each er. Officials Walnut dice game.--While this (hucu'sa) The chief (tifya) fuhctioned as among the primarily a woman's game, men occasionally Central Foothill tribes. His house was always red. It was tabu at night. As usual, the on the west side of the village, regardless of ht nutshell dice (ho'wac) were tossed on a his moiety affiliations. It was the only house d coiled tray (ca'p&t). The dice are nut- given a special location. He "was the richest 1 halves, filled with pitch. In the old man, every one had to pay him at a mourning a round root called ka uhai, which grew in ceremony whether they wanted to or not." There mountains, was cut in a hemispherical shape was no physical punishment or direct penalty painted. for a person who did not pay, but one who was The count as given by E.M. was: two face able to pay and did not would be in disfavor r down, 1; three face up or down, 1; all up with the chief and would lack the latter's per- all down, 4. sonal support when he might want it. The chief Twelve counters were used and were handled did no hunting; "he told his winatum to tell a scorekeeper (wi ce l'tt). some men to go hunt for him." For this the men were not paid. E.M. did not think that the Stick dice game.--This too was a woman's chief's wives could lay claim to seeds and e (da lag) which men occasionally played. acorns in the same manner, but payments to the re was no limitation on the hour of play. chief or his wives might be made in these e were eight stick dice of split elderwood products when occasion arose. The duties of Beta). The flat face was unornamented; the the wives, also called tiya as were their sons kwas decorated with streaks of red paint. and daughters, were primarily those of host- the sticks were bunched in one hand and esses. They often advised other women in their wn down on a deerskin (in later years on a private affairs and carried weight in the com- et). The motion was an under- or backhand munity with prestige as well as personality. the sticks were not dashed directly down- Feasts or parties, like those given by The count was the same as in hucusa chiefs of the lake tribes, were given by ve). Kechayi and Gashowu chiefs. There was no set Hand gme.-Both sexes played this game time for them; they occurred two or three times hela oca), either apart or mixed. As many during a year, that is, between fall and spring wished played on each side. Each side had when village life was integrated. Announcement own pair of bones. These were about two of the feast was made in advance by the wina- es long. The one to be guessed for was tums; everyone in the village was invited. The ped at its center with a few strands of a chief, his immediate family, and relatives, k root (the one used for black pattern in provided the food and cooked it. Such affairs etry). lasted about three days, alternating games, As the guessing progressed, singing was dancing, shamanistic displays, and sweating up constantly. Men hid the bones behind with the feasting. No payment was made by r backs, women under a skin or blanket on the guests. There was no moiety division at r knees. The bones were passed to one's these parties. hbor only after continual losses on the The position of chief passed from brother r's part (i.e., winning by the opposing to brother, then reverted to the eldest son of ser), but no accurate explanation of how the eldest brother. This, at least, was the operated in practice could be made by E.M. theory of its inheritance. The brothers "had The counters, kept by a scorekeeper, been working together," and the successor was ered twenty. experienced and knew in personal detail the ered twenty. duties and privileges which he was taking over. String figure3.--E.M. claimed she had A chief's son "stayed with his father all the rseen these, but a Chukchansi (Dolly) who time" in order to hear and learn the functions listening volunteered the statement that which he would later be called upon to perform. people used them to predict the sex of an Before he died, a chief would designate his child.55 The trial was made by the successor. er of the prospective father. Dolly did At Aholu i, a Kechayi village on the San bow how to make the figures. Joaquin River not far from Auberry, E.M.'s Cup and ball.--E.M. had never heard of father's brother, Gaida na, was chief. After game. him came Huhutu tu,6 for whom she could give no genealogical placement, saying only that he ~~~~~~ ~~~~~was "la relative" of Gaidana. A Dumnna chief, 8ee the figures "baby girl" and "baby boy" (Barrett and rd, Miwok: Material Culture, p1. LXIX, figs. 5-8), which 'bly are similar to those meant. It was not clear, how- 5"The nane sounds like a Yokuts nickname and well may in what the element Of prediction consisted. have been. 164 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Co ket, Nutuwich, and his wife, Ninki lwit, ulu' ju: nahono: Tokelyuwich, are the only other chiefly per- meadow lark bear sons E.M. recalls. ca piti tna: hoi: Another official, who made announcements kingbird deer and managed festivities and ceremonies, was the wihe Oit: kawai yu: .1j V ~~~~~~~~~cougar horse (SP. Ca yate "c (talker or manager), He seems to have ki 'ci: hu"us"u: been a superwinatum, serving as a go-between raccoon coyote for the chief and people; the chief addressed te'pis: a oja: the people directly only when the yate'ic was beaver fox absent. At gatherings such as the chief's xu'mix: co i: "party," the yate'ic' "prayed" before each meal, t Jackrabbit skunk (large) a saying, "Come close to the table [sic], we are te u: ce cu: going to have a good feast. When this supper si txtb: skunk s-- is over, we will play and have a good time." ground squirrel ma : The only Kechayi manager whom E.M. re- homu ca: grey squirrel.,. members by name was Ko con, a Nutuwich; one of wood rat gai hit: the Posgisa was E'ukiiyi. The office was te 'el: salmon paternally inherited, but moiety affiliation rattlesnake ma mil: did not affect its functions. tala tai: blackberries The winatum "ran errands for the chief," lizard small black ses gathered wood for public fires, carried grasshopper messages. He was paid for his services. The pu tus: position was inherited in the male line, but "round" acorns not- all sons of a winatum had to function as e sin: such. The family chose one or more of its sons a "mountain" acorn to take up the work, but if a lad were incom- te pun: petent or unwilling, he did not have to under- acorn mush take it.lim: acorn gruel a ptu: manzanita berries or cider Moieties taxa ti: sourberries The classification of animals, birds, and ca nit: some vegetable foods as Tokelyuwich and Nutu- seeds from a blue flower wich is given below. The informant was certain xe'lis: that no natural phenomena such as thunder, rain, or even land, sky, and water, were classified in this way. These were asked about indirect- The functioning of the moiety divisio ly, and also more directly, along with animals not one of mere reciprocity, as it is with and plant names. Most of the items below were southerly or westerly Yokuts. Here, for given voluntarily in response to a general Kechayi at least, it seems there is no lin question. totem which is recognized as a family symb even for that of a chief: all moiety anim Tokelwich Nutuwich are regarded as "totems."@ The specific tionings are given under headings dealing to `xil: po hiyon: those situations in which they operate, su eagle Cooper's hawk as "Annual Mourning Ceremony," "First Frui pu nal: ya yil: Rites," "Marriage." A peculiar set of be- hawk (Swainson ?) 5 falcon58 havior patterns, which E.M. could not clea upla li: ho its: formulate nor I grasp, was associated with dove buzzt- hi nard moiety. Thus, to partake of one's moiety a luwut: hi'hil 'na: crow horned owl animal or vegetable food would make one ill ho toi: -so tot: hence the Nutuwich never ate deer or bear raven59 white owl Yet, after the First Fruit Rites, salmon a u i'ui: '0 c'oc: blackberries, also classed as Nutuwich, we roadrunner magpie eaten by members of that moiety. On the o wa 0twat: hu mnul: duck qtuail hand, a Tokelyuwich man, having been hunti buoh auail could not partake of the first deer he had redwinghblackbird blue ay :killed but could eat the meat from some ot (see "First Fruit Rites"). E.M. said, "The| SrLight, with black shoulders and head. 60Kechayi social organlzation needs thorough analy 58Your.ger brother off Cooper 's hawk. with other infformants . 59Larger than a'luwut. 61This was an absolute statement. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 165 tuwich come first in everything. That's why other old man." Its new owner caught salmon e Tokelyuwich call them 'coyote'. The and squirrels for it. He would put a piece of kelyuwich are slow." Thus in a household meat on the end of a stick, and the falcon ke E.M.'s, where she herself was Nutuwich would fly down, sit on the stick and eat the t her mother was Tokelyuwich, E.M. could go meat. The bird cried out when it was hungry. ter the new seeds as they ripened, whereas E.M. recalls that her father (Nutuwich) r mother had to wait and, along with other kept a white owl for a pet. The children were kelyuwich women, take what was left. The amused because it appeared to be headless when utuwich [men] knocked down the acorns, but the it was asleep. kelyuwich [women] picked them up. When the E.M. herself raised a flock of baby quail, utuwich danced, they used fast steps; the but they were devoured by a snake. okelyuwich danced lethargically. Dogs were So far as E.M. knows, no cubs were ever iven one of two names: tapa lis, if they be- raised as pets. nged to Nutuwich people, wu isu, if owned by An old Kechayi man, Hecac, who caught the okelyuwich. Whether these modes of behavior falcon, had two fawns which he raised. They e part of a generalized larger moiety pat- came when he called. me or whether they were special cultural One man raised a pet coyote, but "it got diosyncrasies, so to say, with no abstract too mean" so he took it to the hills and re- tivation behind them, it was impossible for leased it. .M. to convey.62 Redemption of totem animals.--When an agle was killed, all the Tokelyuwich people First Fruit Rites t in some money to pay for it. The feathers re removed. A shaman kept the head, which These rites were all called nahala 'osa, eornamented with beads to keep as a super- the term used for a girl's first menses cere- tural talisman. The legs were made into mony. At least three were held, for acorns, histles. The carcass was buried. (E.M. did seeds, and salmon, all having the same name ot know the details of this, how the ritual and same essential procedure. ctually operated.) Acorns.--The Nutuwich men knocked down all the acorns, which were gathered and stored, A Nutwic ma,teatenalgrad-as usual, by Tokelyuwich women; many of the At oftuwi E aM ,ipt,thepa women were, of course, wives of the Nutuwich ather of E.M., raised a pair of eaglets until hey were able to fly. Then they were put in a men. When the correct month arrived,63 the illow cage and an assembly called. Tokelyu- Nutuwich chief sent word to the Tokelyuwich ich,people came from other villages, even from chief that it was time for the ceremony. This oko htp (Syc4more). They all contributed the Tokelyuwich prepared for by grinding, ney, which Ciptt received, and took the birds. leaching, and cooking acorns of the recent the visitors returned homeward, the birds crop, and arranging the food to be served in re passed to the more easterly travelers; front of their chief's house. Then the Nutu- en the most eastern had reached home, the wich people came. The Tokelyuwich host-chief Wirds were released. made a speech about the new food,64 and his winatums and their wives served the food to the When a Tokelyuwich person killed a bear Nutuwich chief and the people with him. There- a Nutuwich, of course, would not), it was re- after the Nutuwich people could make use of the eemed by the Nutuwich moiety. All the Nutu- new crop, but the Tokelyuwich continued to use ch contributed a little money, but the bear- nuts from the old crop until the spring salmon iler was the only Tokelyuwich who received ceremony. t. E.M. was uncertain what became of the There is no association of the Bear Dance ar hide and what was done with the carcass. with the gathering or first eating of acorns. y Nutuwich person could wear a bear-claw Seeds.--In the summer the winatum went cklace. It seems probable that a bear about telling people that it was time to gather cer would obtain one. the seed crop. The Nutuwich people went first and took all they wanted; when they were through, the Tokelyuwich gathered what was Pets still available. The Nutuwich "ate the seeds right away," but when the Tokelyuwich were free Eaglets were raised sometimes; and sold to to do so is not clear. kelyuwich people. Salmon.--When the Pleiades were on the A falcon (ya yLl) was kept,in a specific western horizon at dusk it was time to watch tance known to E.M. The bird was captured for the first salmon. When the Nutuwich chief ilive by He ca [moiety?] who "gave it to an- learned that the run was approaching he sent i6Comparable attitudes and behaviors are recorded for 63E.M. thinks this was Noveniber. e Southern Californian moieties (cf. Gifford, Clans and leties in Southern California, 178, 192) . 640n one occasi on B .W' s wilfe made the speech. 166 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS "all Nutuwich men out to catch salmon." Mean- mother drank only warm acorn soup (li mMn)t while the Tokelyuwich got out their "new" six days or until the umbilical stump fell acorns, of which they had not yet partaken. After that she ate only soups and seed foodi Members of each moiety cooked the foods which (lu'k&n) for two months. they were responsible for, and a general feast The father was not under any tabus dur was held at the river's edge. Everyone dressed pregnancy, E.M. believes, but after the bi in his best. he ate nothing hard or greasy until the st' The first salmon caught was laid on a came off. He also did no hard work for oner basket tray. This the Nutuwich chief held in moon ?month]. his hand while he made a prayerful speech to There was no separate hut for birth or the salmon, asking it "not to hurt the Nutuwich menses. who were going to eat it." He told the people At the time of birth a girl's own moth to be happy because many more fish would be or elder sister helped her. She lay on her coming. The Tokelyuwich chief, holding a back during labor (E.M. was uncertain on th' basket of acorn meal, made a comparable speech point). A bear claw was soaked in water a to the acorns on behalf of the Tokelyuwich the liquid was drunk to make hard labor eas people. Thereupon, the Tokelyuwich all ate A woman of either moiety could use this. salmon with the acorn mush. Immediately after umbilicus was cut with a sharp bone or clam them the Nutuwich partook of salmon also. shell; flint was tabu, and E.M. never saw a During the rest of the day games were cane knife used. The afterbirth was buried played, and at night more games and dancing the ground. The mother lay on the hot bed o served as entertainment. ashes only if she were very ill or her back A salmon ritual held at Oco po, a Gashowu ached. village, was recalled by E.M. The village was When the baby was born its paternal gra not directly on the river but they all went father brought the first cradle (bi 'Lc), wh there for the feasting and returned to the had been made by a paternal aunt. This crad village for the games. was of soft willows and had a hoop awning.6 Deer.--Deer and bear meat were tabu to The baby remained on this for two months, a the Nutuwich, which somewhat "balances" the the end of which time it was named, removed "new" acorn tabu which the Tokelyuwich suffer- its permanent cradle (aht 'lc), and the mot ed. It seems difficult to believe that a was cleansed. staple meat such as deer could be eschewed en- When the navel stump fell off it was pu tirely, but E.M. was positive in her state- in a piece of buckskin and hung with a few ments. The tabu included antelope. "They strands of beads to the cradle hood for the used rabbits instead," E.M. claimed. baby to play with. If the stump were lost, When a man killed a deer (the hunter would child would be subject to nausea. When the necessarily be Tokelyuwich) the camp manager or child left the cradle, the stump was removed spokesman (yate&c') went about "telling the from it; for a boy it was placed in an oak t women to get their acorns ready because there so he would become a good climber, but for a would be deer for supper." He said that "deer girl it was put in an anthill to make her in is the best meat and, if any one failed to dustrious. come, a little piece would be saved and taken At the end of two months the baby was to him." The deer were then cut up, the head on its second cradle, and received a name roasted in ashes, and the other parts broiled. selected by its paternal grandfather or gran The chief was given a ham, considered the best mother. For a boy, the paternal grandfather part. name was chosen, for a girl, her oldest pate The hunter who had brought in the game aunt's.66 At the same time a "party" was gi could not eat meat from the first deer he had for the mother by these paternal relatives killed on this occasion, but took meat from her husband's family. She was washed, dress some other. This tabu held for all hunting in new clothes, and partook of meat again. occasions, according to this informant, and The food and working tabus for both was not merely the "first kill" tabu for a parents were observed only for the first chi young hunter on the occasion of his first hunt. But the use of the cradles, preservation of navel stump, and the naming "party were carried out for all offspring. LIFE CYCLE Twins were thought by some to be a mis- fortune. This was because of the belief tha Birth and Infancy they were difficult to raise. Before visito 69The hoop awning, E.M. explained, is aseful only wh Only women who had to did heavy work the infant is supine; cradles of small babies were not during the last three months of pregnancy. upright. There were no definite food tabus before birth, 66A rule nore of theory than of practice, as the ge although some women ate only soft food from alogies indicate. The important point is the emphasis o preference. After the birth occurred, the the male line. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 167 uld see the newborn twins they had to give (ma "ksi) and the boy's parents had made the be- parents a bit of money, to be kept for the trothal ceremony for the girl, the girl's rants, "to make them strong." If one twin parents invited the boy in frequently for meals. ed, the other was sure to die soon too. How- The boy would then be twelve to fourteen years er, twins were t'pni and had supernatural old. This continued for about a year, or until er if they lived to adult life. E.M. could it was felt that the couple were ready to sleep ye no idea of how this power was manifest. together. Then a marriage "party" (yew&nu'sa) was made by the girl's family at her home. Two Childhood large ceremonial baskets were brought; from water in these the lad and girl were each com- The training of children "Just came natu- pletely washed by some female member of the l." Girls and boys both played at activities spouse's family. They donned new and orna- ich later became duties. Boys were given mental clothes. This took place in the morn- bal instructions in the sweat house, but ing. A feast, provided by the girl's family, is was entirely informal: there was no followed. During the day games were played, berty rite for boys. There was no defined and in the evening doctors entertained with irst entrance" into the sweat house; boys dancing. Circular dancing (soiAwSt6a) and the around it, played in it "until they got hand game (we.helaoc'a) lasted all night. The sed out" [by men going to sweat3, and re- couple slept together in the girl's home. ned to sweat when they were "old enough to Marriage was always extra-moiety,67 but nd it" [fifteen to eighteen years]. The this rule did not permit cross cousins to bal instructions, given by older men, told marry even though they were necessarily of m how to be good to their wives, to abjure opposite moieties. Lineage relationships on ercourse during menstruation, to have a both sides of the family were the prime con- e of their own and not live with their sideration. E.M. said sometimes cousins had ents-in-law, and how to respect and deal intercourse if the boy had no respect for the kh the supernatural. girl, but this did not lead to marriage. A man often married two sisters, and "nearly all" men had relations with women in Puberty different localities (thus the common parentage of E.M. and B.W.). There was no special term to A puberty ceremony (nahalaosa) was given distinguish wife from mistress, and these con- a girl at her first menses. There was no cepts were not socially defined in Yokuts parate menstrual hut. The girl did no cook- culture. Some terms of the marriage relation- )ate no meat, and used a scratching stick ship are: lo 'wit (husband), yi wtn (wife or her head as "her fingers were hot and her any woman one slept with), yawe 'n S (to have r would fall out if she touched it." Other- intercourse), yew&nusa (marriage party or cere- e her life was as usual. At the first mony).68 During pregnancy a man addressed his ses these tabus held over a two-month period; wife as ga lwat. Under normal conditions reafter they were observed each month for neither spouse used a vocative term of address days at the end of which the girl bathed or personal names. ate meat. - The relations between child and parent- .The actual puberty ceremony, which was in-law were restricted. A man never went close ked upon as a betrothal ceremony, a declara- to or addressed his mother-in-law, and his n of intentions by both families concerned, father-in-law he spoke to only when absolutely .made by a boy's mother. The parents had necessary. When he did so he used, not the viously reached an agreement in the matter. term for "father-in-law" nor the father-in- On the first new moon following the two- law's name, but the term ma'ak. The same re- th tabu period, the prospective mother-in- strictions and form of address were used by the brought a ceremonial washing basket, new young wife with respect to her parents-in-law, hes, and beads to the girl's home, where with the sexes reversed, of course. A man .washed and clothed the girl. Then the of- "treated his brother-in-law like a real brother"; al spokesman (yate 'c) made a speech saying they went hunting and fishing together, sharing t this girl "had come out all right, she was their catch. A man addressed his sister-in-law to be healthy." Everyone in the village "only to make jokes or to tell little stories to call on the girl and eat a little meat [or incidents]." The same, reversed, held true her. The food for this was supplied by for the girl. The nature of these jokes was .boy's parents. undefined; E.M. denied that they were specifi- cally obscene. t ~~~Marriage 67There is one exception in the genealogies. XWhen parents of a boy and girl had agreed iThe tem also is applied to the nodern legal or church they wanted to become coparents-in-law ceremony. 168 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Divorce was usually caused by sterility, they saw a falcon's nest One of the boys, though the usual practice was for the man to determined to go up and take the young; th have a child by another woman; "he didn't other tried to dissuade him. The older bo bother to leave his wife unless he disliked started up anyway; the younger climbed mor@ her." When a man left his wife, he took only slowly, as he was afraid. Just then the p birds returned and attacked the older boy. - his personal belongings and not more than one was far up where there was no protection; horse, if he.possessed any. When a couple younger crouched behind some bushes. The separated, the parents-in-law usually remained beat at the boy until he lost his grip and good friends and did not return any gifts which down the face of the precipice. "He was a had been exchanged at betrothal. when he landed at the bottom." His compani crawled down and went after the seed-gathe They approached cautiously as they were all afraid of the angry birds. There was nothi Death could be done for the mangled lad, so the women put his remains in a carrying basket, When a death was imminent, a winatum was a hole with their digging sticks, and buri sent to notify relatives on both sides of the the whole thing on the spot. person's family. Kin beyond the degree of first cousin were not usually notified, E.M. thinks, but this depended on how friendly a SUPERNATURAL POWER AND SHAMANISM relative had been with the deceased. A daugh- ter washed and dressed the corpse;if there were Acquisition of Power and Curing no capable daughter, the mother would. This was regardless of the sex of the deceased. The The doctoring profession ran in famili corpse was laid on a pallet or deerskins on the E.M. claimed the profession was always in- floor, and the mourners all marched around it herited. But this does not refer to an inh as doleful songs were sung by the professional tance of power, which was not transferable corpse-handlers (cowe'tc). This performance to the mere fact that a doctor's son usuall was kept up as continuously as possible for two became a doctor and that, in tangible terms days. he acquired the accumulated wealth in his The corpse-handlers had prepared the cre- father's cache (pa cki). A son did not in- mation fire and carried the corpse to it. Every- variably become a shaman because his father: one came, the mourners sitting near by wailing, was one; among several sons one might beco the onlookers joining in. After two days the doctor. If no sons followed him, a shaman' corpse-handlers gathered up the bones in a cache was "lost forever" as no one else co basket and buried them. The basket was a touch it (see below). special, well-made, "pretty" one of conical The supernatural creatures helped onl shape called ponik. Who made or supplied this members of the moiety with which they were' E.M. did not know. The corpse-handlers were sociated. For the Nutuwich moiety Horned paid for their services. and Bear were the "strongest" helpers; for- The period of mourning was indefinite. A Tokelyuwich, Eagle was the "strongest." "8S widow cut off her hair, stayed quietly near her times Eagle would try to get a Nutuwich ma home until the large mourning ceremony was made, he would die quick." [Apparently he would a period of one or two years. whether he "accepted" or not.] Water was The corpse-handlers were not transvestites, very powerful helper, and a large stream, so far as E.M. knows. She stated that her the San Joaquin River, particularly so. paternal grandmother's sister, WoJi Wlt, was a Women usually were not doctors. E.M.' normal woman, but followed this profession. members only one, Wojilit, who sang at fun, She thinks that these people "grew up that way," and with doctors in the sweat house dance.;) i.e., with a desire "to get rid of the dead." At his death a shaman's outfit was bu They had no special totemic or dream helper, or buried with him. If anyone else, even and "worked" for either moiety. shaman's son, tried to use it, he would di After death the spirit of the deceased Nothing was left to the son save the objec went north until it came to a river. If it the packi which were pure wealth, not supe crossed this successfully, it went up; if it natural talismans. It is not clear whethe failed, it went down. these objects were those the father had se An unusual burial.--To illustrate an ex- cured through his practice or whether they ceptional burial E.M. told the following anec- gifts bestowed by his animal helpers; prob dote which was related to her by gaha ma, an the former. old Posgisa man. Doctor's cache.--It was thought that doctor's cache (packi) was always located This old man had gone out to help the hill with a rock as a door. There was noD women with seed-gathering. They went toward of ownership. After the shaman's son hadl Table Mountain. Two strange boys were around ceived his power, he could enter the paSki, hunting and, high on the cliffs of the mountain, will. He accomplished this by dancing ouA GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 169 door and calling on the name of his father it by making minor cures), he gave a public grandfather, to whom the cave was supposed dance (a nutimn ti sa) at which he cured a have belonged, and the door opened. Within patient. This formal announcement of his pro- e baskets, money, feather ornaments, skins -- fessional status began with dancing in the valuable things. He could take anything he sweat house. He wore all the usual regalia, ted from the left side of the enclosure. and had one or two singers to sing for his right side was filled with articles that dancing. Any man who wished might go in to onged to his most ancient ancestors, and watch, but women never entered. As he danced, se "had too much power." They served as his power talked to him and told him when it rdians of the place, for their power would was time for him to go outside to continue the 1 anyone who touched them. Thus, if a dancing and make the cure. This is the source anger should succeed in entering the packi, of the name for the ritual, literally, "doctor's would be afraid to take anything as he would going-out" or "doctor's emergence." After his know which ones he could safely touch [sic] emergence he told, as he sang, of his super- e below, Cipit's death). After a doctor had natural experience. Then he cured the patient uired much power, his helpers might tell him who was already there. use some of the tabu things, "but if a doc- If a doctor did not wish to start his did that he would get mean and care no more ritual inside the sweat house, he could begin people or being a good doctor." outdoors, but in that case he had to have some Procedure.--A man who wanted to become a older and established shaman dance with him. an would seek dreams from adolescence on. At his debut and on later occasions a n a supernatural helper visited him in a wise young man would be discreet about his dis- am, he rose and went out into the hills, closures concerning his supernatural power. To re he "lay down to dream some more." The give the impression of having much power would am helper, usually a bird or animal, came to engender jealousy among the older shamans, who gave him a song and instructions about might injure his power or even kill him. ing, and told him what talismans to use. A distinction was made between the doctor .man stayed out all day, fasting and talking (a itu) who had to cut and suck in order to yerfully to his assistant. As the man cure, and the doctor with power (mets afitu, amed more, his power increased; the "animals" true, actual, great doctor) who cured with *e more readily, so he was often away for rubbing or brushing. The latter, whose course at a time. It would be said of such a of training is given above, cured by dipping a "pana ntt a mtn casa"sti (coming his help- weasel skin (cu'duni) in water and stroking it ce sas, the supernatural helper, lit., dog). over the patient. The sickness was squeezed When a man had dreamed sufficiently, all from the skin onto a tray, removed by the animals of his moiety gathered on a hill doctor's winatum, and burned. r a [his father's ?I cache. The man was There were no other special classes of re too, and the animals opened the packi, doctors. Men with Bear power were regarded as ling him to enter. He stayed in there four dancers, not doctors, "though they had plenty No one at home knew where he was, and of d epni." en people went out in search of him. While In this connection E.M. said the Choinimni was in the packl the animals told him what P.D.W. was sufficiently trained to do curing by do. They gave him more songs and danced rubbing as well as by cutting and sucking. Two h him all night. They gave him his regalia: years ago (1927) he had come to the Friant s just appeared on him, nobody knew where rancheria and given the ceremony for general came from." Later on, when he needed more preventative curing. They were expecting him gs -- baskets, beads, or feathers -- he to come again soon for the same purpose. id go back to the packi to get them. At the Fees. --A doctor who failed to cure would of four days the animals sent him out, but return the fee itself or objects of equal value. ead of going home he remained in the hills If a patient were very sick and obviously un- imore days total, six a. The animals in- likely to recover, the doctor might refuse to cted him to do this as "he would die" if he take the case. If he had come from far away, t home too soon.69 When he did go home, he he would be paid -- and he would accept -- e his first dance (Shaman's Debut), announc- something as recompense for his futile trip. the beginning of his career. He did not Sometimes a doctor would be killed 'or n dream of his helpers but called on them losing a patient. If the doctor were from an- he needed their aid. other tribe, he and his chief would meet the Shaman's debut.--When a man felt that his bereaved family and their chief for the pur- r was sufficient (and usually he had tested pose of making a financial adjustment. During the discussion the bereaved persons "might get 9This is the pattern often found as a codicil to tales gupernatural experiences from the southern half of Call- so mad they would kill the doctor aAcd his chief ha. They must be told Of at a certain timle, usually not right on the spot." [E.M. could not substanti- Ire six days have elapsed. (See Gayton and Newman, Myths, ate this with a case; it was "Just what she had iract 139, note 21.) heard. "] 170 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Theoretically, there were no "bad" doctors On another occasion he wanted to set a in the San Joaquin River region. Those who thing to drink, and went to kumku m&C (hum made "poison" were said to be south of Kings bird place) where there was a little saloo River. He came back, drinking along the way, and finally fell by the roadside. While he was Cures.--The term for sickness in general unconscious, two bears came. They said, "L was toiWyoti yas he"ba (night into t?] blood), us pack this man to our den." They took h" E.M. could not describe specific sicknesses home and kept him all night. When he woke and their cures. Usually the doctor cut and the morning he was frightened. The bears WI sucked, drawing out a pebble or "button," which dancing; they told him to join, and all dan' was exhibited. together for some time. At last they let go, but told him to be sure to return in f days. As soon as the door opened "he ran or Once a Chukchansi woman, Sai 'hu, went out as fast as he could and never went back." to gather milkweed. Soon she got sick; her throat was svore. "That bush had made her sick." The shaman CokonLk sucked at her clavicle and When talking of the doctor's cache or-. produced a worm that had come from the bush. packi E.M. was asked if she had ever seen of the objects said to be in them. She told the following story. Consumption, sane nas, was due to "not growing right from the start" or, if the symp- Long ago E.M. and her mother went blac tom of coughing blood was present, it was berrying in the direction of Kings River. thought to be caused by a doctor. There was no old woman was taken with an acute diarrhea, cure for this "though the doctors always tried and died about one week after her return h everything." At that time E.M.'s brother Hai'ai'sc was Dreams of the dead caused sickness. beginning to get his power." He had gone u visit the Chukchansi, but he knew by super- natural means what was happening at home, 8Q Long ago E.M. dreamed constantly of her returned. But his mother died before his a dead mother and sister. A Kechayi doctor, rival. Then he went to his father's packki Wewu ki (Old Dick) was sent for. He was Tok- brought back a large handsome basket. This, elyuwich, but he could cure people of either placed over his mother's head, and he talk moiety. He told everyone in the village to saying where he had got the basket and that- assemble for an all-night ceremony for the dead. was to be buried with her. This was the on With a cocoon rattle he sang for a very long object that E.M. ever saw which she definite time. Then he asked everyone there to tell knew (sic] was from a packi. their dreams about dead people. When it was E.M.'s turn, she told hers. He put ashes on her head, as he had done for the others, and To 41lustrate the danger of a layman en called out the names of the dead who were tering a packi she related the following. bothering her. He told them to go away and never come back to bother the living. Then he blew the ashes off her head. Never again did E.M.'s paternal grandfather, Cipit, an slewthe dreamshes off dead. ha.Nv agidd his wife went out to dig roots. The old m went toward his father's packi. Though he not a shaman, he danced in front of it and This doctor did not do any other kind of called to his father. The door opened a we curing: 'he was t pni by dead people." Both bit. He squeezed in and saw the wealth: h put a koikoi belt around his waist and str his parents were Tokelyuwich. of humna around his neck; he took many bask He returned to his wife and hung beads on h they took these things home. Immediately Cip&t fell ill. His face and eyes became Anecdotes of Supernatural swollen, a rash covered his body. He died. Experience and Dreams six days. He was a plain man and had tampe with power. E.M.'s brother, Hailaitcv, had power from Bear; he was reckless and liked to make spec- Another old man who was not a shaman b tacular use of it. had a dream helper was Wu' uus, "another gr father" [great uncle?] of E.M. Once he had been drinking quite a bit and thought it would be funny to scare some fami- When E.M. was young, the children were lies who were camping by the river. He ran up very fond of this old man, they played aro and danced like a bear; he pretended to jump him frequently at his house. On one very into the fire. He ran from camp to camp, Jump- foggy morning he told them to run outside b ing into the fire at each one. He grabbed cause he was going to die. The fog cleared handfuls of coals and scattered them about. suddenly and Wu'us rose to walk around a biA Fire spouted from his mouth. The people all He fell down dead. Live oak was his power; broke camp and ran away. had told him he was going to die that day. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 171 Plain people who did not seek to become 3. The only dream of teeth which E.M. re- tors were sometimes visited by dreams of a calls was one which came to her when she was rnatural helper. Often they did not know very sick and weak. At last she was able to 't procedure to follow to accept the prof- sleep but "was bothered by dreams" when she did. She thought her teeth grew very large; they edpower, or possibly, even knowing the were all like tusks, they filled up her mouth cedure, they did not want to go through the and bulged out. While in this condition she iod of apprenticeship to follow the shaman- noticed a buckeye tree before her. The tree ic calling. "threw one of its nuts" at her, striking her It was difficult and, strictly speaking, between the shoulder blades. Then she woke up. ossible to define in native terms the dis- Her mouth felt numb and stiff; she could hardly ction between a supernaturally significant talk. But immediately she began to recover am-and an ordinary one. Both types were from her illness. She "watched for another nd an n ordinary o t eas were dream but did not have any [significant ones] led ana tsawu. Even ordinary dreams were for a long time." ht to have some prophetic value, which exemplified as follows. Group curing.--This ceremony (mai 'i kama, people dance) was usually held in the late fall A dream of winning at a game means winning (tomo 'ksiu to bxin, winter beginning) after all ,,reality, the vegetable foods had been gathered and If one dreamed of dying he K~ould rise ex- strd Thdoorwoasepnibec- tionally early, go to a creek or spring and stored. The doctor who was responsible con- to the water, "Don't take me yet. Let me sulted with the chief (or chiefs) of the vil- e a long life." Water had immortality and lage where it was to be given and, when a time 'power to bestow it. was specified, the chief's winatums went out Dreaming of quarreling with a friend would with messages. Everyone near by came, and se or permit one to chide the friend about many people from far off [not more than one next day. Sometimes such dreams would lead day's journey, however). accusations of enmity between people who ie n wholly peaceful relation. Dreams were The ceremony, like all others, was held lly told to the persons appearing in them outdoors: "all doctors danced outdoors so er any circumstances. they could have more power." A fire was sup- Dreams of reversals, precipitous falling, plied by the chief's winatum, who assisted also loss of teeth were unknown to E.M. (but see in collecting payments. The doctor's winatum ow). helped with the curing, handling of patients, and paraphernalia.70 There was an attendant singer who used the clapper accompaniment. nt with respt cutosmery speific projec; a Persons already suffering an illness were laid ee aith fore ctutousodream of ilck wrouldt; near the fire, the other people sat around in ever., a fortuitous dream of ill luck would aciulrranentbhdtem babl case pesonto cang hi plns. a circular arrangement behind them. bably cause a person to change his plans. The doctor did some preliminary dancing E.M. could not define the nature of dream near the fire "to make his 'power' stronger." erience. She knew of no word for soul, did As he danced, his dream helpers spoke to him recognize the concept. She willingly re- telling not only how to cure tnose now ill, but ed the following dreams, which all date from specifically which persons were going to be ,.early wife. afflicted with sickness during the ensuing year. When ready to cure, the doctor took off his vertical feather headdress (c'u') and dipped 1. E.M.'s mother once went off fcr several it in a basket of water. He treated the sick and left her alone. She was scared and ous by herself. One night she dreamed that people first. With the wet feathers he gently mother returned, which made her very happy brushed them off, then he squeezed the "sick- she knew he-r mother was coming. She did ness" off the feathers onto a flat tray cov- rn the next day. When she came, E.M. told ered with sand. The doctor's winatum exhibited of the dream. [It was not necessary to the "sickness," which looked like a viscous 1; it was done for the emotional pleasure mixture of blood and albumen; then he buried olved in recounting it.] it, put fresh sand on the tray, and returned. Most of the patients cured at this time were 2. Once E.M. dreamed she was a dove. She on a hilltop and tried to fly from there, those already ill, but a patient-elect, desig- she felt just as if she had wings. Twice nated by doctor's supernatural insight, was succeeded in leaving the hilltop but both given preventive treatment in exactly the same s fell down [with no sense of shock, how- manner. "In this way any kind of sickness J. When she woke up she said to herself, could be cured except consumption." t did I want to do that for?" The next The relatives of the afflicted persons ing she told her mother of the dream, and paid the doctor for his services and the chief advised not to eat dove meat. But E.M. did added a sum "for keeping his people well." "believe" the dream (did not want to accept ernatural aid] and did not observe this or 70... the Choi.nimni, was a doctor's winatm and had other tabu, and no harm resulted. helped on such occasions. 172 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS BELIEFS ornaments they possessed. The women wore eagle-down bands around their heads, neckla Wainus.--This was a great serpent, large of humna beads, double deerskin aprons, and enough to wrap itself around a hill. It was carried hand feathers (sonil) (fig. 8, b, Pt extremely powerful with supernatural force All wore moiety face paint patterns, but th fttpni]. The wainus inhabited almost any lo- E.M. could not describe. cality but would not appear "unless some doctor At first the shamans stood to one side. or some tipni person wanted to see them." Their dancing, each with a woman directly behind., appearance was accompanied by a severe wind- Then the six men filed in and danced around. storm; they were not man-eating or malicious.71 fire, the doctors and women remaining in one Ghost-wailer.--Long ago a "ghost-thing," place near it. The men used the "piston-rod an old woman, would wail in the evening. People step, the women a hop with feet placed close went out to try to find her. She was visible, together. The songs for this dance were fr but they could never really get near her. Her a special cycle which was not used on other wailing was taken as a sign that a Gashowu casions, but what they were about E.M. coul chief was going to die. not say. Ritual or lucky number.--E.M. was not con- Sweat house dance.--This dance (mosla o scious of any personal preference among number.s, aho) is called by the name because it starts nor did she recognize the concept in her cul- the sweat house (mos) and is continued outsi ture; this in spite of the frequent recurrence So far as E.M. knew there was no distinction of six in her various accounts. the nature of the performance inside and out, Flood.--When E.M. was a little girl she "The dance was started inside and then went heard old people talk of a great flood which outside where everyone could see because Eag inundated the Northern Foothill region. "There told the dancers they must dance indoors be- was water all over the earth." Many people fore going out" (see "Shaman's debut"). Thi were drowned. Those who lived saved themselves dance was done at any time of the year. by building houses on high frames and going up The performers were shamans and two fe to them with ladders. One can still see by the dancers who might be of either moiety. The gulches the effects of this flood, i.e., the women were gi 'lat and Wojil't (the corpse- rushing waters made the gulches.72 handler) (E.M.'s aunt). Besides the usual breechelout and deerskin apron, the dancers wore long strands of eagle-down rope wrapped. VARIOUS CEREMONIES around their waists, arms, and heads. The h band was a very wide one. Tokelyuwich parti Dances and Rituals cipants were supposed to look like Eagle; th faces were painted solid red with white dotsm Pleasure dance.--This dance (htc' sna) scattered over it and three horizontal white was a favorite performance for evening enter- stripes on their cheeks. The Nutuwich dance tainment. While the chief actually ordered the had red faces with black spots, and a black performance, anyone could suggest that it be area all around the mouth. Men and women we given, and the suggestion in all likelihood painted alike. would be sanctioned by the chief. It was done The only women who saw the dancing star at any time of the year. The dancing usually in the sweat house were the women participan "started after supper and lasted until mid- People crowded around, not all could get in, night." and "the women were too bashful to push in." The performers were two shamans, two women, and six "plain" men. They were accompanied by Bear Dance.--This dance was called no" two singers (hata m's E?)) who used the clapper ka ma. Two Kechayi [Dumna?] brothers, Go 'hi (ta'wats). Those whom E.M. recalls werer and Te'e'wus, had power from Bear (noho'tn 6okontk and Ha 'ttS, the shamans, and Ke mas and ttpni). They were not regarded as doctors, Ku ba'ld'c, the women. The "plain" men she just men with a specific kind of supernatura does not recall by name. The two women were power. Their dance was obviously comparable sisters and celebrated dancers, but E.M. does in its brevity, in its bearlike steps, andi not think they had dream help with their ac- winter (?) schedule, to that of the Wukchumn complishment. Bear Dance, but unlike it in its fire-handli The doctors wore the usual ceremonial re- display and in its lack of relation to the galia -- feather headdresses, skirts, and ear acorn crop. plugs. The other men wore breechclouts, beaded The dance was done in the winter. Bear belts, and ear plugs, and probably any other would tell the dancer to go far back in the 71Cf. Rogers and Gayton, Twenty-Seven Chukchansi Yokuts mountains. There two bears would come to h. Myths , 206_207 . during the night and hug him to protect him 72There ls no physical sign of f lood to the layman's eye. from the severe cold. He stayed out two ni This formation Of land was also attributed to the primeval and danced by himself. Then when he came in flood by the Dumna informant, danced publicly at night. Later the info GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 173 d this was danced at any ceremony if asked about it." She did not know of B.W. 's father doing this. She thought the doctor dipped some E.M. saw Goh&l and another Bear dancer feathers in water and prayed; the wind came d Jo n&s do the dance. They wore the verti- first and then rain. feather cu on their heads, bear paws on Snake ritual.--This was not performed r chests. The whole bear skin was not north of Kings River: "the best doctors were Brown paint covered their faces, and always that way [south]." But in spring every- k was put around or over the upper lip "to one wore an abalone charm (Cuneki) while seed- klike Bear," and covered their arms and gathering; this made the snakes rattle while es. The dance lasted two nights. On the still at a safe distance. t, they took turns: one sang while the danced and vice versa. On the second, both sang and danced together. There was Jimsonweed Ritual change in dress or dancing on the second t. The cocoon rattle (sa naci) was used in The ritual (tani sa) of drinking jimson- mpaniment. The actual dance was very short, weed (ta nai) was held each spring by the e bears dance," with a sort of jumping step. Kechayi. The informant had never taken Jimson- as done twice only by each performer. Then weed herself but had seen it administered at pretended to dance into the fire and ganwoganiu (Millerton) by an old Chukchansi htened people. They turned into bears as man named HoiWyop (lupine). After consultation danced, but 6okon&k's daughter, who some- with the village chief, the date for the ritual s danced with them, did not undergo trans- was publicly announced. The announcement had ation. to be made at least twelve days in advance, E.M. said Goh&l turned into a bear some- during which time prospective participants as- s, and Tewus, his brother, was "much worse." sumed a liquid diet [seed or acorn soup]. The transformed himself and danced around the drinkers were twenty to thirty years of age, and "went around the country scaring of both sexes. While the ritual was given in le." (See anecdotes about Hai'hai'&c, an- the early spring of each year, only rarely did rBear dancer.) a person participate annually. The ultimate Coyote dancing.--At some time during purpose was "to have good health," but it is sure dances or entertainments, or after the unfortunate that E.M. did not know of the im- 1 washing at a mourning ceremony, a charac- mediate aim, which we can only presume from representing Coyote gave a clownish per- other information was to obtain a helping ce. E.M. did not remember the name of spirit -- a dream helper. man who did this, but said he must have A few days before the ceremony the parti- of the Nutuwich moiety. A coyote skin, cipants left home and were housed in the homes with the fur on, was fastened on his back, of relatives living some distance away. They the head at his head, and tail at his but- all wore "koikoi belts"74 which they tightened Paint was applied to his face and body up to ease the pangs of hunger. way Just to be funny." His antics in- On the morning of the ceremony the drink- d yowling like a coyote, jumping about, ers assembled outside the village, where they bing food, mimicking the spokesman, and were joined by the leader bearing a bundle of r obscene advances toward young girls. Jimsonweed plants on his back. They all ran Beaver Dance.--E.M. had heard of a dance once around the village (they did not jump over "before her day" over at Owo'niu. The a hoop). The leader then went to the usual as- ors made fish with red heads appear; these, sembling spot for the village; as he approached ver, could be seen only by other doctors. he sang and talked saying that "ttpni is coming." shaman making this ceremony "danced half There he mashed up the plants in a large basket night. When the power was coming it made and poured water over them. The drinkers were suffer." 73 arriving also, each with a woman singer follow- Seed-crop prophesying.--This E.M. saw ing. The spokesman (yate'tc) was present: he nik do at a Gashowu village. It was done told them to come closer to the central basket; r night at any time of year. The doctor when the drink was ready, he pointed out the ed around the public fire and told what order in which it was to be administered, who of seed, clover, and acorn crops would was to be first, next, and so on. Everyone There was no demonstration of seed- present sat down. Then the leader filled small Ig or of plants: "he just told what his baskets with Sthe decoction and gave one to each showed him." This performance was sup- participant. He sang continuously. At his to benefit the crops for the coming signal all drank: there was no "delayed offer- DI. ing" of the drink. Usually the effects were iRain-making.--A doctor from Kings River felt at once: the men and women began "dancing zble to make rain, but E.M. had "Just heard______ r:. the woman participant who "groaned' in the Wuk- S*A belt with koikoi beads woven into it, worn on dress 1Beaver Dance. occasions, as shown in flig. 13, g, Pt. I. 174 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS around" before falling unconscious. Some per- that her maternal grandfather, Pe biyu, wa sons needed two or three basketfuls to achieve participant. There were usually "four or narcosis. As each person fell he was carried doctors on each side." The fires for thei into the shade. Winatums watched them to see "airshot" were made by their winatums. "3 that they did not injure themselves as they people cried while this was going on but t grew active. Toward morning the drinkers began didn't have to." to mumble, they made grabbing motions with Crying ritual.--This rite (yuyahixo) their hands, they would not keep still. They performed on the night of the fifth day. saw sickness on people and cured it by blowing. reciprocal tribe had their winatum build a. The effects wore off in about one week, large fire. Four times during the night ti but all participants remained on an acorn soup mourners filed in and around the fire. Th' (limin) diet for twelve days. chief mourners carried effigy dolls repres Jimsonweed as an anaesthetic was not known ing their deceased relatives; these were d to E.M. tinguished by sex, and a man carried a male doll, a woman a female one. Other mournerw carried baskets, beads, and objects of val Annual Mourning Ceremony While they were marching around, the visiti spokesman (yate'tc') rose and said, "Cry! i The chief set the date for this ceremony is the last time you will cry for a long t (luni sa) twelve days before it was to take After the fourth circuit of the fire had b place. His winatum went around to announce it, made, the visitors' winatums took the effi particularly to notify the reciprocal tribe stripped them of their valuables tcalico, (gi 'i) which, for the Kechayi, was always the feathers], which were distributed among the Posgisa. E.M. recalls her father supervising visitors, and burned them. the ceremonies, although he was Nutuwich; the Washing ritual.--This duty (epla "osa) moieties combined in this affair, which was reciprocal by moiety.75 First a woman fro] primarily tribal. The Choinimni were gi-'i for visiting chief's family washed the face of- the Gashowu (but see Choinimni account). mourning chief: these two persons were of The ceremonial activities lasted for six posite moieties. Then the others were was days. Every morning and evening the mourners each family by some other family of the op went outside the village to weep, accompanied site moiety of the visiting tribe. The mo by singers brought by the Posgisa. The mourn- ing families had with them money or food w ers had with them the effigy dolls (ta ow&c' they gave the washers, and in turn received ano sa) which had been made some time previous- new clothes. ly. Celebration.--Thereafter all tabus we The order of rituals was as elsewhere in lifted from the mourners and the rest of t the San Joaquin Valley: Huhuna EguksaiJ, Sha- day and night was spent in feasting, games# mans' Contest, crying, washing, and celebration. dancing. At night a dance would be made by The Huhuna Dancer, who performed on the some doctor dressed in a short feather ski third day, is called Gugu'sia by the Kechayi. wearing vertical head feathers, feather br Huhuna E.M. "had heard of but never saw"; she lets, carrying "hand feathers," and having obviously did not know they were identical. white paint on his body. Huhuna.--This character [Gugusial was dressed in a long feather-covered garment. A net covered his face and head, on which, over GHOST DANCE OF 1870 his eyes, were fastened abalone-shell discs. He carried a stick in each hand. By means of The account given by E.M. of the Kecha his supernatural power he found hidden money. participation in the Ghost Dance has been He came into the dance space, circled lished in full elsewhere;76 a summary stat about. To one side a shaman was sitting. As will suffice here. Gugusia approached him he "shot" with "airshot" The Ghost Dance (soiwisa kam, round by banging a tray on the ground. His winatum abbreviatedly called su"yu) was introduced carried the unconscious Gugusia to one side. the Northern Foothill Yokuts by a Paiute t Everyone wept, and the women present filed past named 6uicui (Joijoi), and a Western Mono the prostrate form throwing money and seeds (Pajo'oj) companion. They urged everyone over it. Then the shaman revived Gugusia. come because "the father" and all the dead E.M. thinks that both dancer and doctor in relatives would appear, and further, anyone this performance were from the reciprocal tribe, did not join would die. The visiting Paiu but that the mourners paid them. She remembers one Gashowu man, 6uku 'ya, a Tokelyuwich, who 75Here E.M. made a confused and contradictory stat did this dance. that if both T and N were mourning, the Choinimni came Shamans' Contest.---For some reason E.M. "because the Posgisa were gi- '1 only for the Kechayi could not or would not describe this coherently. Nutuwich." The reticence may have been due to the fact 76Gayton, Ghost Dance of 1870, 66, 72. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 175 ied a long painted cane so people would which was a large bead-trimmed basket. This ognize him.77 basket "held the power" of the dancers, but had ,With great effort, particularly in trans- no curing power to revive persons who fell un- ting infants and goods across the San conscious. The pole was not used at later uin River, the Kechayi and others journeyed CKechayi] dances. This first dance was called rd Table Mountain, to a site called gu'ksi, ha lo, but the term was not used thereafter. all hill opposite Auberry where there was a The dancers all used moiety paint patterns ing (the place called Soganiu by Wobonuch on their faces. ormants). This was about May, 1872. Many The affair continued five nights, and on ple were there: there was much confusion in the sixth day they danced all day and night. ing and in finding provisions.78 Chiefs At this time Joijoi, with two men and three winatums urged people not to quarrel or women, dressed and danced in a peculiar manner y would "die," and would not meet "the father." in an attempt to convince the assemblage that The dancing took place in the evening, they were the returning dead. The hoax, though about sundown to midnight, with intervals quickly discovered, was not resented. Nor was rest. Sleeping, morning bathing, and day- the nonappearance of the dead resented, thinks behavior were normal. Meat was not tabu. E.M. The dancers circled clockwise to the ac- After their return home a few dances were animent of singing and elderwood clapper. held in various villages. the center was a pole (wo "kon) on top of C HUC KC HANSI TERRITORY AND INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS wehil: Grub Gulch, a village with a cap- tain was there Concerning the range of Chukchansi terri- ic' ani: Quartz Mountain Kroeber states that they held Coarse Gold t'oxolo: a place east of Raymond, at the k and the head of Cottonwood Creek.79 foot of the hills, on the Fresno River ek anorthern boundary, Cottonwhh markek. tkasowu: Friant (the locality or the r northern boundary, which marked the end people, Gashowu?) Yakuts and beginning of Miwok tribal hold- nipnoasi: a Miwok site 3 or 4 miles north was at the Fresno River. But their or east of Ahwahnee ndliness and intermarriage with Miwok made boundary a lax one, with each tribe claim- settlements on both sides of the river. The Chukehansi lived at Coarse Gold, Picayune, and as far west as Oakhurst; beyond u and Yiwisniu were Chukchansi settlements, that was another tribe. Everybody at Lulniu 'they also held Hapasau near Fresno Flats (Oakhurst) is now dead, said M.W. The Chuk- well as Chukchanau up on Fresno River. Miss chansi people went as far north as Yosemite, 11 lists the following sites named by her Southern Miwok territory, said J.R., although ormants N.W., J.R., and C.D. none lived permanently north of the Fresno River, unless married to Miwok. Southward they lulniu: Oakhurst, an old village site, went no farther than Friant, Gashowu territory. western boundary of the Chukchansi If they went to a place, they came directly gratniu: Picayune (N.W.), an old village home again, did not go traveling around. "They with only one sweat house don't travel very much, very far. When people kat'aneu: Picayune (J.R.) go after something, when they get it they come dalinao: a settlement where many Chuk- straight home. They got home, here, this is si had lived their home." [J.R. thus expressed the strong docimilpao: a settlement feeling for a home spot or locale manifest by baonaiu: a settlement other Yokuts. -- A.H.G.] Tfeelings on the west slope of the Sierra Nevada were People would move around, perhaps two or tile to the Paiute and Eastern Mono at that time. three miles for the summer and come back for .M. claimed dog meat was eaten there for the first the winter. They went up in the mountains to under pressure of starvation (see Gayton, Ghost Dance get berries or seeds, always going to the same 70, 72); again her statement may have been a "prestige place on which they had a traditional claim. "When white people came they got everything X9Handbook, 481-482. Power's statement (Tribes of Cali- mixed up." Ia, 370) that the Chukchansi were on the San Joaquin For pine nuts, hazel nuts, and a superior ,between Whiskey Creek and Millerton does not agree irecent findings. Of course, it is quite possible that type of elderberry people went far up into the Whukchansi havre suffered some displacement and entirely mountains. This trip was made about August Fble that they had salmon-fishing privileges along the and camps were established, as entire families Joaquin. -- A.H.G. went. 176 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS For acorns the Chukchansi went north to There were three to five persons in a. Bass Lake, said N.W. While up there they al- house, J.R. continued, depending entirely ways feared the approach of bears. the number and condition of the family memb For seed-gathering they went down toward An average home consisted of a man and wife Madera to what is now the Dobie [adobe?] Ranch. their children. If there was an adult dep Expeditions to get basketry materials -- ent, such as a sister or older relative, t roots which did not grow abundantly in the would provide a separate little house for hills -- were made to the lower Fresno River close by. A widow and her children, or a near Madera. Only women who knew how to make widower and his, might also comprise a dis baskets would go, accompanied by their husbands household. and families. They stayed away from home about M. lived here at Picayune in a native a month, camping along as they went. Enough house when she was a little girl. People mi food, such as acorn meal, cooked, uncooked, or around as the seed crops needed harvesting. even unleached, was taken, while the men hunted They left their houses, light as they were, for meat food as they traveled. Both women and home and made temporary shelters whenever men dug the roots. Some of the materials necessary for camping. There were bedrock brought back were sold to others.A0 mortars wherever they went, all around; mos J.R. claims that when he was a boy the these are filled in through disuse, now. Indians throughout this region set fire to the When a family permanently left a houseI brush after the seeds had been gathered (about for no objectionable reason, another family July). The men started the fire and the women might move into it. People moved by famili watched to see that it did not approach the whole villages did not move en masse. houses. When it did, it was beaten out [with what?J. "It burned the hills, all over, clean through to the next one." The trees, which Warfare were green, did not ignite easily: however, "dead trees and logs were all cleaned up that It was J.R.'s opinion that there was way".81 The tree covering of this country, little intertribal warfare in the Fresno Ri J.R. says, was about as it is now, scattered region. bull pine, oak, etc., and in about the same quantity. The Indians did not fight each other less drunk. The only way they killed other Indians was if a witch doctor killed lots Communities people: then they would kill this doctor. A big bunch of Chukchansi wouldn't go Related families usually built their and fight a bunch of Mono. Maybe they woul houses in an informal group. These groups, con- kill one man at Northfork iWestern Mono 100 sisting of perhaps three to five houses, would ty). This man maybe had not done right by be three to five hundred feet apart, yet in Indians there. Maybe some Indian from Coa toto the families regarded themselves as com- would lie in wait for him along his way and prising a single village. [Such scattered shoot him from ambush. That is the only w house-groups were not unusual in the Northern they killed one another up here. A Chukch Foothills, and "community" is perhaps a better would kill another Chukchansi this same way term than "village," in distinction from the townlike villages of the Yokuts to the south.-- A.H.G.] J.R. thought that an abnormal infant, monster, might be killed, but he regarded as hearsay. A person who was mortally wo was not put out of his agony: his relative Today S.B. buys basketry materials from others, where- took care of him as best they col untile as L.W. said she would always prefer to get her own even di d when it is a hardship. died. 8 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~An ac count of an engagement and the eni 8'The aboriginality of this practice seems dubious. Get- ing negotiations between Indians of Fresno ting firewood was sufficiently laborious for the Indians to River and the encroaching whites refers to discredit their deliberate destruction of "dead trees and logs." The practice is frequently attributed to early set- same encounter described by the Dumna, Bill tlers, cattlemen, who wanted better forage for their stock, Wilson, that of the Mariposa Battalion in 1 i.e., land free of underbrush, with improved grazing. On the At the time, J.R. was a baby in his basket; other hand, there is evidence that shrub seeds, such as the later his mother told him about it.82 Indians wanted, germinate better when subjected to scorching and it :ts possible the result was known to the natives and motivated the practice (vide Lester Rountree, Plowering The last fight was down here about ten Trees and Shrubs of California). Powers mentions aboriginal miles3, on the Fresno River. It was a longI firing of the forest "all along the Sierra" (Tribes of Cali- Up from Raymond. The Indians from all arou fornia, 379). Dr. Kroeber informs me that firing of natural growth was practiced from Yosemite northward; perhaps this is about the southern limit of the custom. -- A.H.G. 2J.R. probably had not yet been born. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 177 [Chukchansi; Miwok and Mono too?] were Between meals anyone who wanted to could eat; ting the white people. Some Indians were cold acorn mush was always on hand. At meals, on the mountainsides above the river. They meat was divided so that everyone got a piece, the whites down in the river canyon where y could roll rocks down on them. The whites however small it might be. Persons usually sat ld not see the Indians to shoot at them well, close to or at their sleeping place when eating they shot some anyway. The Indians got inside the house, said J.R. e whites who were running away. They If the women of a household were off ught some home, made Indians of them. (There getting seeds or at other work far from home, at least one such.) This white man would the men would cook food so there would be a t with the Indians on their side. He was meal for them when they came home. The women lt when they captured him; he was a soldier. did the same for the men when they were gone. fought with the Indians after that, they Whe th se were at he, the wome ddte d, and fought like the Indians. When both sexes were at home, the women did the That was about the end of the fighting. cooking. Men often cooked the meat dish, while Be Indian- didn't want to fight any more. women were preparing the acorn food. whites got pretty thick. A captain (Major People seldom went so far from home that ge?] came up from below with a group of they could not return by nightfall, said J.R. te people. They gathered the Indians down Men always got back from hunting by sundown. B side of Fresno River and took them down to Neither would they go far to trade. "They go a ( teast] side of Madera where they gave little ways, and if they don't see anyone [with something to eat, flour, beef, etc., made ttey and fth doe see any cwit fight no more. whom they can encamp for the night?) they come The chief that brought the whites up was back before night." age. He took the I-ndians down and gave them When men went out on a long hunt they re- (J.R. doesn't know how long he kept them turned about midafternoon, said C.D. Then they there.] He promised them, before he died, ate, rested in the shade, and then went to the would give them land up here where they sweat house. After the sweat they swam, then ed, what land they liked. They would stay went to their homes. After the evening meal e and keep the land. It would be the th ians' own home. He would give them maybe a they went to bed. on and two horses, and a plow and a harrow, Old and young went to bed at the same harness. They could work the horses, plow, time, J.R. thought. The little children were But he got sick and died. He was buried "wrapped in a little wildcat skin at night to t there.83 have a good sleep." In a well-supplied family, He promised the Indians that, although each person had his own coverings, rabbitskin be he would die, they would get these things blankets for adults, small skins for the er he died. He was going to give the an lt ofed moHen But th did'tge . children. The fire was kept alive all night to lians lots of money. But thney cdicdn't get it.kepteseerwam e white fellows found out. He (Savage] keep the sleepers warm. d to the Indians that all this land, Cali- ia, belonged to the Indians. This was all tten. A lot of judges have it written down Clothing and Ornament t way now. But the Indians can't get it money] yet. They are giving the Indians Not much clothing was worn by the Chuk- ittle pinch, out of the money belonging to chansi or their neighbors toward the valley, Indians said J.R. Men made the breechclouts prepared About twenty years ago a lawyer got in- sai J.R. Men mdee th b cuhclots f aed ation from some whites. He heard that the the skin with deer brains, cut them to fit the sans had this money down there, and got individual, said C.D. He thought women's to contribute to pay for his going down breechclouts were cut exactly the same as men's. fighting to get it for them. But he hasn't M. said men wore an apron covering back and it yet. front (possibly she means the breechclout ends). She said that girls made fun of men who wore no clothing or only a small covering over the SUBSISTENCE AND CLOTHING penis. Men wore their hair shoulder length, singed off even with a hot coal. Daily Round Tule grass skirts were worn by women, said J.R.; these were also made of shredded People rose before sunrise summer and willow bark, said M. Skins were worn around ter, said N.W. If there was no meat to eat the loins by women, or in a "diaper shape," sometimes there wasn't -- the men went out said M. Kroeber states that the back part of catch a rabbit or whatever could be quickly a Chukchansi woman's skirt was of buckskin, the . On their return, the meat was cooked and front of pounded strands of a long grass called en with acorn mush. chulochul.84 All informants said that all members of a Both sexes used skins of deer, fox, wild- Lly present ate simultaneously at meals. cat, or rabbit around the shoulders, said J.R. They were tied on with strings, or some people 3avage was killed by a white man in a personal quarrel well, Discovery cf the Yosemite, 285). 84Handbook, 519. 178 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS used a little sharp stick run through the over- house, the others in outdoor granaries. [A lapped front corners "Just like a pin." Thrall's suggestion J.R. opined the sacks All informants said moccasins were little of milkweed fibre, which I doubt. -- A.H.G, used; most people went barefoot (as do most Now some of the new peeled acorns were children today). Moccasins were used only when and ready to eat. The fine skins of these. walking a long distance. These were in two scraped off and they were taken to the bed parts, a sole and upper, and were decorated mortar. As the woman pounded up acorns in l with beads or bones which were tied on. Possi- holes, she took the flour out from time to bly a sandal type was known, for F.M.'s in- piling it up beside the hole. When she had terpreter, said "Some who knew real how would sufficient quantity she took up a handful,' make them like yours [Oxfords, i.e., a moc- it on a circular, flat, winnowing tray. Th casin with solid upper], and some would just meal on the tray was then shaken in such a put straps like." that the coarse particles came to the surfa For dress occasions or dancing, eagle, rolled off onto a similar tray. The fine f bluejay, and woodpecker feathers were arranged stuck to the basket surface. The finest il around the head and neck, said J.R. was set aside, the coarser returned for fu Tattooing was indulged in by Chukchansi pounding. This routine was repeated about women, who so adorned the breast, abdomen, three times with the same batch of flour. arms and legs, according to Kroeber.85 [In- ly a whole day was spent at this work, pro ferentially, the chin was tattooed as usual.-- ing a quantity sufficient to last an averag A.H.G.] family two or three days: "pretty near a bucket full, a little more than half a [50 flour sack." At the end, there should not Foods more than a handful of coarse meal remaini the mortar hole; this was discarded. Leach Acorns.--Two accounts of the treatment of of the flour was done at another place [nea acorns were given, the first by Jack Roan with water?] where the men had already prepared Polly Roan interpreting, the second by Nancy fire of manzanita wood to heat water. Coo Wyatt, Marian and Lillian interpreting. stones, usually of soapstone which did not Acorns were picked when green; put on crack, were piled on the fire. Meanwhile t rocks to dry in the sun for about one week. flour had been put in a watertight basket a Some were stored in sacks in the house, others two feet deep and cold water stirred in to in a granary covered with pine needles. At make a thin gruel. There might be two or t Picayune there were mostly white oak and water baskets like this. On the ground there had oak. been made a shallow basin of earth formed b Black oak acorns were picked from the by slightly digging and by building up the trees while green. Green acorns can be peeled, sides. A half-inch layer of white sand was whereas ripe ones must be cracked. At the spread over it as a lining and packed down proper time about September, men climbed the pressing with a winnowing tray to prevent t trees and cut off the limbs.86 Acorns fell off flour from being carried through into the ea easily, were picked from the ground and put in foundation. When this was ready, some acorn commercial sacks. A barley sack holds nearly gruel was carefully poured in from a little two hundred pounds. Before they had white basket.. Over this were laid some small fir peoples' sacks they used baskets. If a woman boughs to break the flow of water to be pour had no man to climb trees for her, she would on. First some cold water was poured overt do so herself. Picking acorns was an all-day branches, then hot. The water was heated by job for many days, a month perhaps. putting in the hot stones, which first hadb Toward sundown the people went home and cleansed of ashes by dipping quickly in wate had their evening meal. Immediately after, They were handled with sticks four or five C the acorns were brought in and everyone in the long. Hot water was poured over the acorn family sat around peeling them. They would gruel two or three times. The acorn food wa finish all they had got that day, which might tasted occasionally to see if the bitterness yield two basketfuls. Next morning, before had disappeared. When cleared, the acorn fl setting out, the women spread out the peeled was lifted off, the top layer (the finest wh acorns to dry on rocks. This procedure con- came to the top) being kept separate, as was tinued for a week or ten days; by that time the next, and the third or last layer. The the acorns on the trees were growing too ripe first layer was choice, was the first cooked for peeling. Hence they were taken directly to was usually taken up for the men to eat at o the drying rocks. lfhen all were dried they The rest was for general use. were stored, the peeled ones in sacks in the The fine meal which was cooked first wa put in a cooking basket and some hot water w 851b1d. poured over it and stirred up; the mixture w MUndoubtedly a misunderstandin: they had no wodctigut thin like milk. The water was boiling tools. -- A.H.5. hot: it took three hot stones to boil a baa GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 179 water. Then hot cooking stones were put in 2-1/2 inches thick. On one side was the cook- s acorn gruel to cook it; they were stirred ing depression, about 3 inches in diameter. It tantly to prevent burning the bottom of the was customary to bake these cakes and dis- ket. This process was continued for two to tribute them to children before the mush-cook- e minutes. Each time a cooking stone was ing was undertaken. ted out the mush was scraped from it to Uncooked mush could be kept for some time, ent waste. The gruel became thicker in then cooked as needed. (Thrall saw a basket- king. When done, it was poured into three ful on a porch at Picayune which "looked like baskets and taken up to the house where dried putty." A similar basketful seen by men of the family were waiting for it. Gayton looked like a mixture for an old- don't come around while acorn is being fashioned linseed poultice.) ed." CNever, or only when this first of Mush was often flavored by adding pulver- season was being cooked? -- A.H.G.] They ized seeds of various kinds. it while it was hot. The whole hand with- Seeds.--Seeds were parched on circular about one inch of the wrist was dipped in. trays by adding hot coals and shaking the whole did not burn: "it was just hot enough not lot vigorously. To separate the coals, the burn." seeds were then sifted through an openwork Then the women cooked the second layer of basket (xale). This, said N.W., was the same 1the same way. The gruel produced was a shape as the basket on which the roasting was thicker than the first. This mush was done. The seeds were then taken to a mortar ed into baskets to cool and kept for eating rock and pounded in a deep hole. An oil which rng the next few days. When cooled it was exuded caused the seed flour to ball. The food te stiff like cold cornmeal mush. was eaten in these balls; it kept a long time. The third, bottom or "dirty," layer of These seeds were got in the valley. was then treated. It was thrown in a Tarweed [seeds or leaves?] was pulverized et of water; the meal floated, whereas the and eaten dry that way, or added to manzanita it unavoidably contained sank to the cider for flavoring. Never was it used to tom. The floating meal was poured off, but flavor acorn mush. When eaten dry it tended to when so cleansed the third grade of meal blow about, causing one to choke. (All present darker than the others. The mush produced laughed at the informant's description of this.) cooked like the rest but was even thicker The tarweed preferred bloomed in July; it when cool was quite hard, making a sort of "smelled good and was good food." Emma Pumpkin h dark bread. Sometimes this thick mush gathered a sackful this summer (1938). made into individual loaves by placing Wild oats grew abundantly in the Coarse le mounds of it in a cold spring of water. Gold region, said J.R. The women gather these e might be ten to twelve such mounds which, seeds in seedbeaters, throwing the grain over congealed, were taken home and put away. their shoulders into burden baskets hung on This work took all day. Meanwhile some of their backs. Old women worked every day at men had been hunting and had brought home this; it took about one day to fill the burden !game. "It is pretty near sundown now. basket. The seeds were laid out on rocks to aps some fellow got a squirrel maybe a dry; when the husks were ready to drop off they it, a bird, or something. Whatever the were winnowed. To prepare these seeds for t, the men would cook it.8 The women bring eating, they were roasted on a basket with hot he cooled acorn mush. Now it is supper coals, the coals later being sifted out by They all eat together inside the little means of another basket. The parched seeds e." were then pounded in a bedrock mortar into a When acorns were plentiful a family could flour somewhat finer than cornmeal. The flour ten to twenty sacks in two or three days, was mixed with water, then shaped as small thin N.W. The entire family participated. biscuits. These were cooked in hot ashes, e oak acorns were difficult to keep so were closely watched to prevent burning. Such cakes led immediately and soon used. When were eaten cold or hot, or laid away for the led, they were spread on flat rocks to dry, next meal. They were a favorite accompaniment stored in sacks which were placed on a to manzanita cider. r of grass in the outer edge of the house. A "grass" grows down toward the valley must be kept dry. Black oak acorns were which "blooms red on the end" and produces fine ed in their shells in granaries, but they black seeds. These are ripe in late summer must remain dry. (July-August).88 The plants were pulled up, -Cakes of acorn meal dough were sometimes roots and all, and laid out to dry. The seeds before cooking of the whole batch was dropped off; those that failed to were stripped ted. These were shaped in the hand and off and the grass thrown away. The seeds were don hot stones. Such a stone (seen by brought home, stored in the storehouse. ill) was about 5-1/2 inches in diameter and len usually cooked meat, unless they were too busy; then 88Probably the "kasin" seeds prized by other Yokuts, Zen did it. though this date is a little late for their ripening. 180 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Greens.--Clover leaves, young and tender, nuts fell out. The nuts were gathered upx were eaten in the early spring, said J.R. They carried home in burden baskets. The nuts- were eaten alone or as an accompaniment to eaten were first parched with coals on a., acorn mush or manzanita cider. Clover was tray. Care was needed to prevent scorchi never dried. Sometimes, after being coQked, they were Roots.--Not many roots were eaten, said ed in a mortar hole, the greasy mass then J.R. Of this type of food the so-called "wild rolled into balls and eaten as an accompa potato" was most abundant and favored. In the to acorn mush. spring, when the grass was just beginning to According to N.W., when pine nuts we turn yellow, women went out to dig these roots. wanted men climbed the trees and twisted The season lasted about two weeks, for soon off; today they cut them off with a rock I after the roots ripen the ground becomes too Ripe cones, probably those left beyond re hard to break. They grow about three inches shed their nuts on the ground. The whole underground, are a little larger than one's were set on the fire to burn off the pitcl thumb; the plants do not look like a potato Then their "leaves" were knocked off to g plant. [Probably the Eulophus. -- A.H.G.] the nuts. Good nuts are brown at one end; The roots were laid out on rocks to dry those black all over are "no good." The thoroughly, then stored for winter. They were were kept in sacks made of milkweed string hung up in the storehouse in containers, as They were shelled as needed, eaten directi they spoil if allowed to get damp. They were or pounded and mashed into balls to eat wi boiled in water and mashed when eaten: "they acorn mush. taste just like potatoes." This year M.W. climbed trees and got Berries and fruits.--Elderberries were nuts. Sometimes these are sold to visitor eaten, said J.R. A larger and sweeter type the hotel in Coarse Gold. was got up in the mountains when they went up Meat.--The meats commonly eaten were for pine nuts. They were gathered, dried on squirrel, ground squirrel, gopher, jack- rocks up there, and brought home. They were cottontail rabbits, fox, wildcat, and deer boiled and eaten about once a week during the said J.R. Gopher snakes, but not rattles winter. They were never mashed. Dried berries were eaten. kept a long time. Bear meat was eaten by some, but oth Thimbleberries89 were picked when ripe and thought bear "too human." "He lies down eaten at once, never dried. They were picked like a man when he is dead, has breath 1i into an ordinary seedbeater held in the left man." Moreover, bears sometimes killed a hand. men; hence, a bear, having possibly done Gooseberries which grow locally are very was not fit to eat. This was the Chukcha thorny, but a better, less spiny kind grows up attitude. in the mountain, larger and juicier. They turn Meat definitely not eaten was that of red when ripening, and when brownish but not eagle, buzzard, chicken hawk, coyote, and yet black are ready to eat. They were con- However, J.R. said that to the south the v sumed at once, never dried. They are J.R.'s Yokuts ate dog meat.9 Elk was not eaten favorite berry. Chukchansi, since it was not available, no Wild grapes were eaten, but never dried. buffalo (sic; antelope?). Sometimes the fruit wad crushed, producing a Horse meat was eaten in the old days.) red juice which was drunk at once. would go to the valley. They made a gear Nuts.--Nuts of the sugar pine were got wood9' which was put on a horse's nose. T around Coarse Gold, said J.R., but most came the captor would jump on its back, without4 from higher up in the mountains. The nuts were saddle or blanket, and bring his prize up ready about August, and whole families went up Some people kept horses to ride; others, a there to camp. Hazelnuts and a fine quality of getting them here, shot them through the h elderberry were got at the same time. Deer with an arrow to provide food. meat was also enjoyed then. Meat was roasted on coals; was never When the pine nuts were ripe, men climbed cooked in a basket. Deer meat was cut in the trees, knocked down the cones, while the pieces about twelve inches square. As it women below collected them in piles. Pine swelled during cooking, it was punctured needles were laid around the piles and ignited sharp sticks "to let the steam out so it w to burn off the pitch. When cool, the cones burst." were split open by setting them butt down on a Meat cut in strips was hung over a po rock and striking the tip with a heavy stone. dry into jerky. It was turned every two o They split into about three sections and the 8lThis bears out the statement of a neighboring K >-A red berry a little larger than a man's thumbnail, that dog meat was not eaten, while an eyewitness saw growing on a bush 3 to 4~ feet high, the leaves the size Of eaten farther south (cf. Gayton, Ghost Dance of 1870, one's hand, the stems finger thick. The berries are not and Estudillo among the Yokuts, 75). round (spherical?], are thinner than strawberries, grow In clusters at the ends of the bush and are easily picked; 91Nct identified. The shrub grows around Coarse "something like a raspberry." "it won't break -- is Just lilke leather." GAYTON, YOKUJTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 181 ee days. Fish was treated the same way. to three-quarters of an inch in diameter, kind of meat could be dried, said J.R., and carrying them in burden baskets. The salt was id keep for two or three months. paid for in baskets or shell money. A quantity Grasshoppers, a wingless type, were got in of salt about as large as a pine cone would be plain of the valley. They were caught by worth 50 cents in American money, in native ting a fire in a circle, driving it inward. terms, a basket about the same size (as a pine n the grass was burned over, the grass- cone) or a kelan of beads (a strand the circum- pers, killed but not cooked, were collected. ference of the flat hand). The Mono came over en home, they were roasted on a tray with several times a year. e coals. Rock salt was ground to varying degrees of Angleworms were got in winter and cooked fineness and eaten with meat, nuts, or seeds, a soapstone dish. A little water was added, but not with acorns. Rock salt to be eaten Bt enough to make a little gravy." Some with acorns was "burned black" first. A layer ple dried angleworms to keep for later use, of salt was covered with hot ashes, then ractice which J.R. and P.R. both decried. pounded in an acorn hole and mixed with a Grubs of a small black butterfly92 were certain "grass" that grows in or at the edges o cooked in a soapstone dish with a little of the river. The grass and salt were mashed water; they were not cooked long. These together then formed into balls about six e usually dried on trays in the sun and inches thick. Water was added if needed to red in sacks for later use. make it stick together. The grass was wrapped YellowJacket grubs were dug from the around the balls, making a thick covering. und after the live insects had been smoked Several such balls were put in a hole filled Dried weeds were stuffed in their holes, with very hot ashes and left all night. In the hted, and blown upon. The holes were about morning the balls, from which the grass wrap- inches across, the nests some twelve inches ping had burned, were dug out and brushed hard oW the surface. A number of holes indicated with a soaproot brush. A ball might be struck ynests. The grubs were cooked in ashes, a blow and the pieces given to various people. nsifted from the ashes in an open-twined Three to five balls would be made at a time, ket. which would last an average family a whole year. Salt.--Salt was not always available to [Just how this type of salt was used with Chukchansi. Their supply came from the acorns was not stated. -- A.H.G.] ute (probably Eastern Mono) of Nevada who The salt called 'alit' was derived from eover about once a year to trade and even salt grass which is covered with a white in- ndid not always bring it. J.R. did not crustation when growing. It was gathered by where they obtained it. The salt was paid hand, spread to dry on flat rocks, then pounded either by bead money or by baskets. If the in a mortar hole. Then it was winnowed from a ent was a basket, this receptacle would be circular winnowing tray, the grass particles ghtly larger than the lump of salt for which wafting out and the salt grains remaining. The as exchanged. The basket, however, was salt was dampened and pressed into balls, but ht to be the more valuable because of its these were not baked. The balls were broken as bility: "it holds water, lasts a long needed for use. This salt was eaten with ;it may look old but it will still hold clover and sour berries; if it was unobtainable, r a long time." For a piece of salt say then rock salt was used. by six inches, not many beads were paid; The Chukchansi "went to the plains to hly, it would be about 50 cents in American scrape a sort of alkali off the ground," says 'Y. Kroeber.93 The salt so obtained was mixed with water, t enough to stick it together," and put on s to heat, left overnight. When taken out Beverages as hard, "Just like some kind of rock." struck, it broke in little pieces. The When manzanita berries are nearly ripe, or, however, was changed by the treatment: women specify certain bushes as theirs, said was kind of weak, you know, not like it was J.R., and no one else can take the berries from re the burning." them.94 When the berries were thoroughly ripe, According to N.W., rock salt was got from the ground under a bush was raked clean of all Eastern Mono who lived "the other side of leaves and twigs, until the ground was bare. umne, down Mono Lake way." They brought it The woman took a long pole and, standing close "the other side of Seventy-Seven, Basalt to the bush, knocked all the berries to the ow." They brought crystals about one-half ground. Then she took a flat short stick to STeee are grubs of a small black butterfly which does ie every year; there were none this year ( 1938) but 93Handbook, 53?0* ,were plentiful in 1936. They come very early in the 94It is not clear whether a woman claimed the same bushes pgon trees where new leaves are budding. [Possibly a each year or specified them anew accocrding to the crop prom- *-- A.H.G.] ised by various bushes. -- A.H.G. 182 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS scrape the berries into piles; then, dust and Medicines all, she put them in a basket.95 The dust was said to prevent stickiness and dripping while Medicinal plants and materials were n the berries were being handled. The berries stored but were gathered as needed. Ordina were winnowed by being tossed on the same when a person was hurt or slightly ill, peo basket, freed of leaves and twigs that fell would tell him about medicines they knew, with them, and taken back to the temporary would get and prepare them, and either give camp in a burden basket. There they were again structions or apply them themselves. Ameri picked over for further cleaning and spread on medicines are bought now: "it looks like t rocks to dry. work better," said J.R. Several medicines When dried the berries were mashed on a known to this informant. special type of stone, thin, flat, and a bit A plant called pasal (Miwok?) which wider than one's hand. The fruit was mashed, sprouts in spring, has leaves three to fo not pounded, to loosen the seeds from the skin inches long shaped like beech leaves; the and dried pulp. The mashing took all day. leaves are always sticky. A leaf of this Then the mass was put on a sieve basket which placed in the mouth, but not chewed, and t permitted the seeds to fall through; they were saliva swallowed when one had a cough or c discarded. The desirable part was sacked and The same plant was used as a boiled decocti taken back to the home village where it was for rheumatic pains. About a handful of 1 stored in a dry spot. This activity continued would be cooked in a pint of water to make for about one week up in the mountains. strong dark liquor; this was washed, not When cider was wanted three or four hand- hard, on the afflicted part at night. fuls of the berries were put in a watertight Another bush, called lokot'i, was like basket about one foot deep. After they had pasal, but a bit larger with larger leaves. soaked a while they were squeezed with the was put to similar use. The bush grew alo hands to extract all the dried Juices. A sieve creeks and in rocky places in the mountains' basket was then set over the top of a larger A plant called 'opkule, with yellow watertight basket and the liquor and berries flowers and roots a foot long, was boiled t poured in. When the pulp was well drained, make a soothing medicine. Leaves and roots more clear cold water was poured over it very but not the flowers, were cooked and the ho slowly. Then the liquid was ready to drink: liquor was rubbed on painful spots. "It wi there was a basket about one foot high, full of stop pain pretty quick." All these decocti cider for the family. were used on open wounds, but they were not- GrapeJuice, red in color, was made from potable. crushed wild grapes and drunk at once, said A vine which climbed "Just like a grap J.R. vine" was boiled and the liquor used to was A tea was made of "peppermint," the regu- cuts, which were said to heal quicker and n lar mint plant, said N.W., which grew wild. to be painful when so treated. The leaves were gathered, spread on a flat A medicine for rattlesnake bite was k basket to dry. The dried leaves were crushed but not considered as effective as a shaman by hand and stored in a covered basket. Some- cure (see "Rattlesnake Shaman"). This was times the plants were dried, then tied in plant "which grows with a little bunch on t bundles up in the house roof. When wanted, a end of it, called s'onoi." It was boiled piece was broken off and put in water. Mike the liquor washed onto the wound. It "usua' Wyatt said he thought this tea was not a native cured the bite. When this method was used, beverage, although it was made when his people shaman's services were not.I were still living in native-type houses. To prevent snake bite women who were g A drink which J.R. called dowunnil was seed-gathering would rub the flower and lea first used by the Indians when tortillas were of the tea plant (dowunnil, peppermint?) ov Introduced, which was a long time ago (about their feet, ankles, and legs. The smell 1840-1850). It was thought to be "good for alarmed the snake so it would not strike, o something in the stomach." The plant was dried least would rattle a warning. and hung up in an undisturbed spot as the Wormwood (mesini) was used for rheumat leaves dropped off too readily. A few leaves said N.W. It was rubbed between the hands were taken when wanted and put in water. [This extract the Juice which was then rubbed on sounds remarkably like the "peppermint tea" de- sufferer. Sometimes the plant was soaked i scribed by N.W. The cooling effect of the mint water and the solution used to lave with: might have been desirable with the strange took a bath in it." The same solution was tortillas. -- A.H.G.] for ceremonial washing at the Mourning Cere mony. 95The basket was described as 3 feet long and 1 foot Pepperminto treelln (p) wa go o h wide, but thI s does not fit any known Yokuts basket type. ts n o wligu. It may have been an extremely elongated twined basket of A drastic cure for rheumatism was the the seedbeater tpe. -- A.H.G. application of fire to the painful area. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 183 a was covered with dry wormweed which was saved, being carried in the stomach and the n fired. Mike Wyatt once had rheumatism in stomach carried in the skin [by the same man?]. shoulder. His relatives made a bowl of At home the deer was hung up, perhaps for one s medicine, applied it to his shoulder, and night, the next day [it is butchered?] it is ted it. They did this several times, when- cooked in the ashes. A single deer would be r the pain came; then it was cured.96 consumed in two days by the average family. Everyone helped skin the animals, and everyone in camp [every household?] was given a piece Hunting of meat about "as big as your hand and wrist." Men hunted all the year round; even in Mice were trapped between flat stones by winter they would go out all day with their pping the upper stone on an upright stick dogs. ting on an acorn. Inferentially, these A few Indians had dogs trained to hunt B were set out at night. In the morning foxes. These followed the fox whenever they owner went out, collected his quarry, then smelled one, and treed it. The master followed w them on the coals to cook just as they with his bow and arrow and shot the beast as it e A little mouse made just two mouthfuls, watched the dogs below. The dogs jumped the a J.R. Only mice were caught this way. fox the instant it fell but were immediately Tree squirrels were shot with arrows or beaten off, otherwise the skin would have been tured by trained dogs. torn and the meat bruised. Wildcats were got Ground squirrels were drowned out of their by the same method. For fox and wildcat but es in wintertime by digging drains to run one or two dogs were used at a time. er into their runways. When an animal A small breed of dog, about twelve inches ged, it was struck on the head. J.R. many high, was used for hunting rabbits. They were es helped his father at this, which was a trained to track rabbits to burrows or rock on resort in winter when food was scarce. shelters. The owner had a slender stick, three To obtain deer, drives were organized by or four feet long, which he ran into the hole eral men in a community. At a deer drive until he felt the hiding animal. Then he man knew his position and the territory he poked and twisted the stick in its fur, pulling to cover. The usual method was to drive it out. It was killed with a blow on the head. und a mountain" [probably a large hill] in "A man would be gone all day hunting like that," ular formation. As the men were closing in said J.R. shot any deer that came within range. Of Gray squirrels were abundant. The dogs Be encircled, they killed all they could, al- would pursue these, perhaps catch them, before h some invariably escaped. "What they they got up a tree. The owner was immediately t, never gets away. They die pretty quick. behind to secure the quarry for himself. ye seen them shoot with the bow and arrow, These hunting dogs somewhat resembled know. They die quicker than with the coyotes: they had long tails, some had long, et. When they shoot the deer, you know, he slightly woolly fur, "coyote color, pretty asick and dies, just a little way off." So near yellow." There were also black, white, J.R. and spotted dogs. Some had short fur. Some Up at Wowo na (Miwok territory) the deer- were as high as a man's knee: the rabbit dog ers deployed around a mountain which had a was smaller than a fox dog. A hunter would rock on top and one precipitous side. They possess both kinds. These pets were fed acorn Bsed the deer up the mountain until they soup, bones, feet of squirrels, rabbits, and forced to huddle or jump off. Those that the like, also entrails. They also were per- not destroy themselves by leaping were shot. mitted to hunt for themselves and ate whatever In the evening as much of the game as they caught. ible was packed home. Often this method "When a man takes his dog out, the dog ed more meat than could conveniently be knows what he is going to do. He hunts. He ied. Hence some carcasses were left over- watches the animal, but he would hunt whatever t, hung head down by the hind legs, in he saw first. He would jump anything. The dog s. In the morning the hunters would re- knows what he is hunting. They run after any- to skin them. thing, these dogs, after they learn what to do, A man could carry one deer by means of a you know. But they can't catch the coyote. line. The animal was skinned, all save the They get away every time. Nobody ever ate from foot to knee [and the entrails re- them." (This, and all hunting information is 4?). The legs were tied together and the from J.R.) ass packed on the back. The blood was An elderly white man told me Of his own experience. Horse Stealing opped hi s rheumatilc leg near a hot s tove; he f ell1 p and woke to find his leg painfully burned and blis- h.However, the rheumatism was not felt thereafter.-- A man named xo'sin (M.N. 's father-in-law, t ~~~~~~~~~~said the narrator, M.W.) was the ringleader of 184 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS a group of Chukchansi who went over to the horse, got on it, drove a bunch of horses Coast Range to steal horses from the "Mexicans." way, back across the water at the same fo About seven or more men would go, walking all and so on across the valley and back up h the way, and be gone for as much as six or Maybe at Picayune they would kill two hors seven months. for the Indians there. Brought the rest here. Maybe some people wanted a horse, J They would first steal clothing and horses they didn't kill that one, but kept it to to ride on. Then they would be ready to secure When those horses were all eaten up, some a herd of horses to bring back for food. On they would go down again'. the return, when they safely reached the crest When they had horses here, they would of the Coast Range, they would pause to divide down below Raymond to the valley for elk. their spoils. they would separate into two parties and g around in a circle. Maybe they would see elk going ahead of them. The elk would g Once when they were Just about to make a faster than the horses. So they didn't halt for this purpose, Xoisin looked back and after the elk, but went sideways to head t saw Mexicans [Spaniards] with guns on their off; drove them, thus, in the direction th trail. They dropped the clothing, left the wanted. They could see a long way, for th horses, and ran for cover. Xoisin and a com- was on the plain. They never chased the e panion were trapped in a bad place. The Mexi- directly, but at an angle; made them go in cans shot and wounded them both, but the pair direction they wanted. Then they closed I of Indians had arrows with which they hit them. The riders had no saddles, only a 1 several of the attackers. They took turns rope (a ja 'quima, presumably]. But they h shooting. This continued all day until the guns. When they had caught up with the el Mexicans ran out of bullets; they then asked they couldn't get away. When one tried to the Indians "what they were, that they couldn't break through, a man would shoot it thro kill them or anything." Meanwhile other heart. Then they let it go. They would t Indians were above on the hill, weeping because it later. They had to attend to the other they thought their two companions had been that weren't yet shot. Later, when all ba killed. After the Mexicans left, Xoisin and been caught or had got away, they went bac his friend came out and Joined the others on find those that had been shot and left to the hill. They left none of that meat there; it was Then they came home. Later they went to brought up here. steal horses from another but nearer locality. Stolen horses were used for food: both C.D. and M.W. have eaten horse meat. Such raids were made occasionally in summer, possibly in the spring, but J.R. t only in the summer season. The following account from J.R. is not dated, but it migpt have occurred sometime be- tween 1819 and 1860: as early as 1819 Estu- Fishing dillo97 referred to the devastating effects of native horse-raiders on the Spanish herds in Chukchansi people used to go down to the northern San Joaquin Valley; after 1860 Gashowu and Kechayi territory [near Friant white encroachment was probably too advanced to spear salmon on the San Joaquin River. Th permit of such extensive forays. had their own fish camp, as had other trib right at the river. Salmon were always 9p with a harpoon. J.R. did not know what wa People went over west, across the San used for a point before nails were introdu Joaquin Valley to steal horses. They almost sharply filed nails are now used. In the traveled day and night. They took a little something in the belt to eat, maybe.98 They poon, the point is loose in the shaft head would be gone a week or a month, when they went but fastened to the pole with a string fiv stealing horses. When they got hungry they six feet long. When a fish is speared the would make a little fire, kill a horse. They point comes off the shaft head and the pol would go down by Madera, across the valley, remains in the fisher's hand. The pole (s cross the water [the sloughs and main stream of shaft or handle) was about six feet long. the San Joaquin River), then the mountains [the the fish was pulled in, it was knocked on Coast Range). They might not have been there head with a stone; then the forefinger was before. But they got there: found a way across the water, across the mountain, found serted in the wound and the toggle-point e some horses to steal, or something. People tricated. over there owned lots of horses. They stayed When several men fished together they there till sundown, after they had seen the divided their catch at the riverbank; the horses, seen how many there were. After night divie te cat at th rvbank The came and people were in bed, they caught a might be about two fish to a man. The fiw were run through the gills by a withe, whi was then twisted onto itself and slung ov, rGayton, Estudlllo, 81 IT. shoulder. At the camp a good coal fire wZ NPresumably in a small leather pouch slung through the ready, and one salmon would be slit opena belt, as was the custom with other Yokuts travelers, roasted for immediate eating: this would GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 185 ur or five men. [No mention was made of a over the water such as Mayfield described for rat salmon ceremony, but this may be what the the Choinimni (see above).99 ormant, J.R., had in mind. -- A.H.G.] The fish were dried at the camp. The im- ication is that men did all the work con- ited with salmon fishing, but it was not so Firewood, Firemaking ted. The fish were cleaned by slitting full th down to the backbone. For better drying, Pine, oak, manzanita, chaparral, live oak, e flesh would be slit again so the sections "any kind" of wood, was used for making fire, uld be thinner. As a supporting rack, said N.JW. To fell a tree, it was burned around ender sticks were laid across the lower limbs its base. Baskets of water were kept at hand trees or sturdy bushes. The fish were hung to control and eventually to quench the flames. .rizontally on these, the flesh hanging down No stone ax was used. Both sexes carried wood, ch side. They were frequently turned around which was bundled up with string and then the sun got at all parts. They were put in ported by tumpline. A piece of flat bark was Back [skin?] and packed home with a tumpline. laid on the back and held in place by the load, Man carried about two hundred pounds of fish. to protect against bruising. A person could home, the fish were taken out and hung on carry about five logs, four feet and eight icks across the roof of the storehouse, so inches in diameter, or more if the logs were ey would not spoil. Such dried salmon were smaller, N.W. thought. ten before they got too dry: "they don't Dead trees were felled by putting live kep all winter," said J.R. Da re eefle yptiglv coals at the base. When a tree burned through Creek fish, trout, were stupefied with the and fell, the fire was extinguished with earth. aves of a plant called s'ikahi that grows in Logs were severed by burning through, leaving e lower foothills. The bush is six to eight lengths suitable for transport. House, as- et tall, has leaves round and a bit larger sembly, and sweat house fires were banked, so n elderberry leaves. These were pounded, coals were readily available for relighting, ed with mud, and tossed on the Water of said J.R. ils. "It makes the fish sick. It kills ls., B itmdid t ffectsthe It or Buckeye wood, for fire-drill hearths, was e.' But it did not affect the quality or cletdadsoe.Tefr rl wo? avor of the food: "it doesn't get into the collected and stored. The fire drill [wood?] at." When the fish come to the surfaceg was worked in a hole at the edge of the hearth; ,, When the fish come to the surface ' the drill was rotated until smoke issued. verybody" came out with baskets and dipped [Continuing, or another method;] A piece of up. "You get the basket right under them, oak gall was set on the hearth and the drill row them out." Sometimes men and women rotated in it until it ignited. This was ught them with their hand [presumably when picked up and sparks from it were blown on efish were stupefied, not by underwater dried grass or leaves. The process took two to ving as described for more southerly Yokuts]. five minutes. J.R. saw his father make fire These fish were small, three to four this way; he himself never did it. hes. They were cooked in hot ashes (not There is a growth on an oak tree some- ala) which cooks but does not burn them. t esh were eaten at done for supper, thing soft and thick, maybe like rubber," which frish were eatendat once, for supper,use.is essential in preparing fire, said N.W. This e majority were dried for later use. is laid on top of a buckeye board hearth, which In preparation for drying they might be in turn is laid over some plant material oked first or not [perhaps depending on (mesini, wormwood) which has been dried and ther conditions], though usually they were rubbed into powder. A buckeye (sic) drill is t. When drying, they were laid out [cleaned?] twirled between the hands on the hearth; both flat rocks and took two or three days to dry. the oak growth and mesini catch fire. "It ey are dry just like a cracker." As much as takes both to make the fire, neither one will if a sack of these would be put away by a ignite by itself." It took about thirty ly for winter consumption. Enough for a minutes to start a fire; it ignites suddenly 1 was taken out, cooked in ashes, and then "Just like gas going off." Then the burning ded up to be eaten with acorn mush. "They material was moved onto a rotten log, or what- a little bitter, not much, when you eat ever firewood was to be started. People who m. said J.R. [There was a suggestion, not had no fire got it from this, took it to their arly stated, that fish meat was dried, own home. Ordinarily fire was got from ded, and put away like pemmican.] neighbors, and it was only on rare occasions, when all fires had gone out, that firemaking In Chukchansi territory Powers saw fish Ira with inserted traps into which the fish operations were necessary. e driven from upstream by means of a brush ep like that of the Wobonuch (see below). eChukchansi also speared fish from a booth "Powers, 376. 186 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS STRUCTURES were lashed around the frame poles, ending,, course, each side of the doorway. To these Sweat house.--The Chukchansi sweat house were lashed bunches of tarweed (a'mas, N.W.; was circular, some 18 to 20 feet in diameter. tot, M.N.); pine needles (maya, N.W.) and a The floor was excavated about 3 feet, and the other pine growing at a higher altitude (iln earth packed down hard. The supporting frame N.W.; cedar?) was also used for thatching. was of pine trunks about 5 inches thick [number additional bark covering was mentioned, but not mentioned]. The door was 4 or 5 feet high, described, by N.W.; nothing was put over the 2 feet wide, with no door covering. A smoke tarweed, said M.N. Milkweed string was us hole was left in the center of the roof, which for all the lashings. M.N. said the tarwee was about 8 feet high at that point.l?? The was "woven," not lashed, to the frame and roof beams were of green live oak saplings, and zontal withes [a dubious statement, -- A.H. on these was piled a thick layer of chaparral Marking the top of the doorway was a horizo brush, leaves, and lastly earth. The fire was stick lashed to the doorway pole; this serv Just within the door so that one had to Jump to support a small obliquely Jutting roof, over it in entering. thatched, over the main roof. The door was The usual sweat house held ten to twelve Juist high enough for the average Chukchansi. men sitting or lying close together. Very old walk through; tall people stooped. A door $ and very young men did not use it. Some men covering of "grass" [doubtless the twined ma slept there. For sweating they went there door of the more southerly Yokuts, -- A.H.G. about 10 a.m. and about 3 to 4 p.m. After was leaned, not tied, against the door. It' sweating they went to swim in a pool especially seldom blew away, and if it did, was recove dug or enlarged for that purpose. At Gratniu and set up again. (Picayune) there were two sweat houses in use: Directly above the door roof or ttporchW "you went to either one you wanted to." At was an open space which served as a smoke ye Aplau, another Chukchansi village, there was Then the final or apex section af the space but one sweat house. tween the door poles was covered with thatch There was no special ceremony on the com- resting on a short horizontal stick. pletion of a sweat house. Men would gather there as soon as it was ready and Just sing for the door so th e smoke went up through the i pleasure, as an expression of happiness. The the fire i tself the s o informant M.N. said that sometimes the hand ing above it. The fire itself was small, game was played inside and often men amused ly coals, and was fed mainly by a long log themselves by having a sweating contest; more which extended out through the door, its ti and more wood was added to the fire until the the fire, its butt outside. It was pushed last man was forced out by the intense heat. as the tip burned away. About five feet ba No ceremony wAs held in the sweat house; from the fire were laid pine logs, in a squ. no dancing, "Just singing" (J.R.). As an ex- or, really a three-sided rectangular form. These served to keep the pine-needle floor ample of thegsollnwing: covering away from the fire, and also as sit C.D. gave the following: ting places. People sat on the logs, their feet toward the fire. People also slept wi Go see their feet toward the fire, lying back on t You too pine needles. An elderly person, usually "' I'm'going up north grandfather," sat either side of the door to You too keep up the fire. Children slept in the re' center. Dogs were allowed in the house. Only men used the sweat house, according Around the extreme back and sides were store to most informants, but M.N. said, after the sacks of acorns, other foodstuffs, and poss men got through and went out, women went in. sions. [Nothing is said of hanging up obJec Dwellings.--The Chukchansi dwelling was a as in other Yokuts houses. -- A.H.G.] conical thatched house (fig. 5, c, d, Pt. I). Outside the house was dug a ditch at 1 When the circumference was laid out, usually six to eight inches deep to drain off rain about 12 to 14 feet in diameter, postholes water. The illustrations are based on draw about 18 inches apart were dug all around it. and descriptions of the informant N.W. The space between the door poles, however, was The same type of house was used throug about 8 inches wider than the rest. All in- the year, although the ramada was the popula formants stated that the frame poles were gathering-place in summer. Ramadas were us bunched together at the top [the characteristic at summer campsites. Yokuts hoop being absent), "so water couldn't People placed their houses where they come through" 101 About four horizontal withes Pleopl the p as nvlai e whraetey( ??hl sounds lilke the Miwok 4-~post type. -- A.H.G. When a house stood alone, it faced whatevert 1"1Kroeber, however, credits the Chukchasi conical house the owner wished. But sometimes two houses; with a ring at the apex (Handbook, 522). were needed to accommodate a large family GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 187 se were built with the doors facing each which had been overlooked, to add to the stored er. supply. The whole family was concerned with con- Some years the seed and berry crop was uction of a new house. The men secured the scarce. Under famine conditions, when food was les., dug the holes for them with digging actually all gone, people warmed water and icks and set them up, while the women got the drank it. [J.R. did not state when or how eed, string, and bark [sic], and did the often famines occurred; presumably very seldom. tching. -- A.H.G.] The ramada or shade as an adjunct to indi- Each family had an acorn granary. These ual village houses was not described by any were constructed by sinking four posts about 2 ormants, though it was mentioned in passing. feet into the earth, allowing them to extend sumably it was used by the Chukchansi as by 8 to 10 feet above. On the ground, and up to er Yokuts tribes. about 2 feet, was piled and packed brush or On the meadow near J.R.'s present (1938) grass to form a nestlike base for the acorns. e there was at one time a large communal The walls were of "worm wood" (mesini) stalks de of the type constructed to enclose a of finger thickness. The butts of the stalks ce space and shelter the audience. This were embedded in the fibrous base mass and then . said was "Just like a corral," which would twined with cord (s'atip) in paired horizontal ly that it had a back wall as well as a roof. bands with space between, thus forming a cir- of the Ghost Dances was held at that place. cular wall. As the granary was built, it was ple played games there, made cider, and filled. This stretched the walls, which were ked. This enclosure would accommodate four 3 to 4 feet in diameter. Since the wall stalks five hundred persons, said J.R. When so were not as long as the frame posts, upper y people were assembled and eating, "the sections of the twined wall were added as en would be doing something, preparing food needed. When the granary was full, pine [or the time." 102 cedar?] bark was laid on top and weighted down Storehouses and granaries.--A special with a couple of heavy stones. To protect the rehouse, structurally like a dwelling house, sides from rain, strips of old bark were tied built near the family home. One such store- around it. Normally a granary was built in a se might serve two or three adjacent houses sunny dry place, as near the owner's house as upied by related families. These store- possible, as the one thing feared for acorns ses had a conical frame, up to 6 feet in di- was dampness. To prevent moulding, three buck- ter at the base, and 7 or 8 feet high at the eye balls were always laid in with the acorns. [The walls were not described, but pre- It was said by the informant N.W. that squir- bly they were of a thatch with bark over- rels, rats, and other rodents never entered. d: a dry interior was essential.] A bark The average granary held ten to twenty rcovered the entrance "to keep the wind and sacks [native or modern?] of acorns; N.W. had n out, so things will keep dry all winter. one once which held twenty sacks. To reach the floor was covered with a thick layer of acorns at first, three people were needed: one sicated grass, weeds, orboughs,and on this who climbed on top, one clinging to the sides, stuffed storage sacks were laid. "The and one on the ground. No ladder was used; the vy sacks were laid down, and the light woman owner climbed up the sides by means of s hung up." Salmon was hung on cross- the woven walls. As the supply diminished, the es, but jerked deer meat was stored in [skin] upper wall sections were removed. The contents ka. The meat and fish were taken out and of such a granary might last two years. ined from time to time for worms, bugs, or Each family had its own granary, which was y; contaminated portions were discarded. used and repaired indefinitely. If it got wet It was not considered good practice to within during the winter, a new one was built, eup too much stored food as it was awkward the acorns dried and restored. The damp gran- handle and encouraged decay. Only enough ary would be repaired or not, after summer dry- for one meal was removed at a time from ing, just as the owner might wish. [N.W. did storehouse. not state whether men or women built granaries; The supply of food in such a storehouse perhaps men sank the frame posts, women did the expected to serve at least one family twined side wall. Once built, it is evident ughout the winter. A large family with that it was a woman's responsibility, if not children would be tided over lean periods personal possession. -- A.H.G.] Acorns of their neighbors, should their food become black oak were stored without shelling, and listed. Even in winter men went out to hunt dried in the open airy granary before bark was day, and women found late seeds, or some tied round it. White oak acorns were shelled, dried, and put away in sacks in the dwelling or b ~~~~~~~~~~storehouse to protect them from moisture. N.W. Neither the number nor the activity is exaggerated ifstlgahracns(98,adhsabusi re to Judge by accounts of other Yokcuts assemblages Xn, Estudillo, 741) ; Powers (p. 385) estimated "about sacks in her attic which she had kept three at the Chukchansi ceremony he witnessed. years. 188 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS J.R. described a granary covered with pine The top was bound with the water plan, needles which shed water; the top was covered. root. About four inches from the top was The contents remained dry all winter. To get horizontal band, woven with monoxil, indic at the acorns a little hole was poked at the the sex of the child: a boy had a zigzag bottom which allowed them to drop into a sack arrowhead design, a girl contiguous diamo or basket. This type of granary was used here Sometimes red or black roots were woven in (Chukchansi) and at Awa"ni- (Miwok). designs across the bottom; these, too, sho the sex of the occupant. The first cradle had a band hoop ext MANUFACTURES AND UTENSILS ing forward over the infant's head. There no fastenings for a tumpline, because a ne Baskets.--The following basket types were baby was not carried on the back, but in t described and named by the informants N.W. and arms. "They were afraid to carry a new ba J.R. Cooking baskets (soiyun) were from 1 to the back because its eyes might fall out," 2 feet deep. Gift and washing baskets ('tewis) N.W., laughing. Also it would have flabby for the Mourning Ceremony were about 2 feet in hanging cheeks. diameter at the bottom, 3 feet in diameter at The baby was held in place on the cra the top, about 3 feet deep. Small basket for by means of a milkweed string band about t pouring washing water (k'olis 'tewis) was said inches wide which passed through loops alo to be the same shape as the big basket. Win- the cradle sides. For a young baby lying nowing trays (po'oiyi) were flat, circular. its back, the band was not drawn very tigh Burden baskets were 3 to 4 feet deep, of coni- for an older one carried upright, the lash cal shape; carried by means of a tumpline 2 prevented movement of any kind. Under the inches wide. Seedbeaters were about 10 inches ing the baby lay wrapped in a rabbitskin across at widest part of their oval, four blanket. Today a little pillow, mattress,: inches deep, and had a little handle. cloth baby blanket are used on the cradle Several Chukchansi objects appear in the infant. A child was kept on a cradle plate 1, Part I, which shows a Yokuts ethno- it could walk and talk. Confinement in th graphic collection at the Peabody Museum of cradle is not continued as long as formeri Harvard University. These are the bowl-shaped Lillian thought children remain babyish if! coiled basket with feather and red wool orna-- in the cradle too long .106 mentation (toward upper right, second from top); As the baby grew it was transferred t the open boldly striped twine basket (left second and third cradles, the last being s center) which was a strainer used when making thirty-five inches long. All were of the manzanita cider. construction as the first save that the h Also Chukchansi are the six gambling was fan-shaped., not a mere hoop. On a Ch sticks (bottom center) and the two pairs of chansi cradle seen by Thrall, the head was hand-game bones lying at the tips of the Chuk- woven as an integral part of the supporti chansi arrows (bottom horizontal). hoop. The upper or back edge of the fan Cradles.--In N.W.'s house there is a grand- corners which were merely tied to the top son, Kenneth, about eight months old (1938). of the frame with milkweed string. Large All the following information was derived from cradles had a tumpline attached for carri that situation, N.W. speaking, Lillian, the on the mother's back. infant's mother, interpreting. The larger cradles were kept after t A baby's first cradle was not made until child had outgrown them and, as long as t it was born "so they would know how big to make were in good repair, were used for younger it." The work was done by the paternal grand- fants of the proper sex. An infant girl mother. It took N.W. three days to make K.W.'s not be put on an older brother's former c cradle, which is described below, or vice versa. The first cradle was about 20 to 26 inches long, the back being a stiff twined frame, Just '05Parallel diagonal lines signified a boy's cradle as for the later cradles. The foundation was zag a girl's, says Kroeber (Handbook, 536). Miss T Information is in line with that from other Yokuts.-. a single layer of sourberry-bush roots, twined with strips of roots of a water plant.103 The 106Miss Thrall has notes on the treatment of K.W. horizontal twining was in groups of three rows. tee bhing and fretful, consequently he woke frequentl The foot end was left unfinished or covered he would be taken up in the cradle, bounced on the with a piece of soft hide. The whole cradle and a general attempt made to soothe him. Lillian us was edged with a chaparral brush (Ceanothus?) held him when not otherwise occupied. Sometimes Nanom wasieding,eboundd with monoxila104 cpr bu ats grandmother), or Emma, or other older girls take ove, binding, bound on with monoxil .1014 Lillian must go elsewhere. Whenever the baby shows h unhappy, he gets all the attention the older-people think of to give him, apparently. On the other hand,0 103Roots of ,a river plant with sharp edges like grass, at'tempt to quiet him is to put him back on the cradij but no flower [carex?]. after taking him up, or when he cries in arms. This 104A plant with purple flowers which "grows north some to have no effect, and frequently he was taken off a place" [redbud?]). at once. " GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 189 Cordage and nets.--Milkweed plants were in diameter, said N.W. (3 to 4 ft., 1 in., thered when dry and the bark on the stem said J.R.). The wood, yellow and hard, was ripped off, said J.R. This is easily ac- from a long straight limb of a tree growing mplished when the plants are dessicated. To more abundantly at North Fork than at Coarse in this into string, two strands of the inner Gold. (It was mountain mahogany, grew around bre were held between the thumb and fore- Coarse Gold but not at higher altitudes, said ger of the left hand, while the loose ends J.R.) The limbs were straight, grew close to re held on the left (siC) thigh under the the ground. The point seldom became dull. The Im of the right hand. As the right hand stick was operated with a paddling motion, the lied the fibres forward, the left or gripping digger bending over; "sometimes one stood up ngers twisted it along [in which direction?J. but that was too tiring" (N.W.). All types of This string "never breaks"; long strings digging were accomplished with this instrument: re made by tying short ones together. for all root materials, postholes, graves. The carrying net was made of milkweed Long poles for shaking down acorns were ne. J.R. described it as "with strings at made of "peppermint wood." They were crooked efour corners, by which it could be gathered at the end by heating and bending while pliable, ether, to carry on the back by means of a said N.W. pline." The net was made "by tying two Soaproot brushes were used for all brush rings to two sticks equal distances apart (to requirements: hair brushes, sweeping up acorn e a fabric 18 in. to 2 ft. wide) and tying meal at mortar holes, washing and scrubbing er strings to these first two about 2 inches baskets, sweeping the house floor, etc. They rt." (The recorder doubted that J.R. had were made in several sizes, from one foot wide en a net made in many years.) EJ.R. may have down to little ones of one or two inches. en describing the fine mesh bag of Miwok type, About midsummer, July, women went out with ich may have been used by the Chukchansi digging sticks and obtained sackfuls of the ther than the coarser Yokuts type of carrying soaproot plants. These were made up into t .107 brushes at once as they do nfot need to be dried. According to N.W. a string called s'atip First the fibrous exterior was removed; then [made of the bark of "trees with yellow the bulbous interior was put on a bed of coals, wers, Just like those apple trees, I think buried, and left to roast at least half a day. y are, straight, tall, with bunchy branches When removed, the bulb is "like potatoes"; the e almond trees." The flowers grow up the skin will rub off. Actually the bulb is lay- m "Just like hollyhocks, that size, but ered, onionlike, and the inside of each layer low." The bark was taken in two-inch strips contains a soapy substance. Layer by layer the straight trees selected for the purpose. -- material was scraped off with the teeth (today emontia? -- A.H.G.] a knife is used) and chewed. It turned white; Woven sacks were made in which pine nuts it was then deposited in a basket to be used e stored, said N.W. These were made of milk- later as the platic handle of the brush. string cloth, woven by the same technique The fibrous exterior was then taken. The the string that holds the baby in the bottom, coarser ends, whIch served as bristles, dle," and sewed up the sides. No dimensions were pinched together firmly and bound between e given; a big wide piece was woven (sic).'08 two sticks.109 The upper end, which became the Rabbitskin blankets.--Rabbitskins were interior of the handle, was twisted tight, into strips and woven into blankets almost squeezed, and bound up. Two or three layers of large as modern bed blankets. The feet and root fibre were needed for an average-sized is were fastened around the edge,said N.W. brush. All were bound firmly together, through informant could describe their manufacture. and through. The binding cord was not speci- h blankets were expensive and owners did not fied; presumably it was milkweed string. Final- t to sell them. In sleeping, one lay under ly, the handle was wrapped round and round. )did not roll up. Not many rabbits were Then the soapy plastic was smeared,on; its ilable at Coarse Gold; most were obtained in gluey quality allowed it to be perfectly foothills at the valley's edge, said J.R. smoothed. The two sticks on the bristle end Woman's equipment.--The digging stick were still in place and by these the brush was pui) was 3 to 6 feet long and 1 to 2 inches hung up to dry, either in the sun or in the house. One week was needed for the complete WBarrett and Gifford state that a netted bag was used hardening process. he Central Miwok, and imply that a carrying net for Sometimes brushes were made from fibres or e budiens was not employed (Miwok Material Culture, uncooked roots which were used for washing 196). purposes; they have light-colored bristles. The he technique for making tumplines was not described. bristles are said to turn dark in cooking. umably it was like that of the Wukchumni (see firg. 13, [But, above, they were also said to have been -I) particularly as the M'wok method is identical removed before cooking; an irreconcilable state- d., p1. LXXVI). It would be possible to make a cloth i^s manner, but further evidence is needed before '?913arrett and Giffcrd illustrate soaproot brushes at i'5 statement can be credited . -- A.HI.G . this and other stages of manufacture ( ibid., pl1. XXXVI) . 190 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS ment. -- A.H.G.' The plastic material for the Arrows were of anunidentifiedwood."13 handle was taken from another uncooked root. the sinew-backed bow they were about two fe Soaproot was used to wash the hair, head, six inches in length. Three split feathers baskets, etc., said J.R. (Since skin clothing were fastened on with wet sinew; these were hardened when wet, it was not washed.) The slightly spiraled to make the flight straig root, when pounded, exuded a soapy juice which The same type of bow and arrow was used was then mixed with water as a washing fluid for fighting as tor hunting, said J.R. "You which lathered. The fibres were saved for can't shoot very far with an arrow; it doesn brushes. J.R. added that, when the bulb was go straight. You have to shoot high, let it roasted, it was "Just like roasting potatoes." come down on the target. They can shoot far [The inference is that some varieties of soap- ther but can't kill anything if it is very f root were pit-cooked and eaten as by other off." Yokuts, Miwok, Pomo, etc. -- A.H.G.] The recorder saw four arrowheads at the Mushstirrers were made of green chaparral Wyatt's place. These were called flint, but Thrall thinks theyr were of obsidian. [Ceanothus?], heated and bent into shape, tied Four Chukchansi arrows in the Peabody with milkweed string at the neck of the loop Museum (specs. 76475) are of cane with inse and at the ends of the handle. Total length, foreshafts. Their dimensions are: (1) shar as seen by Thrall, a bit over two feet. A pair 26-1/2 in. pluB 5-in. foreshaft; (2) shaft, of straight sticks some four feet long were 29-1/2 in. plus 7-in. foreshaft; (3) shaft, I used like tongs on hot cooking stones. 30 in. plus 7-in. foreshaft; (4) shaft, 30-1 Cooking stones were made of soapstone, in. plus 7-in. foreshaft. Sinew wrappings said N.W.; she called these pako'yun or halix. forward ends where foreshafts are inserted They were heated and dropped in acorn mush to measured: (1) 1-1/4 in., (2) 1-1/4 in., (3) cook it. Plain stones broke when so used and 1-1/2 in., (4) 1-1/2 in. Three vanes of "spoiled the food." feathers, not spiraled, on each arrow are Soapstone dishes (approximately 6 in. in trimmed straight off at the butt ends. They diameter, 2 in. deep, with walls 1 in. thick) ride free from the arrowshaft except for the were made by the Chukchansi. They were used binding at each end; their free lengths are: for cooking larvae and worms."10 (1) 2-1/2 in., (2) 2-1/2 in., (3) 3 in., (4). Wooden mortars were known to the Chuk- 3 in. All the shafts are 3/8 in. in diamete. chansi, says Kroeber."'l The absence of pottery agrees with pre- vious findings of Kroeber and Gayton."2 MISCELLANEOUS DATA Weapons.--Plain and sinew-backed bows were made by Chukchansi (and Miwok). The sinew- Boats and weirs.--There were no boats o backed bow was of cedar, about three feet long, rafts for crossing rivers. Only in play wo Deer sinew from each side of the backbone, boys sometimes get logs, roll them in the w about 18 inches long, was glued on the back of and ride downstream on them. the bow. The sinews had been kept dried for In Chukchansi territory Powers saw fis this purpose. Once on the bow, it was never weirs with inserted traps into which fish w permitted to get wet. The bowstring was al- driven from upstream by means of a brush sw ways sinew. Nevertheless, the bow was kept similar to that of the Wobonuch (fig. 3, b); outside the house, according to J.R., but al- see below. They also speared fish from a b ways unstrung when not in use. This type of over the water like that described by Mayfie bow was for hunting large game -- deer, bear, for the Choinimni..14 cougar, coyote, wildcat -- and for warfare. Money.--Several kinds of beads were sho A plain bow of mountain willow, four feet Miss Thrall by N.W. and C.D. who said they long and strung with a milkweed string, was "grave beads" and named them as follows. used for everyday shooting of squirrels, descriptions are Miss Thrall's. gophers, rabbits, and birds. The informant J.R. maintained that the same type of arrow was used with either bow. [Doubtless the same supna: cylindrical white bead, 1/4-in., arrow could be used, but it is unlikely that long, same diameter aslarger bead about anct' only one arrow type was used. Moreover, the long. One bead [long or short?b was worth a flat bird arrow is mentioned in a Chukchansi myth. -- A.H.G.] '3From a bush which grows beside creeks, is somethi like willow, but has a nearly round serrated leaf. The ?Cf Kroeber, Handbook, 527. 1is straight and tough. It is not common, Just a few bus I11bid., 528. grow near J.R. 's place. It grows about 8 feet tall "1ll 1121bid., 537; Gayton, Yolcuts and Western Mono Pottery- elderberry. " Making. 114Powers, Tribes of California, 376. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 191 ,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ lar:115 The informants were uncertain about took about one week to dry out on rocks. This material, merely saying that the beads were type of tobacco was eaten with powdered oyster- e far off at the ocean. Later N.W. said a shell lime. The shells came from Friant (Dumna, ng of these beads, which would encircle the Gashowu territory) where they grew abundantly t hand, was worth 50 cents. This standard surement of beads, the circumference of the along the river. t hand, was called kelan or k'edvan. Old people made a practice of eating to- hakemesha: darkish red, white center, bacco and lime frequently. They would gather -in. long, 1/8 in. in diameter, though at various houses. The host had the tobacco Pumpkin said they "used to be about 3 and shells. The shells he put on hot coals hes long". These were said to be of "a bone where they "softened" and "burned black." The urally white inside and red outside." Thrall shells were crushed in a small mortar, and an uht they looked like china. liganiu: blue, looked like glass with cut equal amount of cake tobacco was added, the ets. Informants claimed they were "some whole pulverized together and enough water of bone that lives in the ocean" and that added to make a thin soup. The pestle, which facets were made by being cut with obsidian. was about six inches long and one inch thick, Unnamed: black inside, brownish red out- remained in the mortar as it was passed around. e Thrall thought these looked like baked Each guest took a lick off the pestle, the host . One was pinkish inside and speckled red receiving it last. As the old people sat side, which the informant said happened around, one might say to the person partaking, n the bead was burned [fired clay or in au ation?]. These beads were pointed out as "How's that? Sleep well tonight!" The par- tcially old. taker might commence to hiccough. He'd say, A dark green bead which came from the sea 'One more.' The mortar was at once passed to described by J.R. He said these were him; he might want three or four more mouthfuls. rng with long white beads in between "to When he had enough to make him vomit he went it pretty and hold the beads together." out, went off a little way, vomited, and con- said this cylindrical bead was a certain tinued home where he "slept all night."1116 It bit bone, long, straight, hollow, and white Bsibly the clamshell hinge; possibly a local was done about every three days. Btitute. -- A.H.G.]. A length of bead money Old men and women used tobacco this way. ah was measured from the center of the wrist A young man might try it, as did J.R. in his d the edge of the extended hand was worth youth. But a young woman, up to middle age, ixed sum. Such money, in definite units, would not take it. N.W. , too, had tried it and used to pay for baskets and for any object, like it: "it tasted good, it tasted like pine ices, etc. While goods were used for pay- nuts." sor for trade, money was the preferred Elderly men and women indulged in smoking Soapstone beads 1/2 to 3/8 in. in diameter more than young ones, usually Just before re- 1/8 in. or less long, with a 1/16-in. per- tiring. However, one could smoke any time if tion, were "made in a belt" and traded for he wanted to. A man would carry a small buck- sket, said M. M. had ten such beads she skin pouch "a little bigger than a store Dur- found on the ground around Picayune. She ham tobacco sack" which contained crushed leaf not know how they were made, but claimed tobacco and his little pipe. J.R. said an in- were native. [Perhaps these beads were veterate smoker, like his father, would carry ed into belts like those of Yokuts to the a small firemaking set with him consisting of h; perhaps however, M. really meant strings hearth, drill, and oak gall. One smoked by bead money. -- A.H.G.] taking two or three puffs and then laying the pipe aside: "they don't smoke like this white, Tobacco.--Old people watched for the to- smoke it all out," said J.R. Clay pipes were o plants to ripen. When full grown but not made, Just wooden ones, of manzanita "which 11 green, the leaves were gathered, dried has the same hardness all the way through." A somewhat; it remained a greenish color. The stem about an inch in diameter was cut to the es were stored in a dry place, a little desired length (2 to 2-1/2 in.) and scraped taken out to smoke as wanted. "It down, tapering toward the mouth end. This was led pretty near like white [man's] tobacco, slow work, took two or three days. The larger IJ.R. A tobacco of sweeter variety than end for the bowl was scraped out and finally a at Coarse Gold was said to grow farther hole punched through to the bowl from the mouth h. end. J.R. knew only of using a piece of hot wakes of tobacco were made from the dried iron, like a nail, for punching the hole. tes, pulverized and mixed with water. These .- , pulverized and mixed with water. These [Presumably, in old times an obsidian drill le biscuits were two or three inches across, point was used. -- A.H.G.] O exorbitant sum, perhaps named in the-hope that --- 1 was going to buy. The impression is made that none '16Neither informant mentioned the inducement Of dreams seee informants knew anything about bead money. Their as the motive for this practice, the usual motive Of Yokuts tent t;hat the obviously Spanish beads came from the farther south. Wizards could be detected by a tobacco-eater, ist entirely reasonable since that was the aboriginal Kroeber states (Handbook, 538). The Miwok used the tobacco ce for all bead money, and Spanish beads came via the and lime emetic, apparently without religious connotations trade route in native hands. -- A.H.G. (Barrett and Gifford, 195) . 192 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS A short-lived pipe of elderwood could be medicine. A shaman's help was never sought quickly made by removing the pith, work of a abortion. few moments. There are no wooden pipes about Some women had a child every year. Off, today, said N.W., because a man's possessions twelve or thirteen births only "one, maybe were always burned at his death. maybe nine" would live to become adults. N.W. has a pipe, which Thrall could not died in infancy, a disaster blamed on evil positively identify as of clay or of soapstone. shamans. Its weight was in favor of clay, as was its There were few cases of sterility: form and appearance: N.W. contended that it people who married had children; some didn' was soapstone, which in the past was used for Birth took place in the dwelling, not pipes more than wood. N.W. found the pipe in a special structure, said N.W. Normally, t the garden of her present home at Picayune; it woman's mother and sister or an aunt helped lay under an apple tree; at first glance she her; her mother-in-law might also do so. No "thought it was a big acorn." men nor childless women were allowed in a h Thrall concluded it was pottery, saying: where a birth was taking place. (The birth "The pipe looks as if made of clay, by the procedure was not described.] process described in Gayton's pottery-making If parturition was difficult, scraping paper. It is brown-gray in color -- dark gray from a bear's claw were put in water for the with a brownish tinge on smooth parts of the woman to drink, and the decoction was also surface, slightly reddish brown on one side." rubbed on her head and hands. N.W. said thi Claiming that it was of soft stone like the was "better than a doctor." It was a common cooking stones, N.W. said Lillian's great- practice; the scrapings might be got at any grandmother, who was a Chukchansi and lived in time from someone who had killed a bear and this neighborhood, used to make stone pipes. would then be kept on hand for use as neede She said the stone became hard after being J.R. said that when a bear was killed some fired: that it was allowed to "cook" a long not a shaman, would get a claw. He would ke time. N.W. called tobacco ba"'om, the pipe it, hang it up to dry, until it was needed t sokut. help some woman in childbirth. If labor was. Cigarettes were in common evidence by the duly delayed, the claw would be got, scraped early 1870's, at least on important occasions.17 into a basket of water. The parturient dra Gum.--Green milkweed plants were pulled up this decoction, and immediately the baby cam and the leaves stripped off, said J.R. This It was thought that the bear-claw drink so caused the milklike fluid to run down the stalk. frightened the infant that it came out at on The stripper held a lump of mud in his hand and, This medicine was never used for any other rubbing this, up and down the stalk, collected purpose. the gummy Juice. When enough had been accunu- Another method to help difficult labor w lated, the lump was immersed in a spring or to hold scorched whippoorwill feathers (wul creek, where the sticky Juice clung together whippoorwill) under the woman's nose."19 and the mud dissolved and washed away. The The baby was bathed at once in wormwood lump of gum was chewed for pleasure, like mod- water. The first cradle was not ready, but ern chewing gum. started as soon as the paternal grandmother the baby's size. The cradle-making took abo three days. The umbilical cQrd was buried-. LIFE CYCLE Naming.--"It was one year or so, someti longer, before a young couple had their firs Birth and Infancy baby. There were more children then (in old times] than now," said N.W. Neither sex was "Some people would have children right preferred. away after marrying and some would wait longer. The infant was named shortly after birt Some people would wait for years," said N.W."8 according to N.W., and kept that name through One abortive, so-called, was known. A out life. The paternal grandmother usually woman who did not want an offspring would drink selected the name, which would be one from t a decoction of boiled mistletoe. It was bitter. father's side of the family. If the person This killed the embryo, or perhaps was thought to cause sterility, for the informant claimed '19The bird, later identified as whippoorwill, was de. nothing came out" as a result of drinking the scribed as follows. "It is a brown bird a little smaller than a pigeorn, but with a big mouth. The color is like you don't see it. It swallowed a deer once. It is speck '7Powers, 389. white, Just a little. It has short legs. When it flies 118If this means that some couples voluntarily denied makes a noise like wal-wili (J j d ). It doesn't make a M irng noise with its wings when it starts to fly but is siemielaret sxal prac aticenof ith Yuan aindfiEasent Mon (Forde silent like other birds. It flies in the evening, not s 8tmllar~ ~ ~ ~56 taprcleOthYunsan atewrd, Panatttbiji, in the day. It has black legs ana beak. It stands 5 inc Ethnography of the Yuma Indians, or6 sowr,PaaUii tall.*" 187); there is no hint Of unnatural sex abstention from Yokuts to the south. -- A.H.G. "20Kroeber, Handbook, 499. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 193 om the baby was named was dead -- and names women relatives of the man's family did the dead relatives were often given -- a large same for the wife's attendants (mother and ast was supplied by the paternal family. When sister) who had been in the shelter with her. e name was announced, everyone present cried; Then the man's mother gave the washing baskets en they feasted and rejoiced. If the mother to the wife's mother, who poured out the liquid d died in childbirth, the grandmother might and took them home. At the same time the man's e the baby, if a girl, for her; everyone mother was presented with a large gift basket uld cry at this. If the person whose name filled with the acorn mush which the wife's s chosen was alive, no feast was held, nor, mother had prepared in the steaming shelter. course, was there weeping. This the man's mother took away to eat with her Children were named (by whom?] at about visitors. e age of one year, said J.R. The name en- After the bath the young mother was ,ed for life. Sometimes an aunt or another arrayed in all her finery. She wore a deer- lative would bestow her own name on the in- skin apron, and strings of beads around her nt. In such circumstances the name was not waist, neck, and forehead. On her wrists she bu after the death of this relative; normally had bracelets of rabbitskin [sic; probably a e name of a dead person was not mentioned. more valued fur, possibly even weasel or otter Bso, usually, names were individual, so the skin to prevent magic intrusion of sickness. -- e tabu caused no awkwardness. A.H.G.]. The two women relatives of the girl A certain woman was nicknamed "skunk" be- were also dressed in their best. It is not use she quarrelled all the time. The name stated that the girl's mother-in-law provided d no totemic or dream reference. [Is this the girl's attire, though such was normally e of "skunk" possibly white?] Yokuts custom. Mother's cleansing ceremony.--About one Then the paternal grandmother bathed the nth after the birth of the first child (but baby with wormwood liquid. The maternal grand- t after subsequent births) a celebratLon was mother received the washing basket. Like his ld for the mother by both parental families, mother, the infant was dressed in ornaments. id N.W. A special three.-pole structure had He was shown to all the visitors. en built and covered with blankets (sic; mats?) A further exchange of gifts took place. thin which the woman's mother-in-law made a The young mother's family had assembled quanti- und hole about two feet deep and the same in ties of acorn meal, seeds, manzanita berries, eter. Hot rocks, about three, were put in etc., while the young father's family had pro- ebottom and over this a filling of wormwood. vided meat and baskets. The paternal and ma- en the young mother was placed on this to ternal grandmothers then told each other that team"; the steam filled the little hut "and they had these gifts, and to go get them and *e the woman well.'" Inside with her were her take them home.12' ther and her sister or, if these were lacking, Then feasting commenced around the two aunt or cousin: whoever was the girl's families' fires, which were not far apart. The osest female relative. The girl's mother was young mother's family entertained all her rela- ntinuously cooking acorn meal. The other tives and friends who had come to celebrate mn assisted the young mother. They all re- with her, while her husband's family did the ned in there about an hour. same for him. The young man's family feasted Outside the shelter relatives and friends on the acorn meal provided by his wife's family, re assembling. Two fires were lighted, at while the girl's family enjoyed the meat pro- ich the paternal and maternal families were vided by her husband's father. However, both paring food for feasting. Gifts of food, groups had acorn meal, seeds, meat, manzanita skets, and other treasures had been assembled cider, etc., to compose a full menu for feast- both parties. The girl's mother, relatives., ing. ifriends "covered the tent (shelter) with Today gifts are given at a child's birth, king baskets (soyun) and blankets for the e.g., money, bead belts. But, inferentially, band's mother." Her father called the the cleansing ceremony for the mother is omit- band's parents to come get those things. ted. The interpreter L.W., herself a young er taking off these objects, the husband's mother, said, "I guess that's why we all get ther replaced them with washing baskets, skinny now when they don't do that to us," at kets, money, meat (one sack of dried rabbit).which N.W. and L.W. both laughed.'22 n the wife's father took these things away. 1211t is not meant, of course, that recipients trotted n he returned, he got his daughter who was home with each set of gifts exchanged. It can be assumed 11l within the shelter, picked her up and set that, if the man's parents came from another village, they ron her feet. A large washirg basket did not go home until after the affair was over. "Home" in such a case merely means their quarters or camp in the vil- tewis) full of boiled wormwood liquid was lage they were visiting. ught, nd wit a smaler baket (kolis "The meat tabu for a new mother is not mentioned, but is) ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~. thlubn' ohr ordtelqi t is implied in the subsequent feasting and in L.W.'s re- er her daughter-in-law to cleanse her: so mark: some form Of ill-health was thought to result from e wouldn't be ashamed, bashfbul." Other carelessness in such matters (cf. Wukchumni). 194 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Childhood Small children went naked, but those o good family, i.e., not lazy, might have ski Newborn infants were fed acorn gruel if fixed as clothing. By the age of fourteen + for some reason they could not be nursed, said [both sexes?] clothing was worn. It was ab N.W. The mother herself took acorn gruel 1890 that European clothing was put on chil (warm?) for the first two weeks after the birth, Up to the age of eight or nine childre as it was thought to aid the production of milk. played around, in and out of the house, wit She did not resume a full normal diet until some, but not entire, irresponsibility. Bo about two months had passed. She could, how- sexes played together in the family, even ever, have quail soup, which was also a special older, but large numbers of village childr infant's preparation. tended to play in groups aligned by sex. A Quail soup might be given an infant two or parently it was the effect of numbers and tb three weeks or a month old, "if he would eat it,"differing interests of boys and girls, rat though usually it was not given-until the child than formality, which determined this sepa had reached the age of at least two months. The tion. N.W. did not know of any special, e. purpose of this dish was to hasten his growth plural, form of address between the sexes. and capacities: the quail is quick, hence the Little boys of six to ten would stay at child will walk early. A bird was pounded up home, would help carry wood and do odd Jobs and boiled in a soapstone dish, and the warm their mothers or other people at home. Lit broth given the baby. girls of that age helped care for the tiny Children nursed several years. Though children. Children of both sexes at about nursing was supplemental to the basic diet age (six to ten) would be taken out by olde after the age of three to five years, they boys who were hunting to pack home the load might continue to take the breast, evidently as Sometimes the woodrats, squirrels, and bird. a natural pleasure, up to the age of ten years. would be tied around their wrists and waist, Boys old enough to handle a bow and arrowsj who the loads would be too heavy, the rodents' had been out hunting, would come home and go to fleas would bite them, and they would all c the mother's breast, as would girls of equal The little ones were always relatives of th age, said N.W. From two years on, children bigger ones they were helping. When a fath were permitted to have any type of food they was late getting home with food, the childr cared for and could manage. From a month on a would be hungry and cry. baby would be given acorn gruel in increasing From about ten or eleven on boys and g amounts. To start the child on solid food the were taught the useful pursuits of their mother would chew a piece of meat, then give it fathers and mothers. A man took his son ou to the young one. "They look at the mother, hunt, provided him with better weapons as h then open their mouths, Just like little birds." became more skillful, showed him how to ca After the meat the child would have acorn gruel, for the game they killed, make bows and at. the mother holding the basket bowl to its lips. and collect pine nuts. A woman showed her By the age of five the child could hold its own daughter how to pound acorns, gather seeds, basket when drinking from it. Sometimes child- berries, and dig roots. She instructed her ren were given ground rabbit meat, but it was their uses and treatment after gathering. thought to make them lazy. girl did not learn to sift meal, a more ski When children were old enough to talk, ful task, or to cook until she was about fo they were trained to go outside to urinate teen. The art of basketmaking was begun f [they were in the cradle a good part of the about ten years on. time up to two years of age, of course). If Parents made their children learn whet they did not learn readily, a medicine was they wanted to or not (by what means?). Th prepared and rubbed on them [their genitals?]. constant admonition was, that if they fai This was evidently a powder, formed by rubbing learn they would go hungry in later life. two buckeye sticks together. Some sort of Old or childless persons also taught t verbal formula accompanied the whole procedure young relatives how to do things. Particul [informant could not elucidate). A child would old people taught songs and stories. be about five or six when this was done; Some children had dreams of supernat "accidents" occurred as late as the age of significance, but normally a person did not- thirteen or fourteen, said N.W. commence shamanistic efforts until fully ad When a child was too slow learning to During these years of learning, say te walk, the mother or someone of the family would to fifteen, arrangements for marriage would hold a soaproot brush to the fire. When the made by the parents. A girl's "bride price: fibres blazed the child's legs were brushed would be accepted by her mother, a young with it. If the little one looked back and future wife paid for by his father, and both showed fear, it was done again. "Then he looks young persons were then told of and entreate away. After that he keeps right on walking to accept the union. Actual marriage didX [sic)." N.W. does this even today (to her take place until the girl was nearly twenty,. grandchildren?). however. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 195 After a girl had reached adolescence, she to take N.W. away. N.W. said "she was scared ayed close to home or companions. Undesired but didn't go.l" 123 al intercourse was feared, and the inde- Something of a wedding ceremony took place dent attentions of young men were discour- in the form of the usual Yokuts feast. The apparently. A girl was expected to re- groom's father [and presumably his male rela- n in the heart of her family "until her tives] went hunting until they had a large her-in-law came after her." quantity of meat. The bride's mother [and "The mother would tell the girl about relatives ?] pounded acorrn meal, cooked this ing babies when she was small," said N.W. and other seed foods. On the day of the cele- esumably the lore, so to say; there was no bration the groom's father brought the meat al- cealment of sex in this intimately housed ready cooked, and other gifts of beads and ciety. -- A.H.G.] baskets, and in return received from the bride's mother the cooked meal and baskets. Then they all feasted, but each family ate in its own group. "Then the man would take the girl to live with his mother." (J.R. said Marriage residence was matrilocal for the first year or two after marriage.) Arrangements for matrimony were normally When a girl married, she went to live in e by a young man's parents. Sometimes a man her husband's home: her mother-in-law came ld buy a baby girl for a future wife; when after her. Thereafter the daughter-in-law was, matured, she would have to marry him. so to say, the housekeeper in that family. Her ans frequently secured women merely by mother-in-law devoted more time to making eatening them with sickness or death. baskets and only occasionally assisted at pounding acorns or with other labors. The A boy's family would decide upon a girl bride, if properly trained for her domestic their future daughter-in-law -- the mother's tasks at home, was competent to assume her ice, usually. The girl would be the same duties in her husband's household without direc- as the youth or a bit younger; she might be tions from his mother. It was she, for exam- rteen or fourteen years old. These young ple, who said when acorns were to be pounded, sons had to marry whether they wanted to or food gathered, and so on. When there were said N.W. (Yet her own experience makes several daughters-in-law in one family they clear there were exceptions. Perhaps if her shared the work, but it was the young woman who nts had been living, she would have had had priority in marrying into the family who marry the man she refused.) Money and other directed the others. The mother-in-law was al- ts were bestowed on the girl's family by ways helpful, advised her daughter-in-law: boy's parents. By accepting or even touch- "she was just like her own mother." these the girl bound herself to marry the Concerning residence after marriage, there man. The average amount of money paid was a difference of opinion; J.R. claimed that a girl, whether by parents or a man acting it was matrilocal. Perhaps this is a reflec- himself, was 20 strings of the long cyl- tion of his Miwok background; perhaps both ical beads called humna; these totaled customs were followed by the Chukchansi as by ut 120 individual beads, each string being other Yokuts. His information on marriage length of the circumference of a hand. If follows. girl's family wished to withdraw from the A girl lived with her mother, father, and eement before the wedding, they were ex- old people, i.e., in the normal family group. ted to return the money and other gifts. She would begin talking about how she would ever, sometimes it happened that the money like a certain young man to come live with them. Ld not be returned "even if they did ask, The youth's father then would bring gifts of ause it was already spent." baskets, beads, etc., [The intervening events, In N.W.'s case, a man had given clothes, inferentially an understanding between the two sl, rings, and baskets for her, which her young people, was not explained.] He would er sister, in lieu of parents, had accepted. talk to the girl's mother, saying that they e N.W. refused to touch. She knew what would like their son to live with her daughter. of a man he was: "he had been married be- "That is all. They just offered some good and all." She would have to marry him if baskets and got the girl." had taken any of those things. The man's The young man came to live with the girl er then tried to take back the things, but in her home; they stayed there "a long time." I's sister declined to return them claiming Then perhaps they would move to live with the .was the man's and mother's own fault, be- I--- was the man' handgivmother' tow fancult, bhe- he situation is not entirely clear. Evidently the e the an hadgiven hemt Nac,bush suitor presented the gifts but did not reclaim then, or Ldn't take them, wouldn't touch them." claim Nancy, until after she had married Mike. Yet it had while N.W. married another man named Mike. been apparent from the outset that she would not accept his the rejected man's mother came and tried gifts or him. 196 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS young man's family. Even after children were Death born, they would still live in a family home, not their own. When a person was about to die and not When people married there was no ceremony, further could be done to save him, his att said J.R., but qualified it with the amendment ants raised him up a little bit, said J.R. that sometimes they (which family, both ?I gave when he expired they said, "Now, that's th a little feast for which deer meat was especial- last breath. Lay him down.' Many people W ly obtained. around watching. Immediately these spectat burst into tears and their crying was conti Some people married within the tribe, some for two days. "A big bunch of people comes outside, N.W. said. No couple who considered looks at the corpse's face, then cries thr themselves related would marry. Bonds of re- foks at t he a face tells the lationship were equally strong on paternal and four minutes. Then a relative tells them t maternal sides of a family; the father knew who time " a his relatives were, the mother hers, and pre- According to N.W., at a death the who vented their offspring from making mistaken tribe assembled. The corpse was not dress alliances. N.W. categorically stated that rela- but wrapped in a rabbitskin blanket and ad tives never eloped, nor did a girl ever get with a bead belt and necklaces. All the p married "by herself," i.e., without the rami- who came sang, wailed, and danced continuou fications of family consent and gifts from the for three days and nights.'24 Alternate per suitor's family. of rest and activity lasted about thirty Today the young people have marriage con- minutes. There were four official singers nections with relatives that would not have sang the same songs over and over. The dan been countenanced in the past (first, second, moved, sexes mixed but not holding hands, i and third cousin marriage, probably. -- A.H.G.], single file with high stamping step around and often a girl gets married "by herself" with- corpse, crying as they moved. out the consent of her family. In earlier times cremation was done; b the time N.W. was a little girl burial was Moieties, Eagle and Coyote, regulated established practice [probably about 1860, marriage for the Chukchansi and for the tribes after white influx. -- A.H.G.J Only those at Friant, said J.R. The levirate was not dying of snake-bite or by violence were cr practiced, he thought; he never knew any man mated, according to Powers.'25 The old cre who married his dead brother's wife: "they tion place was g'o wo'neu (on Coarse Gold didn't do that." near the present power house ). It was sal The informant N.W. stated that there was the ashes were not buried, "Just left there no divorce, but instantly contradicted herself the wind to blow away." saying, "If a man is good, and stays with his Since burial became the practice, the wife, they stay together always. If they are graves have always been made in the present bad, and want to go away, they don't live to- cemetery. These were never far from the v gether. They can both marry someone else. lage to which the dead had belonged. The That was all right." Stepchildren were thought was about two feet deep; with digging stic to belong to the second union, not to the first; took at least one day to excavate. The ca the spouse who runs away leaves the children was not lined. behind. If a parent of a stepchild returned After the body was put in the grave, and claimed him, the child might recognize the clothes and possessions were added. Gifts legitimate parent as such and go with him. relatives and friends, usually baskets, we: (This appears to be on the volition of the added, the baskets being placed one over t child rather than on that of either of its head, another over the feet, and little on biological parents.) When a deserted woman re- along the body. These were always delibe married, her children by her first huisband be- despoiled by cutting. Then loose beads we, haved toward their stepfather as they would to scattered over all. There was no special their actual father. for burial; the same as that of mourning w sung while the mourners cried and "danced" A widow did not inherit her husbatid's around the grave. The grave was then fill possessions: his things were divided among his with earth. children. Cremation was the normal disposal of dead in old times, according to J.R. Neve Parent-in-law tabu.--A man never speaks to less he continued his discussion with refeX his mother-in-law, said J.R., or a girl to her ences to interment, perhaps unconscious t father-in-law. If it is absolutely necessary that they converse, a plural form is used. With "2The corpse was kept but one night, then carriedl a parent-in-law of the same sex, speech is per- its pyre on a litter handled by 4 men, according to missible but restrained, i.e., conversation is (Handbook, 4199).s confined to only such speech as is necessary. 125p . 383. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 197 1 moving from a description of old to more of a hot coal stick.'27 They also put pine ent practice. pitch on their cheeks :128 a little near the nose for temporary grief, larger amounts for A long time ago they didn't bury people, greater mourning, and a deeply devoted woman there was nothing to dig graves with [sic). kept a bit in front of each ear for the rest of y piled up wood and laid the body on the her life. A mixture of charcoal and water was e and burned it. Later on they picked up put on the face about every two weeks during bones and put them in a good basket. Then the year of mourning by those excessively y dug a hole in the graveyard, close to the grieved. These indulgences were by women; men iing place, and buried the whole therein. did not observe mourning with these symbols. mark was put on the grave. The burying They evidenced grief by playing the musical und was Just an open ordinary field. When they are ready to bury, they pack the bow, says Kroeber.'29 Neither sex had any y over to the cemetery, put it right in. special mourning garb, nor were clothes torn or one made a speech or special comment, al- bodies mutilated. ugh many people would come for a burial -- During the period of mourning, between the m Picayune, Roundhouse, and all around. Then, time of death and the next annual mourning terward, all those visitors went home; but ceremony, the bereaved relatives did not parti- elocal people remained living where they cipate in any ceremonies or festivities. If e. they attended at all, they came as unobtrusive onlookers. Sometimes the dwelling of a man was burned Inheritance of such possessions as were his death, as well as all his possessions. not deposited with the dead was from parent to bey don't leave anything he had.' Then the child: a wife did not inherit her husband's ily would build another home. A widowed possessions. They were divided equally among n's new home would be built by one of her his children without regard to age or status. le relatives who "would come right away and Omens of death.--Several items which may her a little house to live in." Some male be classed as omens were mentioned in course by end would do this if she had no masculine the informants N.W. and J.R. as follows. latives. It was fixed so she could live as * had before. No pay was given for this work. widow would be given meat by her father: "in When a dog chokes on something and wheezes, eevening when he came home he would give her someone in the family, probably the dog's owner, ee of what h got." cPresumably this refers is dying. If a fox howls at dusk, Just before sun- a woman who had no sons to provide meat for down, a woman is dying. This omen is still re- r. -- A.H.G.] She remained close to her garded as true. J.R. had a more elaborate use. rendering of this belief. He said news of a The levirate was not practiced, said J.R. distant death was portended by the barking of least he knew of no instance. After a year a fox at sundown. Perhaps in a certain village, it would be known that someone in another vil- Widow was free to marry anyone as she wished iwolbekwntasmoeinnthrv- iowasy freope toemarry anyonash s wisheyrd. lage five or six miles away was very ill. When Many people feared to approach a graveyard, the fox barked, it was realized that the person pecially at night, for they said they could was dead or would be dead before morning. people moving around there, although they Probably the very next day a messenger would d not know who. "Something from over there come announcing the death, and people would the cemetery] would get out from the grave- dress up and go over to mourn. These foxes, X, make some of them sick, scare them. Then which are not uncommon in the locality, are ey got sick forever [incurably], maybe die, shy and never seen in the daytime. Just how e of them. They used to die that way. 1l26 they learned the esoteric news which they se frightening emanations did not touch a signaled, J.R. could not explain. tim frigtei r emainednaloons "Pe e got tuck aWhen the "billy-owl" (brown owl) hoots at ctim, but remained aloof. "People got sick night, it is telling that someone is dying and Bt because they got scared. The spirit even says who it is. sn't give them anything. People Just think A coyote will howl whenever someone dies, y see it," said J.R. but this omen is not infallible at night, "be- Mourners singed off their hair, its short- cause at night they usually howl anyway." as indicating the intensity of grief, said A pestle should not be left in a mortar sinAdiatighthe mouintengity her fhef, sd h hole. If a woman leaves one there, her brother, W. A daughter mourning her father cut her or even her son, will be killed: "some enemy r halfway up her back, but a widow mourning might cut them up or something." husband would crop hers short. All close A modern belief is that if a rooster crows le relatives of the dead indicated their at midnight "someone is being cut up." This ning by some shortening of hair. This was omen is so disliked that the offending fowl is omplished like all hair "cutting" by means `57Kroeber states that the singeing was contr'olled "with a natural comb of tunu, which has close-set parallel branches" (Handbook, 519). 126Cornpare the fatal mralady, a psychic trauma, brought '28Mentioned also by Kroeber ( ibid ., 500).- a Pomo by ghost-fright. (Loeb, Pomo Folkways, 323). '29Ibid., 542. 198 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS immediately killed. If a hen crows (sic), a here that Especified] day. Maybe in two or woman is dying. three days.' The messenger did not stay dow A man who was bitten by a rattlesnake and there; he came back the same day. He could recovered was able to stop excessive thunder say that the event was to be a mourning cere and lightning by merely going out and shouting mony (or whatever it was to be) but Just tol at it to cease. [This was, apparently, a specific incident known to J.R., but the the people to be there at the proper time. familiar yet elusive connection between rattle- captain told them what it was to be when the snakes and lightning, known from other Yokuts, got there, maybe that night.130 Nevertheless persists. -- A.H.G.] people usually found out before they came w it was they were going to. "Everybody find8 Afterworld.--The dead stayed in the grave out some way, some place. Then they commenc three nights, said C.D. Then its soul or shade talking about it all over. went west (hoxim) and never returned (sic). Spirits of the dead caused sickness, some- times merely a nose bleed, other times fatal Moiety and Totemic Animals illness. It was necessary to get a shaman to cure ghost-sickness. The Chukchansi were divided into two L.W.'s mother [tribe?) said her people groups, Eagle and Coyote, said J.R.: theya thought the dead turned into birds and animals. not the same kind, but two kinds, like the [Perhaps a misunderstanding of the transforma- French and the Dutch. Later he said, "It is tion of the people of the prehuman era into Just like white man's parties, Democrat and birds and animals ? -- A.lH.G.] Republican, Just two names of it. That's al Some Chukchansi were of one moiety, some of other. So were the people at Friant (Gasho SOCIAL ORGANIZATION This division regulated marriage: an Eagle had to marry a Coyote woman, and vice versa. Officials Today this regulation is not always followed (N.W. alone maintained that persons with the4 There was but one captain (chief) to a same totem could marry.) Children belonged village, said both J.R. and M. "Whenever there their father's moiety, although matrilocal is a big time he calls people around." The residence prevailed the first years of marri captain, said M., decided when the Mourning If a woman had more than one husband, the oh Ceremony was to be held, or any other feast or ren followed their biological father's motet ceremony, but he had no other function. She maintained that the captain himself went about The two moieties had the usual Yokuts from one village to another to tell them his names, Nutuwus and Toxilewis, each with its planas: he would come down here, then go up to symbolic or totemic animals. These animals Ahwanee, and so on. No one else went for him. were limited to four: coyote, bluejay, eagl However, this statement seems in doubt, parti- and bear. ("There is one woman called 'Sk cularly as J.Rc accurately described the usual said N.W., "but that is a nickname because s Yokuts official messenger and his duties. quarrels all the time. It is not like a per. The following chiefs were named by J.R. son having Bear or Eagle.") Two animals we Sloknic was the Chukchansi chief at Aplau. His assigned to each division and both were pa- younger brother was his assistant chief. Sloknic ternally inherited by a mdember of that divis was already an old man when J.R. was about Said N.W., "It is like children having the fifteen years of age. Dawil was the Chukchansi father's name the white way." These animalwe chief at Picayune. Pinto Joe, whose Indian are not the ones people dream about; they co name was not known, was another Chukchansi cap- dream about any others [including these?--A. tamn. J.R. thinks he may have been "some rela- The moiety name Nutuwus meant mountain tion" to Sloknic. Sloknic had a son, but he ward, uphill, or upstream; Toxilewis meant was not mentioned as a subsequent chief. valleyward, downhill, or downstream. There Each captain had an official messenger, disagreement between informants as to the called winatum.,This was selected by the animals assigned to each division, thus: captain and retained his office for life. [Not a totemic, family-inherited position, apparent- ly. -- A.H.G.] This informant, J.R., stressed the messenger's functions at the time of the vl wt is possible that there was some misunderstande Mourning Ceremony. between the informant, interpreter, and recorder. That He would take news down there to Picayune Just possibly J.R. meant that the people in the invit and tell the people how many days it would be- tribe did not get the details of the informaton fro till th fandago, orsomethng. Whn they messenger but from their own captain, who would announa till totem family-inherited somethin en, a ren t that evening an interpretation ifn accord with Yok came up here, everything would be ready for the practice. Also in accord with Yokuts practice would be big time. All that man does is "taking news repetitious announcement by the hot captalin at the tl from here down there, give them orders to be therguests arrived. -- A.H.G. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 199 Informant Nutuwus Toxilewis N.W. ................. coyote, "because he lives bluejay, "he lives up in the mountains" down in the valley" eagle bear .S B ................. eagle bluejay coyote bear .R . ................. coyote eagle deer bear bluejay There was disagreement about personal affiliations with the moieties, too. In all informa- n on this subject Miss Thrall felt that S.B.'s knowledge was more reliable than N.W.'s. The ormants assigned people to moieties thus: Informant Nutuwus Toxilewis N.W. ................ Nancy Wyatt Nancy Wyatt Mike Wyatt Susie Brown Nancy's father Chicago Dick S.B. ................ Mike Wyatt J.R. ................ Jack Roan Although J.R. said moiety division was not Pets.--Bear cubs were not raised by anyone, owed in playing games, N.W. spoke of a game said J.R. Young eagles were captured in their ich a child must tell his family's totemic nests before they could fly. The birds were a [to choose sides ?]. In this connection, fed and reared, and were eventually used in the said their father would tell them what redemption or weeping ceremony. r animals are: Coyote, Bear, or some other. A man who had a bear for a pet [a living animal is referred to as one's "dog." See animal or a tutelary "pet" ?] was heard of by the spear-throwing game described by M.N. M.W., but he had never seen him. He was told For the Eagle moiety, at least, there was that, "if you said 'Bear' to that man, he would ing ceremony at which the totemic bird always holler." M.W. thought this was due to edeemed. dreaming. The terms Nutuwus and Toxilewis were also applied to persons with reference to geographical location, i.e., a person MOURNING CEREMONY the valley on coming up into the hills was toxilewis by the Chukchansi and would be The accounts of the three informants led even if he went on up beyond them differ so much that it does not seem wise to territory which was directionally nutuwis. combine them to make a single picture of the same way, a native from the north or Mourning Ceremony. Summarizing comments will inward from the Chukchansi was called be made at the end of this section. s. When the terms were applied to the A terminal mourning ceremony was held a ansi themselves, however, the reference year after a person's death, said N.W. This ways to the inherited moiety. rite was sponsored by the deceased's relatives. Long ago," said N.W., "when people Should there be no actual relatives, probably A, those names came to be used. The a very rare situation, there would be no cere- kept .on growing in numbers. Nowadays, mony. On the other hand, a person who dwelled people have mostly forgotten about their with or had been cared for by an unrelated won't ask what they are, don't know them." family would be mourned by that family. If the em tion of totem animal.--When a man of deceased were an extremely old person, and none le moiety gets a young eagle he "packs of his age mates or parents (sic) were living, his back like a baby," said J.R. He the burning of gifts, and even the fire, would t to another place, "where they are cry- be omitted. Wthe eagle." These people pay well for The ceremony lasted six days. On the mg bird with beads, acorns, sourberries, morning of the sixth day, about 2 to 4 a.m., Izanita berries, offerings [of baskets and other valuables] were 200 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS burned. Then the active mourners, but not say, "You people right here now, you want others, had the charcoal washed off their faces listen to what I am going to do. I am gol with a solution of wormwood. Thereafter they talk tonight, so that you will know when t did not think of the dead or cry again. Games ceremony is to be. All of you right here and dancing were enjoyed that day; everyone was listen to what I say." happy. Then he told them, talked a little whi Only people whose relatives had died a not very long. Then he explained about th year or more ago, attended a mourning ceremony, deer hunter, a man who had dreamed about D said M.N., herself a professional mourner. A "Here's a man. He can get all the deer we death was not so noticed until a full year had I am going to have him go up in the mounta passed; moreover, each death was individually not very far. He can get all the meat we celebrated even when several deaths occurred He will." Then he told the man how many da within the same family. Deaths occurring even he would have in which to get enough meat within a week of each other were individually two or three hundred people, possibly even recognized. Hence the mourning ceremonies took more. place at various times throughout the year, as The man went off, and after he had be opposed to the annual group ceremony made by gone two or three days another man Can off Yokuts to the south. messenger ?I would go up to see how muchm At the ceremony, only the relatives of the was on hand. He would stay up there overn deceased participated in the marching "dance," was on hand. He would s ay;u thr oaetn with the hunter. He would say; "My captaiz although everyone present wept. Two men would sent me here to see how many deer you've go sing. The mourners, carrying baskets aloft, already?" The hunter would reply, "Well, marched twice around a central fire, then cast alrea the hunte would r p "Well, ecan see that, all those hanging up there. them in. "This is like giving them to that ten maybe." "Well, I came up here to tell dead. person. - "you have two more days to hunt. After you The chief of the mourning family's com- hunted two more days, then they are going munity decided the time for this ceremony send somebody up here to haul all the deer "whether they wanted it or not." About one year after a death the chief would say that it take all the deer meat you have killed, the was time to have the Mourning Ceremony, said time l ll be pet you to time left will be pretty short for you tot J.R. Everyone came to see the affair, but a down there yourself. In about two days, b widow had to stay close to her own house until down there , aps theyw the final crying was over. When the people timenced etin the people will came, they cried for perhaps one night. After commenced eating. All the people will be that, everyone was permitted to have a good to eat those deer. Already they will be en time. This normal freedom was enjoyed until th been cooking, when you get down there.X there was another death in the community. When messenger stayed up there that night. this occurred, all citizens were expected to maintain a decorous mien, to refrain from par- Meanwhile the visitors were being inv ticipation in singing and dancing until the J.R. maintained that, in going to announce chief declared it time -- several months later coming celebration to the tribe which was -- to hold the Mourning Ceremony. [Such a participate as "washer," the messenger did general proscription was not enforced or, ap- take any gifts: "He just tells them they parently, expected in any Yokuts or Mono group so many days to come up here." J.R. furth to the south. The Chukchansi communities were stated that the visitors did not bring any small and closely knit by blood, which may ex- gifts to the host: "They just come and ea plain this general tabu. -- A.H.G.] what the captain has ready for them." The The captains (chiefs) would plan the big bring money, baskets, and other valuables time, supply the food, and have their people them, but these are for personal use, for cook it. They had three chiefs here, at one ing gambling debts, or to pay a doctor if time; two were brothers. Sloknic and his should fall ill, etc. [It appears that th brother, and Dawil, of Picayune, apparently. extensive money-lending, concomitant to mo These three would discuss the coming affair: ing ceremonies of Yokuts to the south, was "They planned that it should be well done, practiced here. -- A.H.G.] what people outside the tribe to invite. They Tobacco-sipping was publicly indulged: would send a man down to Picayune to invite as a preliminary of the ceremony witnessed them to come." Powers131 When a large assemblage was to be fed, as at the Mourning Ceremony, it was necessary to A rectangular dance space, surroundid plan for and provide in advance great quanti- open brush booths which housed the bereav ties of food. To do this the host chief would the visitors, was set aside for the affair' call a meeting to discuss it: he would have a 3 8 big supper at that time. After the supper the 13P. 387. chief addressed the assembled people. He would '321b1d., 385. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 201 The Chukchansi at Picayune were the cere- amined in this connection, as it contains more 7ial washers of the Chukchansi at Aplau. detail than is presented here.134 Both Powers' described the washing. and Kroeber's records are too lengthy to permit }!"The people who live right there, maybe a reprinting; neither contradicts any of Miss tch from Picayune, come up. They heat water Thrall's material, given above. However, it a basket with hot rocks. Those people from may be noted that while Kroeber says "the use yune wash the people who live right here of effigies ... appears not to be participated $emourning hosts] with this warm water. The in by ... the Chukchansi ... ," Powers specifi- ple here give (in return] maybe half of the cally states that "another woman had an image, r meat, and acorn meal to go with it, which rudely constructed of shawls and clothing to ir women have pounded up." represent the dead woman, sister to Kolomu- When the Picayune Indians get through shim. ' 135 hing the mourners, they all go back to their Besides the usual display of basket, beads, eping camps. The host captain, who lives and feather finery at the ceremony Powers wit- e, goes back after being washed and sits nessed, there was exhibited an elaborate plume. He calls all the [his ?I people around. nays that now they are washed (ritually "But the m:st remarkable article was a great ensed] and they can enjoy themselves. There plume, nearly six feet long, shaped like a no definite plan of entertainment. If they parasol slightly opened, mostly of ravens' t like singing, they sang. Various games feathers, but containing rare and brilliant played, a footrace was run, and so on. plumage from many birds of the forest, topped ey play anything they want." with a smaller plume or kind of coronet, and They would play for a week, in the old lavishly bedecked through all its length with bulbs, shell-clusters, circlets of feathers, 8, said J.R. They ate the food that was dangling festoons -- a magnificent batuble, y. They had some acorn meal already pound- t-wering far above all, with its glittering and cooked; they cooked more as needed- Some spangles and nodding plume on plume.. "136 this was given to the visitors. When they enjoyed themselves for perhaps two days, iibly longer (they usually stayed a week), No such lavish ornament was described to Zybody went home. They just had fun. Played me as part of the ceremonial paraphernalia of es. Danced. It was just to have fun. They other Yokuts groups, yet presumably such were t got together for that. The old fellows made and carried at mourning ceremonies in abo- yed near the fire [outdoors or in a sweat riginal times, for a comparable plume is re- e ?I. The young girls got out to sing, ported from the TUbatulabal.137 ce, holler, have fun. The boys played to- her too. The young people all ran around, ping, dancing, boys and girls together. GAMES AND DANCING ter it is all over, it is finished. No one anything more about it." Games Dancing was the chief form of entertain- t, however. Every night there would be Football.--This was played between two cing, only a little during the day. A goal posts. Two men from opposing sides each tor, if he knew how, would dance -- not be- placed a foot on the ball. Then each tried to e he was a shaman, but because he was a kick it toward his own team of three or four er. There would be three or four good men who attempted to take [kick ?] it to the cers from Picayune, three or four from opposite goal.138 ant (Gashowu, Kechayi, etc.), the same from Hoop and pole.--This was especially a posa (Miwok). The captain of the community young woman's game. There were four or five on ld tell certain persons to dance to enter- a side who attempted to hurl a hoop toward a n his visitors. Then a visiting captain goal by means of sticks. id have his men perform. And so on: "when Hand game.--This was played by both sexes, bunch quits, another will start." mixed or separate. Two pairs of cougar bones During all this time there were Indian were used, one of each pair being marked with a lice" or managers on duty, who functioned black band. The plain bone was guessed for. y at this time. They went around with the Four people played in opposed pairs, each of tains to preserve order. They exhorted the two having a pair of bones. The holders ple to behave peacefully, to be good. They 134Kroeber, Handbook, 501. called kut3eu. No understanding of Chukchansi mourning 1351bid.; Powers, 388. es is complete without perusal of an eye- 136Powers, 388. ness account by Stephen Powers.133 Kroeber's 31~voegelin, T5batulabal Ethnography, 70. crpto oftecrmn hol lob x380jf the games recorded by Thrall only football and shell dice are omitted by Kroeber when referring to Chukchansi 3Ibid., 384-391- (Handbook, 539-540). -- A.H.G. 202 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS put the bones in thelr fists, which they gy- stood a post. Opposing players stood on e rated rapidly, or put behind the back, ending side of the screen and endeavored to stri by crossing their arms and holding their fists post concealed from them by tossing long s under each armpit. The guesser, on the oppo- like sticks (longer than arrows) over the site team, pointed at his chosen location for The stick nearest the post won a point. the white bone. If the guess was correct, the umpire (scorekeeper ?) stood at the end of bones went to uhim (the guesser); if incorrect, screen where he could watch both sides. one of ten counters was given the holder. When opposing players were named as a group, sa one guess was correct, but the second wrong, M.N., one for a bird the other for an an the holder became the next guesser. Score was [moiety ?]. kept by a scorekeeper who held ten counters. No special clothing was worn for game The partners first acquiring all ten counters said M.N. All the games she described we won. Then they rested awhlle, put up more played by both Chukchansi and Miwok at Pic stakes, and then began again. A crowd of on- yune and Ahwahnee. She mentioned here her' lookers always stood by, carrying side bets. father, a Chukchansi, who later married in No moiety opposition was followed, according to Ahwahnee, a Miwok village (presumably to J.R., who understood the moiety situation well. methods of diffusion). M.N. added that there might be several people The informant N.W. described games wh on each side but only four active players at a she claimed were aboriginal but are suspec time. There were many songs which these other of white source, perhaps modified by accul members of the team sang. The holding side tive processes. The first might be played sang to try to confuse the guessers. where; native names should have been got f Shinny.--In th-l-s game, said M.N. a ball is the other two. hit with sticks toward goal holes about one- Throwing sticks.--Boys frequently pla half mile apart. The holes are marked with with sticks about fifteen inches long. Th posts. Each side defended its goal. The play- threw them about, one stick at another. ers stood between the posts. The ball, about Jackstones.--Girls, very rarely boys, 8 inches through, was of skin stuffed with played with twenty pebbles. One pebble wa grass. thrown up in the air, another picked up, a Shinny variant.--A circular form of shinny the thrown one caught as it fell; this rou was played with one goal hole about three was continued until a miss occurred. The inches in diameter. The ball was a "birch" ner, who successfully picked up all twenty knot.139 Players stood in a circle, one side the privilege of thumping the loser twenty defending the hole, the other attempting to put times, first on the knuckles, then on the the ball in it. The sticks were the usual ones (twenty thumps total). This made some gir of chaparral wood (Ceanothus, manzanita ?). cry. Shell dice game.--A curious game was de- London Bridge.--This was played by gi scribed by M.N. It was a favorite of old ten to fifteen years old. A couple stood people, especially women. Sand, in which there facing each other, clapped their hands to- were a few shells, was filled into a circular gether. Other children in line, filed und tray. Then "two people turned the sand over the clapping arms, and the last in line wa with their hands. The one that does it best captured, if possible, by the couple. The gets the stick (counter)." There are shells caught was then picked up by the feet and in the sand. The score is made according to shoulders and swung back and forth until h how the shells fall. The winner would get a named his family's totemic animal.140 Thos prize -- food, money, a nose ornament, or caught were out of the game. When all were ear plugs with quail feather ornament, etc. disposed of, the first couple was replaced Stave dice.--A flat stick of elderwood, another pair. about five by one inches, was thrown with a If boys played this game, they did so handful of elderberries onto a flat surface. If themselves. It was a favorite at large gat the carved side of the stick was uppermost, the ings. N.W. had played this, saying it was thrower won one point; if not, or if the stave known long before the coming of the whites. was concealed by the berries, nothing was made, song accompanied the game as follows. and the opponent took the next toss. This game was accompanied by songs. bala' bala' 'omis Spear-throwing game.--A screen of boughs clap clap mother ten to fifteen feet high was erected, and on each side, some ten feet in front and behind it, This was sung over and over until the last 139The notch (sic) of wood is from a tree growing by the line, off guard, had been caught. creek; it has white bark, dark slightly roundish green leaves. When the wind blows, the leaves rustle. The bark pulls off horizontally. The tree has dark colored little '*?Does this imply a normal restraint in nam.ing or t burrs on every limb. Thrall and interpreter suggest birch; one's totemic animal, or i8 it no more significant tha probably sycamore. --A.H.G. an American child were asked to tell his middle name? GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 203 Dancing When the Ghost Dance was introduced at Wasamo, J.R. was about ten to twelve years old. No specific dance performance was de- A few whites were about, but not many. Chinese cribed, but J.R. gave a few generalities. and Mexicans were looking for gold; there were ncing groups were usually composed of four Chinese camps all along Fresno River. ncers and an accompanist singer. The dancers A group of people came from Bishop Creek re a loincloth [breechclout ?], feathers and told the people at Wasamo that their dead ound the neck Csic], and something around the had returned to life, that "they had come up ad "that looked kind of funny." They might out of the ground." They told the people at ye specks of white paint on their faces, or Wasamo to dance; that, when the dead came, they etimes red paint obtained from the Eastern would bring with them a small piece of food no. Not all the dancers used red paint. ("Indian food"] which would prove to be inex- ten the Miwok used it when they came over for haustible, no matter how much was eaten from it. dance. They danced in a circle, men and women The dance steps were standardized. J.R. holding hands and dragging their feet. There aracterized those of the Chukchansi and the was no special dress: the aboriginal costume kuts of the San Joaquin River region as being was still in use. However, in the morning ne with an erect posture, immobile head, and after bathing, red clay was put on the face. avy stamping step [the familiar Yokuts This red paint was brought from Bishop Creek, piston rod" step). The Miwok, he said, leaned as the Miwok and others did not have it.142 The rward, moved back and forth with a wiggling men from Bishop Creek sang while the others ep, keeping the feet a little apart. (Miss danced. These singers each had a single eagle rall suggests that this may have resembled a wing feather tied on the head "with some kind ick "grapevine" step.) There was a different of rag." No one else wore feathers. The vement for each song. dancing continued all night and in the morning The singer wore no paint nor feathers. His everyone went to bathe. Even little children ly instrument was the split elderwood clapper, were put in the water and washed. out ten inches long. This was "waved up and This initial event lasted about one week. n to make it crack while he was singing." About a year later, after more people had died, singer sang, then paused for an interval of there was another. J.R. thinks that there were et. about three of these dances in two years. There was the first at Wasamo Cor at Ahwahnee ?), an- other at Bill Basall's (Bersell's), which is GHOST DANCE OF 1870 the site of Aplau, Sloknic's village, and an- other near here at Totono which is about a There were three chiefs at Wasamo (near half-mile across the creek from J.R.Is present hnee).14' This was where J.R. 's family house. The dances were abandoned after that Ived and died." There was a large burying because no dead people came back: Said J.R., und there. Today (?) there is still a big "Never seen one back here yet!" [d Edance] house which the three captains, sisted by a white man, built. The white man tributed some food for the builders. SUPERNATURAL POWER AND SHAMANISM When the chiefs wanted something done, y called their people to a big assembly fire. Sickness re were many people. If a festivity was ned, the chiefs said when it was to be, how Several anecdotes of illness were told by it was to last, and what singers, dancers, N.W., whose father-in-law was a shaman. In guests should be told to come. Men were spite of the fact that she believed this man, patched to get deer for food. Xatali (Bill Wyatt), responsible for the death This kind of big time lasted about one of several of her children, she bore him no k. The hosts provided the food. In the grudge; in fact, claimed that the fault was not ing three or four men would dance, and really his. He was a good man: the illnesses etimes as many women. Guests from other and deaths he caused were due to his being sub- ces also performed; each dance was said to Ject to hi.s supernatural helper's will. His ifferent. There were certain men (dance helper was Coyote. He killed seven of N.W.'s gers] who went about giving instructions; children "because if he didn't kill his own managers went in groups of three or four. son's children, he would die himself. Coyote ng the day games were enjoyed: footraces, would tell him to do it or he'd die." After ball, hoop and pole played by the women, N.W.'s seven children were killed, she "didn't the hand game by both sexes. have any more left, so he had to die himself." 1Tqhe location Of Wasamo is uncertain. J.R., in this '42Red paint was a trade article between Eastern Mono ection said "near Ahwahnee": "they were living at and Yokuts. It was not newly introduced at the time of the hee, that is where they had that dance. " Ghost Dance, as implied by Powers (p. 381) . 2o4 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Subsequent to his death N.W. bore three off- tail at the sun, at the same time laying at spring all of whom lived. other animal [skin ?I on the woman's chest. These children, at the time Xatali killed The animal was probably the same species ae them, were from a few months to a few years old. his supernatural helper. But the attempt fruitless, and eventually the old woman dif He made them ill by shooting an intrusive ob- ject; then he would attempt to cure them, but 4. Once, while a woman was cleaning would fail. "Every time he would pay for the spring, Xatali shot her in the leg with sa child's death." [Pay or merely return his fee?) She cried out in pain (it hurts when she ir One of the children, a little girl about five trusive object strikes) and fell in the sp years old, whom Xatali could not cure, they unable to help herself out. People came a took to Mota (Frank Smith) at Friant (see below, lifted her out. They got Xatali, who cured anecdote 6). right there, laughing as he did so. She h" The following accounts of sickness were bump about the size of one's fist under hei The following accounts of sickness were knee. Xatali cut it with an obsidian blad given by N.W. three times. At first he got no sand, the Dead persons often caused illness by touch- got a little, then all of it. When the blo ing a living one. The shade or spirit was came out smooth, free of lumps and sand, he usually that of one who had been emotionally knew it was all out. He told the woman she would recover quickly; she did , and was wel close, either an immediate relative, lover, or thereafter. She paid him $6woo. past enemy: "Maybe you think angrily about someone, then he comes." 5. A certain old woman refused to gi Xatali food, whereupon he "shot" her near navel with a lump of blood. To do this, he 1. N.W. had a son at Sherman High School. sent his wife home and himself waited till He died there (presumably from an operation). old woman went out toward the spring for w4 Once N.W. was sitting close to an axe the boy Then he quickly went home; no one had seen had used. He t.uched her hand which was "all Soon the old woman's husband came to cold feeling." Her shoulder swelled. She had Xatali, who asked the man what was the matt a white doctor cut it and at once it got well. He said his wife was sick. Xatali laughed The scar is about three inches long. accepted $2.00 from the man, saying that he would come in the afternoon and "to have of dinner ready." "Then everyone knew he The usual cause of sickness was an in- it." trusive object shot by a malicious shaman. The When the time came for the curing, Xat object might be bugs, snakes, squirrel's fur, told N.W. not to go up there to see it for anything, "Just so it's something to make you had an infant [or was pregnant ?]. However sick; maybe rocks, bones." However, some ob- her parents told her she might go, which s jects causeda moks, seriousoines s However, sother did. Xatali was angry when she arrived and: jects caused a more serious illness than others. made her sit on a certain rock "so the bloo wouldn't hit her when it came out." All o spectators he made stand in a circle aroun 2. N.W. herself was made sick by her patient. father-in-law, Xatali, who shot a cougar's hair The woman was entirely helpless, so h into her jaw.- "She hadn't given him any two sisters lifted her up to make her look presents" [hence the sickness]. Her sister toward the sun. It was very hot; neverthe: went after the shaman. He came and made five she must look at the sun. Xatali talked t cuts under her chin. He sucked out a lump of sun [informant could not say in what manner blood: "It felt just like fire when it came and, each time he sucked the patient, he s out." The clot he held in his hand and, after up and threw water at the sun. He cut the washing it a little, showed a cougar hair, patient two or three times in the palm of about an inch long and stiff, sticking out of hand: the blood streamed out. Then he su it. The blood was darkish, black; it had it and got the blood which was making her collected around the intrusive hair. In about He got nothing but blood, which he continu two days N.W. was well. The five scars remain: spat out. The woman felt'prickly pains al "Sometimes you had to make lots of cuts, till over her, and wherever she said she had a you get the right place, till you find the hair." Xatali cut and sucked. She had a headache N.W. paid Xatali $5.00. Then he went off. he cut her on the nose bridge. However, w he was cutting her, the pain ceased and sh 3. Xatali shot a tree bug ("one which fell asleep, and she began to get better. eats trees") into the stomach of a woman; chis a week later she was able to resume work, came out on her back causing a lump about one in about two weeks the numerous cuts were and a half inches across "Just like cancer." tirely healed. (This woman is Mary See, n She was sick for a year. Her family had not about eighty-five years old. She lives at sufficient money to pay the doctor to cure her. Picayune and occasionally goes to church. When at last they had money and Xatali Gried to help her, it was too late: "the bug had eaten 6. When Xatali failed to cure N.W.'s her inside." They then got anobher shaman little girl, they took her to Mota (Frank' (name unknown) who came a long distance. The at Friant. He was able to suck blood with patient was laid outdoors. The shaman, while cutting. Mota sucked her nose, fingertips- trying to cure her, threw water at the sun, toes. But she could not be cured:. "all h which created a rainbow. He waved an animal blood got white." The family stayed there. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 205 out two weeks, then took the child home. Al- illness without cutting, and those who resorted gh N.W. wanted to pay Mota $20.00 for his to cutting to accomplish the same end. Curing vices, he refused to take it because he had shamans treated such thihgs as snake bites and led. bruises, as well as illnesses caused by ghosts or intrusion of objects "shot" by shamans, or J.R.'s only statement concerning curing other ailments due to obscure causes. Broken B as follows. A doctor sucks out blood, or bones were bandaged [by a shaman ?] but "they Bt goes through the motions without drawing [shamans] would not try to do something about od. He looks at the sun. He finds out what that" [by sucking]. Kroeber states that the in the patient's body, causing the illness, Chukchansi shaman was called teish, "maker"; announces this [publicly ?]. He was paid possibly this term applied to the rain shaman ut $20.00. rather than the doctor .144 When sickness resulted in death for sever- Acquisition of curing power came through occupants of a house, said N.W., it was be- dreaming of a supernatural helper, usually an eyed that a shaman "had put something there arimal. Any animal might direct a shaman: -.kill them." Thereupon the survivors moved "They believe in all kinds of animals -- snake, land others, even people from other com- bear, squirrels, coyotes." The animal came un- ties, were warned not to enter it. The sought and sang a song; if the dreamer accepted e was not destroyed, nor did neighbors move the offer of power, he sang the song himself. . The informant did not know what was the The repetition of the song formed a bond, so to re of the destructive force about the house, say, whereby the man and the tutelary became that the shaman "would have said some subject to each other's power. The animal was B." Before actually moving, the family subject in the sense that his living counter- d pay the shaman to remove the spell but, part of the fields -- snake, weasel, coyote, he hated them,'he would not do so. If the etc. -- was controlled by the shaman. But an ly themselves failed, no one else would at- offended or perhaps capricious tutelary could t to purify the house. A family would not cause the empowered man to act against his e,however, until several in it had died better feelings (thus Xatali and his victim- er suspicious circumstances; they waited ized grandchildren).. On the other hand, said i only one or two were left. The refugees N.W., "A doctor might dream he would have to d then live with relatives or friends until tell a snake to go bite someone, and the snake could erect or secure a new house. would have to do it." This informant tended to Once a shaman sickened this entire com- lay the blame for a doctor's social activities ty [Picayune ?]. He set up a stick on the upon the tutelary, once a man fell under its of a near-by hill and talked to it. He control: "That is the way Indian doctors do; ed everyone to be sick, which they were. if they didn't listen, they wouldn't have any- stricken people pooled their money and thing like that happen." Even today dream him to remove the stick. No one dared helpers appear, but the young people do not ach the stick or even look at it. That want to accept them. Neither are they willing n received beads, baskets, and rabbitskin to propitiate with gifts the few remaining ets: he took away the stick.'43 shamans. However, N.W. said she would [does ?] Payment was made to a doctor at the time because she "wants to live just as long as they as asked to attend a case: "If you didn't do." they wouldn't come to make you well." Some N.W. herself knows the temptation from an ors, more scrupulous than others, returned animal helper's offer for she was repeatedly Or part of the payment if their efforts importuned by a gopher snake. d. But some would keep it -- "Just like edoctors do when their patients die." Some s deliberately caused sickness, killed inches thick appeared to N.W. every night for s by means of their power; those who did about a week. And each day, wherever she went ere "good" doctors. -- to pick wild onions or do anything -- she would see him. But each time she said "No"; she did not want to be a doctor. Every time Curing Shamans she pounded acorns he would whistle at her. He was on a rock she was sitting on. She would pick up her pestle and look around for the According to N.eW there were but two types creature but she always looked in the wrong ns recognized by the Chukchansi , curing place. Every time she lifted her pestle he s and rain shamans. The curing shamans would whistle; he did this about three times. divided into two classes, those who could She turned and looked up the hill instead of out blood and the accompanying cause of at the rock where she was sitting. Right then he whistled again. Then she looked down and saw him. She reached for a handful of acorn he shaman' 3 name was not kcnown. The event occurred _______ nly a few whites were in the neighborhood: the Ecker '44Handbook, 511; see also p. 516 for a further ref er- was at Coars e Go ld, but no t the Krohns . enc e to Chukchansi1 shamans . 206 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS meal, threw it in the snake's face and told him people heard him sing, everybody would kn to go home. She then filled up his hole with was a doctor. stones "so he couldn't come out again." The shaman's debut was described by That night she dreamed again of the When a man was ready to announce his prof gopher snake. He sang a song and told her to When w ing his song at anpubc gathri sing it. It was very pretty, but she resisted. he would sing his song at a public gather The snake was angry and demanded that she give (Not a special gathering, apparently, but him her children [the two living ones]. Then any meeting when the chief would ask him.} IN.W. told him to go away, not to ask hep any- After it was public knowledge that a cert thing again "no matter how good a song he sang." man had acquired curing power, everything Next night when she went to sleep she didn't made easy for his first case. Eventually dream; the snake did not. bother her again, one got sick and decided to try him; they send for him. He would go and cure the If she had listened to the snake she would When he had once made a cure, then everyon have lost all her children. "That is the way knew he was a competent doctor and other Indian doctors do. If they didn't listen they asked for his services. Perhaps he would wouldn't have anything like that [injuring called down to Picayune or, if someone wa8 others] happen. Coyote made Xatali do things over at Northfork, people would come down because of dreams. He dreamed it and he had to there to get him. do it." A man became a fine deer hunter by d Dreams were not sought. The majority of ing of Deer, said J.R. If the deer wanted people did not want them and hence did not at- certain man to be a good deer hunter, they tempt to secure supernatural power [as was done would go to him repeatedly in dreams. The by Yokuts to the south]. "It just happened. deer told him where he might see the sacre You dreamed and the animal sang something flints. These are seven flints about five pretty and then made you sing it." N.W. liked inches long; they belong to the deer; they the song sung to her, too, and wanted to sing under some bushes in Miwok territory close it, but the gopher snake "asked her for her Ahwahnee. They are not to be touched, but children right away so she said no." Had he looked at from a distance of five or six f not been so precipitous with the evil demand, J.R. himself has seen them. she probably would have sung it. Then she After several dreams of the deer, in' would have been in his power. He would have they talked to their protege, the man knew shown her how to do things "Just like you show where to find the flints. Then he went. I a little girl how to do embroidery or crochet- went gently, gently, watching, watching. C ing." flints make a metallic sound, like metal d An animal helper for supernatural power ping on a rock. The man would hear them: was obtained through dreaming, said J.R. It could hear sounds no other person could del was as if one saw them with his own eyes, but some good, some bad. [What was said or do one saw them with his heart [sic; soul. -- viewing the flints was not told; perhaps A.H.G.]. The dream usually came near dawn. nothing ?] After such an experience a man, When it left, the dreamer wakened at once and, came a professional deer hunter; he was cal following the animal's [stereotyped] instruc- upon to provide meat for celebrations, lar' tions, went to bathe in cold water -- the creek assemblies, etc., like the big mourning cel or some spring. This would be about the time bration. He never ate deer meat, but ate the morning star appeared. The man went to other kind which he killed. the water and there began a prayerful dis- M.W. said he had an aunt who received course, saying that he believed all that the power from Deer. Once when she was a yo animal had told him, asking that the tutelary girl, she was sitting out some place wheni would continue his dream visitations and that deer came up to her. Deer talked to her, he, the protege, would be a good shaman. If ing he wanted to be her master [supernatur all went well, the dream animal returned every helper). The girl agreed, but she did not night for about a month, perhaps a little more ceive a song from Deer. She always said D or sometimes less. was good, not a malicious tutelary. She us No person told the novice anything: his her power only to cure herself when she was dream helper told him everything. He would not for others. She lived to extreme old learn the song the animal sang. Later, when "over a hundred," and, although blind in h the man had learned more and understood better, last years, was never ill. She married aw he too would sing it. When he had learned all man, but had no children: "She was nice, that was possible, the tutelary would tell him body liked her." so. Then he could go out publicly, perhaps to M.W. had heard of an old man who also some ceremony, and sing. This he would do at Deer as a supernatural helper. Whenever ot a chief's request, for it was no secret that went out to hunt deer, this man 'would step he had been acquiring power by dreaming. When something and then nobody could get deer." there were many people present, the man would informant did not know whether this man was sing his song. After that, after all the long-lived, too. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 207 A doctor's animal helper was a living one, animals, but "maybe about the earth, maybe the ta spiritual representative. He could not world." It told him to go far off, over to' 11 any animal of that breed. One actual N.W.'s house. He walked at night. In the imal, however, such as a coyote, could belong morning N.W. saw him. He behaved as though he or serve more than one shaman, N.W. thought. were blind. She said, "Where are you coming She did not know whether white people from?" He said he was lost, and asked where eamed in this way but opined that they might, was the Picayune Rancheria. N.W. claims that pecially if they "believed that way." "The he well knew where it was but Just asked be- inese do." Also L.W. had a white friend who cause he wanted them to bring him over. When eamed that way [of animals ?I when she was a he got here [Picayune] he walked home by him- ttle girl. self; that was when he got power to make rain. Soket had Jars of medicine; he dreamed about it and made it himself from roots, seeds, Shaman's Cache barks, etc. When he died, these Jars were buried with him. (L.W. interposed that some- The shaman's cache was attributed only to one took them out later for his own use, she in shamans by N.W., but the beliefs she de- thought.) Whenever it was dry in this region, ribed concerning it and the dangerous nature Soket would put some of his seeds in water, a doctor's paraphernalia were similar to then sing, talk, and pray. The songs came from se held by other Yokuts groups. According his dreams. Then it would rain a little. If her, a rain shaman kept his outfit within a more rain were wanted, more seeds would be put ge rock. He would talk to the rock, which in. Some rain shamans threw water toward the ld open so he could get his things. Each sun, thus making a rainbow. Kroeber describes ctor had his own place; his things would be Chukchansi rain-making as done by "blowing and a basket set in a hole in the rock which he the dipping of fingers into water."'146 created by means of his power. The opening A rain shaman made rain because he wanted reto was not palpable to others: "You could to or when people who knew him well asked him over that rock a thousand times and not find to. A curing shaman would frighten a rain sha- place." If an ordinary person wants to man by threatening to kill him if he did not ch a shaman's paraphernalia, he must safe- produce rain. "When it doesn't rain, things rd himself by rubbing his hands with worm- don't grow, but dry up. When he doesn't make d: "Then it doesn't hurt you." enough rain people scold him and scare him. He doesn't get paid. He doesn't kill people, so they don't pay him for what he does." [This is Poisoners N.W.'s opinion, but that he was not paid is open to doubt in the light of general practice Malicious use of poisonous medicines was by Yokuts rain shamans. -- A.H.G.] e by some people who knew the secrets. Once When the shaman made rain, he was alone eone rubbed poison on a dress N.W. had hang- and allowed no one to see him. He kept his on a clothesline. When she put on the outfit in a big rock. A father might give his B8, it made sores. This affliction cannot be son the materials he used: this is different e by means of sucking. It is hard to cure from the acquisition of power by dreaming of an (method ?]. If some evil woman had some of animal tutelary. When another person wanted to t poisonous medicine, she might tell someone make rain, the rain shaman might give him some e, like L.W. to go and kill a certain person materials and instructions; but he rarely had h it. L.W. would have to do it or she her- more than one such apprentice. No ordinary f would die [at the poisoner's hands ?J. person could touch those things or he would die. today these people [poisoners] are feared hough no poisonings have occurred "since a time ago." Rattlesnake Shamans Rattlesnake shamans did not practice among Rain Shamans the Chukchansi and, according to N.W., nothing was done to prevent snake bite. It could be The art of rain-making was learned from a caused by someone having a rattlesnake tutelary rg rain shaman, although dreaming was an who would send the snake to bite a certain per- ential part of success. A father usually son. The usual treatment was to send the vic- ht one of his sons and left him his outfit tim away from the village in the care of a he died. virgin boy, if a man, or a virgin girl, if a There was an old man named Soket at woman. The attendant brought water and food. Wals who made rain.'45 N.W. saw him when he There is still living an old woman whose index getting his power. He dreamed, not of finger was bitten by a rattlesnake. The first 35He was the grandfather of Mandy Lewis. 1"6lHandbook, 518. 208 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS joint "got rotten and fell off" but this was count may have applied to the Miwok also; ? the only ill effect she suffered. In plate 1, was not clear. Part I (right vertical) is a dark stick with JJR.'s own father, a Miwok, used to horizontal markings. This is a Chukchansi rattlesnakes. They never bit him. During "doctor's wand," and is a stick covered with night, while others were asleep, the snake` rattlesnake skin; it was "secured from would come into the house and glide around Mayenetz, Coarse Gold." (Spec. no. 76484.) man's head. He knew it though the others' "The Indian doctor" [any shaman ?I could the house did not. Then he would take the cure rattlesnake bites, according to J.R. He truders up in his hand, take them away fro sang over the stricken person; he looked at the village and turn them loose. This sometim sun, at the same time whistling through a small happened after daylight, so others saw wha bone tube.147 A medicine for snake bite was was doing. known, but was not used if the shaman were there. "The doctor did better work. The med- icine wasn't a sure cure. The witch [shaman] J.R. knew of one snake-handler who fat icine wasn'tealsure cure.l h witch [shn H.J.'s father could catch rattlesnakes. made a fellow get well, though." A person he was a boy he used to play, would run hi bitten by a snake should kill it, for if he did hands down squirrel holes. He did this for not, the creature would continue to send poison some time. Then he said he was going to ca into the wound from a distance. "The snake and handle a rattlesnake, as he had seen t wouldn't bite you again. He would just throw old doctors do. He lived with his mother the poison into you from where he was, off the creek, near the present apple orchard a somewhere." Coarse Gold; his white father was already People. were bitten frequently. J.R. knew Eventually he got hold of a rattler. He People were bitten frequently. J.R. knew wrapped it in his big handkerchief and put of one woman who did nothing for the wound; a in his blouse. As he grew older he contin large swelling developed. People tried to cure the practice. He said he could catch any it, but she died. and, if they bit him, it would not hurt. H There were shamans who had learned from thought he was going to be a snake doctor. their dreams how to handle rattlesnakes, said He would go around where the Roans 11 J.R. These men were told in dreams where to around Coarse Gold, sometimes on horseback. find the snakes and how to appease them so they would have a rattlesnake, not always the sa one, around his head or arcund his arm, would never be injured by them. A rattlesnake rattling all the time. Then he would go aw shaman used down from a squirrel hawk'48 when he again, maybe come back again. But he was 0a was dancing. The down was across his forehead seen 3o adorned. [entwined in strings or glued in place ?] and Once he came into the saloon with a ve he wore nothing else except "a little piece small snake, only a foot long. He had the around the waist." [Breechclout or loincloth, snake on his hand. He laid it on the table probably.] coiled. He moved his hand around in passi The rattlesnakes, secured in summer, were movements over thThenahe lowered his hand a fed hawk down. They were further quieted by little. The snake was watching him all the the shaman's spittle. The shaman spat on or time, never moving Suddenly it struck, bi near the snake's head. "Spit Just light, thin, the man on the hand, first finger, second J Do it close to him -- just over his head, on Then the man said he had been bitten, and t his head, any place. After this he can under- he would go home and die. "Before I die, I stand you, when you have thrown spit on him." will go home," he said. He lived, at that The shaman handled the snake with bare hands. time, near the mission at Coarse Gold; he wife and two boys there. He went home. He This was done at a ceremony, f or exhibi- lasted all that night. About morning, just tion, particularly "when someone won't believe after daybreak, he stopped talking and died they can do it." But the rattlesnake shaman They kept him after he died, maybe a day (n did not prevent persons from being bitten: the usual two to three days). Then they b "They don't ever do anything to keep people him a little way from where he had lived. from getting snake bite. They can't do any- thing that way." Compared to southern Yokuts snake-handling, Bear Control that of the Chukchansi seems aberrant, amateur- ish. According to Kroeber, the Chukchansi Some people controlled bears by means lacked the rattlesnake ceremony.'49 J.R.'s ac- supernatural power but they did not change selves into bears.15 147Cf. Kroeber, Handbook, 517. 148The red-tailed hawk? "The squirrel hawk has a red tail and feathers a lit;tle different from the tail. They get the There was a man (name unknown) who woul fine feathers off the body of this bird, all white, fine, call a bear to come and visit him, and some- Just like cotton. Pull the outside feathers off, throw them away." '50This family, N.W., C.D., etc., had never heard of '49Handbook, 506. transformati on .a GAYTON, YOKUTS AND 'WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 209 mes he sent the bear to harm others. Once he galia] and announced that he was going to dance nt the bear to kill an old woman whom he dis- around the fire, then throw himself into it. ked: "People knew it was his bear." The This he did. He threw himself into the fire n was out gathering acorns when the bear head first and emerged about a minute later. e, tore her to pieces, and hung her clothes Everyone saw him enter the flames, saw him all the separate parts of her body -- head, gs, arms, entrails, heart -- in a manzanita right in there. When he emerged he was not sh. Her heart was still beating when they blistered and his hair was not singed, nor was d it. he otherwise injured: "That fire never touched him." That was all. Several people contribu- ted money which was given him next day. There is another man, alive today, who ntrols a bear. This is L.G. When Miss Thrall ed her informant if L.G. would tell her Just beyond Ahwahnee (on the Crooks Ranch) Ut his bear, N.W. replied that it was un- there once were five or six men going along, kely, "that he might set it after you," and playing, enjoying themselves. Two of them had ulged in good-natured laughter.'51 supernatural power. Some of the fellows grew lged ingood-naured laghter.reckless in their talk and challenged the Bears were regarded with considerable awe "witches" to a show of power.153 Ahead of them they are powerful and are thought to possess on the trail was a large round rock, some ten n intelligence. They would get hold of a feet high and weighing perhaps a ton. One of son's weapons and break them up. They cry the men asked the empowered ones, "could they st like people when they are hungry." They do anything with that rock, could they break rand understand everything people say. it, or could they kick it?" etc. One of the powerful men said he could kick e was a man named Kaitana who said deroga- it. He backed down the trail about forty feet ythings about bears: soon one came and for a running start while his companions stood the flesh off his buttocks. Bears, how- by the rock to watch. Then he said, "All right!" r, never turn into people. He Jumped and ran at top speed toward the rock There were persons with supernatural power, and kicked it. It moved about ten feet. It is shamans, who could converse with bears, still there; no one can move it. The men then dJ.R. The bear is regarded as almost human: agreed that he indeed had power. watches you, heads you off; he can't talk he understands you just like a man." Whenever a shaman died, whirlwinds and Sometimes bears were seen dancing. They thunderstorms arose. Consequently shamans were kon their hind feet, usually near a small buried at once without delay. Anyone who e. Then they approach the tree and maul it: grieved at a shaman's death would cry for him as ey are Just doing their way." Some Indians for an ordinary person. Some shamans were at Friant (Gashowu, Kechayi?) used to buried in the village cemetery. e like bears, said J.R.: "They saw bears Shamans often received gifts of food, par- cing." [The implication is that the Chuk- ticularly deer meat from hunters: men feared si knew the Yokuts Bear Dance only through that if they did not do this the shaman would Yokuts at Friant. -- A.H.G.] sicken them. Some, but not all, shamans hunted Kroeber states that Chukchansi Bear doc- for themselves. They had a stone called Bokun (sic) made their enemies ill by shooting to which they talked secretly before setting le stones into them; also that a female out. With this magic aid they could shoot game an transformed into a bear at the time of at once with the bow and arrow. burial .152 A woman who refused favors to a shaman might be sickened or killed by him. Miscellaneous Powers Shaman-killing The power of playing with fire was pos- ed by some Chukchansi shamans, like those An evil shaman normally met with retribu- he San Joaquin River region. Once, said tion in the end. Some shamans were more power- ,the chief of Wehil, a village in Grub ful than others and hurt their inferiors. Some- h, offered a sum of money to a shaman who times doctors would get together to test their Id near by if he would demonstrate his pow- power and see who was the most powerful. Then, Many spectators came, especially from to test the victor's power, they would send him yune. to kill someone. Often a less endowed shaman The spectacle was in the evening. An would stay away from tribal festivities for nous fire was built, around which the fear of being killed by his superiors. However, ence sat. Then the shaman "got his clothes ;Thpresumably appeared in aboriginal re- - ty afm ile t 1531 do not know how else to render J.R. 's phrase, "Some is is typical Yokuts jollity. -- A.H.G boys can say anything, playing like that.b" In Yokuts cul- 158 iStypica YoKt Jollly. -- .H.G.ture it is considered reckless or unwise for an ordinary endbook, 516, 517. person to challenge another's power. -- A.H.G. 210 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS when the time for public avengement came, no Yokuts tribes to the south. Their professi shaman was immune. integrity was in no way superior to that of ] male shamans; and evil shamans, even though, women, suffered the same fate. J.R. recoun Once there was a shaman of ill-repute who the following anecdote of the punishment of x came to a celebration at Picayune He was mean, wtch. would kill a person without provocation. Other doctors thought of the evil things that man had done, so they decided to kill him. He got a There was a witch (shaman), who lived pain in his side, went home, and died. The here, who used to go down to Picayune. She' people were afraid to bury him. They dug an killed right near here. An Indian named J. extra deep grave at his own house, not in the lived down across the creek, toward Oakhurs regular burying-place. Such powerful whirl- His wife and aunt were both sick all the winds arose they could scarcely handle him. It hi wieand anto were b thsika the t rained, th-andered, and blew. When they got the The woman doctor lived near there. [Infere body in the grave, they put large stones on top, ally, she was-asked to doctor the invalids., bodytin the whirlwind blew puthose large es,y " t The man's wife died. That woman never tri but the whirlwind blew those rocks away "Just cure her. It looked like she never wanted1 like blasting." Finally they got the hole cure her. T loor lke he her ate filled, put more rocks on top, and went home. cure her. The doctor wouldn't help her at L and J.' Is wif e didn'It get any better. Looked like the witch didn't want to save her. Ri The activities of malicious shamans were away, after they buried the wife, the man's. curbed by fear of revenge. A family, believing aunt, who was over there sick, died too, ri themselves to be the victim of deliberate ill- away. They buried her,too. That night, af1 n shaman, could legiti- they buried his aunt, the man J., who didn' mately seek to kill the man. This might be and beat her and killed her right there. a done by a member of the family or, in some cases, a man was hired to do it. Public opinion upheld the family when their suffering was known to be aggravated by a shaman's malice. If a chief had a big family and they all started dying, he would think maybe it was a The formalized and spectacular contest certain doctor who was killing them, said J.R. tween shamans, which was so important an ad He didn't tell anyone. He secretly called a junct to Yokuts mourning ceremonies, was bu brave man, maybe two, not many. He told them poorly represented in Chukchansi culture. that he had lost all his family and that he only contest described was seemingly not co suspected a certain bad doctor of killing them. nected with the Mourning Ceremony but was The doctor might live in some other community. merely an exciting demonstration of power. The chief would have with him some money, per- haps valuable baskets, something worth fifteen J.R.'s father and father's two sisters to twenty-five dollars. He would say, "I am supernatural power. The aunts lived at Api going to tell you, I want you. Now I tell you (where Bersall lives now). At this place MA boys, I want you to go over to his place to- Indians gathered to see the spectacle: Monc night. I will send a man over there to get the from Northfork, Chukchansi from Picayune, doctor and bring him where you are." Gashowu (?) from Friant, and Miwok from Ro In the late afternoon, around five o'clock, House (Watsamo). From Friant came a shaman the chief would send a man over to the shaman's with his sister, also a shaman, wanting to house who, on some pretext, would get the sha- demonstrate theIr power. The captain at Ap man to come out to a prearranged spot. Without was in charge, his permission was necessary. losing toico out him,o the prea nger went ioff a The captain said to the doctor from Friant, losing sight of him, the messenger went off a "You witches know how to shoot with your po bit to find the killers who were to meet him. some kind you have. How far?" "Oh,' said He said to them, "He is right there now. Are shaman, "as far as to that building." C"T you ready? All right. Here he is." Then the building" was J.R.'s substitution to indicat hired men approached the shaman. These the distance, which was about 65-70 feet.) avengers had their bows, already charged with The local shamans, J.R.'s father and a arrows, in their hands. When they were very already had their clothes off "to show they close to their victim -- about four feet -- were witches [were wearing ceremonial rega they sho directy at hi heart."That Indian more probably. -- A.H.G.). The father had they shot directly at his heart. Thatedia Jay tail feathers arranged as ornaments. doctor was done for." Then the men departed, visiting shamans were going to shoot J.R.'s- leaving the corpse. The dead man's relatives father and aunt and knock them unconscious. came and took him away for burial. [Revenge by Two fires were built; the power came f the shaman's family was not alluded to by any them. The shamans held flat basket trays w informant. Probably here, as elsewhere, the they cirCled over the fire to draw from the g ' YIworked over the fire, then the other. ThenI would not attempt retaliation. -- A.H.G.] first visitor shot J.R.'s father [method or Women shamans were known to the Chukchansi, motions not described). He fell down. Then and were evidently more common than among other the second shaman from Friant caused J.R.'s GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 211 t to fall unconscious. No one could see how drug's influence, but sat up, talking to him- e shot worked: J.R. saw this performance self. He said that he had seen his mother take mself. Then the two visitors extracted the it; she chewed a little, "just enough to sit ssiles by some unknown means, and the fallen there, see something, know something, talk to otims stood right up." herself." This method, just chewing a small amount This was not a true contest since the of jimsonweed, was the local, common way of 'cal shamans did not take offensive shots at taking it in the Fresno River region, according ir opponents. Of course, they may have at- to J.R. A person who has taken it is "Jumpy": ted to defend themselves in some way by "If you make a noise he will start, be scared, s of their own supernatural powers. After look just like a dog that has swallowed demonstration "everybody sat around and had strychnine. Acts pretty funny. But he will [played games, presumably. -- A.H.G.]. see what he is after." The affected person must not be given any food or water until he has regained a normal physical condition. The Jimsonweed mouth looks scabby, slobbery, dry, said J.R. He had never heard of any ordinary person, According to J.R., the best jimsonweed especially youths, taking jimsonweed. No young anai) grew down on the Fresno River at Grub person would touch it; only very old people at- ch. The shamans who made use of it would tempted to use it, and these were exclusively here to get it. They took only the main professional shamans already possessed of no side roots; this they dried for future supernatural power. Such men might take it Such men had dreamed previously of jim- about once a year. eed, of how to handle it. This information was substantiated by N.W. When a shaman wanted to take the drug, he and M.W. They said shamans used dried powdered d pound up the root and mix some of the Jimsonweed (t'anai), which they ate dry, to ob- er with warm water. Only a very small tain clairvoyant power. When they ate it, ful was drunk: "That will keep you down they could recall long past events, see hidden e ground, talking to yourself, maybe a objects, and see people and occurrences at a e of days." "It makes you dream, just distance. For example, they would tell that a marijuana. You see things other people certain person was traveling on his way to tsee. When a doctor wants to see some- their village. away off, or something they don't know A Chukchansi shaman, said M.W., drank around here, they can do this with this jimsonweed for two weeks and ate nothing. [Pre- t. Only doctors would do it, to see how sumably, in accordance with surrounding prac- they are" Chow much power they had].* tice, he ate nothing for two weeks and then J.R. knew of shamans at Friant CGashowu, drank jimsonweed. -- A.H.G.] He acquired more yi territory] who were expert at this. power than he had before. M.W. said shamans, sang before they drank. There were per- not ordinary persons, used to drink it to have two such men. They drank jimsonweed from visions. He never saw this [the vision or the tle basket; they sang, "I am going to practice?]. L.W. said the plant was "Just like you, t'anai." Soon they appeared to be marijuana, that stuff. Pretty bad!" and fell down. But while they slept, The information above corroborates Baw with their hearts [souls] things which Kroeber's statement that the northernmost else could see. Yokuts, specifically the Chukchansi, made but t Ahwahnee, in Miwok territory, J.R. saw a little use of jimsonweed and lacked the jimson- take jimsonweed. He came from Wawona. weed ritual.154 Inot want to lie down while under the \ 1H}andbook, 502. < r~~~ >,, r~~~~~ r R-~L \~ L '~~~~~~~~~~~~'~J lb~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~0o - p , Map 3MLcl a : ainhTrrtr TRANSITIONAL YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO: ESHOM VALLEY REGION MICHAHAI AND WAKSACHI TERRITORY AND INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS Neither was there any sense of one family or lineage, more than another in the same tribe, Localities owning, or originating in, the tribal pa'an. A moiety term (Yayanchi) given by Kroeber155 The locations of tribes known to B.O. was unfamiliar to B.O., who ventured that it llow. His renderings are given in brackets 'maybe meant toward the north, some people en they differ from the forms established by living farther north." oeber. The Waksachi had two permanent village sites, 6ita tu in Eshom Valley and Atitrao on Nutunutu: close to Kingston the edge of the plains at Gaines Flat. The Wechihit [we Cihat]: close to Centerville former had about twenty-five houses; the latter K Eocheyali (Aiticha) [ku6e 1i]: northeast was nominally the terminus of the summer seed- Wechihit gathering trip down to the valley. The route Gashowu [kaa suwisva]: south of the San followed was always the same -- down by Dry aquin River Creek, across Rucker, Adams, and Gaines flats. Choinimni [coinUi mni]: mouth of Mill Creek The Waksachi claimed this area and all sites in Chukaimina: Squaw Valley it listed below, although there were no per- Michahai: between Choinimni and Chukaimina manent villages or dwellings situated in it Entimbich [a'nt&mpLc]: Dunlap - Wobonuch [wu"punuc): east of Dunlap within the memory of informants. This annual move to the plains brought the Waksachi into contact with Gawia and Wukchumni whose terri- Three terms which B.O. claimed were names tory began at Nicina "o (Karlburn Point?). Only tribes but which have an ending comparable if there was a severe winter or a poor acorn the Yokuts pa'an (see below) are: crop in their Eshom Valley center, did the Wak- sachi remain at Gaines Flat through the winter. a ' us owi L tunU "' Um: To 1 1 House The Waksachi made use of the country on the a pusowiV'ttunu ur: Toll House upper reaches of. Lime Kiln Creek, which eventu- huro gLcnuUrn: southeast of last ally flows into Wukchumni territory. The area yuiW"ninuA'u"Um: south of last which lay between this and Patwisha holdings at Three Rivers, on the Kaweah River, was unoccu- Each tribe had a theoretical ancestral pied and served as hunting and foraging grounds ,consisting of one or more villages, re- for Waksachi, Wukchumni, and Patwisha. The ed to as pa'an. "When Eagle made the Joint claim was wholly amicable, according to d he named every hill and put people on all information. The Waksachi went southeast e spots. They were the first birds and from Eshom Valley to Cactus Mountain for yucca, ls; later he made one pair [of humans] for but not beyond. And they went across Redwood place." Those places S.O. could name were: Mountain to Old Baldy Ridge for pinion nuts. This last ridge they never crossed, although no Chukaimina: to o C'U people lived above them on the west slope of Michahai: pa'lnao (Rock Hill, unlocated the Sierra. ecorder) The people of Tusao village -- mixed Micha- Wukchurnni: gutsnu-mi; daiapnusav hai, Chukaimina, and Waksachi -- often Joined Wukhumi:gutsnu'mi; dai'apnu sa Telamni: "at Visalia" (informant didn't with those of 6itatu. Only very old people name of their pa'an) stayed at Tusao all the year round. The others Gawia: cesc 'yu (hill near Cutler, Stokes went to 6itatu every summer for acorns. In the tain) spring they went down toward Stokes Flat for Waksachi: tusa'o; citatu fishing: they had a camp there named Tulna o Entimbich: keavain"YU (Dunlam) (Map 3; Local Map E, no. 34) and another fish- Wobonuch: kada"winao; sit& minao (old ing site near by called O polo'o (meaning "in XWobonuch: koiwa nyu (Samson Flat, new the sun," Local Map E, no. 35). Stokes Moun- h 5tain was called Mucati' (Local Map E, no. 36). When traveling to the fish camp, they left Camping sites, even when definitely within ______ 1 boundaries, were not considered as pa'an. 1551b1d., 588. [213] 214 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS their houses at home and built temporary 22. na an: hill above Hershberger R shelters at the campsite. The possessions 23. woho naga"tiri: Redwood Mountain. taken were rabbitskin blankets, all basket This is the only name said to have a meaning utensils, both large and small cook pots, mush- (lit., redwood mountain), but that this shou be the only one seems dubious. stirrers and shelled acorns. Mortars were not 24. tipa c'ivo-no: Old Baldy Mountain taken, as they were rarely used save in the [Big Baldy Ridge] absence of the bedrock mortar; cooking stones 25. penama"ti: "a big rock north of t were picked up anywhere. The paraphernalia sawtooth crags." Not located, possibly Buck packed in carrying nets by the men were the Rock blankets and pots; women put their baskets and 26. paso nowi: camp at Black Ox Spri acorns in burden baskets, Infants might be 27. pan ciatawi: Big Meadowsad carried by either parent atop the load, never 27. pasiwataw: Big Maows in the arms. Babies were also carried in their men went for arrow canes cradles by older sisters while the mothers 29. warosa'giti: twin peaks in the Ga carried burdens. plain S.O.'s statement that there was no private- 30. koiwoi iiu: Badger ly owned land or gathering-places is, I think, 31. kicu u: Ash Springs over-generalized. Certainly there were no 32. tusa 'o: "salty water," near Ash rigidly defined limits, but the fact that a Springs bride returned to her mother's gathering-place 33. wiwatnao: Owl Mountain rather than going to her mother-in-law's or, 3k. tuolna'o: fish camp better yet, gathering where she would, indi- fish camp cates at least a tendency toward personal as- 36. mucati 3: Stokes Mountain sociation with a gathering-place, if not indis- putable proprietary rights. (See Aerie Owner- ship.) There are two big peaks in the mountai The sites named first by B.O. follow the says B.O., called Pa 'uwijwiyu (Map 5: Local route to Gaines Flat (nos. 1 to 19); thereafter Map G, no. 2, Obelisk) and Kai binum (Cyclon come more random outposts to the east and north (no. 11, Buck Rock). The former is elder (see Map 3; Local Map E). brother to the latter. Kaibinum, the young said to his brother, "Let's take off our 1. citatu: the main Waksachi village, shirts and fight!" At this Pauwijwiyu pulle tribal home or center off his shirt, but the challenger merely sho 2. mosa o: Rucker Flat himself and pulled his shirt up in preparati 3. pin3tsa kowei: next camp south to removing it. Both brothers shook their k. tupaha na: next camp south bodies, but young Kaibinum did not get his 5. hopuru howa: Reed's place shirt off in time and his older brother hit 6. kako wa: Bill Hart's place with his club. Kaibinum, a smaller rock th 8. miai'knwi: HuntMelsboin's place his brother, kills deer and drops them down "Rancheria Flat" into the canyon below. (California Tehipite, 9. koiwa 'niu: hill by Adams Flat [pos- Quadrangle Topographic map shows Buck Rock a sibly Sugarloaf] 1200 feet lower than Obelisk.) The same st 9a. taveto%ri: Buzzard Roost, by Adams was related by the Wobonuch informant, G.D., Flat, not located definitely but with the relative ages reversed. 10. koina"wasiu: camp south of Adams Flat 11. takika"puwi: gap going toward Gaines Flat ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Trade Flat 12. waja "unasako-nyap: a place just east of Gaines Flat Trading was carried on with the Eastern 13. kama: an intervening spot en route Mono (yo"owats), who came over the Sierra (not definitely located) Nevada and down to Eshom Valley by means of 14. tsawige wa: Red Hill, above Gaines trail which came through a pass just north Flat Old Baldy, down Redwood Canon, across Pier 15. taka nwi: Buckeye Flat, near Bones a i Canon Valley, and into Eshom to 6itatu. From ther 16. tupa'puwi: near Buckeye Flat the traders would go on down Dry Creek, fol 17. kotisa o: foot of hill next to ing the Waksachi route, to the Wukchumni an Gaines Flat Gawia. About a dozen of the Eastern Mono w 18. atitra"o: Gaines Flat, the campsite come as a group. Women sometimes came with there them to sell baskets, which were considered" 19. nicina'o: Karlburn Point ??), a hill finer than the local Waksachi ones. An oc- near Gaines Flat on which tobacco grew abund- casional woman would bring her entire familn and the southern limit of the Waksachi range. and stay the winter. While some local man 20. tso hom: high hill south of Badger might live with her, she would not be taken 21. (omitted) wife and would return home in the summer wh6 GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 215 e passes were again open. The Waksachi never SHELTER., DRESS, BODILY ORNAMENT net east to trade; on rare occasions two or ree young men might go over to visit as a Structures nd of adventure. The Eastern Mono never came social functions, the Ghost Dance of 1870 Houses.--The houses of the Michahai and ing the first contact of a social order. Waksachi were thatched; mats of tule or other The articles brought from the east to materials were rarely used and these only at e were: rock salt; pinon nuts; mountain the houses at the seed-gathering sites at the eep skins (diwe'stp); moccasins; a sleeveless edge of the plains. The frames were either ckskin Jacket sewn up the sides; leggings of conical or oval. Bark houses were known and xskin cured with the fur on, which were worn were preferred as more substantial, but these ed above the ankles and Just below the knees; could not often be made because of the diffi- skets; pine sticks for lifting hot cooking culty in getting cedar bark. nes; sinew-backed bows; unfinished obsidian The conical thatched house (ce'e naho wheads. Payment was made in humana beads ya'owtl, house Lof] "weeds") was the usual type smaller beads, acorn meal, and fine Yokuts for Michahai and Waksachi. A circular space kets. In later days red beads and Spanish 9 to 12 feet in diameter was excavated to the ets were wanted by the Eastern Mono. depth of about 1 foot; this depression was When the Waksachi were encamped at Gaines called hic (sleeping-place). Several long t, the Telamni, Gawia, and other valley straight poles, willow preferred, were set with lers would come up to get stone mortars and their butts inside the edge of the depression tles. They asked the Waksachi to sell those and brought together at the top by means of a things they were using; the Waksachi never ring of willow (wi c'et soto'li, stick round) any others along for trade. (Perhaps this some 18 to 20 inches in diameter. This hoop leved them of the burden of carrying them was inserted at the top to hold and separate on the upward Journey, having had their the poles (fig. , a, Pt. I). of them.) B.O. here interposed a descrip- Around the uprights were three or four of the Telamni mortar, which was made from horizontal willow withes tied on with ho'o crotch of an oak tree. The Telamni also (willowbark rope). The lower ones were stood ed small stone mortars of the type used for upon in order to reach the higher. "Men did nco. While they wanted stone mortars for most of this work but women might help." The elves, they, in turn, sold their oakwood women's Job was the making of the thatch -- a ars to the Chunut, Tachi, and Wowol of the "skirt" of long grasses (yaowtl) and fine wil- region. low bunched in small handfuls and twined along their butt -ends. Another horizontal withe was laid over the bound edge of the thatch to the Warfare frame when the outer withe, the thatch, and the horizontal band of the house frame were all B.O. stated that the Wechihit, Choinimni, lashed together with rope (fig. 5, a, Pt. I). oshima (Northerners in general) would come The doorway (tisehi) was about five feet Jointly to fight the allied Waksachi and high, "a man had to stoop a little to go in." wuni. These fights were rare and were Usually the top of the doorway was the second cally simple; they were called una"na horizontal frame withe: the first band ended kan. There were no special officers of each side of the doorway The door itself, but certain brave men would be acknowl- said to be wholly aboriginal and called ca kilts leaders on these occasions. The leader aca'li (not translated), was a mat -- or, more back and directed the fighting while the properly, a screen -- of twined fine willows, ing warriors lined up, each man shooting which was tied on to one of the side poles of one directly opposite. Bows and arrows the doorway. the only weapons; no spear or shield was A hollow dug in the center of the floor There was no waiting for a dream or omen was the fireplace (u stun ho'o hi, fire spot or - going into conflict. The causes of place). If long fire logs were burning, as hostile interludes are obscure. they most frequently were, their ends extended aiding for horses became a favorite ag- far out the doorway. The smoke found its way ve activity after their introduction by out the ringed apex, the "smokehole" (mutsa'kan ish on the coast; they were available tana hi, smoke goes). *valley in, roughly, 1800 and after. The interior of the house wall was not r five men would go west to the valley finished in any way. When leaks occurred, new I and probably to the enemies mentioned pieces of thatch were tied on outside, or tied to steal a horse, which they would then from within if the leak could not be located Sf, kill, cook, and eat. The Waksachi from the outside. stole from the Wukchumni. There is a People slept and sat close to the fire. tdesire for horse ownership among these Baskets and utensils were set around the very !even at the present time, 1927. low outer edge. Poles were laid across the 216 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS frame bands and hanging baskets, Jerked meat, port with ropes. Against these were laid sl skins, and other things hung from them. There of cedar bark which were tied to the frame a was no special place of honor for a guest to convenient or necessary intervals. Earth wa sit or sleep, though the preferred place was thrown up around the base to hold the slabs thought by B.O. to be Just inside the door on place and to prevent water from running in. either side. The senior or authoritative though the bark was hard to get, as cedar g woman of the household who was responsible for only up in the higher mountains, it was not the preparation of meals usually sat and worked bought from the tribes of the Western Mono, Just to the left of the entrance as one entered. living at higher altitudes, or from the East There was no village plan, or defined Mono traders. location for chiefs' or doctors' homes. Shades (ci 'nu ' 8) were used only during, While the Waksachi used the conical house, the summer, when one was put up in front of the oval type, characteristic of the Wukchumni nearly every home. The construction was a and other foothill Yokuts, was the more common, simple affair of four forked corner posts, f according to B.O The floor space, which was tie beams connecting these with transverse some 15 feet wide by 20 feet long, was not dug beams on which leafy willow boughs were laid. down, but wore down eventually from constant All cooking, eating, and lounging were done tramping. there. When visitors were expected for a ce' Two forked poles supported a center beam mony, long rows of shades were erected for or ridgepole 10 to 15 feet long. These parts their shelter. On these, back walls were so might be of alder or oak. The frame was of times added against wind or rain, They also, willow "or any kind of good wood." The side served as shades for spectators at the cerem poles were laid against the center beam, and Storehouses.--The Michahai, like the those at the ends were laid into the forked Yokuts of the valley, may have used a small post. These side poles, while held in position house for storage. (The Waksachi did not.) by horizontal withes, were not bent to form a Here extra baskets, foodstuffs, hunting and curved roof line, as in Yokuts houses, but, fishing equipment, etc., were kept. lying straight, produced an obtuse-angled gable. Storage bins.--Two types were described The walls were covered with a thatch of S.O. and 1.0.; both were called suna '&ts in grasses, seldom a thatch of tule (fig. 1, b, Michahai. For the first, and apparently the, Pt. I). The whole process was the same as for- most common, about six stakes, approximately. the conical house. Both men and women tied about 10 feet long, were driven in the gro this thatch on, although men made the frame in a circle about 3 feet in diameter. Small and women the thatch "skirt." willows were cut an even length and twined,l The doorway, which was invariably in the and bottom, into a long mat or strip. One e long side of the house, was covered by a mat of of this was fastened to one of the stakes, a twined tules stiffened on each side with willow the whole wound around all the stakes. A pal sticks lashed along its edges. The door was ing of leaves was filled in on the ground, not fastened to the house, "Just leaned against acorns thrown in on it. As the space filled it." another turn of the mat was taken around the! There was never more than one room to such stake frame. It was about 8 feet high when- a dwelling, nor were there partitions. "A man finished- To fill the upper levels, and als built his house the size he needed and he never to get out acorns, a woman stood on a forked" added a room" (B.O.). The fireplace was in the stick "ladder" propped firmly against the si center, the smoke escaping through a slot left of the bin. To top off the bin, a conical at the ridgepole between the last rows of cover of twined grass was fitted on and tiedt thatch. Beds were made of pine boughs, ob- down. As the contents of the bin lowered, t tainable near Eshom Valley, or of tule mats. Rabbitskin blankets were the preferred covering, When S.O. was talking of this type of b though these often had to be obtained by trade he claimed that the wall was formed of a Si with the valley people. No type of pillow or mat, some 3 to 4 feet deep, wound once aro head rest was used. [The idea of a wooden head the frame. Sometimes this mat was held upr or neck rest B.O. thought very funny indeed.] in a cylindrical form by having horizontal There was no place of honor. withes tied around it. These bins could the No plan was followed when setting up be picked up and carried to some preferred l houses in a village: "anybody built where he cation, usually to the top of a flat rock, liked." dryness was essential in keeping the acorns:' The bark-covered house (toto`pti, Micha- "a woman might have from three to several of hai) was made on a conical framework which had these on one rock." The bottom was filled ' as its basis a single forked center post. Oc- grass, the acorns filled in, another layer in casionally two forked posts with a short center grass put in, and the whole topped off with^ beam were used. Against either the single fork conical cap of grass thatch. or the center beam were laid stiff poles', A storage bin close to home was made on: rather close together and lashed to their sup- raised framework. A forked post some 6 feet< GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 217 igh was set up, and in a squared position clusiveness. Women "never went near the place" out it were erected four shorter forked posts. (B.O.). The favorite time for sweating was the ur tie beams connected the corners, and late afternoon, between returning from hunting cross these was laid a flooring of small logs. or other duties of the day and the evening meal de poles, whose butts rested on the outer at sundoWn. After the sweat the men ran out to ges of the floor, leaned into the forked bathe, and then back into the sweat house, enter post. All poles were lashed in place, where a reduced fire dried them and prevented over them was wrapped.a grass thatching, chill. imilar to that used on houses. How this type Single men slept in the sweat house but, bin was filled and emptied was not learned. whether sleeping there or at home, a man in- In such bins only acorns were kept. Seeds variably rose with the morning star and went re stored in special baskets in the house or immediately to swim. re put in skin sacks and buried under shelter- The single-post sweat house had the earth rocks. Pinion nuts were stored in buried excavated for about one foot over its proposed cks, made of antelope and deer hides cured floor surface. A forked center post was erect- th the fur on. The leg parts of the skin ed, and into its crotch were laid the ends of re cut off; the skin was folded down the back many straight poles very close together. The sewed up around the edge with sinew thread. interstices were filled with still more slender opening, left at the neck, was closed by a willow rods. Then earth was piled over the estring. These sacks were often hung from whole. The doorway, which S.O. said "was small ees, as the hair shed water, making them but you didn't have to wiggle or crawl through," atically waterproof. They were also used as was constructed as described above. eral carryalls by men. There was one fire directly inside the Sweat house.--This structure (mos, Micha- door. Anyone got wood or kept it burning: the ir; mo'sa or mosaowi, Waksachi) might be winatum had no special duties in this respect. e with one or two center posts. B.O. said B.O. thought the single-post house held seven two-post type was preferred by the Waksachi, to ten men, a two-post house, eight to twelve. reas, according to S.O., the single-post All men'did not indulge: "some did not like e was the common form for both Waksachi and it.", When a visitor arrived, he would be of- hahai. fered a sweat. Women "did not go very close" The posts of the two-post type were about to the sweat house. If a woman wanted a man teen feet apart, and a long gable beam rest- who was in there, she would send a boy or male in their forks. Long poles, lying as close relative for him. ether as possible, were leaned against the A breechclout was not worn, nor any type ter beam, and into and around the forks of of penis-protector; if the heat was too in- two uprights. Then brush, willows, and tense, the hands were held over the organ. g weeds" were laid against these, commenc- Kneeling posture was maintained while sweating. at the bottom and working up. Earth was "Any man who wanted to could build a en from the interior and piled over the sweat house, but he always asked the tia'a ,h cover as it was laid on. In the side of [chief] first." There were two small ones structure facing the water [Eshom Creek for (single-post) and one large one (2-post) at one described here] a door space had been Tusao. A new one was seldom put up before an tbetween the side poles. Three upright old one burned or showed signs of decay. es were driven in the ground on each side No dancing was done in the sweat house, the door space, just within the entrance, so but singing was frequent. Some good singer a log resting upon them was flush with the (ile ktc) would lead in singing songs used out- ting side poles of the frame. On this log doors to accompany dancing; there were no ed the butts of short poles, their tips special songs for the sweating occasion. Often nst the center beam, thus filling in the a man would go in there to play the flute e above the doorway. The height of the (u 'tac). This pastime was particularly popular ance was about three feet, and the interior when men were sleeping there all night. he house not quite high enough for an aver- -sized man to stand erect. There was no u re for the entrance. Dress and Bodily Ornament Two "brush" fires were built, one on each of the doorway; the draft pulled the fires' Footgear.--Normally people went barefoot. inwards, it was claimed. Whoever wanted Some men had deerskin moccasins (name not re- weat would get the necessary fuel. The called) which were bought from the Eastern Mono. held ten or twelve men. While any man was S.O. could not describe the pattern clearly: to enter and make use of the sweat house, it was cut in one piece with the fold on the were not permitted to try sweating until inside of the foot , the seam on the outside, were fifteen to twenty years of age. The and had a long flap as a tongue. ibition was due to their lack of mature No sandal of leather or f ibre material had ical soundness, not to any sense of ex- ever been seen or heard of by 3.0. 218 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS A sewn leather jacket was denied by S.O., terms Michahal]. S.O. could recall only twi yet other informants said a sort of sleeveless specific patterns and the generally used s Jumper with side seams could be bought from the mans' pattern. A man with Crow totem would& Eastern Mono. (It is possible S.O. misunder- ways use black, but this might be arranged stood my query.) way he chose, S.O. thought. The favorite p Rabbitskin blanket.--The Michahai and Wak- term for a Crow posam was a horizontal blac sachi, when on their camping trips to the lower band on each cheek under the eyes, or somet foothills, caught Jack rabbits. Sometimes they over the eyes. A Deer man's emblem was one bought rabbitskins from Wukchumni, Gawia, and three rows of black dots drawn along the Telamni. They also saved and used the upland zygomatic arch from nose to ears. Shamans rabbitskins for blankets. three horizontal rows of lines or dots on ea Dance costume.--The shaman's dance skirt, cheek in the order red, black, red, and the which he wore on all dress occasions, consisted same on arms and legs. At the Ghost Dance of many 18- to 24-inch pendent strands of sa' gatherings any person could and did use this: string into which chicken-hawk down had been pattern. [The use of white paint was not me rolled. Each strand was tipped with a blueJay tioned, and I failed to note its omission.] or flicker quill. The headdress consisted of the usual two SUBSISTENCE parts, the vertical feather bunch (cuha o, Michahai; cuhab:', Waksachi) made of roadrunner Hunting quills, and the soft fluffy crown (se ma, Michahai; sema'bl, Waksachi) of crow feathers. Bows and arrows.--The following informa The skirt was made by either men or women, tion is from B.O. who was a noted hunter. but the headdress was made only by men. An old The plain bow (e. 'du) was in common use man at Kiceyu (Dunlap) named Ko 'o was particu- every man, and was the type first used by bo larly skilled at making headdresses, which he It was made of pepperwood (no J&b'; Califo sold at a price somewhat equivalent to $10.00 Laurel), and was of the same proportions and. Ear and nose plugs.--Everyone, said S.O., curvature as the sinew-backed bow. It was had his or her ears punched. This was done strung with a two-ply sinew cord. with a fine pointed manzanita stick. The heat- The sinew-backed bow (tacmuedu) was of ed point was pressed from in front against the Juniper wood (wap) which only grew up in th lobe, behind which was pressed a small flat mountains, i.e., from Waksachi territory easu stone. The stick was pushed on into the hole ward. The length was from 3 to 4 feet, and and left until the wound healed. Then a series inches the width at the center: roughly of increasingly larger sticks were inserted. measured from the sternum to fingertips; if Cane tubes were sometimes inserted, and the wanted extra long, from one shoulder to op- men's quail-feather ear plug of the Yokuts was posite fingertips. There was no indentation used. A women's ear plug, also derived from at the grip. The ends were recurved: heated the Yokuts of the plains, consisted of a ring over coals, the end would be braced into some of abalone shell (li la, Michahai) which fitted crevice and forced to bend by leverage pres- the aperture like a plug, and from which sure on the center of the bow. This was a 81 dangled short strands of clamshell disc beads. task requiring many repeated efforts. After Similarly, in the old days, both men and the bow was shaped, sinew (ta mob') from deer women had the nasal septum pierced. A single legs was soaked in water, then beaten between humana shell bead was the favorite ornament for two flat stones. A heavy glue made by boilin this aperture. deer horns was smeared along the back of the Tattooing.--There were no special practi- bow and the sinew laid into it. The sinew w tioners of this art, "anybody could do it." so placed that a piece about one inch long e The design was pricked in the skin with the tended beyond the bow at either end. When d point of a fine obsidian blade and charcoal was these curled back, forming hooks for the bett rubbed in the abrasion. The patterns were attachment of the bowstring. A hand grasp of stereotyped. Women had vertical lines from leather was glued around the bow at the cente lower lip to chin, but these were never used by sometimes small feathers were inserted around men. Both sexes used horizontal lines running the edges of this. The bowstring was 2-ply from the corners of the mouth to the ears, and sinew cord. In fitting a new string, the bandlike lines on the inner wrist. Two old looped loose end was placed first and the oth women, Bren and Sugarfoot, were noted for their end pulled up to the desired tension and tied ambitious decorations which consisted of permanently in position. Bows were left un- straight wide lines commencing on the chin and strung most of the time. To unstring, the ti continuing down throat, chest, and breasts. end was placed against the right instep, the S.C. could recall no other kinds of designs. left hand grasping the upper end. The bow wa Paint.--Face and body paints were hapa ka then pulled inward and downward sufficiently o'ctsk (red), toiye"'i ocLk (white), and relax the string, which was slipped off with mutskeiWw&k octk (black, i.e., charcoal) [all the right hand. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 219 Not every man could make this kind of bow, The butt end, already nocked, was now t B.O. did not think that the art was con- feathered. About 1-1/2 inches from the end the mned to families. He stated that the Wobonuch butt was wrapped with three turns of sinew cord, de the best bows; the glue on theirs was then on each of three ensuing turns the end of lear, that on Waksachi bows murky. a feather was inserted. A final turn was taken For all types of shooting the bow was held around all three feathers and the end fastened n the left hand, with its left end about 30 by slipping it back under the last turn and grees above horizontal. The left hand was so pulling it up tight. The forward ends of the eld that the Joint of the third (middle) feathers were tied down in the same manner. inger was slightly higher than that of the The feathers were not spiraled but had an al- cond (index) finger so that a groove or most imperceptible turn; nor were they per- ight hollow was formed between the third mitted to bow up from the shaft. inger and thumb156 in which the arrow rode The war arrows were made in the same man- 1g. 10, h, Pt. I). Only one type of arrow ner but were shorter and were tipped with a sp was used, that between the thumb and small obsidian blade. This was nearly flat in irt bent Joint of the second (index) finger cross section and had a flanged butt. The tip primary release); there was no hold on the of the shaft was treated as described above, ring itself (fig. 10, i, Pt. I). Arrow butts but two splits were made into which the flanged e not thickened. butt was inserted. This was lashed in place Four forms of arrow were distinguished: with fine sinew and smeared with glue. se for birds (pa-ga); for squirrels, rabbits, A composite arrow which was in popular use and other small game (pa-ga); for deer or for small game was made by combining a cane cious animals such as wildcat, cougar, and shaft like that of the deer arrow with a wooden r (u- tipa-ga); and for war (gai" wani). The foreshaft of white oak shoots (pu Jabi), the rat was of alderwood (napa- apa) in a single very hardest straight wood, according to B.O. ece. When scraped down with an obsidian He said spicewood r?)157 was the alternative if de, these were straightened by being heated oak was unobtainable. Sometimes foreshafts r coals, bent and turned in the hands and were tipped with an obsidian point, but more er the knee. The self-points were ground often not. The foreshaft remained in the wound, on stone and hardened by heating. The while the main shaft fell off. thering was of three split feathers from a Arrow straightener.--The Waksachi form of owing. The butt was nocked. arrow straightener (te para.no, Waksachi; For shooting birds a simple alderwood tu padan, Michahai) was usually round or oval w was tipped with four small crosspieces and had but one groove, according to B.O. His on perpendicularly to the shaft (fig. 10, own was of that type. He had never seen one Pt. I); the butt was not feathered. made; "they were Just handed down." While The deer and war arrows were made of a B.O.'s generalization on shape may have been le shaft of cane (kadktd, Michahai; influenced by the aspect of his own, two "Mono" 0obl, Waksachi), the former long, the latter arrow straighteners pictured by Kroeber'58 are t. Both had obsidian points. To shape a ovoid as opposed to the rather squared-off earrow a heated stone arrow straightener Yokuts type. (See also pl. 1, Pt. I, lower used; the cane itself was not heated. The right foreground, and pl. 2, d herein.) e, cut to the desired length, was grasped at Trap.--A spring trap baited with acorn, hend and pulled back and forth across the which B.O. did not describe lucidly, was used e groove with a rolling motion. It was for rabbits, Jays, and squirrels. Quail were ted down its length for straightness. shot, not trapped. Ducks and geese were seldom The tip end, which had been squared off, seen in this mountain region. wrapped with six turns of fine sinew cord Deer hunting.--Two methods were in use, t three inches from the end. Then the end that of a single hunter wearing the deer dis- turned on a sharp wooden point to open up guise, and that of several participants en- partition in the cane, for it had been cut gaging in a communal drive. The former method Just before a Joint, (the boring process was like that of the Yokuts. The second was so called maraso'gomi o'o homa, to-make-a- arranged that one or two accurate shooters hid bone-drill). Into the hole thus made was themselves on known deer trails down which the rted the flint point (fig 1o, f, Pt. I). animals were quietly driven by the other mem- points for deer arrows were nearly round in bers of the party. Anyone who wished might *s section and had a round stem. They were Join such a hunt, and all who did so were en- ned in rough form from the Eastern Mono of titled to part of the spoils. B.O. said that t Valley and dressed locally. With this in dividing the animals the shooters each re- .of point no force other than wedging held ceived antlers, skin, and a rump, the choice Inplace (fig. 10, g, Pt. I); it remained in wound. Wood points were often substituted. 157Califfornia Laurel? te thumb is regarded as the first finger herein. 158Handbook, p1. 4{9, a, b, c. 220 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS portion; otherwise all parts were regarded as The fire fan (ile ttl, Michahai; equivalent in quality. tu'ohi dano, Waksachi) was made of hawk or Fall was the favorite time for hunting buzzard tail feathers. One made by B.O. ap deer although no seasonal restrictions were ob- pears in plate 2, e herein. The handle was- served. In the spring, bucks with soft horns about twelve inches long. They were made o would be killed in order to secure the horns by men. They were used primarily for hunti for glue. and for fanning coals under cooking or roast Bear hunting.--B.O.'s father's brother, ing materials (e.g., fish, burning lime), n Wanuk, was a fine hunter; he used the following as personal accessories for fanning the face method, as did some other intrepid hunters. A body. They are not to be confused with the feeding ground of a bear was selected, and feather bunches used in doctoring. during the animal's absence the hunter ar- Pigeon snaring.--Pigeons (so ni, Mich ranged a crude scaffold of logs in an oak tree flew south in the late fall (about November): above the feeding place.'59 Before sundown the and were caught in large numbers by means of man took up his position on the scaffold where hand noose operated from a blind. Two sorts he must remain all night. During the night, shelter for the hunter were used, one a boot usually just before dawn, the bear came, and on the ground (ti toho'noi soni, house to- the hunter, to encourage him, dropped down catch pigeon) and a brush concealment in a t acorns from above. As the bear fed and eventu- (ti'ptn ma te'e nisi , up you house buil ally turned in a vulnerable position, the The booth was usually placed near water wher hunter shot. Should the bear discover the man the birds gathered at sunrise. above and not be fatally wounded, he might The booth was about 8 feet long, 4 feet climb the tree in a rage. As the bear died or wide, and had its floor excavated about 1 f staggered to a safe'distance, the man descend- all over. Long poles of dogwood were set b ed and went home to get help in taking the car- down along each side, bent and tied togethei cass to the village. The meat was divided overhead to form a series of arcs Just high among his family, friends, and helpers; natural- enough to clear a man's head when kneeling. ly no one with a Bear totem was involved in the arcs near the front were lower than those f killing or eating. The hide and claws were ther back in order to make the front opening "sold to a person with Bear ibuk." The hunter as discreet as possible. Horizontal withes did not indulge in any formulaic address or were tied along the arcs to keep them erect ritual before or after killing a bear. and over all were tied bunches of brush whi. Both B.O. and S.O. said it was not es- in turn, had more brush and green boughs sential to have a dream helper to be a skillful fastened or thrown on. A grass called pasa.. hunter. One might get supernatural aid for was laid all around the booth on the ground' this from Cougar (B.O.'s dream helper), but The arched front was partially covered with normally "if a man was a good hunter, his son long twigs set upright in the ground and would be too." A special term, hahas (Micha- fastened at their tips to the arc frame. hai), was applied to a hunter "who was so good opening, or more often two, about twelve in he could kill anything." wide was left in this frontal screen. Squirrel smoking.--Ground squirrels Directly in front of the booth was a (siti "'la, Waksachi) were plentiful in the foot- raised circular platform some 4 feet in di hills. Usually one man, seldom more than two, ter and 18 inches high built up of stones, would hunt them by smoking them out of their earth, and a final layer of smooth sand. holes. Boys often helped. This method was zanita brush was laid all around the edge oX called ili ni mak siti'la (fanning we squirrels). this to form a low "natural" barricade. On All vegetation was carefully removed from smoothed sand cracked acorns were scattered. around entrances to runways. Then dried grass This platform was called pa nLs a tm&n so or weeds "of any kind" were stuffed into the (place down-their pigeon) .160 holes, packed in as tight as possible. An area The hunter, concealed in the booth, ha about fifty feet square would be so treated, with him about six live pigeons which, with with about six holes in the center left open. strings to their legs, were let out through Then the grass was ignited and the men or boys each of the openings. "Four on each side is went from hole to hole, fanning into them with best," said S.O., "but three on each side wa feather fire fans. Smoke would ooze out of the usual and sufficient." Acting as decoys th open holes and soon squirrels would stagger birds, which had been kept hungry for the p forth. The hunters grabbed them and wrung pose, ate of the acorn meal and lured the wl their necks. The animals could be heard under- birds, which came readily. The tame pigeo ground running and squeaking, and when all was were jerked or poked occasionally to make t silent the holes were dug open to secure those flutter and attract attention. The noose ? which had suffocated. snarixfig the newcomers was of ho'o, about 4 Cottontails were sometimes smoked out of their burrows in the same manner. 1XS.o. said, "You Just said 'pa'nam&n' for short, JU 159Mentioned by Kroeber as a Yokuts method (ilbid., 529).* like slang. " GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 221 inches in diameter, and attached to the tip of things he gave pigeons to Indians, all over; it a 6- to 8-foot light pole. The whole thing was is the same everywhere. They were told to go called wi'ctt toho'na min so'ne (pole to- to that salt water at Tusao." catch its pigeon). The noose was stealthily The pigeon blind in the tree functioned in owered over the head of a bird and instantly the same manner as that on the ground. It was erked back into the booth. Each victim's a more crude affair, made of any leafy branches eck was wrung. Ten to twelve might be taken tied up in the tree in whatever way best suited ta time. The hunter remained concealed until conditions. A beam to sit on was the main con- 11 the wild birds had left voluntarily. The sideration. The tree chosen was one in which ecoy birds he took home in their cages, the pigeons were known to roost. The hunter took ad birds strung on a stick forced through the several of the noose-poles with him and laid oose skin under their necks. them out in various directions in the branches Fig. 1. Pigeon cage. (Schematic drawing after specimen in Kern County Historical Society Museum.) The tame pigeons were always kept in their around him. As the birds came to roost at ges (ti min so n&n, house its pigeon's, Micha- dusk, they were snared with the poles most con- i; upa omus ipo,ku&k, basket pet's Waksachi) veniently placed. A common practice of men who 1g. 1 herein). These were barrel-shaped, owned no caged pigeons was to climb such a tree ned of dogwood (kice yu). Cracked acorns before dawn, get one bird, and then use it as a water were fed the birds regularly. Three decoy from the booth on the ground. rds was the limit to a single cage; asked if The Waksachi built pigeon booths similar y ever mated, S.0. said, "He never heard of to that described for the Michahai (Bi.O.). The body raising little ones." decoys were always six in number, let out in The game birds were never sold when caught three pairs. In place of a decoy a simple game, but the live decoys were sold; more noose twitch-trap was sometimes set up over the en, said S.O., given away. The game birds feeding platform, but this method never got e cooked unplucked, either boiled in a pot more than one bird a day and was used only by a ver in a basket) or roasted in hot ashes. man who lacked decoys. feathers were never saved. Some people kept doves as pets (mapuk) as The man who built a pigeon booth owned it. well as for decoys. In either case they were charge was made to another who used it, but lodged in cages (mapuwu na) like the Michahai owner's permission was necessary. There pigeon cages and tamed by the following method. e three of these at Tusao, owned by Isham The bird was held between the knees and a few 1, Bill Tyner, and S.O.'s father. Asked how tail feathers pulled out. The feathers were was compatible with his father's lineage set afire and the bird held, by the feet, head em and occupation (winatum), S.O. said that down in the smoke for several minutes. Then it didn't matter, that his father never ate was given a little acorn meal to eat, which it pigeons nor did he himself; he just had promptly vomited. "Then that bird was always tplace." One suspects that payment of some tame" (B.O.). was involved, perhaps indirectly, for such The pigeon booth is reported by Kroeber wner. It is possible that the winatum's for "Southern Foothill Yokuts" (presumably ponsibility of seeing food provided on of- Yaudanchi) .6 lal occasions motivated the ownership. S.O. asthough possibly condoning the catch- l6'Handbook, 529, p1. 46. He informa me that he there tand killing of his posa, "When Eagle made saw a single decoy used. 222 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Fishing Yucca.--The yucca plants (o. paodra, Waksachi) which grow on the mountains to th Fish were scarce in the upper streams in south and east of Eshom Valley (on Carpente Waksachi territory, said B.O.162 They were cap- Hill, B.O.)163 were secured for food. In th tured by poisoning; no spear or harpoon was fall men from Eshom Valley, mostly Waksacht used (B.O. and S.O.). (Perhaps because of the went up to dig up the roots which they bro smallness of the streams in their vicinity.) A back to roast. In the spring they again we plant called ya'ohao (not soaproot, but un- up to break down with hooked sticks (po 'dos identified) was mashed and scattered over the the tall blossom buds (o bi) and returned w water. The fish became active, jumping around them in back-packs. At home they were cut in the water, then became stupefied, when they 18-inch lengths, and laid on a large coal were scooped up in fish baskets. Men prepared As the stems cooked, they were 'turned with the poison, merely by mashing the plant leaves, long pole. When removed from the fire, the but both sexes took part in capturing the fish. teriors were caked with a hard ashlike sub- stance which was scraped off. Then the pie were split open and the tough pulp of the i: Foods terior was chewed to extract the sweet juic and the pulp was spat out. The whole proce Salt.--Salt was obtained from "a bush that of gathering and cooking was men's work; on looked like a tomato vine." While living at fire served for the group who divided up th 6oloku (on Fisher's Ranch), S.O.'s father-in- yucca after it was cooked. B.O. said the law and his mother's sister used,to gather it. cooked food was often dried, pounded up, and To obtain the salt a pit was dug about 2 feet stored for winter use. long, 1 foot wide, and 1 foot deep. In this a Pinon nuts.--Pine nuts (pone'diwa, Wak fire was built and let burn down to coals. A sachi) were obtained in the hills east of Es grating was made by laying hardwood sticks Valley, near Ox Springs. Waksachi and Patw across the earth's surface and on this the families went camping there to get them in plants were laid. The whole thing was fanned late summer (August-September). A long pol with a fire fan. A material then oozed out of with a shorter one tied to it at an angle a the plants and dropped on the coals forming a strong hook with which the men hoisted th large lumps. Then the whole thing was covered selves into the trees and hooked and knocked with earth and left overnight. In the morning down cones. The cones were full grown but the pit was opened and the salt, which was now still in a "green" or unopened state. a hard large mass, was cleaned of dirt. These At the camp the cones were piled on a b lumps were trimmed and sold. This salt was fire of coals and turned with long poles un. eaten in tiny bits with meat; it was never put their exteriors were burned and ashy. Remo directly on food or cooked with it. The plant they were piled in a big heap where they (or grass ?) which produced this salt was steamed as they cooled. Sometimes the cone' called in Michahai, ti ktt koi'yo (smells salt), were taken home, but more often the nuts we" in Wukchumni, a ltt, and in Waksachi, u nab'. extracted on the spot. This was done by ho It was sometimes boiled and the liquid drunk to ing a cone butt down on a basket tray. Wit cure nausea. Salt or brackish springs were all obsidian blade the tip end was cleft four w called tusa o. the outside of the cone could then be strip Rock salt (koiyo, Michahai) was obtained down in sections by hand. This let all the in trade from the Eastern Mono. nuts drop out on the basket. Occasionally Manzanita cider.--Manzanita berries were nuts too were cracked on the spot and only gathered, mashed on a tray with a small pestle, meats taken home. and put into a sieve above a large clean mush Pinion nuts from Owen's Valley, brought basket-. Water, poured over the mass, seeped over for trade by the Eastern Mono were cal through into the larger basket. A powdered te uwa. They were superior to the local va plant called ca mat (Michahai; pasida, Spanish; Acorns.--Fine groves of black oaks gr unidentified) was added as a thickener and the floor and slopes of Eshom Valley. It w flavorer. There were four or five such flavor- the men's task to knock down the acorns whi ers known, but S.O. could not name them. The they were still slightly green; this was ac manzanita drink thickened as it stood, and complished by means of the wooden hooks use people came to drink it at whatever stage they also for piniones and cactus. The women pic preferred. It began to sour after twenty-four them up and carried them home in burden basS to forty-eight hours and was no longer thought All returned home in midafternoon. Everyon fit to drink. S.O. insisted that it was in no the family assisted with shelling the.nuts,, sense intoxicating. which were shelled before being stored in t house. Sometimes one person would crack the -- ~~~~~~~~and another do the shelling. For cracking,7 '62Trout should be abundant; possibly he meant scarce in comparison with the numerous varieties off the lower foot- hill rivers and sloughs. 163Probably also on Cactus Mountain. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 223 t was held butt down on a small flat stone lake (Wukchumni and Gawia) or those of the d struck on the tip with another stone. A slough region toward the lake in the tular. n would not hesitate to use his arrowstraight- Subsistence materials.--B.O. named the er for such a purpose, though other comforta- following animals, birds, etc., indicating le hand-shaped stones were kept about and so which were totemic, which used for food and by ied. The shelled acorns were spread out on whom. Many of the words are recognizable as cks to dry, then stored in large covered Yokuts, particularly those for creatures not askets in the house. Acorns to be stored in native to Waksachi mountain territory, e.g., tdoor bins were not shelled. Acorn-shelling soiyo ti, antelope, e bis, lake trout. s a favorite evening occupation while some d person would tell stories. Animals: Acorn mush.--The process of cooking was tuhu ni: deer; everyone ate e usual one with hot stones. The stones were soiyo ti: antelope; only around flats; a dull brownish color, hard and fine grained; all ate (no mountain goat known) nite was never used. The mush basket was u nu: grizzly bear; many did not eat; ways twined and invariably carried four hon- a fam_ly totem (ibuk) tuhu bu: brown bear: many did not eat; ntal rows of redbud ornamentation (pl. 2, b family totem rein). The hot stones were lifted from the kutu-huza giti tuhu bu: black bear; re with two pine poles, dipped quickly into many did not eat; family totem ter to rinse (if ashes adhered, which they isa buc: coyote; no one ate: "might be rely did), and dropped into the mush. They somebody's ibuk"; was a dream helper re extracted from the mush with a looped tuka wts: bob-tailed wildcat: "might shstirrer made of grapevine. be somebody's ibuk" If people were in some hurry to eat, the atotsa: fox; "maybe somebody's ibuk" ole basket of boiling mush was set into a tsuka: cougar; dream helper for ger one filled with cold water. If they doctors and hunters re in a great hurry, portions of mush were ta%bu: brush rabbit; all types of ooped up in individual baskets or clay bowls rabbits were eaten by everyone lowered into cold water where they immedi- te'a wa: cottontail rabbit ly solidified. These agglutinated cakes to hpol: Jack rabbit; only around flats e removed from the water and served from a wi jia: squirrel [kind?]; everyone ate tray. They were eaten "Just that way." poho 'ot: weasel; doctor's dream helper vpaa was used to flavor pucuko "no: gopher; a secondary ibuk for A plant called pasa was used to flavor people with Bear totem orn much. " Ya muap.--Thiswas a root a ck&t: mole; no one ate Ya ap-This was a root (unidentified) ga wa: wood rat; some people ate ut 1 to 2 inches long and 2 or 3 inches wide. to *pi: dark gray wolf [mountain was boiled, or baked in ashes, and was sweet, coyote]; no one ate ly, and fragrant. ti- bik: beaver Yellowjacket nest.--This was dug up, roast- naha 'ots: otter on a hardwood grating laid over coals, Birds: led, broken up, and eaten. guiniwa': eagle; chief's totem Honey.--A bee (?) called in English "big kini : duck hawk; a family totem ck bee" (ta'beko'ot, Waksachi) deposited wubuyana: "chicken" hawk; a totem for ey all over a tree -- in its crevices, forks, some families (probably redtailed hawk) splits in the bark. This honey, while kwisa ra: unidentified, a big hawk; cky, was sufficiently firm to be cut away in 3ome old people ate 11 pieces. An obsidian blade was used, and piki digi: sparrow hawk; not a totem ces obainced m t obeias blarge was asman's wihutzai ya: buzzard; no one ate des obtained might be as large as a man's weJa: condor; no one ate dle finger. The honey was taken back to hutu 'du: a "blue" owl; no one ate; a p on leaves, or in a leaf-lined basket, and doctor's dream helper; there was also a "yellow" eaten immediately "Just like candy." B.O. owl whose name B 0. could not recall isted that this was "old time" and that the pa ara: crow B did not come from Spanish sources. ka rapuc: raven ca-k: blackbird Fish.--These were usually roasted between ciwau'wi: another kind of blackbird layers of hot coals; the bottom layer was o *eco *e: magpie ered with sand. Occasionally they were hai 'hai: Steller Jay; old people ate ed in a pot, but were less favored when so sai go: blue Jay; old people ate ked. hu-phu- pna: flicker; old people ate Shellfish.--The only type known for eating haa ki: old people ate the freshwater oyster (river mussel). When pana tat: redheaded woodpecker; old le, with meat inside, it was called ki'pus; peopl at ki: "speckled woodpecker" (pos- tshell itself, which was burned to combine sibly Nuttall's woodpecker) htobacco, was known as ke'wi. As a food the si~ 'cec redbreasted sapsucker; old bers were used only by the people near Wood- people ate 224 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS uc a J'ai: bluebird; too small to eat tu'ba: pinon nut cini'sa: Oregon towhee; too small to wa-p: cedar eat sana uap: fir tu mna: chickadee; too small to eat o paodra: yucca ("cactus") cu'i"na: Oregon Junco o b': yucca blossom stalks,' eaten muci'uoiJna: mockingbird ?, thrasher ? the bud. sagikiyi: goldfinch; "first sign of wo honaba: redwood spring" ye 'bip: tamarack, grew at Big Meado trotittsv: Audubon warbler? tsa tip: slippery elm so'o wi: pigeon; everyone ate napa- 'apa: alder ho "mona: valley quail; everyone ate soho pa: cottonwood ci pLt: mountain quail; everyone ate tanapo nipa: ash oi'oi 'ina: roadrunner; all ate but pa"sitap: willow winatum sUhuba: small willow saga Capa: kingfisher se' nowiyap: elderberry bush so so': little green heron wa ktts: blue crane Firemaking.--The Michahai and Waksachi ko dito: sand-hill crane made fire by striking and drilling. When t kurahvi: duck (kind?) rocks were struck, the sparks fell on a ti la la: geese of fine growth derived from oak trees (Span. huihuiWmus: pelican; flew by to and moss ?) or on rotten buckeye wood. The dri from lakes apparatus consisted of a buckeye hearth, sai ga: mudhen mountain-mahogany drill, and oak-growth ti Insects: mu' 'yim: fly cokoi 'ica: wasp Meals and Manners pee na: yellow jacket hu biwa: bumble bee Meals were eaten just after sunrise, a naraposta pe na: hornet noon, and just before sunset. The middaym ta beko'ot: "big stick bee"; kept honey was taken only by persons in camp and was in tree-bark crevices little more than the casual picking up and tsutsuThp: tarantula ing of already prepared food. A man going mu Ca: black widow spider from home would not take food with him unl Reptiles and water creatures: he were to be gone more than twenty-four ho wulu lu: brown lizard The occupations which took men away all day kumce 'ca: black lizard usually permitted them to return in the lat wasu"'i: a large "brush" lizard afternoon. When gambling and playing games, musi gi: rattlesnake men often became so absorbed that they woul paso go. water snake not stop to eat during the day. However, b kolo lki: King snake o. koko: bullfrog tween the two main meals, morning and eveni kuai aki: a small frog there was considerable eating of odd bits, a'natza na: water dog one wanted them, of such things as honey, ta lim: speckled trout pinion nuts, and cooked food left over from ebic: lake trout, not found in Wak- previous meals. sachi area, People never ate directly from a cooki po lhoi: sucker basket. The food was apportioned in smalle aiya go: a flat fish (perch?), not coiled baskets (fig. 3, Pt. I), which were gai ,hit: salmon, not found in Waksachi usually individual. Often two or three sma area children would share the food in a small ba ta kits: minnows or, in very poor families, adults might hav a nya: turtle do the same. The three middle fingers were Trees and shrubs: dipped into the mushes; gruels and soups we yh uapa:n pstu oak drunk from the edge of the basket; meat and pohue dopa: valley oak fish were torn apart with the fingers as th wi 'upa: black oak; the acorns of this cook had already hacked it up with an obsi made the "best" mush blade before putting it on to stew; jerked saksa ba: live oak and fish were usually cooked by boiling in tikai'ya: acorns of all oak species or baskets. a 'psoaba: manzanita The essence of hospitality was the se to nap: mountain mahogany (used for of food. The first person to recognize an plain bow) proaching visitor called to him to come and no jib': pepperwood (used for plain bow) Custom required that a visitor go first to tso poip: chaparral brush (ceanothus?) chief's house, wher h was gvn food; no wo haba: "Jack" pine cifshue hr ewsgvnfo;n pane 'wanip: sugar pine necessarily ate with him unless a meal wereA pone 'diwa: nut of sugar pine course. Then, unless he were a winatum who tu 'bap: "Digger" pine (pilnon) business kept him with the chief, he was ca GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 225 rom house to house. "He went the rounds and be worth noting that, in Michahai at least, ver declined" (S.O.). This procedure was not there is a special term for the coiling tech- llowed with persons whose intimate connec- nique, but none for twining; hence, li h'*li ons in a village took them there frequently. na (coil I [my coiled basket]) and ti "'i si na A person approaching a house shouted or (make I [any kind of basket twined or coiled]). therwise drew attention to himself. To ap- oach quietly was looked upon with suspicion. The Waksachi greeting used by B.O. was li 'iwa'Uhwa [one word]. This he claimed was Coiled ware.--l. o sa (Michahai, Wuk- i lwa'"n-a [ne or]. hishe laied aschumni, Waksachi). This is called "bank" in holly aboriginal although the translation is English, as money, sacred talismans, or any actically the "How are you?" of European sort of treasure was kept in them. D. said the ulture. The proper or expected reply was snake doc.ors kept their pets in these while in su mi naUnwa tsatsa'mo (all of us well, or captivity for the Snake Ritual (usually they tisfactory). were kept in cages of open-twined basketry). Any old man might be called [paternalJ 2. a"mat (Michahai), kacva'o (Wukchumni), cle" as a term of good-nature and esteem, a po (Waksachi). This was an individual eating h as Europeans call any greybeard "little and drinking dish. When made with curved sides, ndfather." it was used by women as a cap under the tump- During the evening, between supper and line. plete darkness, or after dark in the winter, 2a. pi kwo1 (Waksachi). The woman's ple sat around conversing. Some would be basket eap, according to B.O It was never saged in tasks such as acorn-shelling or pre- donned save for use under the tumpline. ing tobacco for the pre-retiring drink. 3. a oki (Michahai). A modern shape ey talked about their plans for ceremonies, which is said to have been invented to keep ting, or other occupations; particularly bread in; in English it is called "bread basket." D. was firm in her statement, which is corrobo- ortant were discussions of the seasonal rated by independent Wukchumni information, yes to other localities for fish, acorns, that it was never used for keeping acorns or eds, etc. Older people told stories, ex- any other purpose. Yet it closely resembles ained the nature of the world, and prescribed the large coiled baskets used for washing and duct for youngsters. This was the only as gifts at rituals. Water was kept in similar lns of instruction,- baskets for household use. During the evening young people would 4. koiyo"to (Michahai, Wukchumni). The 11 acorns while some old person told stories circular sifting tray, which was about two feet adventures. Stories were told only at in diameter. ht. S.O. recalls Etak and Wilolohi as es- 5. tai wan (Michahai). A circular ially fine entertainers. gambling tray used in the women'.3 dice game. The hand game was favorite evening enter- It might be two to three feet in diameter and *ment as it could only be played at night, was distinguished from the sifting tray by its reaS the women's dice game could be played more sharply curved sides and superior decora- Ly during the day. Twined ware.--6. po 'no (Michahai), Persons wishing to induce good dreaming tapono ci (Waksachi). This was the cooking id foregather at a house to drink of to- basket. The traditional and only decoration of co and lime. these was four horizontal bands of redbuid. The basic material was called taka ti (Michahai; sourberry, D.; chaparral brush, 3.0.). When seeds were stored in the house, they were put MANUFACTURES in baskets of this type and covered with a coiled flat traylike cover called utie'i Baskets (Michahai). 7. a nas (Michahai), wo- 'no (Waksachi). According to D. the basketry of the Micha- The burden basket, carried by tumpline on the and Waksachi was exactly like that of their back, was twined of takati and starched with ts neighbors. From other informants we soaproot (to'hod, Michahai) liquor. this to be true, yet it should be pointed 8. c'a phai (Michahai), ta myuk (Wuk- that a mutual exchange has brought this chumni), ta neho (Waksachi). This name was t. The Mono-type cradle of twined rods and used for the handled seed-be;ater or for a shaped shade has been adopted by the Yokuts, basket of the same shape without the handle. e the Yokuts circular coiled sifting tray The latter was used as a sieve or for any other l k ~~~~~~~~~~purpose for which it proved convenient. been taken over by the Mono in preference 8a. hA lg coaer unhandeda n | fr wn twned tianguar siting ray.8a. A larger coarser, unhandled variant heir own twined triangular sifting tray. of the above, also called cvaphai, was used ex- r a shapes and their uses were dis- clusively for catching and carrying fish. l Fished by D. and may be taken as typical 9. Cages of open twine weave were used to | all the foothill tribes, both Yokuts and house pigeons, rattlesflakes, and possibly other | jbetween Kings River and Tule River. They small pets. These had pointed bottoms, were l shown in figures 2 and 3, Part I. It may covered with a lid, and hung from trees. 226 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Pottery Cordage and Nets Pottery was well known to the Michahai Sinew cord (ta mowif w&t'b) was made on and Waksach'i; in fact, all informants thought by men. Sinew from deer leg and back was sa that "everybody" had it and that "all women" and dried. When wanted for use, it was soak knew how to make it.164 B.O. said the Eastern in water, then pounded between two stones. Mono had it also. The earthenware was called man often used his arrow straightener for th ki 'wts (clay) by Michahai and wi 'sowa (clay) by if he had one. The material was worked over Waksachi. There were no special names for with the fingers, smoothed, and finally sepa dishes of different shapes, all being called rated into filaments. merely big or little dish (wu"pi kiwts, wi ci To make cord used primarily for bowstri kiwts, Michahai; popai- wisowa, tici ti wisowa, and arrow tying three fine strips of sinew o Waksachi). All the ware was flat-bottomed and differing lengths were knotted together even straight-sided, and roughly pf three sizes, at one end. The knot was held in the left large bucketlike containers for boiling, medium and the three strands, well separated, lay o individual servlng dishes comparable to the the right thigh under the palm of the right individual serving baskets, and small somewhat hand. The first movement was toward the bod spherical dishes used as cups or scoops. The the left hand held the strands taut while th latter are probably not copies of European cups right hand rolled them up the thigh. The le since no handle nor curvature is ever attempted. hand then relaxed, which permitted the knot B.O. firmly stated that food was never eaten end to roll up. It was drawn tight again. directly from the clay dishes, always from right hand then rolled the string, which in baskets. D. and S.O. could not agree, but ad- portion between the two hands was now a sing mitted that baskets were the customary food 3-ply cord, forward down the thigh. This co dishes. Pottery was prized, and probably no pleted the cycle of movements which produced woman would trust the dishes in children's six to twelve inches of cord. The pressure hands. S.O. thought the average family would the right hand was not relaxed from start to have about two large cook pots and five smaller finish. The movement of the hand was not ones. straight back and forth. On the back stroke Men never made pottery but, if a man came was a rotating movement, the thumb side of t upon a good clay bed, he might take some home hand moving but slightly while the outside d to be made up (S.O.). There was an abundance scribed an arc. The forward stroke was stra of good clay at Tusao; women of 6itatu liked The next section of sinew was treated i to go to Daley's place for theirs. the same way. The left hand grasped the co The clay was tested between the fingers just above the point where the three strands for sand element (the binding), as no extran- separated. New strands were spliced, i.e., eous binding, not even free sand, was added. rolled in by overlappings, never knotted. As The clay was pounded while damp on rock with a the basic strands were of different lengths, special pestle, and when viscous was ready to only one need be spliced in at a time, which make up. The bottom was pressed out between not only was easier to handle but obviated e the palms (D. and S.O.), coiled (B.O.), into a cessive thickening in the cord. The strand. disc and the sides built up with additional be spliced was always placed in the center of coils. A little water was kept at hand to add the trio as they were rolled up the thigh. to the clay if it became too dry. The inside Milkweed string (wi sibtb wisi bi; milk- and outside were scraped smooth. The raw pots weed, wi"svibtb, Waksachi; ce',Michahai) was were left in the sun to dry all day, or even made only by women. B.O. thought this strin longer if necessary: they must be dry all the was all 2-ply, but was not certain. Milkweed way through before firing. These informants plants were laid out in masses on bedrock did not know of any "test" for predicting safe mortars to dry. The stems were then sprinki firing (see Wukchumni). Meanwhile wood was with water (not soaked) and pounded. The burning in a small pit so that it would be fibres were smoothed down with the fingers. thoroughly heated and partially filled with The rolling process for making it into string coals. The ware was heated at the fireside was exactly like that for sinew cord. before being put directly on the coals. More A coarser cord called sa'h&p (the Yokuts wood was drawn over the top and the whole left sa') was also made of willow bark by Waksachi to burn all nignt. A woman had to rise once or The carrying net (tapi'ha) and tumpline twice during the night to see that all was well. (ta 'wap) were made by women, said BO.., but No slip of mush or other material was applied were most used by men. Women carried the lin after firing (or at any time) according to over the head and in so doing used the coiled these informants (see Wukchumni). basket cap (pi kuoe) which they never wore a b___any other time. Men placed the line across 'iTh pottery-making process and pottery shapes are de- the chest and deltoid muscles. Any objects scribed and illustrated in Gayton, Yokuts and Western Mono which the net could contain might be carried Pottery-Makin. it. The material and process of manufacture GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 227 were identical with that of the Wukchumni. The ing partners but, when visitors were present, Eastern Mono used these nets when coming over it was usual for local and visiting groups to Fon trading trips, oppose each other. Ring and pole.--Two men would play this MONEY, NUMERAL SYSTEM game (ho'o tus, Michahai; na'a napai'S"t, Wak- MONEY, NUMERAL SYSTEM sachi) against each other. Each had his own All money came from the west through the ring and pole. The ring (wikiWno) was about iuAll money came fromht e west through the nine inches in diameter, of many strands of eium of trade. B.O. thought that the Tachi string bound with fine string; it was rather mselves made humana; the Waksachi retain the pliable -- neither stiff nor floppy. A player okuts name for this sleder tubular bead They picked up his ring with his left hand, tossed ere valued at about twenty-five cents each ac- it forward, and with his right hand pitched his ording to B.O.; S.O. said they came about ten pole after it. If the ring and pole came to ogr one dollar, or eight if they were extra rest in contact, it counted one; to pierce the og. The small clamshell discs (moco ko) were ring counted nothing. There was no limit on e eured Yokuts-style around the hand and wrist the score; the largest won: "players just ig. 14, e, f, Pt. I). This length was then stopped when they got tired" (B.O.). ubled and called a muke"tt, and valued at Pitching stones.--This game (nahai"witi pi- bout two dollars according to B.O. S.O.'s Luation is wholly different, five cents for ma) was usually played by two pairs of oppo_ aluation is wh y dnents. Two stakes were set up about thirty e around the hand and doubled (1 mukectt), feet apart. Each player had a flat stone which ncents. This is more in line with other cents. This is more in line with other he threw at the stake with a sliding underhand tatements. B.O. may have had the looped-up motion. It counted one to be nearest the stake, 's-length unit in mind, two if both partners' stones were nearer than When red and blue European beads were in- those of their rivals. All players stood at duced, these were measured by the handful, one end, pitching at one stake, then all at the ered being more esteemed. The red ones were ied pisa kono gidi, the blue ones silo mkai e Waksachi. Pitching poles.--This game (ai kas, Micha- hai; nahaiWwttho pima, Waksachi) was played like the one above with long poles pitched at Numerals (Michahai, S.0.) the stakes instead of stones. yet 15. vi ~um Dice game.--This was a woman's game yft 15. r cum (hutcu sa, both Michahai and Waksachi) and was 2pu noi 16. co`lum p7layed only during the day. During a mourning sso pan 7 no mcum ceremony four women would play against four -hatpa "na 18. mu'ne'um YitL sntl 19. no'npom visitors. This was the Yokuts game with only cu lipi 20. punoi- tsi'ao six walnut-shell dice cast on the tray, and no mc&n 21. punoi tsi'ao yet twelve counters for scorekeeping. Securing all mo no ~ 22. punoi tsi'ao punoi the counters won the game. B.O. gave the fol- no ntp 23. punoi tsi'ao sop&n, lowing count: two face up, 1; three face down, tsi'a o etc. tyica 3 etc. 1; all up or all down, 5 (S.O. said 2). yecam 30. soptn tsi'ao, etc. po ctom 100. yet pi'ca Hand game.--This game (hana osiko, Micha- co oum 1000. tsi'ao pica hai; naia'anwLt, Waksachi) was played any time ha cpan of day by both sexes; it was the favorite even- ing game. A pair of bones or short sticks, one marked by a string tied round it, was hidden in PLEASURES the hands, the hiding being done under a blanket. Twelve stick counters won the game, Games although this could be changed by common con- sent, e.g., all the counters could be won twice, The following games were played by the etc. achi. When a large number of people played, the Shinny.--This game (koniu'siko, Michahai; guessing progressed by pairs, that is, two ta kowLt, Waksachi) was played with a hole people had guesses at the same hiding, no ne end of the field and a post at the other. revelation being made on the first guess. If ball had to be holed five times, though not one was correct, it counted 1, if both, 2; but essively, in order to win. When the ball both had to be correct to secure the bones for struck to a partner down the field and did the guessers' side The marked bone was breach him, he had to come down the field to guessed for. iSt (i.e., the striker did not go after it). The hiders sang all together while the This was the favorite game for betting and guessers were deciding on their choice. The betting. Usually three or four men played tone was laughingly derisive and intended to s8ide. There was no special way of choos- confound the guessers. 228 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Musical Instruments flat disclike cake (ta 'kan), a round ball (unawa ra po nan. co "og), and little cyli Flute.--This (u'tac, Michahai) was made of (pulci na). elderwood (wise 'ta). It was about twelve to The little cylinder, hereafter referre fourteen inches in length and had four holes. as pulcina, had a perforation at one end so' The pith was removed throughout. The instru- could be worn on a string about the neck. ment was held vertically in front of the player, cording to B.O., if a man were cold when oiu but was played on one side of the mouth. To a hunting or traveling, a bite of pulcina wou good player one would say: ma pai yu u tau warm him. But B.O. laughed at the use of (you know-how to-play [anything]). pulcina as a "ghost-scarer" by the Wukch Whistle.--This (pu sac, Michahai) was made Tobacco was smoked by both sexes, tho from the shinbone of a "chicken" hawk; eagle only men carried pipes in their ear lobes. bone was never used for this. It was about favorite pipe was a cane tube (si ktl, Mic three inches long and had no reed. hai; ha obi, Waksachi) about three to four Cocoon rattle.--For this instrument inches long. The best cane was got at Pasi (ca'o'tc, Michahai) three or four cocoons of (John Crow's hollow, no. 28 on Local Map E)> the silk moth with pebbles inserted were tied One end of the tube was stuffed with a bit on a short stick. It was used only to accom- oak-fungus tender, then filled through the pany the Bear Dance and Shamans' Contest. other end with bits of tobacco shaved off a Clapper.--This (ta`ohtl, Michahai) was an . cake. The end with the tinder was then li elderberry stick some eighteen inches long, with a twig burned to live charcoal. The c split two-thirds of its length and the pith re- tube itself scorched and burned slightly as moved. It was held in the right hand and tobacco was consumed, yet would last throug flapped against the palm of the left, never least a dozen occasions, as a few puffs wer against wood or stone. It was the normal or all that were indulged in when smoking. A profane accompaniment to all dance singing. wooden pipe (su'kmai) of elderwood was aboui four inches long, somewhat conical, as itw shaped down toward the mouth end. The clay Tobacco pipe (wi nab') was a crude imitation of the wooden one. Neither S.O. nor B.O. had ever Tobacco plants grew abundantly in Eshom seen or heard of pipes of stone. Valley, particularly on burnt-over ground, but Both Michahai and Waksachi ate tobacco it was a poor variety, "small and dry." Most of mixed with lime to induce vomiting, which w the tobacco used by the Waksachi was bought thought to encourage dreams and insure good from the Wukchumni and other people to the health. The tobacco and baked freshwater south (B.O.). Only a few people knew how to oyster shells (ke'wi) obtained by trade fro prepare the plants for use, but the function Wukchumni and Gawia were pounded in a speci was not restricted in any way. small mortar and pestle (pl. 2, d herein). Both S.O.'s parents took on tobacco prepa- Then a little water was added to form a sou ration when they became elderly: it was a liquid. The mortar and pestle were passed favorite occupation of the old. Early in around among the participants, each person spring (March-April) they would go to the taking a lick or two of the liquid from the plants and pinch out the center tips "to make pestle. them grow bigger." This was the only care A second kind of lime [?] (hoso's&l), given the plants. When the leaves were yellow rock, was gotten out of the ground in Drum and about ready to drop off (about June), they Valley. This "turned to flour" when heated went out with large baskets and picked them; over live coals. The fire fan was used dur sometimes they pulled up entire plants. the process to keep the heat even. The leaves were spread out on a flat rock Among the Waksachi, men only took tobac to dry thoroughly. Then they were pulverized this way, but Michahai and Chukaimina women in a mortar hole kept exclusively for this dulged in its use. It might .be taken any tl purpose. Meanwhile the stems and roots, which of the year. Some men and women took it ev had been washed in running water, were boiled night: S.O. said he took it often, that is8 and the resulting liquid was stirred into the about once a week. The process was called, powder to form a paste. Sometimes "another pa'luwi voga'ni nim nahahi (pestle toba weed with a good smell" (S.O. could not identi- my eating), according to S.O., who gave toba fy or name it) was likewise pulverized and as so gan (Michahai, Chukaimina, Choinimni, added to the paste. Chukchansi), so'og (Waksachi, Wobonuch, Ho' The paste was shaped into round flat cakes kuma), and the growing plant as woi yan so (tapi 'put) or cylindrical ones (pultu 'kIn). As or woi en&c&n (Michahai). The mortar and pea they were making the cakes S.O.'s parents would were koi wts and pa lwi (Michahai) and koiwi say, tapa 'lin nim ti "is (flat mine rI) make), and pa'ha (Waksachi)(S.O. and B.O. respectis or, pultu'kus ni"&m ti'&s 8( round mine [I] The Eastern Mono (Yo"'ots) had tobacco' make). The Waksachi terms for shapes were: a which they smoked in wooden pipes. B.O. sai GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 229 hey had the custom of passing the pipe around An eclipse of the moon or sun is attribu- group so each person miOht take a few puffs. ted to Coyote's eating of the sun and is called thought "they had their own tobacco," where- by the descriptive phrase, kaiyu a'nahas a S.O. said they got it by trade from the opsu main (Coyote eat sun-our). During an stern Mono and Yokuts. Both are probably eclipse people ran out and shouted loudly, some orrect: the San Joaquin Valley tobacco no actually said, kaiyu om a nas (Coyote [do] oubt was desired as superior. not eat), or kaiyu om api - (Coyote Edo] not finish, i.e., leave some). Others said, lo 'lus tuna nuna (leave it alone; not literal). "When TIMES, NATURE, DIRECTIONS, SEASONS, BELIEFS they hollered this way, Coyote would let go." The Waksachi terms for eclipse of sun and moon The following times of day were designated respectively were: taraue - nawa rit and r conversational and practical purposes by ta Owu nawa rit. e Michahai: The following four seasons were dis- tinguished: pua 'kn, fall, acorn-dropping time upiu: daytime [October, November]; tomo ksiu, winter, cold up,iu :tidsi: sunrise [sun comes) approaching [December to February]; tisa miu, ci nao: noon [now means "dinner"] spring, green coming L[March, April]; haia lu, siwt "lsi: midafternoon [lit., "downing" summer, grass drying up [May to September]. "lessenini" referring to the sun] The months of May and June were spent in seed- niawa lci: sundown ["about gone," not gathering. In July and August the people went terally] , higher up into the mountains to get piinon nuts. toi'ansi: night, dark When they returned to the permanent village cu pao toi'an: midnight [lit., center, site, the mourning ceremonies were held in lfway between two points] toi niu: post-midnight September-October. Following this, the acorn tawa niu ti i dawn [lit., morning star crop was harvested, and the Bear Dance held es] about November. In February-March tanai- drinking took place, and in April the Snake The morning star, sun, moon, and water Ritual was seen in the neighboring Yokuts re all addressed with a prayerful statement villages. ich was standardized, the essence of which B.O. gave the following information in Wak- , "I am doing thus now, may I continue to do sachi terms, which parallel those given by S.O. I .t for the Michahai. A well-reared man or woman always rose be- re sunrise and walked out to speak to the ning star (tawan&c`) saying, "I'll see you Times, stars, nature: en you come out as long as I live." The new haa nos: before sunrise n (haca' main u'pus) was addressed like- motve sihop: sunrise se, "I see you at this moment. I'll see you tukita"wena: noon 1 the time as long as I live." The full moon motara"tahikup: sunset scalled hiiam wate"'esa upus main (now ure unus: after sundown arged moon our). totsoi 'idi: dark or fully night tara ue: sun The sun S.O. called upu8 main, the same tarowu: moon r as for moon, adding that the Wukchumni nasu mi te 'gi'up: stars, general; lit.., di opo lo main. "The sun goes up and comes "t all stars" always" (referring to its immutability). tapu ha: morning star ans of prestige got power from it which so '*so*: Pleiades y used when making airshot. The sun was te gi'up wa tseit: shooting star; lit., ressed at any time, as by a man off hunting, "star falling" would say, tnisa"n nan wan upus n&m(good na warit: added to sun or moon indi- ck] me give sun my). When the sun sets, it cated eclipse vels back under the earth at night, to the tuo,pade: sky to' uare: clouds t. The morning star "always comes ahead of u 'uare: rain sun to show people that the day is coming." paho nop: hail morning star "switches its place at certain nu'babi: snow s of the year and becomes the evening star pi 'btp: earth, dirt it is always called by the same name -- pasi wap: sand n&c or site'l i tawantc." When the morning patigui noba: mud comes the night rises "right up to heaven." tLp: granite The Pleiades are called goi yuma (young pahe ; soapstone bn) as elsewhere with the Yokuts, and the Directions: e story of their homosexuality and abandon- pite kimat: 3outh t;of their husbands is known to the Michahai quiwi : north [given as west by other Waksachi. Western Mono) 230 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS peda'wi: west by south and passed to a brother or son of the decea pana ri: east by north chief. To which relative it went depended hunwa re: wind, might be added after wholly upon the capacities of the possible any of the four above to indicate winds from cessor. Differences of opinion between S.O0 those directions . and B.O. may actually represent differences- Seasons: Yokuts and Western Mono culture rather than" ta- wano: spring (approximately Feb- crepancies of interpretation of their cult ruary to April); clover, greens, Jimsonweed S.O. claimed that, if the male line of a chl tasa wano: summer (May to September); ly lineage were exhausted so that there were rattlesnakes out; "all kinds" of seeds ripe neither sons, brothers, nor paternal nephew iu bano: fall (October and November); the chief to replace him, his daughter would acorns, pine nuts; deer hunting ton wano winter (Decmbe function as chief until her oldest son could to' wano: winter (December and January); take her place. S-O- said this was possibl men made string; women made pottery and baskets takhe e.eSyod si this was ily "because everybody in the chief's family wal Just like the chief [i.e., not only called B.O. insisted that four seasons were abo- tia'a but respected as such] . However, B.O. riginal divisions, as did S.O. Perhaps the stated that the office was never filled by a interpolation of a "fall" season, omitted by woman "because only a chief was called 'chi valley Yokuts, is climatically correct for the although all members of the family had Eagle mountain-dwelling peoples. ibuk [totem]." B.O. continued to say that, there were no male heirs in the chief's or h brother's lines (though there might be thro Beliefs and Miscellaneous Data daughters), the men of the village would con vene, select a man they believed suitable, The footprints of the Pleiades girls are up a sun of money for him, and offer him the in a rock pile called opo"do (Sun place) near position. A man so chosen was under no obli Aukland. There is one little rock which, if tion to accept. No positive genealogical or stepped on, will cause a rattlesnake to come anecdotal evidence was obtainable to support. out and bite the offender. either point of view. Eclipses are attributed to Coyote's eating The succession of chiefs at Tusao was a of the moon or sun. follows: Pa'o'oc (ca. 1870), Waksachi, then Rattlesnakes were admonished not to bite. son Koto btcL (Bill Tyner), and then the latt Some snake doctors, one of them was Pusl<n, son, Si wa (Tom Tyner), still living in 1927 told S.O. to say this every time he went out in Contemporaneously there was a Michahai chief March or April: "You get out of my way. As the father of Cite'sk, whose son did not suC long as I live, all the year round, you keep ceed him but whose grandson did; this was out of my way." Said S.O., "The rattlesnakes Wo tus (Tom Bacon, also known as Sipu Ja). heard this and would not come near you or bite The succession at the Waksachi village you." Citatu is shown in an already published gene A tarantula's bite was not seriously alogy.166 The order is from Wa nuk to his so poisonous, so B.O. was told by people of his Co'o po. Then to two of the latter's sons, grandparents' generation. They were not afraid first Ca'mu, then Wa'kLt, neither of whon to allow them to crawl on them and bite them, seems to have had children. A third son of and "to show off" a shaman would hold one on 6o,opo, Pala ha (the informant B.O.), was no his tongue and be bitten. The black spider mature enough at the time to assume the (mu ca, the Black Widow) was poisonous, and responsibilities of office. Consequently hi only a "big doctor," to show what power he had, parallel cousin on the paternal side, He lca would permit one to bite his tongue. was selected. When Helcap was approaching B.O. once swallowed a fly; this made him death he wanted his son, Claude Osborn, to very sick. An acquaintance of his, however, follow him as chief. But others wanted the would swallow them alive "Just to show that it office to return to the direct chiefly line, didn't make him sick." specifically to Palaha who was then a middle The Hewatsi were prehistoric malicious aged man. The age, dignity, and fine char- people who "killed on the spot." They were the acter of Palaha were the assets which deter- original owners of the sun, from whom it was mined him as chief in the minds not only of stolen-'65 remaining Waksachi but also of the neighbori tribes. In 1927 a few intimates of Claude 8 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION bornly insisted verbally on his chief tancy; a person of sound character, he probably ob- Officials tained it upon Palaha's enfeeblement or deat The secondary chiefs (tuye yi, Michahai The chief's (tia'a, Michahai; po'ginape, the Waksachi were said to have no special te Waksachi) office was inherited in the male line 165Cf. Gayton and Newman, 38, 32. '66Gayton, Yokuts-Mono Chiefs and Shamans, 419. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 231 ere "always picked out by the tia'a" (S.O.). trying to conclude just what animals were eir only function was to assist as financial lineage totems, S.O. thought over a number of onsors of mourning ceremonies or other cele- people, naming, as they came to mind, those ations for which much money was to be ex- whose posa he knew. He carefully distinguished nded. The chief supplied the major sum and between the lineage animal (posa) and the dream e secondary chiefs made up any deficit. The helper (ai n6c); when he knew the latter he econdary chiefs at Tusao appointed by KotobL6 named it. This list is given below. In the Bill Tyner) were Halo pea (Coyote Jim, a sha- Waksachi vocabulary of birds and animals given n), go'o k (Bob ----), and Hai kao (the in- by B.O. (pp. 223-224) is his identification of mant S.O.). The money they contributed was animals as lineage totems. It will be seen that iven to the chief, who had it distributed the creatures so functioning are definitely ong the reciprocal "washers" at the mourning limited. remonies. The winatum (na%tinab, Waksachi) had the At Tusao there was no one who had Snake e duties among Michahai and Waksachi as posa, and at 6itatu there was no Bear posam ong the Yokuts tribes. The Waksachi held whom S.O. or B.O. could recall. S.O. had never at Roadrunner (o i'o i') was the totemic heard of Fish as a Totem, nor were buzzard or bol of the winatum lineage, but admitted deer ever family symbols. Some people "might ye (he 'wi) as a secondary or equivalent totem. have had" Crow, but he did not recall any is means that a Waksachi messenger, while re- specifically. Weasel could be "a dream helper Ming Roadrunner as his patrilineally in- for anybody but he was never anybody's posa." rited totem, would yet not kill nor eat a Before human beings were here, i.e., in the ye, and might even say, "Dove is my ibuk," prehistoric animal era when Eagle was chief, ereas his children would not necessarily re- "Crow and Roadrunner were winatums along with ect Dove unless they took up a winatum's Dove. They all ran around and helped." The fice. Waksachi lean toward Roadrunner as the winatum's The winatum received payment for all his posa rather than Dove. rvices, both from the sender and receiver of message. When going about to announce a Of moieties S.O. knew practically nothing. urning ceremony he carried a cane which, ac- He said some Tachi had told him about "Eagle rding to S.O., was undecorated and about being Nutuwich and Falcon Tokelyuwich" [even ght feet long. this is wrong] but he "had never heard of any- body doing like that" [having two classes of people]. He insisted that neither the Waksachi, Lineage Totems Wobonuch, and Chukaimina nor the Michahai had any moiety arrangement. About the Choinimni he The animal associated with a family line, "didn't know." trilineally inherited and venerated, was lied in Michahai posa, in Waksachi, ibuk. The People married without regard to totemic ciprocal word posam, for the person who had animal relationship; the degree of blood rela- e posa was frequently on S.O.'s lips. In tionship was the determining factor. rson Tribe Totem Dream helper miset, winatum Michahai Dove od&t Waksachi Eagle ailat Entimbich (?) Dove --- a, chief Entimbich Eagle --- (?) Eagle anuc Wukchumni Eagle --- us Entimbich Eagle i Entimbich Bear --- falo Bill," Wobonuch Dove, Roadrunner messenger umn Choinimni Dove --- (?) Eagle a, I Wobonuch Eagle --- Jal (?) Dove --- olohi Wobonuch Eagle Cougar (for hunting) na Wobonuch Bear Bear (for dancing) 'ac Entimbich (?) Eagle --- Waksachi Owl--- opea Waksachi Owl-- aha Waksachi Eagle Cougar (hunting) pug, singer Wobonuch Fox-- l&l&n, shaman Chukaimina Snake Coyote 232 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Redemption of Totem Animals, Aerie Ownership accepted, he took the bird down'67 and was a paying ceremony as described above (see Wukchumni, Tachi). The purchasing chief c Ritualistic payment was tendered for the keep, resell, or free the bird at his will killing of eagles, falcons, bears, and occasion- Accessible eagle and falcon aeries we ally coyotes. owned by chiefs,168 and the young birds tak Eagle.--Eagles were not often killed al- from them each year. S.O. described the p though, according to both B.O. and S.O., it was cedure of his father, KLlmi set, winatum, not thought dangerous to do so, nor was it the chief, Pao'ct, at Tusao. necessary to have permission from the chief if the eagle were a stray one. An eagle known to In the rocks on the steep hillside abe belong to a chief's aerie would not be killed. TuIao there was a kini hawk's (Duck Hawk, However, said S.O., "When a man killed an eagle, peregrine falcon) nest. The young hatched he took it to a chief -- Eagle is chief." The about March. Each spring the chief and his chief then sent out word, and everyone, regard- winatum went to get them. Although Pao'L6 less of his posa, came to make a payment to the an old man, it was he, rather than the wina hunter. The chief contributed a larger sum K&lmiset, who climbed down over the edge of than the rest, but it was he who came into pos- bluff He had a rope of ho' tied around hik sesson f te bid ad kpt r sod is vlu-waist, and KtLlmisvet stood above, holding th session of the bird and kept or sold its valu- other end. The nest was in a crevice about able parts. The head, skin, and leg bones had forty feet below the top of the rocks and a ceremonial uses as talismans of supernatural one hundred feet above the little valley bo power: the head as it was, the skin for its When Pao "c reached the nest he Jerked the down, and the bones for whistles [sic). Wing as a sign that he was safe. He had a deers feathers were used on arrows. (The same parts in which he wrapped the one or two small bi of falcons were similarly used.) When the and put them on his back in a carrying net slung from his shoulders. The old birds us chief resold these items, he made a slight ly came back, scolding and making feints at profit. Both S.O. and B.O. agreed that neither intruder. Then the chief would talk to the Michahai nor Waksachi honored the carcass with birds, telling them what was to be done with a special burial in earth or water. their children, how they were to be honored;t and so on. At the same time he would be Live eagles and falcons were the subject callin~ upon his supernatural powers for ai of redemption more often than were dead speci- "Pao'Lc was helped by all his ain&c." Then mens. B.O. said people would get young eagles old man would Jerk the rope and K&lmiget wou to rear in order to sell them eventually to help hoist him up. chiefs. "When a chief heard of a person having - one somewhere he would send his winatum to have it brought over." As soon as the day of its The little falcons were too young to fl it brought ~~~~~~~off. They were kept in the house for a whil arrival was known, the chief ordered all the bu a They grewkbigger the were put o in people with Eagle ibuk (poa, totem) to as- near-by trees where they sat or flew off a semble. They came dressed in their best, stood little as they pator and ofmia little as they pleased. Pao'scv and KLlmisvct in a long line, and danced while the eagle was ou v held by its owner. A blanket was then put on "h to d " the ground and the bird set upon it. The chief the birds." There was another hawk's nest about a who was redeeming the bird had a large basket quarter-mile farther up the canon. This was of beads and perhaps a rabbitskin blanket or tua'kini', "who went off at night but stayed. other valuables. The other people filed past ta the bird, each one throwing down a handful of home all day,"'69 but its young were not beads on the blanket. Finally the chief put Bear.--Bears were given ritual redempti down his basket of beads and gifts and took up but only members of Bear lineages were-call the bird saying, "That is my ibuk." The form- upon to pay- When the headman of a Bear lin er owner then took up his pay. There was no age, who was usually an elderly man who had weepiwng then took up his pay. There was no quired dream power from Bear (i.e., he was n merely a plain lineage member] learned that The eagle was then kept "by the chief and bear had been brought in to a village, he as his family as long as it wanted to stay." It sembled his people. The head, paws and claw was fed fresh raw meat daily. B.O.'s father had one: it would go off each year and come 167The route was usually downward, i.e., plainwards, back for a while; finally it never returned. the eagles were more prized at a distance from the hill For the same procedure with living birds, 168I failed to discover how these were inherited, wh S .0. stated that "when the birds were grown they went with the chiefly office or to a natural heir they were given [sic] to some neighboring chief, was not necessarily the succeeding chief. like Wukchumni or anywhere." When the owner '697he identification of tua 'kini~ is uncertain; asE was ready to dispose of his bird, he sent his hero in Eastern Mono mythology he equates with the Yoki* winatum to notify the chief whom he had deter- Falcon who may be either the Prairie Falcon or Duck Ha mined upon as the recipient. If the offer was The true night hawk is not supposed to occur in Califo1 GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 233 d skin of the animal were laid on a blanket, waist and over the abdomen, and gave her a cup d the Bear posam formed a line and threw of hot medicine made by boiling kicena 'os'a'70 in ney on the blanket as they filed by. However, water. e Bear headman received only the paws or In case of difficult birth a shaman was aws. The animal's head and teeth were thrown called. He talked to his supernatural helper, ay. The hunter himself still retained the pressed his patient's belly, rubbed it with his arskin which he might give, but could not talisman and blew on it. No singing, dancing, 11, to a Bear posam; he could not give it to cutting, or sucking was done. Usually a woman yone else (S.O.). But according to B.O., the called on her own supernatural helper on such in was sold or could be obtained by the Bear occasions: it was chiefly for such purposes adman through the redemption process. In that women sought power. Informant D. referred ther case the hunter kept the carcass, the to the Wukchumni M.L.'s power in aiding child- at of which he was free to eat or give away. births. Bear cubs were sometimes reared, but they The shaman was the only man present. The re never given a ritual redemption as were husband, at the time of delivery, moved out to ung eagles. They could be sold to anyone, sleep at the sweat house and have his meals ually westward to plains people. B.O. him- with some relatives until his wife had her lf once had a little cub which he "took away cleansing ritual. Some men observed a meat f and turned loose when he was big enough to tabu during this time. ok after himself." At the birth of the child the midwife cut Coyote.--Coyotes were rarely killed. But its cord (dos) with a section ot split cane killed coyote could be taken to a man of a (kadk&d) and tied the stump with milkweed yote lineage, and some money would be given string. The afterbirth was buried; it was return The skin might be used for a Coyote never put in water or in an anthill.'71 The own costume, but was not valued otherwise. baby was bathed at once in warm water. It was idently coyote redemption was not a regular then wrapped in a rabbitskin blanket and bound actice and, possibly because of its rarity as to a forked-stick cradle (akht 'l&c). The use lineage animal, was not a profitable one for of a soft mattress-cradle was denied by D., as e hunter. was the use of shredded bark, moss, or any Naturally, no killer was totemically at- other type of diaper. ched to the animal killed. Also, for all The navel stump came off in three to six temic animals except the bear cubs, the re- (theoretically six) days. It was put in a bead- emers felt it incumbent upon them to honor decorated skin case and hung on the cradle hood eir dead totem by the ritual payment. for the infant to play with. If the stump were not kept, the baby would crawl around on the ground searching for it and would never learn LIFE CYCLE to walk. It was preserved throughout life "for good luck." Birth and Infancy A hot bed of stones and ashes had been prepared for the mother in her own house and on There were no definite observances or pro- this she lay, covered with deer and rabbitskin xiptions during pregnancy. Some women ate blankets for six days. She lay on her back (D.). ly soft food as a matter of personal prefer- Each day, either in the morning or evening, she e. Some avoided doing heavy work, such as steamed the vaginal tract. Brake fern (to'odi) nding acorns, during the last months. If was boiled in a big basket of water. The woman prospective mother's residence were patri- sat on the edge of a log, or on a stick resting cal, the mother-in-law might do her work for between two forked stakes, with the steaming if she were at home, one of her sisters basket between her legs. She covered herself ht do all her work (S.O.). A woman who felt and the basket with deer and rabbitskin k did not have to work, relatives of her own blankets, and remained until the steam was ex- ily would help her (D.) But D. added that hausted. The process of steaming was called re was no rule for this: convenience and te "'ena osita, and was not used for any other cumstance determined the behavior of all purpose by anyone (D.). sons concerned. For six days, while on the hot pit, the A pregnant woman was referred to as 6an mother drank copiously of hot water and acorn ip nus (will be baby E?)), and the act of gruel, her only sustenance. After that she ate ing birth was called axt disi. The woman seed and acorn mushes but kept the meat tabu ined in her own house where she lay on her for three months, when her cleansing ritual k on a bed of mats during delivery. Two took place. A woman who failed to observe the -es to which she clung were driven into the ____._____-__ xund on either side. Usually she had one 170A tall plant with purple blossoms growing abundantly Xn assistant who might be any knowledgeable in the moutains. le relative of her own or husband's family. 171But D. said the Yaudan^,hi put the afterbirth in an Bs midwife pressed the parturient around the anthill; and had heard of others who did. 234 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS meat tabu would either grow very fat or become the new clothes on her, and any other orna emaciated (D.). Eating meat made the woman which she already possessed. This washing sick, "her insides weren't clean" (s.o.). purely ritualistic, as the woman had bathed The mother could not scratch herself dur- that day, as usual, after rising from the h ing the six-day period. pit. The meat was cooked and they all, inc The tabu period was strictly enforced for ing the father, partook of it, The woman'sa the first child, but was lightened progressive- parents gave the man's parents "about two Sa ly with later offspring. Thus, according to of acorn meal" (S.0.); gave them acorn meal S.O., the tabu period on meat was three months blankets (D.). The parents-in-law (ma ksi) for the first child, two months for the second, stayed all day; they never quarrelled, were three weeks or one month for the third. There- always congenial. People came to see the after it was a matter of choice with the mother, mother and her infant, but there was no Si but rarely was the tabu abandoned entirely. dancing, or playing of games. After this Usually no meat was eaten by the mother until ritual the man and wife could sleep together the infant's navel stump came off. Even under The cradle (akhtltc), as described by modern conditions a mother refuses meat from had a forked stick as foundation. Across t two to five days after her delivery. were tied with sa' cord several horizontal.. The naming of the child took place about pieces of split wood. On top of this was twelve days after its birth. Until that time, fastened a stiff mat of twined "chaparral b and often for a month or two after, it was (i.e., the normal Mono-type stiff cradle bac called a'ktac (S.O.); called we c'p if a boy, Down each side were a series of buckskin tho and wi tep if a girl (D.). Personal names were loops to carry the string band which held t used in direct address from two months on baby in place. When the baby was about six through life (S.O.). Normally the name was be- months old, a shade of twined "chaparral bru stowed by the paternal grandfather or some in- of the fan-shaped Mono type, was affixed to fluential person on the father's side (D.); by cradle (pl. 2, b herein). the paternal uncle, grandmother, or great aunt The baby was first wrapped in an old pi (S.O.). "The mother's family had nothing to of deerskin or rabbitskin blanket with shred say" (S.O.). The name was often that of the willow bark, usually the remains of old apro paternal grandfather, paternal uncle, or aunt. laid in as an absorbent. Over this was wrap D. insisted that only one name was given and another blanket of rabbitskin or a single wi that no other was used after the death of the cat skin. The outer wrapping was omitted in elder namesake, but this did not hold true for warm weather. the Waksachi, as the Western Mono frequently have two names at least. The naming ceremony was called duni 'sa, the general word for ceremonies; the ceremony Puberty was the same for a male and female infant. The grandfather, within the house and with the parents and parents-in-law present, announced When a girl's breasts grew large enough the name. Outside the house the grandfather for some milk [sic] to be exuded, she stoppe had a dancer who sang and danced (D. could not eating meat; otherwise she would have large say what about). The step was the piston-rod breasts. (D. pointed out a fat young girl w movement with the right fist placed under the was the result of modern carelessness in thi left elbow and vice versa, alternating with respect.) She must then begin to use a scra each step (fig. 8, a, Pt. I.). Everyone came ing stick on her head, as her hair would bre to watch. A Wobonuch named Paila la, who lived off and be short if she touched it with her at Sohonto tKo'onikwe] was noted for dancing on fingers. These observances were continued these occasions. His activities were the same to and through a girl's first menstrual perl for a boy or girl baby. D. was uncertain and at the two following. There was no sepa whether or not the baby was moved into the rate hut for menstruating women; they did no twined willow cradle with fan-shaped hood at cook, and intercourse was forbidden. Bathi this time; S.O. said it was, but probably this followed the period. was done at the mother's ritual. On the occasion of the first period a The mother's cleansing ritual (epla hot little cleansing ritual (epla osa.) was made unu"malou, washing daughter-in-law) took place the girl's parents. She was first washed in' the third moon after her delivery. On the the river or creek, then taken home where sh morning of the day set, the mother-in-law (and was ritually washed from a basket. A new de sometimes her sisters)172 came to the mother skin apron or such ornaments as the family with a washing basket, a set of new clothes, could afford were put on her, and she was gi and a quantity of meat. They washed her, put meat to eat. There was no dancing or singi ____________ ~~~~~~on this occasion, although it was not prohib 172The Inffant 'B paternal grandmother and aunts, as it ed in any sense. Neither was there any be- were. trothal or association with a youth. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 235 Marriage The husband was termed loto pntm (my hus- band), the wife, or any woman with whom a man With respect to marriage, S.O. said that had intercourse, yiiwtn. There were no changes type of cousin marriage was tolerated, but in these terms after the birth of children. usins were not "counted" beyond second While chiefs often had two wives simul- usins, sometimes third, depending on pro- taneously in the same home, most men did not. inquity of residence; beyond third it would be Sterility was the most usual reason for taking 11 right to marry." Both the levirate and a second wife, but sterility was rare. If on rorate were common but not compulsory. Usual- the advent of a second wife, the sterile wife a spouse waited five or six years before re- "got mad and went home," the man let her go. rrying; "they would die right away if they The majority of spouses, male or female, were rried too soon." not overly concerned if the husband or wife had At Tusao the advances toward a marriage relations with others. re made by a boy's parents. They talked When quarrels arose, the maksi acted as out it, discussing suitable matches for their peacemakers but, if they failed in their at- n. The girl must not be related in any way: tempts to make a reconciliation, they remained usins never married. A similar totem animal, on good terms. They did not return any of the wever, was no bar to marriage. When a de- prenuptial gifts. A definite divorce was sion had been reached, the boy's parents (or called wai'Lksina. When a husband went off to metimes only the father) would take a present live with a woman other than his wife, it acorns and visit the girl's parents. They might be termed katnusu sya (quarrelling [hus- esented the gift, saying that they wanted to band and wife]). maksi (co-parents-in-law) with them and have The Waksachi B.O. said that parent-in-law e girl for a daughter-in-law. After a visit tabus were not practiced and he laughed at the scussing casual affairs, they went home. idea, but his statement is not compatible with out six days later (S.O. was not sure how opinions of other informants. He also said ny, "a week maybe") they went back to the that a payment was made by a boy's parents to rl's home. If their proposal had been ac- those of the bride, at marriage, but he could ted, they were given a little feast by the not define the amount or procedure. A girl was rl's parents. Then the parents consulted seldom married against her will, and afterward, eir children and, it was said, the couple "if she couldn't stand it," she went back to e usually agreeable. Such arrangements were her parents, taking her children with her. de when the children were between ten and Residence was usually patrilocal, but the hteen years of age, though "a boy wasn't couple had their own house near their parents- ten so old." They did this because "they in-law. dn't like to have their children go way off The Waksachi married among neighboring ,marry." people to the north, south, and west. But they When all was settled, the maksi exchanged never married with Eastern Mono, even when a fts, which might comprise beads, baskets, family or two of that group, having come for orn meal, or skins. There was no gift from trading purposes, stayed on the west slope all e boy's family in excess of those from the winter. The reason, B.O. said, was "that they l's, "they were Just even." The boy himself didn't want the yo"'otc coming over here to not have to bring any gifts. stay."'74 The only trans-Sierra marriage B.O. The boy slept with the girl in her home knew of was that of X's son who got into about one week (S.O.). He was "bashful" trouble stealing horses, fled across the moun- did not s-peak with his parents-in-law. Then tains, and settled there. couple went to his home where they could re- B.O. corroborated S.O.'s statement that n if they wished, but more often they soon persons with the same totemic animal could oved to a home of their own. The choice of marry, but said that cousins, even second or idence depended largely on the space availa- third, could not marry. A man seldom had more in the boy's home. The girl returned home than one wife, but B.O. thought "people to the quently for short visits, her husband some- north" had three or four. HIe cited M.L.'s es accompanying her. She gathered seeds stepfather (Wukchumni) as a man with two wives. m her mother's seed localities. She, too, There also was a Yaudanchi doctor who had two bashful and did not talk with her parents- wives; they were not sisters. He thought the law.173 Wukchumni had plural wives more often than the Waksachi. The sororate and levirate were com- monly practiced by the Waksachi, but were not '3s.O. could give no more specific behavior between obligatory. ldren- and parents-in-law. Although he gave some 200 onal names in genealogies, he "could not remember" his her-in-law's name. Because Of his blindness he remained _______ her home many years after his wife's death; he spoke of l7-*This sentiment is amusing since the Western Mono pre- * years with her with considerable affection and related sumably came from the same source, evidently not many gen- ceam pertaining to her. erations back, and probably by the sane filtering process. 236 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS The Transvestite moa bi hu'u pi na nop: girl twelve to. twenty years old The male transvestite (tono ctm, Michahai; moa bi ti 'kinana: young man twenty to tai yap, Waksachi) handled and buried the dead forty years old (see below). Of actual persons, D. knew of hu'u'pi tu"amoge: young woman having only two; she denied acquaintance or knowledge borne children of their names. One of these transvestites years old lived with his sister, but D. believed no sex- moa'bi nana pi'ep: woman forty to six ual irregularities could be imputed to this ar- years old rangement. A male berdache took up women's moabi moabh ltp: old man activities in earliest youth, learning to cobk moabi hube c'i'EP old woman and to make baskets at the same age a girl would ("probably along with his sisters"), Death which would be from five to six years, too young to be influenced by dreams. The inform- When a person was seen to be dying, peo ant did not know whether or not a normal indi- gathered about and old women began weeping. vidual would change his habits in later life at winatum or possibly "just any person" would the instigation of a dream helper. This would notify relatives in other villages to come a seem unlikely, as there was no compulsion to soon as possible. All the mourners remained accept a dream. In other words, the transition near the corpse, weeping throughout the nig from male to female habits was too early to be Meanwhile, the dead person was washed, dres dream-influenced, but later on a transvestite in his best clothing, and wrapped in a rabbi might have dreams to impel him to the duties of skin blanket. Then the body was flexed, kn undertaking. to chin, wrapped in deerskin, and tied with The corpse-handler's dream help always cord. In the meantime, grave-diggers (luk came from dead people, "that is why they were Michahai) were excavating a pit with sharpe not afraid of the dead." Not having experi- sticks (afci) and baskets. They did not fea enced such a dream, D. did not know who these to step into the grave. This service was n dead were, but she thought they would be paid for. specific deceased individuals, not unknown dead Cremation.--The informant (S.O.) had n or transient ghosts. seen cremation, but knew that it was practi The transformed male accompanied women on just before his time. He thought that alllt their seed-gathering trips, was freely ac- "people up this way" (Chukaimina, Michahai, cepted, and his status was no secret. There Entimbich, Wobonuch) used cremation before were perhaps two or three in a large village. white influence was felt. The discussion above applies only to male At the time of death a winatum was tol transvestites. The woman berdache seems to get a great amount of dry wood. (S.O. did have functioned only in homosexual practices; know how the wood was arranged.) Early the she did not openly take up men's ways, go about following morning the corpse was placed on with men at their work, or have any official pyre and burned. Possessions were burned a duties. A male tonoctm figures in a myth told this time, but after the change to intermen by S.O. In all versions of the Pleiades story they were reserved for the Annual Mourning the young wives are homosexual, though some in- mony. After the fire had cooled, the bones formants attempt to hide the motivation. were collected and placed in water. While B.O. described the corpse-handlers S.O. believed that, when cremation was as "big women" and gave taiyap as their name or practiced, the bereaved immediately forgot title, he denied the presence of berdachism in their loss. He thinks that the Annual Mou' his culture. Ceremony has been adopted to counteract the sorrow that lingers when the deceased are buried. In'connection with this S.O. gave the Waksachi Age Categories (B.O.) following phrases: tu lsu mai (burn person na na hua civi: newborn boy cremation); luku lsu mai (bury person, into hu pi hua cici: newborn girl ment); mai tao'i ci (person'dead); puco n na naci: boy about two years old tao'i ci (man dead); mutiihoi tao'ici (wo si'i saci: girl about two years old dead). hua wuha na naci (or si'isa i): twin boys Burial.--According to S.O., these same. (or iirls). Twins of opposite sex B.O. said he men, or sometimes women, carried the corpse had 'never heard of"'; he seemed mildly shocked the grave: a man carried a man, a woman a at the idea. no t 1 na naci: boy five to ten yearS old woman. When doing this, they were called hu'u pi mo nanop: girl five to ten years so noluc (tawatsa sonolu, dead to carry). old They were paid for this as a separate servix moa bi na 'nop: youth twelve to twenty The corpse was removed from the house by thg years old normal entrance. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 237 Burial took place the morning after deathY75there see the new spirit coming; they go to All the mourners followed the corpse-carrier, welcome him and lead him to his relatives' fire. alking slowly. As the body was.let into the Games and dancing are in course everywhere. But grave, in sitting posture facing north [sic], when the morning star rises, everything dis- the carrier made an address accompanied by appears until dusk, when it becomes visible ails from the onlookers., again.76 * "You will never see this person again. his poor old man is gone. Don't worry too Mourning.--The house in which death oc- ch, Just take it easy." And to the corpse's curred was always abandoned; although it was -Bpirit, "Don't bother anyone. You're gone. not invariably burned, no one else would move ow go!" into it. The former inmates built themselves Women, and some men, were afraid of the a new house, not necessarily far off -- "fifty ost. feet maybe." Mourning observances were main- Then all the deceased's possessions -- tained by bereaved spouses, parents, or off- lothes, bows and arrows, or baskets -- were spring; siblings, cousins, grandparents, or t in the grave. Then everyone took handfuls relatives-in-law did not observe them unless earth and filled it in. When all was done, the circumstances of life -- propinquity, or e corpse-carrier announced, "Go home!" And physical or emotional dependence -- had brought 11 went directly and briskly home: it was them abnormally close to the dead person. TAe sential that there be no deviating nor loiter- length of time mourning endured depended again ng on the way. There was no purification by on the degree of bereavement. A widow was ex- e mourners or corpse-handlers. pected to mourn a year, a widower but three All the duties connected with the burying months, as minimal periods. Usually a small the dead "went in families," according to personal ritual ended deep mourning, so to say, .0. The corpse-handlers were called, generi- after three to six months, but spiritual mourn- lly, tonoctm, and ghosts of the dead were ing and the meat tabu, continued until the eir totems. However, both S.O. and B.O. large annual tribal mourning ceremony was held. ought that the individuals themselves were The observances of mourning were as fol- t transvestites. It appears that both men lows. The hair was singed off close to the dwomen worked at the same time and the work- head with a hot charred stick; the hair was al- s, at least in washing and carrying the body, ways disposed of in water and weighted down re of the same sex as the deceased. with a stone, never buried nor burned [reason Afterworld.--A dead person's spirit is unknown to any informant] . Dirt was allowed, lled tawa"tsan i'ntl (Michahai), tso'ape even encouraged by the use of pitch, to accumu- aba'wa (Waksachi). This may be equated with late on the face and body; only the hands were u1 or ghost, as a person has but one spirit; washed. No meat or grease might be eaten, al- is the same entity which has dream experi- though yellowjackets'nests (tabu to pregnant ces and is, during life, vaguely located in women) were admissible as food. No visiting e heart. The following was related by S.O. was done save among relatives, and attendance at any ceremony was unthinkable. A brooding The spirit lies in the ground two days and attitude was maintained, and old women frequent- night, then on the second evening it leaves ly released their melancholy in wailing outside t after sundown. It goes west, far beyond the village at dawn and dusk. sight Cit does not go up]. There is one Verbal observances by others who were not tle road to go. Far, far away he reaches a themselves mourners were: a tabu on the name e expanse of water. Now he is getting close of the dead person, the changing of one's name the dead. Here, on this side is one big if it were that of the deceased, and the chang- jef (tia'a) sitting in his house. The chief ing of kinship terms for relatives connected ls the traveling spirit in and asks him with the speaker through the deceased. The re he belongs. When he learns his tribe, he the spae hog the asd.i the ls him where he will find his dead relatives changing of one's name was not a difficulty, as friends when he reaches the land of the only one person in a family -- usually a pa- d (tibt 'kn"C). ternal grandchild, grandnephew, or grandniece -- There is a little bridge that goes clear could possibly have it. The change need not be over the water -- a long, long bridge. permanent, as the tabu was lifted after the n the spirit is far out on it, a water Annual Mourning Ceremony. Furthermore, a ature flashes up to scare him; if the spirit change could be made by phonetic distortion, as frightened, he will fall in the water never in kinship terms, if one did not wish to take a recover. But if he pays no heed to the ature, he will reach the far shore where wholly new name. Nicknames were often coined y fires can be seen burning. People over and applied at such times. 17Adeath occurring at or after midnight would call for 176At this point S.O. volunteered the "Orpheus Myth" in Lal, not the next, but the next-after-next, mornling, order to explain to me how the nature of the afterworld ., roughly 241 to 36 hours elapsed between death and dis- was known to man ( see Gayton, Orpheus Myth; Gayton and 1. Newman, 35). 238 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS "Little Mourning Ceremony".--This rite first giving them money, the women followed (wi 'ci luni sa) marked the cessation of mourn- giving acorn meal or berries. The singers ing. WJhen a mourner felt that he had observed large baskets with them to receive these th the full restrictions sufficiently long, he Then the mourners "sang loud and dance told his chief that he wished to end them. The around in a circle. Some had effigy dolls chief usually agreed, merely asking the mourner this little fandango." These, and any rema if he had funds for the expenses entailed. A ing possessions of the deceased, were thrown day was set for the ritual, usually six days the fire. They were not given to the washer ahead, and the chief's winatum was sent to (as at the "big" ceremony). notify the persons who should come to do the Next morning, Just after sunrise, the ritual washing. The washer(s) was always a washer or washers took baskets of hot water certain person, for the function was reciprocal washed the mourners "all over" and put new between certain families of differing tribes.177 clothes on them. They also presented them! The concept is one met before in connection meat, which the winatums took to prepare for, with the Wukchumni, but oddly S.O. did not general feast. There was no dancing or othe recognize the term gu"'i, used by them (and by festivity at this time. At the end, the mo B.O.), saying he "had never heard the word." ers, assisted by a contribution from the Chi How this reciprocal relationship came to be gave a sum of money to the washers and their established he was unable to say: it had al- companions. The visiting chief "got about ways been so. Both B.O. and S.O. mentioned the three or four times as much money as the oth Wukchumni as properly reciprocal to the Wak- Usually a little mourning ceremony of sachi, and said that the Entimbich also func- kind lasted but one day and night, but its tioned in this capacity for both Michahai and length differed with the wealth or the desi Waksachi. for display of the bereaved. Sometimes the When the winatum arrived at the village of affair would last four or five days, i.e.,t the washers, he went directly to the chief, who burning and washing were postponed while the took his cane (carried only when announcing a singers sang each morning. (Meanwhile the mourning ritual) and gave him food. The mes- guests had to be fed and the singers must be' sage was then given to the chief, who in turn paid that much more.) If it was thought tha sent his own winatum to get the persons wanted there would not be a "big" tribal ceremony [washers]. The washers and their companions during the forthcoming year, the "little" o decided upon what day they would start for the was made more elaborate. ritual. When the winatum was ready to depart, There was no money exchange for interes the chief paid him a small sum (roughly the (lak&na'n&c) connected with the smaller rit equivalent of 50 to 75 cents) and gave him some save as the mourners might have to borrow mo little seed cakes and other tidbits of food to privately to meet the expense. take home (for himself). The winatum also re- ceived back his cane which the chief had taken from him, but in so doing, he paid the chief a SUPERNATURAL POWER AND SHAMANISM trifle (about 25 cents). Then he left and, when he reached home, he reported to his chief Training and Practice "and told the peo-ple to get ready." When the washers came, they were accompa- nied by their chief, a winatum, and any members The acquisition and uses of supernatura of teirfamiy o frindswho are tocme. power were so well understood by S.O. that of their family or friends who~ cared to come. could readily formulate the following state- This group was encamped in shelterserected for ment. There are some interpolations from them and fed throughout the entire visit. Pro- and D. I think it is safe to assume that S. fessional singers (ahe'nLc) secured by the account can serve for the culture of all the local chief came to the fire in the assembly Central Foothill tribes: it enlarges, but i space in the early morning and sang mourning no way contradicts, the statements of less songs. They used no accompaniment. There knowledgeable and intelligent informants. might be two to four of these, and eventually made it clear, as had others, that the distM they received pay. tion between a common person with a little During the day the local chief would give privately used power and the professional a speech, saying why people were assembled, public shaman was one of quantity of power., that So-and-So had been mourning for a dead procedure for acquiring power was the same person, but that his mourning was now to cease. all: the ambitious person continued his ef- The bereaved person cried in response, and forts and strove for dreams of more and sta often some of his family too. These mourners er supernatural helpers (e.g., Cougar, Eagi then walked over to pay the singers; men went Coyote, Owl) than the person who was contenf- 177s.o. offered as an example his nephew ("Tom Tyner and with one or two dreams of lesser helperas(e.g all his famly"k), who always has a Wukehumni of Falcon Blackbird, Night, Fox). This, of course, di lineage to wash him [siC] when mourning. The Wukchumni was not apply to women who might and did acquire always [?] To'pino (Jim Britches). "private" power but never became professio GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 239 ctors. S.O. said he had "never seen or heard the dreamer and will be used henceforth for all a woman doctor." There was no shamans' time. [See dreams recorded below.] lass or society or form of initiation. 6. Return to bed, but do not sleep under There was no difference between prepara- any circumstances. ion for doctoring (shamanism) and ordinary 7. Get up in the morning as usual, but do eeking of power except that of the amount of 8. Select some secluded spot outside of fort expended. Nor did procedure differ in the village and start for it in time to arrive eking one tutelary rather than another. The not a moment later than high noon. ture of the supernatural power (t& pni) was 9. When there, at noon, again address e same: the quantity of power in terms of the dream helper, asking its aid, asking it to e number of dream helpers (aiWntc) and the come again in dreams. ilities they sponsored determined the differ- 10. Speak respectfully to the sun, moon, ice. All people began to have significant and stars, when seen at such times of address e.ms All peopleabega to havie signifianot te or prayer. eams, or at least to notice them, about the 11. Refrain from eating meat or grease me of adolescence. Whether or not these in any form. Acorn mush and gruel is the regu- fers of supernatural aid were accepted was lar diet during such quest periods. tirely a matter of individual choice, as was so the kind of dream. Thus, if a youth shed toebecomeoa doctor, Thes woul accpth aThis routine was continued as long as one shed to become a doctor, he would accept a eam of "doctoring" brought by, say, Owl or wished but, if one were deeply serious, one yote, and discourage or reject a dream from might also: uar, who gave hunting power. Theoretically, id S.O., through the medium of dream anything 12. Drink jimsonweed every spring. ght tell a youth to doctor -- an animal, in- 13. Go off alone to bask in the sun Cad- et, or even some other doctor, or such ele- visable but not essential]. Doctors often went ts as Night, Water, Thunder, etc. But actu- out to lie down in the sun. S.O. today (1926) ly the things dreamed of were relatively few spends much of his time sitting in the sunshine en compared to the all-inclusive "anything") beside his house, fingering and stroking his no case of an inanimate object (such as a eagle-down talisman (fig. 2 herein). He at- stle baket or ow)beig a rea heper tributes his good health to his doing this: Btle, basket, or bow) being a dream helper "the sun hears and knows everything, both day sknown. The "best" helper was Eagle; his and night." rer was the strongest. But Owl and Coyote re the traditional shamans' sponsors. When amed of, they would offer aid to the dreamer, The ordinary person who sought dream power 11 him that he could cure people, and what but had no intention of becoming a shaman did .ismans to use. Although it was not compulsory to accept fers of supernatural aid, it was advised by ler people, who would admonish the young to quire at least a little power for themselves. y would say to their young relatives, "If don't do this, you will die soon. You are g now. It is time for you to start now [to tend to your dreams]." Old men thus would ress the younger generation in the sweat se or when they came to visit in a house. n S.O. was young, he would sit by his her's fire, fanning it, and ask visitors to 1 him stories and advise him on conduct. The procedure for inducing dreams was thus d down by S.O.: 1. Tobacco must be drunk every night, er supper and before retiring, to cause a ting. 2. Go to bed with the mind set on the - t of dream desired. s ;- -\ 3. Dream; if the dream is irrelevant, ' re it. h . If the dream is significant, get up Iwalk some distance from the house, 100 feet < more.- 5. There talk to the visitant in the Fig. 2. Sacred talisman of abalone shell E,saying it (or its instructions] had been and eagle-down cord belonging to Michahai in- ?,that it is accepted and now "owned" by formant S.0. 24O ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS so to obtain longevity. A man, like S.O., dreams that his mother-in-law is there too., could ask his dream helper to cure or aid some When people dreamed of someone in this casua other person, often a young relative, without manner (i.e., not a "power" dream), they mi being considered a real shaman. The desire for speak of it to each other, saying, for examp good health and long life was a common one; as "I saw your brother" (uhe wia nU u bun&t, voiced in prayerful address to the sun, moon, Waksachi). and stars it usually ran something like this: Significant or "power" dreams were told "I see you [Sun], I see you all the time. Help only to the most intimate friends, usually o me to have a good life." Water, particularly to one who was also seeking t&pni. There wa that of springs, was thought to be immortal -- no formal prohibition on disclosing them; "it is everywhere all the time" -- and, if rather it was a matter of wisdom and good ta dreamed of, was a sponsor of longevity. When- not to talk of, and particularly not to brag' ever S.O. came upon a little spring or creek he one's supernatural power.18 Other people we "sprinkled a little bit on himself so he would aware, of course, of a seeker's activities live long." knew that he was by way of being a doctor. talis- man was usually thirty to forty years old be Tued dream the dream helper, and the fore he felt that he knew enough to cure as mans used to represent the helper were all called bthsaetr,ann professional shaman. It was often through t called by the same term, aintc. The talisman iniaeaqanac-ftofinswok of te aima drame of intimate acquaintance of two friends who kne was usually some part of the animal dreamed of, of each other's supernatural experiences tha and while, as a profane object, it might be ' ~~~~budding shaman secured his first patient. secured by purchase, it was nevertheless sacred and empowered with the supernatural force, poor t pay a high feelo might too poor to pay a high f ee or might be distr to pni. Once it became a talisman, it was t pi Oetba atim,ful of established shamans. The intimate never sold. friend of the novice would suggest to the A dream helper could visit only one person father that he let So-and-So try, that he kn at a time, but yet might visit several persons he had much power. Or the father himself mi the same night. [The likelihood of many per- be aware of the young man's efforts and want. sons having the same dream the same night is try him. Whichever the circumstance, the slight; and the fact might not happen to be father would approach the young man with a s disclosed, as such matters were not spoken of of money (less than would be offered a pro- in open or common conversation.] When a talis- fessional practitioner) and ask him to come man of a certain helper has been used once, it to cure his child. If the novice felt he ha loses its power and must be redreamed. Hence enough power to attempt it, he would do so; the need for several dream helpers and talis- not, there was no compulsion for him to agre mans if one wanted much and dependable super- He would be likely to refuse unless confiden natural power. Talismans were loaned among of success, as failure always laid a doctor' friends and worked as well for another as for motives open to suspicion, especially repeat the owner. (Wukchumni mention thefts of these.) failures. A young doctor, like an old one,- But they were never sold. Shamans frequently entitled to keep the fee whether the cure su assisted each other by lending talismans, or, ceeded or not, and was often given additiona retaining them themselves, used them to help presents of baskets or blankets, if successf another accomplish his purpose.178 However, the novice must begin sometime and, if he accepted the fee, would go and do As to the nature of dreaming, S.O. could his best. His talismans would be those in only say that it was one's spirit moving about cated by his dreams, and his methods of cur and having the experience. "When you go to would be sucking, blowing, and rubbing, as w sleep, you walk around some place. I have gone all doctors. If the patient recovered, he off to those springs around here lots of times. recommended to others and so little by littl Your spirit [ahabawa, Michahai] goes anywhere." set up a practice, so to say. He continued It is the ahabawa that has all dream experience: training procedure, for always he must redm people who meet in dreams are ahabawa. To il- er his used talismans, and an accumulation o lustrate this further S.O. said he once had a power was not only desirable but indispensab home in Drum Valley where he was very happy, when he became sufficiently successful to at living with his wife, and after her death he tract attention as a possible rival to olderr continued to live there with his mother-in-law. shamans. An initial failure to cure usually Now, even today, his ahabawa goes over there: led to redoubled efforts to seek power; but he sees the place, although he is blind and he 179Although S.O. insisted that there was no mother- knows the house is no longer there. He often law tabu in his society, it is worthy of remark that h "could not remember" his mother-in-law's name in spite. ________________ ~~~~~~~the fact that his genealogical memory carried over 200 'T5This was especially true when shamans allied for names and his dreams of the woman were cordial. nefarious purposes (cf. Gayton, Yokuts-Mono Chiefs and 'ZA story pointing a moral against bragging of one'J Shamans, 393). power appears in Gayton and Newman, 37. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 241 ontinuing failures might dissuade the novice dream helper the talisman represented or to t-he rom pursuing a shaman's career. object itself. He would blow on the affected An advance in the attainment of super- part, such as the head or abdomen, and press tural power was marked by a shaman's entrance the talisman against it. In so doing he would nto the Shamans' Contest, as only "big" address the talisman "and tell it to tell the octors could make the airshot believed derived ill person not to be sick." This procedure did rom the sun. A shaman with little power would not always cure, and cutting and sucking might ear to attempt it. Moreover, it was customary be resorted to. During the course of treatment hat entering shamans make and exhibit airshot a doctor would stop to smoke and also to go off o the managing winatum before the contest to some secluded spot to commune with his help- ommenced. ers. By means of this supernatural information Young doctors were not feared as malevo- he would learn what to do, what was the cause ent, as were older, powerful shamans. "Bad of the sickness. He would not always tell what octoring," the sickening of others for the at- this was; particularly would he hesitate to ainment of wealth through fees, political disclose that some other doctor had deliberate- ower, or for malicious pleasure, was thought ly sickened the patient. That is, he would not obe a matter of personality. It was a misuse dare to announce whom he specifically believed f power by the individual, and was not due to to be responsible unless he felt that his own ifferent or evil dream helpers,181 although it power was greater, as the accused doctor would as thought that assistance from several very certainly take revenge by supernatural means. owerful helpers such as Eagle, Cougar, Coyote, If the patient died, his relatives might nd Owl might endanger a man's good character by doubt the sincerity of the shaman's curing tting excessive power in his way. Whether a efforts, particularly if the doctor previously etor was good or bad was believed to result had lost patients. "They would get mad and rgely from his choice of companions. There talk about it, saying, 'He doesn't know much,' s a tendency among shamans to form cliques 'He is a bad doctor,' and so on. And while ich became mutually antagonistic. S.O. sum- they talked they'd get madder and decide to rized his long exposition by concluding: kill that doctor." Some relatives of the de- .doctor was just a person who had too much ceased would do this; there was no official wer. Sometimes they got mean, tried to see "shaman-killer." Sometimes they would be too at they could do, and got so they thought enraged to wait for the chief's permission to ey could do anything. People would be here take action. Although relatives of the victim ,t if the doctors weren't so mean." combined for revenge, it was not permissible, The procedure between patient and es- or even thinkable, that they should avenge blished doctor was much like that given above themselves on any of the shaman's relatives. r the novice. When a person became ill, some He alone was responsible for the offense. The mber of the family would go after the doctor action was condoned as one of public benefit, on they had selected, taking a fee with him. particularly if in the normal course of con- re money or objects of value might be given sultation with the chief and older men they e doctor during the course of curing. It was had advised it. However, if the shaman's is practice of "bleeding" a patient's rela- family doubted the justice of his punishment, ves that led avaricious men to the shaman's they could take up his cause and a feud would ofession and, when carried too far, brought result. By anecdotal evidence this was rare. e outraged family to the conclusion that the A shaman's own relatives tended to ignore him tient was in truth the shaman's own victim. when he became antisocial in behavior. en if death resulted, the initial fee was not turned; the doctor "usually was told to keep ;'1 But S.O. knew of instances wherein half a returned; to obviate suspicion a consci- Dream Experiences tious doctor would want to do this. The doctor summoned would normally agree 1. When S.O. was living at Dunlap his visit the sick person, but he would proceed wife and three children were still alive. He curing only if he felt disposed to do so. had been ill and apathetic. He drank a little e first thing he would try would be rubbing tobacco every night merely as a cleansing tonic. e patient with his talisman. Cutting (for It caused vomiting: then he would fall asleep cking) was not thought good practice. The immediately with no thought of dreaming. ctor's talisman, which might be a weasel skin, I's head, stone, etc., was dipped in a basket water and rubbed on parts of the patient's But one night two hummingbirds "came away dy. As he did this, the shaman talked to the up from the south." They addressed him: "What do you get sick for? Just a little sickness like that! I want to help you. I have come - ~~~~~~~~~from far away. I have come to see you. You 181Cr. chukchansi; a Chukchansi man might become the un- Will be well in the morning. Go to the spring Llling abettor of his supjernatural helpers. now and wash. We are going back now." 242 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS S.O. woke up instantly and saw the birds One night when he was staying with a. as they flew off.182 He went directly to the friend he fell asleep suddenly. Then Night spring and, as he had no eagle-down cord spoke to him chidingly, saying that S.O. was (pisesan) with him, he dipped his hands in the treating him badly, ignoring his efforts to water to put it on himself. While doing so he help him. Then "he gave me a song to make me addressed the water: "M&cvk&t Chummingbird]183 happy and told me to sing it whenever I felt told me to use you. Now I will be well in the sad.' (It is in Michahai.) morning. I come to you. I am talking to you. Now I am all right." hunai 'awi* [repeat 3 times] He returned to the house but did not sleep: "What I dreamt was right there with me" (keep- ta"wapun pa- na- Crepeat 3 times] ing it on his mind]. When daylight came, he all right my world ate no breakfast but told his wife and children to eat without him. Understanding, they made hi am na mum tawt ngi no comment. Then he went out into the woods now I am sorry and walked around until midday. Then he again addressed his dream (the hummingbirds] saying: hunu msvu na "Now I am all right. Everything is gone.' to be too weak to move from prolonged Then he came home. He ate only acorn mush that fasting I day. Thereafter he was well. hunai"'awi' (repeat 3 times] 2. According to S.O., water is a powerful ta'wapun pa" ana Crepeat 3 times] curing medium. He considers it immortal "be- cause it is everywhere and never dies." Often S.O. woke up instantl y and began singir he has "dreamed of springs and gone to talk to the song lest he "lose it.' His friend awok them in the night." One such dream was this. asking what was the matter. But S.O. contin to sing; he ate no breakfast and later he we out to talk to Night in solitude. He said: He was standing near a spring of water. "Give me well-beinr, Night." (&nisa man The water "began to rise up as if it were going wa'ni'i nwa toiyo ni; *nsis is "good," pros- to pull me in." This S.O. regarded as a sign perity, satisfaction; perhaps "blessing" woul that the spring wanted him to use it as an best fit in the phrase. Any other name, Wat aintc (curing talisman). As soon as he awoke Cougar, etc., could be substituted in this he went directly to a nearby spring. He said: phrase, which was standardized.] "You help me as long as I live. If I get sick S.O.'s friend said nothing about his be, I'll use you to help me. If someone else gets havior; he understood. Thereafter S.O. was sick I'll use you to cure him. I dream about happy and he sang the song whenever he began you. You are mine." feel depressed. S.O. has used water in curing himself 4 Not all dreams were accepted, since many times. He cured Sam Calhoun's wife with dreamer might not want the type of power pro it, and reported the following instance. fered. As an example of this S.O. related t following. He dreamed it some years ago; he said it was a common type, that he had dream Sometime after this Tom Tyner's baby it more than once and that many other people swallowed some kind of seed. Its abdomen began had experienced it. to swell up. They didn't know what to do for it. Finally they sent for S.O., who was known to have a little power. When he arrived, the He dreamed he was walking along somewhe. child was "nearly dead." The eagle-down cord off in the hills. He sat down on a rock. which he had with him S.O. dipped in a little mediately it began to grow. It kept rising basket of water and rubbed over the baby's until he "was about fifty feet up in the airi belly. This was late in the evening. The He wondered how he was going to get down. H following morning the swelling had diminished looked all around, and was afraid to move fo and the child recovered. fear of falling off. Finally he discovered that a live oak tree was growing right besid the rock. So he climbed into it and made hi 3. All dreams did not involve songs, but way down. As soon as he reached the ground all curing songs were so derived. After the rock shrank to normal size. death of S.O.'s wife and sons he mourned con- tinually. Nothing could console him. He didn't even think of getting dream help. He Although S.O. did not want to use this couldn't sevep think of getting dream help He dream, he addressed it as a matter of respec couldn't sleep. 182This was one of the many occasions on which, regretta- '8 c bly, I did not ask S.0. if he had yet lost his sight. meant 'let me go' or 'don't trouble about me,"<' which 4z 153Uritranslatable; refers to hummingbird but is not the not seem at all applicable. He said the word was always' usual term. It may be one of the "old time" mythical names, repeated three times in a reciprocal greeting between encountered in myths. S.0. could not explain its use. dreamer and dream helper. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 243 "I Just said, 'As long as I live I will see distance, was called mai 'iwtn by both Michahai [you, Rock. I see you all the time."'185 and Western Mono. The concept seems to center To accept a dream of this type, i.e., in the upland area of Chukaimina, Michahai, etting down safely off a height, would give Waksachi, and Wobonuch. It was used especially hte dreamer power to do this in real life. as a protective device, as it gave the owner a B.O. explained his rejection of this by his means of invisible escape. It was also used to blindness which did not permit him "to go move other objects, like the corpse in the raound any places like that." anecdote of the malicious shaman.'86 The source 5. It was not considered wise or in good (supernatural sponsor or dream helper) of this aste to boast of one's supernatural power, but power could not be specified by S.O. But he articularly was it a matter of caution not to gave two anecdotes concerning it. Xet a shaman suspect one of having a competi- tive. amount of t&pni. "People never told what 1. A shaman (Etak ?J was assaulted early hey dreamed or what their talisman was except one morning. A lot or people went over to his their most trusted rriends." Ir one person house. He was expecting this. He asked the said to another, "You have lots of power," the people to sit down. They surrounded him. He rson addressed replied in kind, "It is you seized his talismans, jumped on a man in o have lots of power," as the perception of passing, and said "hwi'i i'i1!" and flew off wer in another was thought to indicate the into the air. He was lnvisible. But, unfor- ssession or power bythe perceiver. Since tunately for him, "he landed in a bunch of by ,people.' As soon as he struck the ground, he amans, of course, had this power (of percep- became visible. They shot him to death at once. on) it was thought to be difficult to keep em from knowing about one's private abilities. 2. A Wobonuch, whose name S.O. could not opos of this, S.O. told the following dream recall, went out hunting. He saw a cinnamon perience and its aftermath. bear which started to run him down. This man had many talismans. Just as the bear was upon him he called out, "hwi ii 'i'!" and flew ofr. Once he dreamed that he was over at Watoki This he repeated several times until he neared and saw a bright green rattlesnake swimming a tall tree. He flew up into it and remained wrds him across the water. As it was the there until the bear lost patience and went off. 11 of the year (hibernation period], he was eatly puzzled, especially by its verdant ect. He told no one. Miscellaneous Data The very next day Senai ja, a shaman, came. knew beforehand that S.O. had seen the te, and the rollowing conversation ensued. The lineage totem animal (posa) might serve as a supernatural helper (ain&c) in the an: What did you see last night ? same manner as any dissociated or random animal . (being wary): Yes, I saw something. which appeared in a dream experience. In this an: You saw something close to you last way did Bear Dancers or Snake Doctors dream of night ? their family creature. Such an experience was 0.: Yes, I saw a rattlesnake. that of Hai pus (Samson Dick, the Wobonuch an: That's just what I mean. singer) who had Fox (a"oca) as his pova. In- Bystanders wondered what this conversation cidentally, this was the only instance or a about but recognized that the shaman had Fox lineage known to S.O. e supernatural apperception. Then Senaija d S.O. that the reason he saw the snake was cause he had been following the old ways" Haipug had a daughter who ran off with a 4e., dreaming, praying, sun-basking, etc). white man. Her father and old Wilolohi went said he (Senaija) knew all about it. S.O. after her; they separated and Haipus went down t laughed but he was mad inside." He was a gulch where he saw people encamped. Two rined because he was following the old ways Wobonuch girls were there; he saw his girl and did not wish it to be known. talked to her. She said she was satisfied and [That the shaman's perspicacity was verbal wanted to stay. Then the white men came up and tense did not appear to S.O. If so intelli- threatened Haipug with a gun, so the old man t a person as S.O. was blind to the verbal ran off. The men came right after him. In ckery involved, the delusions perpetrated by despair Haipus called on Fox for aid. Instant- n" shamans on dull people must have been ly a fox appeared and, running a zigzag path le indeed.) between Haipug and his pursuers, attracted the latters' attention. While the men were trying to shoot the fox, Haipus escaped. And so, S.O. Flying Power said, did the fox. A special type or power, that or Jumping S.O. said, "All doctors talk about Coyote." :"rlying" through space ror a considerable b ~~~~~~~~~~~~One day he and some companions were walk- Another standardized phrase tor addressing anything ing rrom Squaw Valley to Antelope Valley. He rntural: ama 'mao pa"'anao na mun ia "ika (whole, or _______ d-of- the-year, every place I you see) . 'bCf. Gayton, Yokuts-Mono Chiefs and Shanans, 393. 244 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS saw what he thought was a dog coming along the The Yokod had some grudge against a Wuk.. trail, but it proved to be a coyote. Immedi- chumni doctor, Ka'cua. On Sunday morning Ju ately after, they met Pusltltn and Ko"'o (both after the washing rite several men decided t Chukaimina shamans) and a third man. As they time had come to kill him. The participants came up, Pusvltltn said, "Did you see my posa ?" the ceremony were all still standing in line; "Yes," said S.O. And PuslLlLn replied, "He al- the shaman, alone, was some one hundred feet, ways goes with me at night. I make him do that away. A man walked toward him and seized hi by dreaming of him every night." Another shot at the shaman with an arrow bul struck his captor. The doctor was apparently armed, for he shot several times before rush The talisman in most common use by Micha- into a tule house to defend himself. Nevert hai people with supernatural power was the less he was surrounded and shot to death wit. eagle-down cord (pisesan). This was somewhat comparable to the loose eagle down used by the An example of an evil shaman's activitie Wukchumni and other Yokuts. The one belonging was related by B.O. Since the setting and ac to S.O. is illustrated (fig. 2). He freely ors are Wobonuch, he did not know the persons offered it to me to examine and often sat with are W it in his hands while talking. He stated names. definitely that it had been made for him by D., a Michahai woman who was also my informant. There was living at Apuwijiwana (Local She, however, as firmly denied having done so Map G, no. 7) a fine young shaman who had Ju when questioned about it. The misunderstanding married. He was a good hunter and he had mu may be mine. yiucca (obi) stored for winter. There were three other couples living there: the young man's brother-in-law- and his wife, and the s and daughter of a very powerful old shaman,e Waksachi Shamanism with his spouse. Now this old shaman and hi wife came to visit their son and daughter. The following very general information on soon after their arrival the young bride fel shamanism was given by B.O. ill and died. Not long after, her brother, A man who was a doctor (poha'ge) might get young shaman's brother-in-law, also died. T his power fo"msantthe shaman's own son died. These deaths wer his power from "most anything. When he cured, blamed on the old man, and even his wife was he wore the Yokuts-type feather headdress of alarmed, for she said to her son-in-law, "We crow and magpie feathers. Sucking and rubbing all be killed. We'd better go away." But- with eagle down were the only curing techniques. son-in-law just told the old shaman to go bu There were no women doctors among the Wak- his son. The young shaman went down to sachi, nor were there any specialists. A Pajipuwe (Local Map F, no. 22) and told peop doctor who cured snake bites was called what was going on. When he got back, the ol tu'u'dam (Yokuts word), but he gave no dancing shaman's son-in-law lay dying. The old sh perfrmace o Snke itua lie hi Youts wife went off toward Pawuhaba (Local Map G, performance or Snake Ritual like his Yokuts no. 1) by herself and kept crying and crying analogue. Then the young shaman went back to Pajipuwe The burial of a shaman was like that for got the chief. The chief sent some women O an ordinary person. with food and covering to find the old wo The killing of evil shamans was thought who was wandering alone. Then the chief and justifiable. There was no special person for the young shaman went down to Tomokozono (Lo this duty. Men who wanted to kill a shaman Map F, no. 15), where people were already would go to their chief for advice and consent, talking of the scandal. They were joined by some men and all went over to Ucibikwe (not- then do the deed themselves. While the death located) where it was thought the old sh of the shaman himself was condoned, it was not was coming. He did come and was killed at permissible to injure any member of his family. Then the young shaman died, and his people c For their part, the shaman's relatives never up and buried him at his home at Apawijiwa retaliated, under normal circumstances. If a doctor, so murdered, had several horses, they would be divided among the killers; other property was disposed of by his relatives as in an ordinary death. There were two causes of sickness, int B.O. related one anecdote of a shaman's sion and poisoning. A third, soul loss, wa death. discussed so confusedly that it cannot safe be added: S.O. said that a person's spirit A mourning ceremony was being given by the might be stolen, which resulted in instant Yokod at their village [near the present site ous death, but how this was accomplished or of Yokohl]. B.O. and his brother George, who whom, he could not say.187 were renowned hunters, were asked to come and ______ bring some deer. They went, stopping at Ran- 'tSince even this slight informatilon was elicitedq cheria Flat over night, and en route killed six by close questioning, it would seen that the idea oft deer. They reached Yokohl on Thursday, well in loss certainly did not play an important part in Micw advance of the final ritual on Saturday night. culture .. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 245 The symptoms resulting from intrusions and Sumtk was recalled by D., who gave the isoning are impossible to distinguish, al- following account. ough S.O. tried to categorize them. Intru- ion caused delirium, "made the patient grab There were no rain-makers except in the ound." The intruding object, which might be south around Kernville and Tejon. A rain-maker nything," but usually proved to be such was called hoto 'o ti 'gag (rain to-make) and ings as fingernails, the hair of a dead per- got his power by dreaming, D. thought, about n, sand, or insects, was thought to enter Thunder. to the blood and lodge between the eyebrows. There was one man named sumik who traveled trusive objects were always projected by a along the foothills as far north as Tugao [per- aman. If not removed, they proved fatal. The haps farther] to make money. When he came, he chnique for removal was cutting and sucking. told the chief what he was going to do and, when permission was given, he sat down on a e irritant was always exhibited by the doctor tule mat before the chief's house. The winatum r by his winatum) and destroyed by fire or announced what was to be done, and the men of rial. The cure was immediately effective. the village approached and paid him for the . Poisoning was a vague cause to which many coming display. With him he had a large white nds of sicknesses were attributed, particu- stone and some ka wa seeds: these were his rly those accompanied by severe pain, perhaps talismans (aintc). He scattered the seeds over the joints, which could scarcely be caused the ground and then retired to a house where he an actual intestinal poison. It seems to be remained quiet or slept all day. Toward even- ing he Qame out and harangued the people, sed on a concept of contagious magic. Thus telling them not to let their children play rsons fell ill from touching "poisoned" with hail (howo "to) ,189 not to make fires with Jects such as baskets, articles of clothing, wood that had been struck by lightning or talk c. The cure for this was the blowing and about Thunder, for the lack of rain was due to bbing technique. (Yet we saw above S.O. used Thunder's anger. During his talk the white is technique for curing an objective sickness, stone was kept beside him under a rabbitskin e swallowing of injurious seeds by a baby.] blanket. By-and-by it rained. isoning was thought far more dangerous than trusion, and most deaths were attributed to p. said she could not remember further de- tails, as "she was just a little girl." She S.0. said that "a person receiving a added that "when Sumtk died, someone found his vere fright would know that a doctor was white stone and threw it away so no one could ing to sicken him." In such cases the fright make rain any more." a believed to be as much a contributing cause Even S.O. barely recalled Sumik and his death as the subsequent poison. Thus a companion and professional rival Takumum, who levolent shaman would send a coyote to scare already were old men in his childhood. He said man who, seeing a coyote under peculiar cir- Sum&k threw fine gravel [seeds ?] u'p into the stances, would realize at once he was some- air with a scattering gesture, at the same time e's victim. His fear would bring on a self- "talking to the up above." Soon it grew cloudy uced illness. Another favorite method of and began to rain; a high wind came too. As a ans was to send an owl to hoot outside a spectacle these two rain-makers would work ecified house: on hearing it the inmates against each other, one making the rain cease it a foreboding. S.O. knew of one incident as soon as the other started it. "They made en a dove fell dead amongst a group of people, money by going around where people wanted the the person nearest it thought he was doomed: weather changed or maybe just wanted to see it ordinary dove would so behave. Such crea- done." es would also come as doctor's messengers foretell death in dreams. The malicious activities of shamans were CEREMONIES L1 known to S.O. and attested by several cdotes, which have already been published.188 Jimsonweed Ritual Jimsonweed (ta iai) was drunk ritually by Rain-making men and women at both Tusao and 6itatu. The affair at Tusao, as described by S.O., was the There were no persons among the Michahai more orthodox and Yokuts-like; that at 6itatu Waksachi who had power to control the was described by B.O. ther. Like informants from other central At Tusao the drink was taken in March by northern Yokuts-Mono tribes, B.O. and S.O. participants about eighteen to twenty years of d that all weather shamans were "southerners." age. To take it was not compulsory although rain-makers, Su'm&k and Taku Wmum, visited S.O. felt that a doctor of real ability should -Michahai village of Tusao and displayed bir powers. '8Hail is called "Thunder's bullets or shells" (sic) in English. Children often ate, played, and particularly had ~Gayton, Yokuts-Mono Chiefs and Shamans, 391, 393, 394-. fights with coarse hail when it fell. 246 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS take it at least once, and perhaps in several taken to various sick persons. With eagle successive years. A powerful doctor would take feathers they would brush off the sick one; a it at the same time as the plain people. There though they did not say what the sickness was were more men than women partakers: the men the jimsonweed enabled them to see it. They "took it to find out things," the women "Just were not paid for this service. to be doing it," S.O. thought. It was regarded During all this time there was no mirth as a kind of insurance of good health through- aroused by any of the antic behavior. Every out life. act was watched and any speech listened to at The leader of the affair did not have a tentively by the spectators. special supernatural knowledge of, or dream Thereafter the narcosis gradually dim- relationship with, jimsonweed; hi* knowledge of inished. The drinkers lay around, babbled, the plant and how to administer it was believed slept, and recovered "in two days if they had to come from practical experience. He had no good luck, but usually it took three." title, said S.O., "he was just called ma tainai Six days after the drinking a little fea wa 'namuts" (you jimsonweed give) But he was was held. Meat was provided, but only a mout always elderly and well thought of. ful or so was taken by the drinkers "because About midwinter those who intended to even then it made them sick." The feast was drink jimsonweed in the spring would inform the given by the drinkers' families, and at it th leader. He instructed them to abstain from gave the leader the pay for his services. A meat or grease for about two or three months winatum managed the affair. There would be before the probable time of drinking. They dancing only if there were a special request were also expected to remain rather quietly at for some doctor who was present to perform th home, not participating in hunting, in cere- kam. monies, or merrymaking. The actual day of the Medicinal use was made of jimsonweed, drinking was announced six days in advance by often as a poultice for severe wounds or frac the chief's winatum, after the leader himself tures; it was also drunk as an anaesthetic. had set the day. From then on the participants subsisted on very thin acorn gruel, and on the Once Pao'&c broke his leg. He went one morning of the day ate nothing at all. All day without food "although he was too sick to these restrictions were observed by the leader, eat anyway." He got someone to fix taniai and although he did not partake of the drink. he drank enough to keep him unconscious for At the time of the drinking, the partici- several hours. During this time the bone was pants met the leader at the village dance set, the leg wrapped in a jimsonweed poultice space; onlookers, especially relatives, were and tied up with deerskin. present. The leader had with him uncooked jimsonweed on a tray, the leavee and stems of Jimsonweed was not used in this way unde which he mashed, put in a large basket, and the direction of a shaman: "anyone who knew covered with water. As he did this he talked how" would mix the drink or attend fractures to it, asking it "not to hurt these people but and wounds. No other medicine of this type to help them." There was no singing or dancing, known. but the drinkers made a circuitous run around the dance space. Then they sat down in a row B.O. said, at about the ages of twenty to and each was given a drinking basket full of twenty-five. It was not compulsory and was the liquid (about one pint). There were no taken but once. One who particularly wanted ritually repetitive offers or attempts at drink- might take it again after three or four years ing. They were instructed to drink it rapidly Always it was taken in spring. While B.O. without smelling it, as the odor was nauseating. denied having tried it, he said two of his Soon the drinkers "began to tremble all over brothers did. and fall down." They were carried, by persons The jimsonweed plants (taiia nibu) was assigned to the task, to shadesl9c set near the gotten from the Wukchumni as it did not grow fire so they would not become chilled after Waksachi territory Lsic) *191 Two men, Ki 1ld sundown. Toward dawn of the next morning the and Koti dis, were in charge of the ritual ar drinkers began to move; some would sit up, were paid for their services; they were not others reach about, but all were yet speech- distinguished in any way with power, wealth, less. Then, becoming restless, they would get any other special knowledge. They secured th up and, as they grew more active, they were plants, mashed them, soaked them in water; t guarded against flight or self-injury. "If Jmowe a ee okd theyssaw Then,arecomingrestls, they waetr of" gt d Those who were to take the drink main- soon as they were able to walk they would be taned a gruel diet for twelve days. n the p mExactly what or where these were S.O. could not convey, except that they were "llttle houses near the fire." They "9IS.O. said it grew plentifully at Tufao, a statemen were probably especially built booths such as the Yokuts prefer to trust. B.O. nay feel that the plants came n were adept at constructing for spectators and visitors at the original source of the ceremony, that is, Yokuts t their frequent ceremonies. tory. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 247 mrning of the rite they "ran once around the On the day set, the winatum dug two holes illage; down at Kingsburg [Wimilchi territory] in the dance space. These were about 4 feet hey ran around the house." Then they knelt on apart, about 2 feet deep, and 1 foot in diame- blanket. The two leaders sang songs about ter. The snakes were put in these and sprinkled blanket. The two leaders sang songs about wt al on h otr,wowr h he narcotic, then held the basket of liquid to usual feather dance skirts, were lavishly orna- ach drinker's lips. If the first dose were mented with eagle-down strands around their It effective, more would be given. When the necks and bands of down rope on their arms. rinkers fell over unconscious, they were When all was rea4iy the chief announced arried to, their homes. They slept about that it wa; time to pay, whereupon all present wenty-four hours. But when they roused from filed past four or five singers who were hold- his, they did not cure others of sickness by ing baskets, and threw some money in them. The rushng r i anyothr wy prfor fo pulicline passed across the snake pits, and each rushing or in any other way perform for public person stamped beside the pits as he crossed enefit. The narcosis was believed to be a them. reventive "good medicine" for the drinker him- 6okontk and PuslilL;n each stood beside his elf. pole and, holding a large basketry tray in a Jimsonweed was used as an anaesthetic when vertical position, face outward, swung it slow- roken bones or painful injuries were treated. ly back and forth. Everyone, men, women, and e sufferer was given enough of the decoction children, chiefs, shamans, and winatums, took keep him in at least a seminarcosis for part in this. Then they all sat around as rty-eight to sixty hours. Such treatment was spectators while the snake doctors displayed ven by "anyone who knew how to mix it." their abilities. The two Choinimni who died from the ef- The singers were singing continuously, and the managing winatum told the doctors to get cts of Jimsonweed were mentioned by B.O. How- their pets. The doctors picked up their snakes er, his version was that they did not observe and put them on the trays where they lay coiled. e meat tabu. He said that they ate meat They talked to them continually, saying right up to the day and drank the next morn- "Maiya 'In, maiya -, in." They walked about ig though everybody told them not to. They close to the onlookers.'92 Then the chief would ed that ni ht." have his winatum ask for the "handling," at ed that night." which the doctors put the snakes on their shoulders allowing them to crawl around. Then the chief asked for the "biting," and for'this spectacle the doctors were again paid. The Rattlesnake Ritual snakes were laid on the ground and angered by teasing with eagle feathers. The doctor held The Waksachi had neither snake doctors nor out his hand so a snake struck it. Winatums e Snake Ritual, but both informants had seen immediately carried the stricken doctors to performance, B.O. at Squaw Valley, at a shades or a house where a snake doctor from Ilage p ormnce Kings.River at SquawVale, and a some other place sucked out the wounds. "The ilage on Kings River, and at Dunlap, and S-O. snake doctors never died from this because Squaw Valley. In all these rituals Choinim- Snake was their posa." doctors were either the instigators or cen- al figures. S.O. described the ritual as he embered it at Squaw Valley, a Chukaimina- S.O. added that the next morning the chahai area. reptiles were returned to their dens; if their "owners" were still too sick, winatums were sent out with the snakes. There were two doctors, 6okon&k and Coyote clowning was not a specific part of al&lin, who were snake doctors (te'cli this ritual as done by the Choinimni. (See cisu m, lit., rattlesnakes pet-their). They Coyote clowning, below.) de this dance every spring about March just The account given by B.O. was brief and fore the rattlesnakes were ready to leave eir dens. The purpose of the ritual was to less knowledgeable than the foregoing. vent persons from being bitten during the Thng season. To get the snakes the doctors (tu dum) These doctors went to a rattlesnake den, went to the snake dens carrying whistles, trays, ing with them eagle-bone whistles (pusac'), and cages made of tule. At the rock pile they es of twined stiff grass, and eagle down. whistled to the snakes, who came out and were y whistled for the snakes and fed them eagle "herded round" by the doctors. One or two were when they appeared. They talked to them selected and, when they coiled, they were lift- tly, repeating constantly, "Maiya 'n" (keep ed onto trays and thence into the cages. The [et!). The snakes understood and permitted' cages were hung upon shades at home until selves to be picked up by the back of the ceeser needed. ek and put in the baskets' Carried home, the -At the ritual there were two singers. The es were hung up outside until the appointed doctors "danced around," letting the snakes t. The day for the ritual had been chosen "dcrawl all over them." Another man followed kh the chief's consent and set [at least] six s8 in advance. The winatum went around an- Wcing the affair and "told everyone to come '92To discover who was going to be bitt~en? See Wobonuch have their money ready." account (p. 285). 248 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS with a basket to collect the pay. A chief, men, who were Wukchumni shamans, Tapu sa and through his winatum, ordered that the doctors Il 'pea. (Il `pea was Joe Pohot's maternal be bitten. A doctor would throw his snake on grandfather's brother, possibly one of the p the ground, then pick it up by the tail. When formers at the display Mary Pohot witnessed a it turned and struck, he released the tail so a little girl.) the creature hung by its fangs. A doctor who a hlittlelgirl.) did this would be sick for two or three days; Huhuna Dance.--The following description' he would be cured by another snake doctor. was given by S.O. and has been previously "There was no purpose to this dance except to published.'93 While the Huhuna Dance was part make money." of the mourning ritual series it might be per formed out of its ceremonial context at any time. Various Dances The Waksachi did not have a Huhuna dance Bear Dance.--According to B.O. the Wak- among their own people. There was one from t sachi had no Bear dancers: the one man who Wukchumni and one from the Tule River Reserva transformed himself into a bear did not dance. tion who came up to Waksachi villages with This is curious and somewhat dubious since the their chiefs. They came to the Michahai too. Wobonuch Western Mono, as well as surrounding Their names are not remembered. They came to Yokuts, had such performers in their Bear line- ceremonies at Tusao. There they made money fI Yokuts. had saidcthat performersaw i Bear Dan e- the local chief, Pao'tcv, but they were paid f ages. B.O. said that he saw a Bear Dance doing this. (noho'o kam) at Tusao given by two men and one The Huhuna could hear money that was hid' woman "who had come from somewhere. They were den, this was his special ability. Before th some relation to Bear." This was in the fall. performance began, the chief sponsoring the S.O. stated that relatively few people had affair had money hidden, possibly in the gro Bear as a family totemic animal; this possibly under bushes, or in the rafters of the shades explains the Waksachi situation. At Squaw around the dance space. The chief himself Valley there was a Chukaimina named Ko lo who supplied the money, though others might add t cSupa"na, most the sum if they wished. Huhuna was then danced, but the Wobonuch dancer, of these brought in. Sometimes he wore a mask which impressed S.O. One or two daughters of these covered his eyes. He danced around. As soon men usually danced with them. S.O. gave the as he "heard" the hidden money he pointed following description.' toward it with a stick he carried. He had his The Bear Dance was made in September be- own winatum, who thereupon dug up the money fore the acorns were ripe. The men wore belts put it in a basket. If the Huhuna had not of blue-Jay feathers Esewed together through brought a winatum with him, the local chief the quills] and bear-claw necklaces, but no would assign one to assist him. After the the uill] an bea-cla neclace, bu no moneyr had all been discovered, a shaman came bear hide. [The girl's costume was not de- mo ney be discovered a shaman a scried- Thetwoaccmpaningsingrs sed the scene. The winatum of the chief made a scribed.] The two accompanying singers used little fire at which the shaman manufactured cocoon rattles. The dance step was, for the invisible airshot (toipug). Huhuna was told men, three jumps forward, a move backward to- where to sit down when 'shot," and a blanket ward their previous position: this was repeat- was laid out for money which would be paid th ed three times. Meanwhile the girl stood at shaman. When the shaman was ready, he danced one end behind them, remaining in her place and about and then cast the shot at Huhuna, who holding up her hands with elbows close to her fell over unconscious. His winatum carried him off to one side, whereupon all the specta. sides, and swayed her torso slightly from side to one side, whruon all he a to side. No matter how greatly the performance money, however, went to the chief sponsoring was admired, it could only be repeated once; the rite, and from it the chief paid the sh i.e., there might be two complete performances, for his part in the performance. After he r one original and one encore, as it were. Spec- ceived his payment, the shaman proceeded to tators paid the singers, who collected for the revive Huhuna by sucking the shot from him. dancers and shared in the collection. The a chief had come with Huhuna, he too received' dance was given in the morning and a feast with presents of money or acorn meal for the spec-. tators. new acorns followed. S.O. could not say who provided this. Skill as a Bear dancer was not related in B.O. said that the Huhuna Dance was nev any way, S.O. thought, to the ability to trans- performed by the Waksachi, but that he had a form oneself into a bear, of which he seemed to it "three or four times in Wukchumni places know little. He had heard in all his life of [villages]." Just three men who could do this, a Tachi, a Pleasure Dance.--This dance (he ssna n "southerner," and a Wobonuch, but he did not was done in the evening at any time of year,' know the men personally or by name, nor did he though it would not be done for more than one know how the transformation was accomplished, night in several weeks, i.e., it would not be Beaver Dance or fish display.--This 8.0. made two or more nights in succession. Ther6 had heard of but could not describe. He ______ claimed the performance was given by only two 193Gayton, Yokuts-Mono Chiefs and Shamans, 375. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 249 was no special costume, no singers, no payment, pebbles," but the killing shot (toi us) was and Cinferentially] no women participants. The invisible. The shot was made at the fire, dancers were usually youths of eighteen to which in some manner drew power from the sun. twenty years, though married or older men could The shamans sprinkled eagle or falcon down on Join if they wished. About ten men would stand the fire and something called ai 'ap, which in a circle with a leader in the center. At "looked like salt." They made seizing motions his command each one sang and danced in turn. over the fire with their hands and slapped them S.O. could not describe the songs or steps. on their basketry trays where the pebblelike There was no training or special knowledge for shot appeared. While doing all this, they this: "a man just learned by watching." addressed the sun prayerfully. Women's dance.--Both S.O. and B.O. agreed Any shaman who thought he had sufficient that there were no dances exclusively for women supernatural strength was free to enter. They participants among the Michahai, Chukaimina, chose their own side of battle; no chief told and Waksachi. B.O. pointed out that, "even them. (However, with shamans' cliques and when women danced with men, the latter out- chiefly sponsorship of shamans there was un- numbered them'' doubtedly prearrangement, at least among the Coyote clowning.--Coyote clowning which, shamans, in some contests.) according to S.O., constituted a coda or ac- When the contest was to start, the oppos- companiment to any kind of ritual celebration, ing shamans stood opposite each other some was associated with a lineage having Coyote as thirty feet apart. Each had an eagle-bone its totem. The performers would be asked to whistle in his mouth which he blew constantly various celebrations and they "had to go" al- and he held his tray loaded with airshot in his though they were paid for the service. The hands. At a shout from a winatum the shamans best Coyote dancers came from the Wukchumni, slapped their trays on the ground to propel the among whom the most notable performer was a shot at their opponents. They might do this Gawia, Ka 'osana;194 there was another at Squaw two or three times before a hit was made. When Valley whose name was not recalled. At the a victim fell unconscious, he was carried aside village of Tusao "there was no one who knew how by winatums. As usual, the surviving shaman to do it right but they'd get in and play too had to go around extracting shots from the if they felt like it." The informant so strong- fallen. If these were let remain, "a sickness ly sensed the obscenities of the clowning that would grow from them" even if the doctor re- he not only refused to describe the behavior, gained normal consciousness. The method of re- but was reluctant to discuss the matter at all. covery, as described by S.O., was rubbing the He said the performers had large circles of victim with hands cupped, not by sucking. If a black, white, and red paint on their faces. shaman seemed to have lingering ill effects They "danced around" outdoors, never entering after the contest, his chief sent his winatum houses. to summon the shaman believed responsible: the shaman had to remove the cause and was not paid for this second effort.195 Shamans' Contest This performance was not a Waksachi or Annual Mourning Ceremony Michahai institution and,if given in connection with the Annual Mourning Ceremony or at any Villages the size of Citatu or Tusao would other time, was presented by outsiders who were have a large mourning ceremony (unarano'gan, hired to make the spectacle. Both S.O. and B.O. Waksachi) about every two years. Normally had seen it at Tusao but not at 6itatu. S.O. there were not a sufficient number of deaths to described it. warrant one every year; that is, the expenses Two fires were made by local winatums who were too great for Just one family, say, to aBsisted the shamans and were paid both by them support. Money, baskets, and other gifts of and by their chiefs for so doing. A group of value, and great quantities of food stuffs had five or six singers sat at one side, but sang to be accumulated in advance. The lending of for the benefit of all contestants. At this money for interest in this connection was known time they were called a ntahun ile'h&c to both Waksachi and Michahai and called by the (Loctors' singers). As accompaniment they used Yokuts term, laktna nLc, but it is doubtful the cocoon rattle (Oaotc) and clapper (ta 'ohtl). that the custom was practiced here; certainly Normally the chief responsible (the host) it was not established.196 -would have his winatums ask for an exhibit of -l9 wiaIn spite of this obligation the Shamans'. Contest was airshot.by each entrant to assure their capa- a vehicle for intrigue if conniving chiefs and shamans city as fit participants. The airshot which cared to make it so (cf. Gayton, Yokuts-Mono Chiefs and was visible (tusa'8) "looked like little white Shamans). --- l~~~~~~~~~~~~~~96rhat is, money-lending, which was a normal part of ' 94Henry Aiehow's father-in-law. See M.L. 's account for everyday life, was not integrated with the mourning cere- the wukchumni. mony. 250 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS The chief's consent was necessary, yet if Tusao, but never at ditatu; the Chukaimina all the village seemed to want a ceremony held Entimbich "had this dance on Sunday night" there that year, he could not veto it. The (B.O.). That is, these spectacles, if pre- chief's main concern was with available fi- sented at all, followed the washing and serv nances: the mourning family should be able to as part of the postritual celebration: they cover the expenses, which were considerable. were not an integral part of the mourning ce If, at the time of the event, it proved that mony but an irregular addition. they had not, he and his subchiefs (tuyeyi) had During the six days of the ceremonial w to make up the deficit. However, when the the mourning families gathered morning and families involved had made satisfactory arrange- evening at the assembly fire to weep. Two or ments with the chief, he sent his winatum to three paid singer-weepers, secured and paid the tribes to be invited to announce it for the host group, performed at the same time. twelve days hence. They were not berdaches; they were called The procedure at this point differed yakohovi e roti,(Waksachi)- One well-known slightly from that when a small or "private" singer was named Sie miltt. Also during the ceremony was being announced. As usual, the week the women of the mourning families made messenger went directly to the chief, was fed, the effigy dolls (woi7losa, Michahai; and told the chief his news. Then the chief u narira gaikan, Waksachi). sent his winatum to call all the villagers, men On the sixth [Saturday] evening after and women, to the assembly space. Here the supper the local chief called together the visiting messenger made his announcement pub- families who had instigated the ceremony and licly, saying that his chief was "making" a collected money from them, which was to be mourning ceremony twelve days hence at his given to the visitors. If the sum was defici- village and that they all were invited. When ent, and apparently it usually was, a few men he finished, everyone contributed a little called tuye 'i [Yokuts word]., previously se- money to pay him, which was collected and pre- lected by the chief, made up the deficit. sented to him by the local winatum. According "Then everyone cried all night." The to S.O., the chief, now invited, could tell visiting chief told his winatum to make a fir anyone who came to the village meanwhile of the at which his people gathered. The host or coming ceremony and they might attend it if hin peade thedr Thef, or they wished. The Wukchumni, as the official mourning group, headed by their chief, were a washes, wee alwys i the ajoriy asready at their own fire, where they wept con- washers, were always in the majority as tinually. The visiting chief made a speech, visitors, the other most numerous attendants exhorting the mourners to grieve no more, say were Michahai and Chukaimina from Squaw Valley ing that this ceremony was being made to end and Entimbich from Dunlap. B.O. added that their sorrow, and so on. Twice during the Wukchumni and Entimbich came as washers. This was true of a ceremony given "by his father and night, at approximately 10 p.m. and 1 a.m. t wasome other of atceremony reen ns fatherrt one mourning group left their own fire to make a some other men," and of the recent aberrant one circuit of the other. These people were not described below. dressed in any special way, rather they ex- The visitors arrived as they pleased dur- hibited the dishevelment of mourning. Led by ing the week of celebration: the very old and the chief, the men went first, carrying dolls very young usually did not come. They brought representing deceased male relatives, and the only blankets, as the host group provided all food, shelter, firewood, and water. The local t1he women with female dolls. The sex of the dand water , effigy was indicated by its clothing. Other winatum (natinab)197 secured the wood and water, members of the group carried clothes, beads, and the women of their families did the cook- and baskets, "for the dead"; these would late ing. They told the people when to eat. Those be thrown on the fire or given to the visitor persons who were going to do the washing, how- Two circuits of the fire were made, then came ever, brought the necessary clothing, para- rest period during which the visiting chief phernalia, and deer meat. phrn restriction weas. placedondancingagain harangued the assemblage. On the next No restriction was placed on dancing,paaeaonthfie(a.)oecrut gambling, and gaiety during the week. The most parade around the fire (1 a.m.) one circuit w made and then, according to individual choice, popular games were pitching poles (aikas), hoop the dolls and valuable paraphernalia were and pole (ho'otus), the woman's dice game either thrown on the fire or given to the (hucu'siko) and, at night only, the hand game visitors. S.O. said, "Everyone does what he (henao hsiko). pleases but most gave away." He also mention Lacking here were the Huhuna Dance and a difference in the practice of giving: the Shamans' Contest as part of the ritual series, visitors were made to line up, whereupon the although both spectacles were well known. The Wukchumni practice was to throw the gifts to- Shamans' Contest was sometimes performed at ward the recipients who seized what they coul whereas the Waksachi practice was to call ove 197At this time B.O. used the Waksachi term tu'buhinianu- eahprontrciv i3rsn-Aths or explanation. He Said they weeche samudet na tinab las time the baskets of money for the visitors we usual; that "Dove was their ibuk." given to their chief, who distributed it. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 251 The following (Sunday] morning a breakfast, returned, all ate breakfast. This was repeated prepared by the visiting winatums, was provided, again before sundown. During these days S.O. ,of which all would partake eventually. Mean- and B.O. remained quietly indoors, S.O. fre- while the visiting chief announced that it was quently talking in consoling terms to B.O., time for the washing. The persons selected as telling him that this was'the end of our washers from his group came forward with sorrow." baskts o watr ne clthes andany iner if On the sixth (Saturday] night they had the baskets of water, new clothes, and any finery "cry dance." For this B.O. had a doll made of or gift of money they might choose to add. The crossed sticks covered with a little blanket; mourners were called, i.e., the actual mourners, to it was fastened a tiny basket and bead belt and were washed individually. Each individual to denote its sex. All those present were was washed by a person of the same sex, and, divided into two groups who represented the according to S.O., invariably by one having the mourners and the visitors or gu 'i, i.e., the same totem animal. Thus chiefs8 washed chiefs. reciprocal "washers." The reciprocating tribe same totem wanial.s Thusochiefs washed cndhief for the Waksachi was normally the Wukchumni, The halr was also washed and trimmed and the but none of these people came, though invited, new clothes put on. The washing baskets and owing to a quarrel between the Pohots and any other gifts were given to the now released Tillie Wilcox over a piece of land. (Even in mourners. 1927 S.O. still regretted their absence, Then all the other people in the host shaking his head and saying "they should have tribe were lined up and each had his or her been there."] The mourning group remained in hair washed by some visitor. Then all went to the house. These were: B.O., S.O., Jim Wilcox, Tillie Wilcox, Joe Wilcox, Dinky, Mary Sanwaihat, eat breakfast, which was literally a breaking and Claude Osborn. The visitors outside were: 'or the meat fast for the mourners. The visit- Claude's wife Minnie (the eldest Wilcox ing chief made a speech saying that now every- daughter), Samson Dick, his sister Nellie, his thing unhappy was forgotten, it was all in the wife Kohoi n&k, and his daughter Maggie, and past, that now everybody was to eat and have a two genealogically unidentified people, Lucia ood time. and Ed Hunter. The winatum from Dunlap, What with the washing and feasting the day Buffalo Bill, built a fire outdoors near which was well advanced. Games were played until the visitors sat. Twice during the night the nightfall., adanc. s amas wouldbe played until d mourning group emerged and circuited the fire. nightfall, when shamans would be paid to dance On the second trip an impasse arose over the or entertainment. They received frequent con- disposal of the doll "because the right people tributions as stimulation to continue. "Any weren't there to give it to." Finally B.O. irl that knew how would dance with them"(B.O.). "gave Jim (Wilcox] a dollar to burn the doll up and talk to it."1l98 Jim put the doll on the fire and said, "Now all is over. We have made this Recent Mourning Ceremony dance for you. Now I put you on the fire and I will never remember you any more." Then the mourners returned to the house, while those The two informants B.C. and 3.0. were not outside began to prepare thetr breakfast, for 'elated by blood but were brothers-in-law, it was nearly morning. .0.'s sister, Huna'ncai (Sally) having married Then Tillie and Dinkey (mourners] "got a .0. Sally died about 1922. After some two basket full of water for S.O. and washed B.O. ears B.O. proposed to S.O. that they have a for him" [because of S.O.'s blindness]. But ourning ceremony. Both men were mourners, but S.O. stood by and did the appropriate talking, n opposing relationship, i.e., affinal and con- telling B.O. "that he could do as he pleased anguineal, to the deceased. The account of from now on" (lay aside all mourning restraint]. is was given'by S.O. Then B.O. went to S.O. "with a little basket of his was given by S.C. water and the new shirt and trousers." He washed S.O. and spoke to him in the same terms. B.O. went to S.O. to suggest the ceremony; Then he gave S.O. the clothes, basket, and hey talked over plans and "agreed to wash each $5.00. Then, "since there was no real gu'i ther because the right people weren't living." there, B.O. had to wash all those who had .0. told S.O. "not to get him any new clothes stayed in the house with him durin? the night. ecause he (S.C.) was too poor." B.O., how- He gave them each a dollar or two.' er, got a new shirt and pants for S.O. Craw- Thereupon the mourning group put together rd and Mel Osborn, grandson and son respec- a sum of money to give to the visitors. The vely of B.O., acted as winatums. S.O. said winatum, Buffalo Bill, was called to take the >"should have done this [his father was a money to his group and divide it up. "And this Lnatum] but could not because of his blindness."was the last of that fandango." other winatum, Buffalo Bill, came with visi- sr from Dunlap. Also from Dunlap came two The most important fact to come from this ngers, Samson Dick and his sister Nellie. ,, The scene of the ceremony was B.O.'s house. description was this: that this self-washing" ,provided all the food for the entire week, 1ia lung asteerfor- t u . N att This is an .nstance Oe the peculiar regulations of mligad stoehav any Huhe unaDane Nor Saman's paying. If the "right people," i.e., the wukchumni recipro- 1B mae to ave ny Huuna Dnce r Shaan's cators, had been there it would have been given to them to ntest. burn; as it wras, the service had to be paid for. Why some- Every morning the two singers would go out one from the visiting group was not selected for this duty the yard before sunrise and sing. When they or the subsequent washing I could never discover. 252 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS within the mourning group does not represent an "We are having this dance, and we want adjustment to changed conditions, but "was tell you what we have heard. Where we got often done in the old days too when people these songs and dance one man told us about hadn't enough money saved up to pay the regular what is going to come. washers," as B.O. said. "We are having this dance for a dead ma He is where we got these songs.200 After a f' more years this dead man is going to come f GHOST DANCE OF 1870 where we got these songs and dance. Right that man is very far off, he is at watsatsa' The reports of three informants were com- pa 'a nim (the crack-in-the-world our home) bined in another paper'99 to give a coherent way off to the east. There is a fire there picture of the great dance in Eshom Valley. the time, playing [games], and dancing all t S.O.'s contribution to that synthesis follows; time. The people there disappear in the day his account makes it appear that the Eshom time. We are making this dance for those Valley affair occurred early in the Ghost Dance ghosts (i n&l). You must do this all the t. diffusion. Actually, a year or perhaps more Then there will be no more getting sick and elapsed between the introduction of the move- dying." ment via the Northfork Mono and its culmination Tapunaci al*o told the people to swim o in the great dance in Eshom Valley. bathe themselves each morning. But no verba The Ghost Dance was called the "round ritual comparable to baptism was prescribed dance" (ka man soi wts) by Michahai and Wak- and, as morning bathing was customary with sachi. The term "war dance;' used by local Yokuts and probably Western Mono, this was white settlers and taken over by the Indians probably a reiBmphasis of native custom. when speaking English, was due, so S.O. said, Then the dance began with singers usingi to the fact that "the Paiutes danced a war songs which were meaningless to S.O. The on dance and the white folks thought this was the one he recalls is this: same thing." he bartn, he baya, he nani The dance and its doctrine were intro- [repeated over and over] duced to the Michahai-Waksachi by a group of Dancers of both sexes indiscriminately.. ten or twelve Wobonuch singers led by a man named Tapunai. (Theionlyonelivingin1926 joined hands and, facing inwards, circled to named Ta punaci. (The only one living in 1926Q X was Ya'ki, who would not be an informant.) They the left Cclockwisel. Never did they go in cmtaEtmcvlg vi (ua opposite direction in this or any other dane came to an Entimbich village., Kiceyu (Dunlap) Th. rswr etuwada h los n and told the chief, Takas (Little George) and The arms were bent upward at the elbows, and his ~ brthr Kooi oefldco,ta the clasped hands beat downward at each step.. his brother, Kos'owi., a powerful doctor., that h acn otne ni h opn a they wanted to have an assemblage. The Eshom The dancing continued until the company was Valley site was chosen, perhaps because of its hausted, when they sat down to listen to a rather central yet secluded locality. The two short exhortation by Takas, Kosowi, or one of Entimbich chiefs acted as sponsors although the the Wobonuch singers. The alternate dancing_ area belonged to the Waksachi. Messengers were preaching, and resting were continued from sent to the Patwisha, Wukchumni, Gawia, Yokod, about eight o'clock in the evening until day, Telamni, Michahai, Chukaimina, and probably light. There was no sequence or climax to t routine, so far as S.O. knew. Although "any. other tribes. From three to five hundred rotn, sofrat..ke.Atog ay kind" of clothes were worn, all the partici- people responded, many of them from the more pants had red and black paint on their faces" distant Kings River, Tulare Lake, and Southern The common pattern was three horizontal line Valley tribes. Tley eshom Valley gathering most impressed (male) or rows of dots (female) across the The Eshom Valley gathering most impressed cheeks and nose. S.O. because of its numbers and the unflagging Eventually there were so many partici- energy exhibited. Never before nor after did pants that two concentric circles of dancers' such an affair take place. As usual, winatums were formed. The singers sat between two fi looked after the food supply, not necessarily within the circle. When speakers addressed obtaining it themselves but seeing that hunters company, they stood in front of the singers. were dispatched and that their own women rela- During the day the people were free torA tives kept up with their cooking. In spite of play games or do as they pleased, but the ma- this, hardships resulted from lack of food. jority were so tired that they merely bathed, On the evening of the day appointed for slept, and lounged. This continued for six the dance the chief Takas addressed the multi- s n tude. He explained why the meeting had been d called: that certain men had come with impor- Presumably in the Land of the Dead where the Paiute originator of the cult may have journeyed in his trance% tant news, and they wished to teach all these as did most prophets of such movements (see Spier, he i people their new songs and dances. Then Prophet Dance Of the Northwest and Its Derivatives). Tapuna~i spoke somewhat as follows: 'S . O . omitted any hint of the f inal routing of the dancers by white settlers, an episode of which I later 199Gayton, Ghost Dance of 1870, 68-72. learned elsewhere.! GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 253 After this dance the singers went on down B.O.'s account of the Ghost Dance (ni gat ,to the reservation at Tule where the people in da'man) was singularly brief and corrupted even the south end of the valley assembled for a for his usual tacit manner.03 dance. S.O. thought that the singers did not He said the first [sic] big dance was held visit the Tachi, Wowol, etc., of the lake at the south end of Eshom Valley, Waksachi egion, but that these tribes learned the songs territory, although the site had no special nd doctrine by attending the foothill dances.202 name. It was instigated by Wobonuch or n their return the singers stopped at Kiceyu horo gidi [?] singers who "sent word all over Dunlap) and a small dance was held. At some the foothills and to the lake for people to ime one 'was held at Carpenter's Flat. The come." They went on foot to the Tule River ongs were taught to persons from neighboring Reservation and southern end of the valley, but illages and small local dances were held every did not hold any dances en route. onth or so. These were attended by visitors At the resulting assemblage in Eshom rom other villages or tribes just as were Valley there were four or five hundred people, lder established ceremonies. S.O. thought the about equally mixed Yokuts and Western Mono. host dances continued with less and less fre- There were about twelve singers. These men uency and enthusiasm over a period of about were not paid, nor did they use any instrument- wo years. Finally the various chiefs felt al accompaniment. B.O. disclaimed knowledge of hat the efforts were not only futile but in- any purpose for the dance, i.e., any doctrine, urious to their people. Takas, for one, and said it was done "Just to be doing it." alled his people together at Kiceyu and spoke The singers sat between two great fires. o them, pointing out that, in spite of their Around them men and women circled in single ancing, people were still getting sick and file. [Direction not recalled by informant.] ying, that their hunting and household duties All had their faces painted with red and white ere neglected, and that the disorganized life vertical or horizontal stripes or rows of dots. d exertions were injuring their health. And The dancing was kept up throughout each night concluded by saying, "If that man's coming, until the participants were exhausted. The e'll come anyway." affair lasted about one week. 20.,i sntwotyta hsifomn mte l Actually some singers did go to TElwey~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~,t, a Tachi references to its true purpose, as well as to the dramatic~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Ilage, according to Wobonuch information, break-up described by others.~~ ~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ WESTERN MONO WOBONUCH AND ENTIMBICH TERRITORY AND INTERTRIBAL RELATIONS tu hukwaj: on north side of Kings Rive between confluence of North Fork of Kings Ri. In former times Wobonuch territory com- and Trimmer Springs; equated with the Hol prised the drainage of Mill Flat Creek in its by M.J. p d d g M F r ntsua'wait: north of the Tuhukwaj entirety and Kings River from the confluence of yowL ni: given as yui 'inU 'Um by the' its North Fork eastward indefinitely into the Waksachi informant, B.O. high Sierra Nevada. Northward the Wobonuch huro gtnU urm: as given, by B.O., locat held sites on both sides of the North Fork of south and east of Tollhouse CHodogida ?I Kings River and southward they laid claim as suhi bawai: not definitely located far as Sequoia Lake, a little beyond which Wak- aposona bikwet: given as a pusowi 't sachi land began. To the west, on the south U 'Um by B.O., located at Tollhouse on Dry side of Kings River, their territory touched Creek; probably the Posgisa of Kroeber's identification that of the Entimbich at Samson Flat, and on kokohub: not definitely located the north side of the river that of the TuhukwaJ, who held land between Trimmer Springs and the confluence of the North Fork of Kings It is my guess, to be corrected by late River. In more recent times the Wobonuch have and fuller data, that these groups are claimed all this territory as far west as Trim- autochthonous tribelets founded on the blood mer Springs, where they come in contact with tie, comparable to the Miwok ne na,and that, the Yokuts-speaking Choinimni. one proceeds southward toward the Wobonuch, The Entimbich claimed land all along the tribalizing political influence of the Yokut north side of Mill Creek (not to be confused has been sufficient to encourage the Wobonuc with Mill Flat Creek) from the point of .iiunc- to group their hamlets under the single term tion of its north and south branches to the (perhaps because the Wopo' were dominant) valley in which Dunlap is situated, and east- to have long ago welded the Waksachi into a ward to Samson Flat. Today Wobonuch and En- Yokutslike tribe. timbich are intermingled in Dunlap Valley, Incidentally, the Waksachi were named a formerly Entimbich territory, for sawmill separate tribe by the Wobonuch, who called t operations in the Mill Flat Creek area have the Pa ohabi and their central locality, Esh displaced the Wobonuch from their own habitat. Valley, Poha'biwait. It is clear from Yokut The Wobonuch, like their Western Mono Waksachi, and Wobonuch accounts that there w brethren to the north along the Sierra, were a considerable geographical, cultural, and grouped in hamlets and seem to have been or- social hiatus between the Waksachi and the ganized in more or less independent tribeletso Wobonuch. The geographical factor is one of Just what constituted these -- that is, blood importance, since Yokuts contact for the Wa bond, political bond, dialect bond, or all sachi was southward, down Lime Kiln Creek to. three -- cannot be said until we have specific ward the Wukchumni and, for the Wobonuch, to data from more of them. While the Wobonuch the west or northwest down Mill Creek or Kit informants defined their territory as given River to the Choinimni; at the same time the. above and definitely included several villages, Wobonuch intermingled with the partially such as Kadawinao, Ko'onikwe, Yumsanyu, etc., Yokut-sized (or formerly Yokuts ?) Entimbich they also spoke of sites regarded as peculiarly Mtll Creek. theirs, namely, Pawa"wat, Ko'o"nLg CKo'onikwe], The group referred to as the PasuaJ re and Paho *j, which were comparable to themains a mystery. They were identified as Yokuts pa'an or spots where tribes had their mainsastery. The wer ientified as mythical or ancestral beginnings. These in- Yokuts-speaking and placed near Aukland bym M formants also named a number of Shoshonean- yet his own and others evidence puts them i the vicinity of the Wobonuch village of speaking (Western Mono) groups lying to their Nimai'awe on Kings River. north along the Sierra, none of whom could The Entimbich have been classed both as have claimed much land. These lay between the Yokuts and as Western Mono, but I think that North Fork of Kings River and the San Joaquin the wording may be revised to state that they River, and are listed in their south-to-north are both Yokuts and Western Mono. Following occurrence [actually southeast to northwest be- Kroebers grouping, I have referred to them a cause Of the trend of the mountains): Yokuts in previous publications, but havem placed them herein with the Western Mono. wopo '&J: Wobonuch on North Fork of Kings situation is far from clear and the question River yet to be settled: I make no attempt to do 8 [25k) GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 255 Dr. C. Hart Merriam maintains that they are This movement toward Dunlap was not radi- Shoshonean-speaking, on evidence I do not find cal, for both Entimbich and Wobonuch moved convincing.204 My Entimbich informant D.S. used westward toward the flats for seed-gathering Shoshonean dialect continuously until I asked in the late spring and summer. The Entimbich or kinship terms, which she suddenly and went down Mill Creek as far as Wiselao (Local pontaneously gave in Penutian. The obvious map D, no. 11). swer, though not necessarily the correct one, s that the Entimbich, like the Waksachi and atwisha, are a tribe with lineages of both Localities okuts and Mono descent. Which was the basic oup and which the interloper is difficult to The numerous sites formerly known or oc- eli. There seems no doubt that the Waksachi cupied by Entimbich and Wobonuch are distribu- nd Patwisha were originally Shoshonean-speakers;ted over too extensive an area to be shown on f the Entimbich I feel some doubt, since it is one map. The extreme western sites of the he Wobonuch neighbors to the east who have Wobonuch (probably actually Tuhukwaj) on Kings oved in and married into the Entimbich area River are shown on Local Map D, nos. 13-18. ereas Yokuts neighbors to the west have not Entimbich and Wobonuch sites are on Local Map according to my genealogies). How, then, do F, and the higher Sierran sites of the Wobonuch he Entimbich come to speak Yokuts so often, if are on Local Map G. Names of sites and com- ey were not originally Yokuts who have recent- ments concerning them follow. Although the in- r been overwhelmed by Mono neighbors? As the formant and interpreter G.D. understood topo- othill peoples along the language borderline graphic maps, on which he located the sites he tween Shoshonean and Penutian speech are all mentioned, not all his information is accurate 206 .lingual, the Entimbich bilingualism is not For example, sites nos. 1, 2, and 3 may not be nique. at those exact spots, but are in that relative D.S., who claimed to be Entimbich (pro- spatial arrangement somewhere on that mountain ounced by her e tiptc), located the Michahai ridge. Sites on creeks, especially those at tSquaw Valley, the Entimbich at Dunlap, the confluences, are accurate. bonuch on Mill Flat Creek (though in modern mes at Dunlap), the Tuhukwaj and Pasuaj25 on Local Map D: ngs River between Big Creek (Trimmer) and the 13. wasa mu: Trimmer Springs, called rth Fork of Kings River. The Wowo were the apa w"C by the Choinimni ukaimina and lived at Mastinao. Jo.W. said 14. suinawe e Wowo or Wawa lived at Peda wi; their chief 15. suina weta mapa dowtn: meaning s Tuko 'o, other Wowo men were A 'hac, Cikowat, confluence of suinawe fork" A'hawesa. They lived at Mastinao and were 17. kinidewetU: maning pestle place" so called Mast naci, in short, must have been 18. sasi wetu: a fishing camp ther Chukaimina or possibly Michahai. P.M., o lived at Mastinao, was referred to by Jo.W. Local Map F: Tzukaimina Che was actually Toihicha but 1. [name not recalled]: a large ved with Chukaimina]. s2. [name not recalled]: Eagle's home The incursion of Wobonuch at Dunlap began 3. ta obtn: Falcon's home; "the rock out fifty years ago (roughly 1875). This was looks like a face" (G.D.) ted by J.B., who said he had moved up there 4. yakapu: site of the war with the mo the Wukchumni area some forty to fifty Pasuwaj ars ago [from 1926]. The following persons 5. tebmg:, beaver place Yokuts word) re established at Dunlap when he came: En- 6. namai awe: meaning all colorsno ich: Captain George, Little George, and the rocks are said to be nacreous or highly wucui; Wobonuch: Pete (Je buk), a shaman; 7. yumsa'nyu: a large village sie (So 'oi), his sister; and their father, 8.. peko aweti lin (Harry Fisher ?). 9. wokocina Later on the following people moved down: 10. wiyama'huwe lolohi (Joe Waley's father); Samson Jack 11. nibihoma eiipus), a former chief at Ko'onikwe; Jim 12. siliawet: [said to be the site of ley (Sawai); Lazy Jim (A'wtt); and Mase'li the new San Joaquin Light and Power Company's shaman accused of killing Sally Osborn at dam, 1926] tatu). PuSltl&.n was then living at Mastinao. rock"t The Wobonuch informant J.C. said he came 14. tutu"ap: Garlic Meadow Dunlap when he was about ten years old 15. tomokozo no: site of the folktale bout 1890). He was born "somewhere north of "Condor Steals Falcon's Sister" 7 sonikwe." 2~~~~~~~~~~~06The maps used were California Dinuba Quadrangle and Tehipite Quadrangle. Proper names given in the lists are Mrriam, The Em'-tim'-biltch, a Shoshonean Trilbe, 497. on those maps. '05Probably the people of Apa'wtc9; see local map D, no.13. "'7Cf. Oayton and Newman, 44. 4) ^~~~~~~~~ 33 \ ~~~~~~~-, 94%7vre/st. a.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i~~8 0 4bUNAI 47 \4 44eOz ak -. 2300 - \ . _ f t s ?t46rS Map 4. Local Map F: Entimbich and Wobonuch Territory (2000- to 7000-root level) / 1 Svrnt Zf ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~TLImemch /y /O, Xo OOCo /0,000' Simpson ", Co//ins t'7edow Meadows "' ,5 0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ;$ 2 X :: />Ide/ _ 0,6~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ /0,000' e 1,45k ' QIq '9707w " " Mt Kennedy e /4400' %.'k ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Volcanic LaAes 0' 0 At1?"; A S S ,',n9/7 " Y%'~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~' g t g /~~~~~~~~80 \- A ' ~ \.%' > ~ ~~ BL4" '' '" ' J ""-'t%^>S, , F c~~~s' ~ ~ ~ $~~~.j5o Ba/I L~~~~~~~olneI 0-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~NX '''-k950 Map 5. Local Map G: Wobonuch Territory (7000- to 10 ,000-foot level) 258 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 16. habedi kewe: a summer camp where shamans foregathered; called by Michahai. 17. tsaksabiwetu: meaning "live oak tawa tsanahahai, meaning "dead eaten' or place"; Kirch Flat tawa'tsa'asot'ho'i, meaning "dead person 18. [name not recalled]: a fishing skinned" 208 camp 48. tupuha pu: Millwood 19. sita mLn: a fishing camp; a 49. to'o'Jiwet: Sequoia lakes (supernatural?] cougar lived there. When people had caught sufficient fish, Cougar would Local Map G: "go down under the water and scare the fish 1. pawuhaba away." 2. pa uw&jweyu: this peak was a man 20. pa ha: meaning "pestle"; an acorn- named Pa 'uwJ (see no. 11); Obelisk Peak pounding place 3. tu bosani: Gnat Meadow 21. uca'wikai: a fish camp; "the fish 4. et& 'ptu: a rock formation showing went up Mill Flat Creek at night and came down where the animals held council in the prehuman in masses"; a fish weir was set there era;209 given as e t&pi by Ma., who said it was 22. pa Jipu: a hamlet a trading center where Eastern and Western Mono, 23. u nanigapu: a dance place belong- met to parley and trade; it is on a trans- ing to no. 22 Sierra trail as located by G.D. 24. woi'ondabo 5. [not named]: the lakes where the 25. ti'anu bikwat: a hamlet with cedar- young woman, Kaneo, became an underwater bark houses; tUyanobikwe (Jo.W.) creature 210 25a. cuwa o 6. tu'huc ma'dikap: meaning "deer 26. wowo'weti themselves"; where deer congregate 27. wana'oweti: confluence of Converse 7. apuwi Jiwana: hamlet where the Creek and Kings River shaman, Topo , killed people (anecdote 9,p. 280 28. toho mnyu: Crabtree 8. kaha' naai 29. mapai`'iweti: see also no. 33 9. pawawa ti: a place where it was 30. ko'o'nikwe: an important Wobonuch said to rain first each season village, called soho'nto by the Entimbich; the 10. pabahiji: meaning "water-crossing' name was said to refer to quantities of human 11. kai binum: the elder brother of bones resulting from a fight there; no. 3 Mill the man Pauw'J (no. 2); Buck Rock. These men Camp; given as ko'o nikwaip and 'so nto br J.B. wore deerskin shirts. When Pauw&j challenged who said 'fsonto means 'many died there'.' Kaibinum to a fight with clubs they started to 31. utzu'z: a spring near no. 30 pull off their shirts; they shook hard and 31. wokwo "ak: tobacco-plant site knocked down a lot of rocks. But Kaibinum was 31a. no recalled an site not quick enough: before he got his shirt off, 32. [name not recalled): White Deer Pauw&j had clubbed him. That is why he is Flat shorter (Buck Rock, 8502 ft.; Obelisk, 9707 ft. 33. mapai kweti: meaning "everything (See the Waksachi version.) drinks"; a salt spring where birds and animals came to drink; Davis Flat; see also no. 29 34. mesawa te: a bear's hole surround- Local Maps F and G: sites mentioned but ed with much thick brush, on Samson Creek not definitely located by D.S. 35. kada"wina'o: an important Wobonuch tai yup: meaning berdache"; a rock village; conflicting information from Jo.W. toward kings River and near Taobn n (F 3) placed it about 2 miles east.of Millwood (no.48) kwina makwatzaip: meaning "Eagle fell 36. po'o hawe: in Converse Basin off,"211 a rock above Taobin, possibly F 2 37. wosa'nyu: Hume puna pnyu: an Entimbich ?) camp 6 miles 38. pa"kini: meaning "Falcon's water"; west of Dunlap a large waterfall on Samson Creek with a deep k,adw m n r pond beneath where Falcon would come, dive in kawdapuc: meaning crow the pool, and not reappear yawa 'tsa 39. koiwa'nyutyu: Samson Flat; also taka'pi: meaning "salt"; the locality given as kwe'o nyu tMa.), 'we'onnyu (J.B.) from which red paint and flint were got by the 40. tada ni Eastern Mono; no one was thought to live there 41. ku'dsowab': meaning "dogwood"; an nimu mai: a Wobonuch hamlet t Entimbich village site near Austin's Store, It kinia monab: an acorn-pounding place Dunlap; called kice yu, meaning "dogwood," by near another big rock"; refers to Falcon Entimbich and Yokuts-speaking people 42. wo'Jidu: an Entimbich village site Trade near Basket Susie's house; name refers to "a blackbird with sharp wings and tail" The Eastern Mono (Yo 'wac) brought salt 43. tinigo ba: valley in which Dunlap (ta'kap), pifion nuts, baskets, poison [sic], is located; given as tina'batu and t&ntugubatu red paint (pi'Sap) and another salt (o'mobi). by D.S. 44. tababuni: bald rocks on the bluff 208 G above Jo.W's place See Gayton, Yokuts-Mono Chiefs and Shamans, 392-393, 45. nasiga"weti: gulch on road between for anecdote referring to these shamans' gatherings. Dunlap and the Baker Ranch, Dunlap '09Cf. Gayton and Newman, 41. 46. tsuhuna ote: outcroppings of rock near house on Baker Ranch, Dunlap '10Ibid., 40. 47. tsu'api dika: meaning "dead eaten"; high hill on Baker Ranch (Jorgensen Point) "1lCf. ibid., 48, for the story of Pumkwesh and Coyote.' GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 259 In return they wanted buckskin, both clamshell standing out to meet him, and said, "We want disc and tubular shell money, Yokuts baskets, girls." Supana told him to get out, but Mutulu canes for arrows, and acorn flour. replied, "No, we'll have war first." The Eastern and Western Mono were friendly The Wobonuch had planned just what to do. and traveled freely in each other's territory. They suddenly jumped on all the intruders. Nevertheless most of the traveling was done by Supana, Wilolohi, and a third man seized Mutulu NvthelEtern monost whof ce traveltwar o tdone. b and held him while another man shot at him. the Eastern Mono, who came westward to trade. Then they "threw him down and broke his neck, They came in groups of about ten during July they cut his throat and threw his head away and went on west and south from the Wobonuch to off." And far over there they heard the head trade with the Waksachi and Wukchumni; this was say, "It's a good thing you killed me. I've the limit of their venture into Yokuts territory,been doing this just for meanness." The Eastern Mono "came down to trade but Supana then told the men from the coast to never settled; they came to Tomokozono (Local go back at once and tell their own chief what Map F, no. 15], Pabahiji [Local Map G, no. 10], had happened and, if they did not go, the Wobonuch would drive them out. After they went and sometimes to Wosanyu [Local Map F, no. 37], the girls came out of hiding. Many of the and then went on down to the Waksachi and Wuk- girls who had been captured were returned to chumni" (Jo.W.). their homes, but some stayed right there [at Hostilities212 Ko'onikweJ from preference. Hotilitie The wounded man.--M.J. said that once at A~~ shma' radn at.Tetie Ko'onikwe an enemy man "had been shot all over Living on the Pacific coast were known to the witharrws." Ten y thought that sh was dead Wobonuch as the To kya. The Tokya are properly but actually heTwas alivehandhwatceingspeople the Chumash or Salinan, but both M.J. and G.D. but actually he was alive and watching people placed them at Monterey. Certainly they were escape. Someone saw him move and called to kown to the upland Western Mono only by hear- esp Someo saw imjmoe an called say, and the following story of an event which r s come.T injured m gt and tookplae i th yoth o G..'sgradfaher ran. His pursuers soon caught him and cut off took place in the youth of G.D.'s grandfather his head. "tHe died right there." can scarcely be accepted at its face value. An 9ncounter undoubtedly occurred, but the length nd motivation of the raiding party's trip as STRUCTURES 'tated is scarcely credible. One suspects that tales of mission raids for converts may have Sweat House enerated the explanation of the stranger's resence in the foothills, for the time was The sweat house (mos or mosa) as known probably in the first quarter of the nineteenth and used at Yumsanyu was described by M.J. and entury. The account follows as given by M.J., at Kadawinao by Jo.W. Their accounts were in -.D. interpreting. agreement. At both villages the sweat house was a 2-post type similar to the Yokuts struc- Mutulu was a big shaman from the Tokya. ture in all respects. The floor, 12 to 15 feet ie had a lot of companions who also had much supernatural power. Every year they would come in diameter was excavated all over about 18 over to get young girls. One year Mutulu inches. Two forked center posts with a tie- rought his men over as far as lower Mill Creek beam supported the roof poles whose butts were here the Choinimni lived. They picked up all lodged against the angle between the floor and the nubile girls, no matter how hard the people earth wall. The doorway had three uprights ought, and went on to the next village and did across which a horizontal log supported the the same. They took all the girls back to the roof poles at that point. While the work on oast. The next year they came up as far as the Waksachi, and the year after that to the the frame was being done women collected brush chahai, Entimbich, and Wobonuch. They came and "weeds" to lay over the roof poles. Both ght up to Ko'onikwe. women and children assisted the men in throwing The people there had been warned of their and packing earth over the roof. When the pproach. The girls were all taken off and structure was completed the chief announced dden far from camp. Supana and Wilolohi were that there would be a feast in six days. For oung men then. Supana conferred with the old this men killed deer and women prepared vege- eople in the village and discussed whether or table foods. Everyone in the village attended ot to have an open fight. The men replied this food s he at th e assembly hat, if Mululu and his companions were backed this feast, which was held at the assembly y more supernatural power than themselves, space. In the afternoon, after the meal, the they'd die anyway and if they could manage to chief made a speech about the new sweat house 11 him it would be good riddance." So they and led the men into it for the first sweat. ecided to try. When the Tokya shaman came, "If there wasn't room for all the men at once, Rollowed by his men and the girls they had the chief and the important men went first and bollected, he walked up to Supana, who was others took their turn after." (The important i lSee also an account of a Wobonuch - PasuaJ war in men might be brothers of the chief, shamans, Wyton, Yokcuts-Mono Chiefs and Shamans, 383. Bear dancers, and winatums.) 260 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Usually there was but one sweat house to a by horizontal bands of more pliable live oak, village and small hamlets did not have them at and a hoop at the top separated the pole tip all. Normally a sweat house held ten to to form a smoke hole (tu to). The covering fifteen men and, on occasions of overcrowding, of long matlike strips of "brush" which had as when many visitors were present, groups of been cut all the same length and pounded unti friends took turns using it. The fire was soft. This brush was' either so nabi, sa tup, placed Just inside the door so that those going or tu hap (all unidentified). Unlike Yokuts' in or out had to leap over it. [The fire was thatch, which was twined only along the top in the center, Jo.W.J Whoever was sweating edge, that of the Entimbich was twined with supplied the wood: it was no one person's milkweed cord in two parallel rows which werd particular duty. The wood was piled each side equidistant from the edge and from each othei of the door and the two "toughest" men lay by These matlike strips were tied horizontally these piles to keep up the fire. Older or with milkweed cord and overlapped exactly 1i weaker men stayed at the far end of the house. thatch; D.S. could not tell me how these wer The sweat bath taken in the mos was called made to fit the conical frame. mosamai. The preferred time was late afternoon. The fireplace was hollowed out in the After the heating the men ran to the water to center of the dwelling. The floor was carpet bathe. Old men often were so affected by the with oak leaves (ma nakab') and beds or sitti heat that they staggered or fell down on their places were made softer with a fern covering way to the stream. Boys were not permitted to (nimoi mpub; the black basket-fibre fern, indulge in sweating until they were twelve to maidenhair or five-finger ?). fifteen years old, and even then for a year or When building a house, men put up the so were under the watchful eye of older men. frame; women cut and carried the thatch mate . However, in the mornings and early after- al; men twined the thatch and tied it on. noon.boys gathered there to listen to the The informant Ma. said that the thatched stories and advice of old men. At Yumsanyu the house at Ko'onikwe had domed roofs, not coni most revered authority was Supana,who also This may have been the 2-post elliptical houS functioned in the same capacity at Kadawinao. similar to that of the Waksachi. This instruction was informal:- no boy was The cedarbark house (wato ni) was as la forced to go or to attend Supana's talk. (There at the base as the conical house "but was not was no puberty rite of any sort for boys.) When so high." The floor was not excavated. The the sweat house was empty boys were free to basic frame was of three posts tied together play there "because it was a nice warm place." at the top and spraddled like a tripod. Into Little girls could not go in; women never the crotch formed by these were laid other entered. But any man who wished might enter poles, all held in place with two horizontal at any time. bands of live oak withes. Against the frame` No ritual was associated with the sweat were laid slabs of cedar bark (wa'pu) which house: shamans practiced dance steps there but were lashed to the horizontal bands with milk this never developed into deliberate entertain- weed cord (wi "sibeb) in a crude twined "stitc ment. In the same way, singers sang. The The floor of this house was not covered with flute was played there for pleasure. leaves. The preferred bed or seat was of tul Unattached men slept in the sweat house, [mats ?I (saiJbi) or another water plant "but married men slept at home all the year (pasa 'abi, unidentified). Earth was banked round." up around the exterior base of the house. The construction of a new sweat house was not undertaken unless necessitated by constant overcrowding, structural decay, or a fatal fire. The sweat house was known in the prehuman Storehouse era. It was first made by Eagle and Coyote: "they gave it to the Indians." The acorn storehouse (mo surad) was rais on four or more posts and was covered with a few windings of matting. D.S. said one reac Dwellings in at the top by climbing a ladder made of sticks twined together along each edge and h Entimbich houses were described by D.S. from the top of the storehouse frame. Two types were used, the conical thatched house similar to that of the Central Foothill Yokuts, and the typical Western Mono cedarbark hut. Village Plan The conical house (sona'nobi) had frame poles of live oak (we \ibab). The circular Jo.W. said that houses were arranged in floor space (ti btb), which varied from 6 to semicircle with the local chief (po 'ginape) 12 feet in diameter according to the needs of and messenger (na'tinab) living in the center' the occupants, was excavated all over for 16 to houses. The houses faced south, southeast,o0 18 inches. The frame poles were held in place southwest. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 261 Each village of any size had its own dance (protein glue, asphalt, or pine pitch ?, or assembly space. This was roughly circular probably the last) and sinews bound over it. and was left open under normal circumstances. The most common arrow poisons were made Shades and windbreaks for a mourning ceremony, from rotted deer liver which had been dried in or the circular screening for a snake ritual, the sun. When used, a small lump was rubbed were put up as needed. (The snake ritual, of down on a stone and the powder smeared on the course, was not given by the Wobonuch, and only arrowpoints. Another poison with deer-liver as an imported affair by the Entimbich.) This base was made from liver which had been bitten space was called manai gana ni gawe (lit., by rattlesnakes. The snakes were, of course, dance place). captured for the purpose and the liver held to meet their angered strikes. (This was not a prerogative of persons with Rattlesnake totem HUNTING AND FISHING but of "any man that knew how" EM.J., G.D.)). Poisoned arrows were kept in a special quiver Hunting Weapons beyond the reach of children. The poison worked slowly over a 24-hour period; deer Wobonuch bows and arrows were like those injured and sickening from a poisoned wound described for the Waksachi and Michahai. Bows were trailed. were made of cedar (sic, juniper) wood. When Another arrow poison was made from plants a man went to get the wood he did so in secrecy which the informants could not identify, and a [no reason known: "maybe he didn't want the still different plant poison was used to animals to see him" G.D.]. When the bow was stupefy fish. shaped and the ends recurved ready for the ap- A bola (tadata 'bino) was made of a little plication of the sinew, it was set back upward sack of hard leather such as that from a deer on two forked sticks. Chips of deer antler neck, filled with a round stone and tied to a and sinew were all boiled together. The glue long cord of braided deerskin. Swung round and was smeared on the back of the bow and the thrown, it was used for birds or squirrels in sinew laid into it. The sinew was pounded tree tops, since arrows were ineffectual when lightly into place with a stone: "it never shot upward and were deflected by twigs. It came off" (M.J.). The bow was then wrapped in was also used for small game anywhere. Young its entirety in milkweed cord and left in the boys, more than men, carried and used bolas and sun to dry for a day. When it was unwrapped, frequently engaged in battles with them. adhering fuzz and roughness on the sinew was smoothed down with an obsidian blade. Names for various parts of arrows were Deer Hunting given by M.J.: ha'obi, cane, and cane arrow made from it; wi Jabi, live oak, and the de- When a man started out to hunt deer he tachable foreshaft made from it; ta kupak, would scuff the earth off a gopher hole and say, obsidian arrowpoint (ta'kap, obsidian). To "Give me some deer." 213 Some hunters had feather deer arrows a small spot of pitch was special powers derived from Cougar and from put on the center of each feather's rib to make Deer which aided their success (see "Super- it adhere to the shaft, since the feathers had natural Power"). a tendency to bow up and slip out of the wrap- It was not necessary for every hunter to ping at each end. Also, on deer arrows the divide his game with his fellow villagers; only feathers were laid straight (instead of slight- those men who were skilled hunters and had ly spiraled) so they were silent when traveling: dream power from Deer did so. When such a swirled feathers made "a rushing sound" (M.J., division was made, "the doctors always got the G.D.). biggest pieces; the chief didn't care whether Obsidian for arrowpoints was bought in he had any or not" (M.J.). The ham was con- rough form from the Eastern Mono and worked by sidered'the best piece, but both M.J. and G.D. the Wobonuch and Entimbich. They resold both felt there was no great preference for certain rough and finished forms to their Yokuts parts. neighbors. To shape the obsidian a piece was Deer stalking.--This method was called held in the left hand beneath the straight tuhuc to'o k' and made use of the deer dis- thumb and crooked index finger, braced by the guise. [I did not get a description of the middle finger, A buckskin guard was sometimes, Wobonuch deer disguise.] It was used by a man but not always, laid into the palm of the hand alone; Wilolohi was a deer-stalker who used one. under the obsidian. A flake was detached from When the hunter approached the deer he attract- its core by pressure from a little bone called ed them by hitting the antlers of his disguise maikLp which came from "a deer's dew toe" with a stick. There was no respectful address (M.J., G.D.). When an arrowpoint was to be attached to '13Gopher 's power in this connection is inexplicable; similar was the Waksachi B.O. 's statement that a man with an arrow, its butt was sunk in a slot of the Dear totem would not eat gopher, as it was a second ibuk shaft and the whole smeared with tu tsonap' for that totem. 262 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS to the animals before shooting them. When an hunted by several men. All of the men who went animal had been killed, the hunter remained in took poles of mountain mahogany wood about ambush until the deer were again calm and then eight feet long; one man was chosen as shooter sneaked about until he had an opportunity for and was armed with bow and arrows. another shot. Two or three deer might be got The men stuffed up the entrance to the this way. cave with grass and brush. Then two or three Deer tracking.--To track deer was called stood on each side of the entrance with their tuhuc ma diyo. A hardy man, seeing a big poles braced horizontally across it. The hunt-. buck's tracks, would pursue the deer until it er stood alone to the side front and, when all was exhausted; this might take some twenty-four was ready, another man pulled out the stuffing'. hours. Deer lack endurance because "a deer from between the bars. By this time the bear gets so hot his fat melts and chokes him" had wakened and rushed the entrance where, at (M.J., G.D.). least delayed if not actually stopped by the For shooting at a standing deer, aim bars, he was shot. If the bear was not roused should be taken about eighteen inches below the when the stuffing was removed, he was prodded belly because the animal becomes aware of the with one of the long poles. The skin and claws arrow and crouches to spring forward in that became the possession of the shooter; the meat final instant when the arrow reaches and was divided among the others. strikes it. For this reason the feathers on Sometimes a single hunter would track and deer arrows are laid straight so they would not shoot a bear, but it took a brave and skillful produce a warning whir as swirled feathers did. man. The bear must be hit behind the shoulder Deer were not hunted in deep snow, al- on the first shot, otherwise he would attack though it was said that "they would lie down in and kill the hunter. Brown bears were hard to deep snow and sink right out of sight." The approach because they looked about suspiciously- Wobonuch did not use snowshoes (M.J., G.D.). as they ate; a grizzly bear when eating "paid Deer trapping.--Deer trapping, tuhuc no attention to anything, the hunter only had manahu"yan, was a method used by unskilled to look out for the wind" (M.J., G.D.). hunters. The description was inadequate. A long pole was cut and its butt lashed to a Firing Brush small tree trunk or sunk in the ground beside a deer trail. To its tip a rope and noose of When game was needed in a hurry, as for a e binab were attached.214 The pole was pulled ceremony or special feast, an encircling fire over and held by the taut rope which was kept would be set at the base of one of the many at a tension [presumably by a vertical trigger small conical hills of the Wobonuch region. against a horizontal barJ. The spring con- Several hunters were posted about to shoot the sisted of two flat sticks lying with one end on animals as they broke through the ring of the ground, the other on the horizontal bar flames. "This way you might get rabbits, raised about two inches off the ground. The skunks, deer or anything" (M.J.). Bears were noose lay spread over the flat sticks so that particularly dangerous, for they rushed out of an animal, stepping on the sticks and releasing the smoke and bit men before they had a chance the trigger, was caught by the leg. If the to shoot. deer was still struggling when the hunter found it, he dispatched it with an arrow shot; if it Rodent Hunting was safely exhausted, he jabbed its jugular vein just under the jawbone with an obsidian Ground squirrels were not abundant in the blade. upland territory of the Wobonuch and Entimbich Asked about albino deer or other animals, but, when the opportunity offered, they were G.D. said he had heard of them but had never ousted with smoking as was done by the Waksachi' seen any. He said he once saw an all-black The most frequent method of taking weasels, coyote but added that he "always thought it squirrels, packrats, mice, cottontail rabbits, might have been a dog." etc., was with the simple stone trap "Antelope [to 'es] lie in a ring so they (manapo 'ujhun), which consisted of a large can watch in all directions" (M.J., G.D.). flat upper stone propped up by a forked stick,- the stick's butt resting on an acorn on a flat stone base. A flexible hooked stick, like that Bear Hunting used by the Yokuts, was also employed for pulling rabbits and rats from their burrows The most common method of hunting bears .(fig. 10, a, Pt. I). was to stall one in its cave. In the spring, when a bear has just come out from hibernation, Fishing it will return to its cave to sleep on rainy days. A bear discovered doing this would be Methods of securing fish were poisoning,j 214Translated as milkweed by M.J. ; milkweed is usually trapping, and spearing. The first was identi-4 called w&*tibeb . cal with the Yokuts method. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 263 For trapping fish a weir was constructed The fish spear (piJeku`mlni), a harpoon at a suitable place after a [salmon, steelhead?] type, consisted of three parts: a wooden t run. Such a place was Ucawikai (Local Map F, handle 3 to 5 feet long, into which was set a no. 21). "The fish went up Mill Flat Creek in length of deer shank bone (pakwatui), and into masses. A weir was put up in the night to this fitted the loose, swiveled point of eagle catch the fish when they came down in the morn- bone (ho 't&s). The point, drilled at the ing" (G.D.). The weir and trap, which was center, was tied to the main shaft with several really a net bag (not a basketry trap), were feet of milkweed cord (fig. 10, k, Pt. I). The arranged as shown in figure 3, b, herein. The moment the fish was struck, the point loosened weir itself (manadadakawan) was made of inter- and was lodged in the victim. The spear was woven willows braced with stones. Actually never released from the thrusting hand; the the uprights, lodged by stones, were more or coil of excess cord was held loosely in the less permanent, and only the repairing of dam- left hand. Extra foreshafts as well as points age and the weaving-in of the horizontal willow were carried along, for they frequently broke branches was done during the night. At the on rocks under water. (The two-pronged fish center point the net bag (woko') was arranged spear with inturned points, the leister, was with mouth spread between stakes. The bag was not known.) especially netted for the purpose, was some 4 feet long and about 3 feet in diameter at the CRAFTS mouth. The men worked at the weir around mid- night, and at about 3 a.m. all the villagers Basketry ate a cold breakfast and went to the stream. A group of men had a flexible sweep, about The basketry of the Yokuts and Western 20 feet long, made of brush or grass twined Mono is so similar in techniques, shapes, and along its upper edge. (It was like a length of ornament that there is little to distinguish house thatching.) Holding this before them so the types. It may be assumed, however, that that it reached from bank to bank and dragged the resemblance is due largely to the constant in the water, these men went far upstream and eastward movement of trade in old times. That then waded down, driving the fish before them. is, the Western Mono (Wobonuch, Entimbich, omen, children, and the other men seized the Waksachi, Patwisha) have taken over Yokuts ish as they collected at the weir. They were types from earlier times and adopted them as cooped up in fish baskets or grabbed with the their own, whereas their own specific basketry ands. After this collective catch was made forms, the triangular winnowing tray and fan- en speared stray fish that were left. The shaped cradle hood, have but recently become ag in the weir opening was then emptied. This acceptable to Yokuts basketmakers. To the best ag was replaced during the middle of the night of my knowledge, even today, it is only the nd removed and emptied eaclh morning as long hooded cradle which is actually made by Yokuts. s the fish were running. Although they could make the triangular winnow- Fish from the collective drive were equal- ing trays, those in their possession were y divided among all those taking part: "if a secured by purchase. For shapes and sizes see oman had no man she got her share Just the figures 2 and 3, Part I. ame" (G.D.). The fish were slit and dried for Twined ware --Carrying or burden basket torage. (wo'no); triangular winnowing tray (to'o'tiua); seed-beater (patso ); sieve for manzanita flour or a more coarse form for fish (pu 'an); cooking basket (poto n), always decorated with horizontal bands of redbud (pl. 2 a, b, c, herein). Coiled ware.--Coiled winnowing or gambling trays and those used by shamans (sai ya); wash- ing basket, water basket, a large flaring-sided style (sai "op); bottleneck basket (o sa) for X X { -_ _-;' | ~~~~~reasures and also used by Rattlesnake shamans for their rattlesnakes. Cradles.--The first cradle, used for ten days, of stiff back but no hood (wa obtt), and the second (maho p), with hood, were of a - 9 N - __twined technique as shown in plate 2, b herein. Ornament.--The colorings of Wobonuch a b baskets were the same as those of the Yokuts: - ~~a creamy yellow background (tu'dinap), with Fig. 3. Fish weirs (schematic drawing), ornamentation of red or reddish brown (taka'kab1, ,Wukchumni, 1 to 3 baskets; b, Wobunuch, net redbud) and black (nimoiJmp&b, a fern also used ag and brush sweep. for bedding). 264 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS CEREMONIAL PAINT PATTERNS WESTERN MONO: ENTIMBICH FALCON: d'. BEAR.db.q OWL: J. CROW:@d. EAGLE: d EAGLE:e WESTERN MONO: WOBONUCH FALCON: cf. i EAGLE: d' S COUGAR: d'. 2 COYOE; 19 CROW:. DUCK:c'. e BEAR: @ Fig . 4 . C eremonial paint patterns: Entimbich and Wobonuch . GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 265 Pottery the edge of the pit, then set among the coals and burning wood and, when red hot, were turned All dishes or pots of clay were called upside down. They were handled with a pair of winabi by the Wobonuch. Jn.W. said all meats pine poles. Firing normally continued from were cooked in pottery vessels. Greens, such ten to eighteen hours. A thin lacquer of as wild mustard (tsomoni), were cooked in them acorn gruel was applied to the pots while still and also, in extra large pots, acorn mush.215 at high heat, then was allowed to cool. "Tuwa yiya [cougar ?; "tiger, a long- tailed spotted cat"] was the first one to get clay and make dishes. Coyote (sabuj] made Painting them too." The manufacture of pottery by Jn.W. has The Eastern Mono (yo wuc') brought over red been given in detail in a previous paper.216 paint to sell. It was not newly introduced at She was taught by her maternal grandmother. the time of the Ghost Dance: "everybody had it The various stages or processes she named as ever since Indians were born" (D.S.). Jo.W. follows: madzogoda (pounding clay) Cmabodada, said it came as a hard round ball, and was ma- pounding acorns]; mawabisunadi (rolling clay); terial got from the water. White paint came mawamiakuda (coiling clay). from the Wowo (a Yokuts group to the west]; it All Entimbich women knew how to make looked like flour (possibly lime ?I and was pottery, said D.S. It was never made by men. carried in a little skin sack. All four in- D.S. was taught by her maternal grandmother, formants for Wobonuch-Entimbich culture said Miyahati. The large pots were used primarily everyone painted for the mourning ceremonies or for cooking meat, though acorn mush was cooked for participation in special rituals. There sometimes in them. Shapes and sizes were the were fixed patterns for certain lineages, i.e., same for all Central Foothill Yokuts and Eagle, Cougar, Bear, Coyote, Crow, Duck, and Western Mono. Pottery manufacture was funda- Owl (fig. 4 herein). Jo.W. claimed that the mentally the same throughout the area: minor Rattlesnake (mu "sigi) lineage did not paint.218 variations are mentioned in the paper cited. Bat and Lizard were not lineage symbols -- The Entimbich called both the clay and the "Just dreams" -- and had no paint patterns to 'finished pots winabi. Early summer was the designate them. preferred time for making the ware, as the clay Designs were usually the same for both beds were still damp enough for the material to sexes. (The Yokuts habit of dotting women's be easily manipulated and the sunshine suffici- patterns was lacking.) ently warm to dry the vessels promptly without Paint colors were: red, pi sap (D.S., cracking the surface. Some women saved and M.J., Jo.W.); black, ya dub (D.S.), yadu bl dried clay dug in the winter for use in the (M.J.); wa"wuna, charcoal (Jo.W.); dark blue, summer. Dried clay had to be pulverized and wa"wina, "a paint like soft rock" (M.J.) [clay, winnowed, which was an added task.217 bitumen, or possibly charcoal, as charcoal The Entimbich method of pottery making produced blue tattoo marks and the word for was identical with that of the Wobonuch. Some charcoal is suspiciously like M.J.'s word]; dditional details mentioned by D.S. are as white, e tib&b (D.S.), e'bi (M.J.), ebeni follows. The process of flattening the coils (Jo.W.). with a stone she called wisu 'ubebe. Live oak bark should be used for giving the final scraping inside and out (no reason known for MISCELLANEOUS MATERIAL CULTURE ITEMS this preference). She stated that the pre- liminary sun-drying usually lasted throughout Carrying net.--The carrying net (pita') two days: if there were even a minute degree and tumpline (tu 'ap), made of milkweed cord of moisture in the interior of the clay, the (wi 'sibeb) were in form and technique like ots would crack when fired. [This is true; those of the Yokuts (cf. Wukchumni). The net ot a "belief."] D.S. knew of the Wukchumni was made and used more often by men than by ractice of marking pots with lines drawn with women but it was not exclusively a man's device. charcoal stick, but said "that was the Wuk- Soaproot brush.--The soaproot brush humni's own way." Entimbich and Wobonuch (wu nats) was made and used as by the Yokuts rked with the piece of soapstone which was (see Wukchumni). (See pl. 2, e herein.) bbed over the entire surface as a finish. Arrow straightener.--The stone arrow e fire might be of any kind of wood, but was straightener (tu'padan) was of a roughly round- n a pit. The pots were gradually heated at ed form with one or two grooves. We have not sufficient numbers in collections to know 215To cook acorn mush in a pot was called makawa'naid; whether Yokuts and Western Mono forms differed. Lo cook it in a basket, ma'i'kebeduda. The present users claimled that they did not 216Gatn Yokuts and Western Mono Pottery-making,241l-246. "l8He stated elsewhere that there was no Rattlesnake lineage among the Wobonuch, that any shaman might have 2171bid., P1. 97, b. this reptile as aA dream helper. 266 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS make them but had received them through inheri- at ten cents for a measure the circumference of tance from times past. the hand, called witsisa, and twenty-five cents Mushstirrer.--This is the stone-lifter for a tubular bead called by its Yokuts name, (cviko'o'no) of grapevine or looped young oak humana. withe used to lift hot stones from cooking Felling trees.--To fell trees they were food (pl. 2, b herein). Hot rocks were put in burned around the base. Men had short stout with a pair of pinewood tongs. sticks (to 'nap) with which they poked, jabbed, Pestle.--Pestles (pa'ha or tapaha) were of and dug at the burning portions to make the two forms: a long truncated cone type (pl. 2, fire go in deeper. Limbs and poles were "cut" d herein) for use in deep mortar holes, and a to length by the same means: "after a while shorter, blunter, more rectangular type for use they had axes (na 'ca)" (Ma.). Some firewood on rock surface or in shallow mortar holes. was left long (6 to 10 ft.) and the tips were Free mortars for preparing foodstuffs or clay continually pushed into the fire from which were not used by the Wobonuch and Entimbich, the logs extended through the door of the hous who relied on bedrock entirely. Firemaking.--The fire drill was used for Tobacco mortar and pestle.--The mortar kindling fire. Preferably two men used the (koiwts') and pestle (pa 'lwi) were of the same apparatus, one holding down each end of the type as the Yokuts' (see Wukchumni) and were hearth, the other twirling the drill between undoubtedly originally derived from them, as his palms. When alone, a man knelt on the indicated by the retention of their Yokuts hearth. The parts were: woi gonum (hearth of names. buckeye wood ); ku do (drill of manzanita); Soapstone vessel.--The steatite pot sonabi (tinder of shredded cedar bark) (Jo.W.). (wi soa) Ma. claimed was used for a cooking Water transportation.--A wooden raft utensil just like a clay pot. These pots were (ma'owita) was made of two or three logs bound; made in the vicinity, the steatite being got together with rope. Brush was then laid across from down Mill Creek, she said. and often grass or mats across the brush. This' Salt.--Salt (takap) was got from the would carry household goods, game, or a woman Eastern Mono; it was a white rock salt. Salt or children who could not swim. If the stream from salt grass (kwiyoki), which "was black and could be crossed on foot, the raft was pushed burned in lumps," came from the Wukchumni (see by one man, but if it was too deep, then two or Wukchumni). more men swam, pushing the raft with one hand. Moccasins.--Moccasins were made of hide The basket boat (mana 'no op) was a common from deer neck. When footgear was wanted for article; almost every family owned one. This a long hard trip, an extra sole of bear hide was coiled, flat-bottomed, with straight flar- was added. The sole was soaked in water, cut ing sides, about four feet in diameter at the to shape, and sewed on the outside of an al- top. Two babies could be floated in one of ready made-up moccasin. The moccasin tied these, and light precious possessions such as across the instep. CG.D. could not make the money, clothing, feather ornaments, baskets, pattern.] They were made and worn by men; etc. (This basket boat was used by the Yokuts women used them only on long trips. also; see Kechayi.) Snowshoes.--The use of snowshoes was No canoes or paddles were known, nor were denied by M.J. and G.D. A person walking in rafts ever poled (M.J.; G.D.). snow "Just carried a long stick, and the Wopo'sj Swimming.--There was a standardized swim- [Wobonuch] were never in snow much anyway."1219 ming stroke similar to that described for the Women's dress.--Deerskin aprons (ma'pu) Yokuts (see Wukchumni). It was a breaststroke, were worn by most Wobonuch and Entimbich women the arms moving symmetrically forward at center in preference to the fibre aprons of beaten then slightly outward and downward; then elbows willow bark. The skins were prepared by man; bent, fists up and forward. Meanwhile the legs the aprons cut out by women. Ma. said that were kept straight out behind and were pushed even in her girlhood the native aprons had been outward and pulled inward from the hips without displaced by "blankets and skirts somebody sent" flexion of the knees. them. Rabbitskin blanket.--The rabbitskin blanket (moro'sai, Wobonuch; ta'awodah, Entim- bich) was made by men, said D.S. Money.--All money was obtained in finished CALENDAR, NATURE, DIRECTIONS form through trade with the Yokuts. The strings of small clamshell discs were valued "In old times people counted by the week '19Snowshoes evidently were not used by the Southern which had six days" (M.J.). There were no Miwok or "Chowehilla, " pursued by Bunnell and party in the individual names for the days, but one could heavy snows of the Yosemite and Upper San Joaquin River refer to the middle of the week as being half areas. In fact, few of the white men in Bunnell1'^ party even knew what snowshoes were (Bunnell, Discovery Of Yo- over with the phrase, mutuwo 'koban. This six- semite, 139). day week was called si 'man (undoubtedly Spanish GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 267 semana).220 Five weeks made up a month, which Tupadana (Arrpwstraightener) is a rock was called tawi awi (moon). The first four toward the north. Cigibaha, its grandfather, weeks following a new moon were called, su"ma threw it on the fire and it made a bright light. (first) siman, wai (second) 3iman, pa 'hi (third) Then he went off to the sky taking the moon siman, and watsakwi (fourth) siman. The fifth [the glowing arrowstraightener) with him. When iman, and wasakwi fourt)imn Thefifth the moon is full we can see 6igibaha up there week, or dark of the moon, was not called fifth, [as the markings on the moon] M.J. insisted, but by the phrase designating that phase of the moon, totsoi "ida ta'uwa (dead moon). In a myth it is told that a grandfather Each month [moon] had a name, but M.J. took his wayward grandson, Hainano, to the moon 222 could not recall them all. He said there were on his back to save him from his pursuers. twelve or thirteen, he "didn't know which." The The following terms were given by Jo.W.: following he described thus: ta'djup: star (general) mabaci lan tawiawi: acorns ripe moon; late ta 'buha: morning or evening star [thought September. to be always the same star] nawu'wa tawiawi: acorns drop moon; late yomohokwi mare: a particular star visible October or early November. Bear Dance given at at Dunlap in late December this time. so i'so i: young girls; the Pleiades sunama tawiawi: storing moon; November. nazokwo wite: the young girls' husbands; Acorns stored after shelling and drying in a (constellation unidentified] storehouse called manasuman. ha'lu: "cup"; the Ursa Major; [idea wazazohima tawiawi: means "the ground was probably of Euro,pean derivation) bulging up from freezing"; about December. The tu'huc poi'hut: meaning deer race; the shamans' general curing performance (manapo- Milkh Way; two deer ran a race across that ha'gigan) given about this time. It was the path time for night bathing in seeking supernatural tabe gotap: the rainbow; [informant knew power. no cause nor meaning for this] kowa'wu tawiawi: this referred to the tokwi'yap: thunder; "this got mad and sun's shining everywhere after the winter struck trees; the people would get out and solstice. Mountains south of the Wobonuch holler to it to stop -- no words -- just holler- territory obscured the winter sun in the early ing.223 morning and evening; about January the sun pa owap: rain again shone "everywhere." paha okwap: hail tawa'nu tawiawi: a spring moon; about nu'babi: snow March. Jimsonweed drinking at this time and po'gunaotzapa nide: fog later the Rattlesnake Ritual. tobo pa ma 'c c'kan: earthquake (lit., taza'wuna tawiawi: a summer moon [proba- world tremble) bly late August-September] when the Annual hukwade: wind Mourning Ceremony was held. tu'bewi hukwade: south wind kwi 'i Suna hukwade: west wind pita 'cuna hukwade: north wind The phases of the moon were called, ac- tu'nakwe hukwade: east wind cording to Jo.W.: The directions are: tube kwi (south); ta'o: the moon, particularly the full kwiwi' (west); pita' (north, also said to mean moon m , ,, upward or skyward); tu nakwe (east or mountain- of the moon ward); paiya'na makwa wai, downstream; paiyana tao edaw&s: the waning moon tu nakwetugo, upstream. [The informant had totsoi ida ta'uwa: the dark of the moon never heard of a certain spot as the center of An eclipse, madukada-tudakida (lit., eat- the world.] ing it turtle) ,221 was attributed to a water animal's eating the moon. It was an ill omen. Old people, particularly old women, would run PLEASURES out and shout to the creature to stop. Games According to Jo.W., "the moon comes out when the morning star talks to it." He told Shinny.--Two names, na katukoinau and the following: na'kutakoida, were given by Jo.W. for this game. It was played on a long runway with a goal hole at one end and a post at the other. 220To set 6- or 12-day periods in advance was undoubtedly 2?2Gayton and Newman, 46. aboriginal, but the name for this period and the arrange- mnent of the periods as a month are probably of European 2231t is said in a myth that the way to stop thunder is (Mission) derivation. to make a bitch howl. The Thunder Twins were fostered by a bitch; when they hear one crying in pain, they will cease 221"Tudakida is something like a turtle" (Jo .W. ); tortoise? their disturbance( ibid ., 149) . 268 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECO Players started from the hole, went around the post (but were not required to hit it), and re- turned to hole their balls. There was no scoring, as the first man in won. Four to six men played, according to the size of the grounds. A sort of referee usually ran along with the players to prevent them from fighting en route. Women occasionally played, but not with or against men. The following terms were used: ono now , the ball; tu"napa, the club; co _ _ _v and to 'op, the goal hole. Pierced hoop and pole.--This game (pa'sinu) was exclusively a man's game. Two men played, b the ring being shot forward and the pole after it. There were ten counters kept by a score- keeper; it was necessary to get all the counters twice to win. The hoop was about four inches in diameter, preferably of live oak withe or, secondarily, of milkweed cord, wrapped with milkweed cord (wisibeb). The pole was some six feet long. The scoring was: hoop leaning against pole, 1; hoop lying horizontal- ly on pole, 4; hoop pierced by pole, 5; hoop standing vertically by pole, nothing (fig. 5, g herein). The pieces of equipment were called: wi kono, the hoop, regardless of material; pa sino, the pole. Tossed hoop game.--The game (manacckwain) was played with a long stick with a curved end _ from which wks tossed a hoop of milkweed cord. It was played by partners who tossed the hoop one to another along a course similar to that for shinny (usually the same runway, said Jo.W.). If the hoop fell to the ground, "that side lost and paid up right there." Winning merely granted one point if the aim was toward a fixed score; additional points need not be consecu- tive. Both sexes played. Chip and pole.--This game (tubono'tugo) was played by casting forward a small block of \ wood and hurling a pole after it. Eight men played, each making an individual shot. To hit the chip or to come nearest it counted six. Jo.W. could not explain how the final scoring was counted. A variation of the game, called na'tuwoidi, differed only in having the players divided in two groups of four each. Equipment included: wobl', the "chip," a block of wood about 4 by 1 by 1 inches; u doiwob1, the pole, which was short, "about the length of the fore- arm" (Jo.W.). Matching lines.--This was a man's 8 game Fig. 5. Wobonuch games. String figures: [name not obtained). Two men, each holding a a, Spider's House; b, Spider's House II, with basketry tray, sat on the ground facing each knot as spider; c, Falcon's Carrying Net; d, other. Holding his tray vertically and face Sweat House with Rising Smoke (made over four inward, each drew on the ground a pair of lines fingers); e, cup and pin game; f, women's stiz from the inner edge of his tray toward himself dice; g, scoring of pierced hoop, 1, 4(horizon with the index and middle (second and third) tal), 5, O(unless hoop falls over touching pol fingers, making one line longer than its mate. The man who was doing the matching or guessing guesser was lost to the opponent on an error. attempted to put his long line on the same side Stick dice.--This dice game (ta cinida) ! [left or right) as his opponent's. Ten was played on the ground in the daytime by counters were kept by a scorekeeper; each either or both sexes. There were eight sticks correct guess counted one. The position of flat on one side and marked with red paint on GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 269 one side. The bundle of sticks was grasped There were two types of flutes, both of with both hands and cast downward on a skin or elderwood. The common form was about 18 inches mat. The counts were reckoned on the number of long, 1 inch in diameter at the mouth end, with faces up or down, but Jo.W. could not specify the pith removed throughout. Near the lower them. end were four vertical slots about 3 inches Women's dice game.--This daytime game was long and equidistant from each other. Above called hucu&'&sa (Yokuts) or wo%bima ma narohtn these, in a row, were the holes, all about (sticks game). There were eight short sticks 1-1/2 inches apart. (ta'nohina; also given as siniWnupub), painted The second form, called manawacoi kina, red on their flat sides and with a slight trans- was much longer and slenderer and had eight verse cut on their curved backs "for good luck" holes.224 It was said to "make a fine sound"; (ma puk"ci) (fig. 5, f herein). These were anyone who wished might attempt to play it. tossed up on a tray (saiya) which was passed to The whistle (hu guinu) was used only by the right (counterclockwise) as each player shamans and Jimsonweed dreamers. It was made took one turn. This was played by women, four of an eagle shank, was about 4 inches long and on each side; men played infrequently. The had one hole, the shaft being plugged with pine score was kept by a scorekeeper with ten [?] pitch (wo hab masana) Just back of the hole. counters. The count was : two flat side down, The cocoon rattle (sa'naJ, Yokuts) was 2; five flat side down, 5; all down, 8; all up, used by singers at the Snake Ritual and Bear nothing. Dance. Hand game.--The hand game (nai'akwida) The clapper (tusugu guh&d, Jo.W.; was a favorite diversion of men in the sweat wutadi gih&n, M.J.) was used with Jimsonweed house although played in homes at night by both Ritual singing and for all dances and singing sexes. There were usually six persons to a accompaniment save the Bear Dance, for which side. Hiding of the two bones, one marked to the cocoon rattle was used exclusively. be guessed for, was done under a blanket. The The musical bow was a small simple bow hiding side sang, crossing and rotating their some 2 to 3 feet long made of any wood and with hands while their opponents guessed. A score- sinew string. One end was held in the mouth keeper held twelve counters; a correct guess between the teeth and the string twanged. counted one. A hider who lost could continue The foot-drum (pumpum) was known only by to hold the bones until he was discouraged by hearsay as belonging to tribes toward the north. his back luck, if he wished. The interpreter, G.D., said he had seen it in Cup and pin game.--This toy, called use in Shasta County. ma nab' cu nunuhoin [acorn ? toss], was known The rasp, or rasp drum, and the bull- to the Wobonuch. The cup was an acorn shell roarer were unknown. Pressing inquiry about tied through its apex to a small bone (fig. 5, the bull-roarer merely elicited information e herein), about the bola weapon. String figures.--Jo.W. said that this diversion, called tilbo'pamakaknan, was very popular, nearly everyone knew how to make Tobacco string figures. He demonstrated four and said there were many more. The names of the final Tobacco growing in the vicinity of Yum- forms (fig. 5, a-d, herein) he made were sanyu and Kadawinao, according to M.J. and pider's House; Spider's House with Spider; Jo.W., was "Just like that on Kings River." alcon's Net; and Sweat House with Smoke. The Wobonuch use of tobacco parallels that of the Yokuts but their care of the plants was more assiduous. Musical Instruments In spring interested persons would watch the patches of tobacco plants. When the earth Musical instruments used at Yumsanyu were became dry they loosened it with digging sticks escribed by M.J. and carried water to soften it. The tips of The flute (woiAna) was exclusively a man's the plants were pinched out "to make big nstrument; not many men played but any man who leaves." If the leaves were wanted, large ished to might try to learn. It was thought worms which infested the plants were picked off. ifficult because it necessitated holding the M.J. declared that all this care was aboriginal reath a long time. It was most frequently -- "an oldtime custom" -- and was not an imita- layed before bedtime or as an amusement in the tion of white agricultural practice. Seeds eat house; there were no restrictions on its were not saved or sown, which inferentially Be. Youths carried flutes hanging from their strengthens his assertion. The ground was not ilts. The first flute was made by Waterdog burned over after the plants had died. ana 'dzan). "He went home and played it and ade a lot of rain. Waterdog is a dream but ______ ot a mapuk" [a dream helper but not a family '22Barrett and Gifford cite 8-hole flutes for the Miwok Dtem] . (Minok Material Culture, 250). 270 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Two types of tobacco were prepared, as by The Tachi225 came up to trade for Wobonuch the Yokuts: common quality (so 'og) and fine tobacco for, although they had tobacco of their quality (pulci 'na). own, they )acked the wecina plant which diluted the excessive strength of the narcotic and Tobacco grew abundantly at Wokwo'ak, near added a fragrance of its own. Ko'onikwe. Men gathered the leaves in the Falcon and Crow discovered tobacco and summertime (June, July). They took only the prescribed its 226 leaves, never the roots. To make common to- bacco the leaves were washed, dried, and ground. Leaves of weci'na (lobelia ?) which had been SOCIAL ORGANIZATION previously picked and dried were ground and added to the tobacco. Water was added and the Officials resultant paste made into little round lumps "about the size of your fist," called sogo"pa. The Entimbich and Wobonuch were grouped in; small permanent villages, none of them, ap- It was this type of tobacco which was parently, with populations of more than fifty ground up with burned oystershells (kai 'awi), to seventy-five persons. They were really a added to water, and sipped to produce vomiting. series of hamlets, as compared with the more Groups of men gathered to drink tobacco: the populous Yokuts villages of the lower foothills host prepared the mixture and passed his small v ~~~~~~~~But like the Yokuts, these uplanders made mortar (koiwsv) of soapstone (top) and pestle (palwi) around the circle of drinkers. WQmen Chief.--Each village had at least one took it also, but in a group of their own. Chief peach vlaet had t least one chief (poginape), sometimes two, whose duties Boys about fifteen were permitted to take it, were like those of the Yokuts leaders: he de- as were girls who had passed puberty: "it was wer like the the Yokutsreades: he noe . ~~cided upon the time for ceremonies, as none too strong for them before that, if they drank could be held without his consent, suggested it they'd die" (D.S.). The purpose was to gain the time to move, saw that the needy were fed good health and stimulate dreaming: "it made and sheltered, and sanctioned the killing of you vomit and was good for the stomach and to alcosh shamansaor,ipresuaby other ei ,l ~~~~~~~~malicious shamans or, presumably, other evil- get dreams" (Jo..W.). doers. His power was by no means absolute but The fine tobacco was not made from the was that of a benevolent or paternal governor boiled dregs of tobacco, as it was by the who advised rather than ordered. The only Yokuts, but from deposits left by the large means of control which the chief had was his worms which fed on the leaves. When pulcina alliance with a powerful shaman who might, at was wanted the leaves were left unpicked and his instigation, work harm against his enemies the worms permitted to flourish. Their dried or against evildoers. However, a wise chief deposits, about the size of a bean, were usually held council with his brothers or old collected, ground, watered to form a paste, and men of his village so that his decisions would made into little cylindrical fingerlike cakes. have backing and be acceptable to all. This was especially prized. If one were far The political relations of Wobonuch chiefs from home and overcome with fatigue and anxiety, and shamans were like those of the Yokuts and a little would be chewed and rubbed on the have been treated at length elsewhere.227 The cheeks "to keep from getting scared on the exact ways in which shamans went about their trail" (M.J.). However, it would not prevent killings, the revenge of outraged relatives, a ghost (tsuap) from chasing one; "if a ghost and the role of the chief in these affairs chased you, a doctor sent it; they didn't do were put in definitive terms by M.J. and G.D. any harm by themselves" (G.D.). Anyone who Eagle (kwina') was the totem of chiefly wanted to could go out to tobacco plants which families and this bird was synonymous with the were not under specific care by someone else office. Secondarily, men from families with and collect the worm deposits to sell to a Falcon totem were sometimes chiefs. That is, tobacco maker. Ordinarily all prepared Falcon lineages were highly respected and a tobacco was sold, as with the Yokuts. man of that lineage might become a chief be- cause of his personal fitness as an adminis- Both sexes smoked tobacco at any place or trator and the lack of a suitable member from time, but the favorite time was Just before an Eagle lineage; but he was not automaticallyM sleeping. Only a few puffs were ever taken. 22 Pipes for smoking were, most frequently, the 5Possibly, more immediate Yokuts of the plains, or the etu h se bi) and theawooeny pip cp do Wobonuch may have traded with the Tachi via the Chukaimlna sleepinge Only ha obi) and wooden piper poadoeand the Choinimni; the last-named were very friendly with the clay pipe (wi'nabi) was quite rare. Oc- the upper oTlare Lake tribes. casional stone pipes were known and used, but these were found, not made. Shamans' pipes p o bCf. Gayton and Newman, 38. were no different from those of others. Ground 227ytonimYokutso cist and Shamans. dry tobacco was often taken like snuff and is t ' i still sO used today. 2251bid., 382, 399-400. A GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 271 eligible for the chief's office as a man of an The messenger's badge of office was a Eagle lineage would be. On the other hand, cane some eight feet long, painted at its upper totemic eligibility did not mean that an unfit end with red horizontal bands. The cane had a man would be chosen. "If a man tried to act string [string of bead money; a quipu string?] as chief and did not know his business, he tied at the top, said M.J. By this cane the would soon be killed by other chiefs" [through man was instantly recognized as a messenger, shamans] (J.C.). All members of a chief's even when approaching a strange village. On family were called chief, i.e., poginape, but such occasions he would be greeted by the local the functioning office belonged only to one head messenger, who took him to the chief's male who was normally the son or brother of the house where a deerskin or mat was laid down and previous chief. The outgoing chief named his ifood set upon it After he had eaten, the preference of successors, but the choice had to visiting messenger explained his purpose in meet with the approval of his influential coming. If his informationi was to be made fellow villagers. Also, the man chosen did not public, the local messenger, at the chief's have to accept the responsibility. Hence the order, called the people together to hear it. succession was not rigidly defined, but varied Although MoJ. denied that a knotted string (within these bounds) according to the person- (quipu) was used to mark passage of days for a alities involved. specified period, it yet seems probable that According to Jo.W. and M.J., the chief at the string on the messenger's pole was just Kadawinao was Pinoa: "his brothers came after this, as the Yokuts used a series of knots or him" (Jo.W.), "Pinoa was headman, Opkwiyots was beads on a string when desiring to record or behind him, then Nubab' [both brothers], and count days, as, for instance, those before a Tamua [sister's sonJ came last" (M.J.). There ceremony. was no term for these men as secondary or sub- There was always a leader among the mes- chiefs (like Yokuts tuye'i). At some time a sengers in a village and, when both local and man named Guigul of a Falcon lineage func- visiting messengers were working together as at tioned as chief at Ko'onikwe. an annual mourning ceremony or any intertribal There was no visible symbol of office. At rite, the local head messenger was in charge. a ceremony the chief decorated himself with his He had no special title, as had the Yokuts lineage paint pattern just as other people did. dance manager (yate '&c). Messengers tended The chief's advice was particularly to serve certain persons rather than others, neessary for a mourning celebration. The such as the chief, the head messenger, or a ief addressed people directly unless an in- shaman. All messengers were called natinab erpreter was needed. (There was no chief's and had the same totem regardless of the pokesman.) If the head chief were absent the specialization of their services. A shaman's n of next importance would speak in his place. natinab helped him dress and paint, disposed Messenger.--The official messenger of his paraphernalia, and took messages. natinab) was an essential institution in obonuch and Entimbich society. His functions ere those of his Yokuts counterpart, the wina- Moieties m. The family totem, however, was Roadrunner ( i'oYi) with Dove (he 'wi) mentioned as a No moiety alignment was discernible in econd and less important symbol. Since the Wobonuch society. After various attacks on the ffice is undoubtedly of Yokuts derivation, it question the informant (Jo.W.) was asked the ould be of interest to know how Roadrunner meanings of some words, those given as Mono met upremessenger's moieties or their subdivisions by Kroeber. 9 atemei supersede Dove as the His responses were: Yayanchi, "like Portu- otemi c animal. The messenger's duties were: to take guese or Chinese, an Indian name of a tribe essages to and from his chief, or between somewhere up that way" [pointing northwest); ther people who cared to hire him; to supply Pakwihu, "never heard of it; pakwina means is chief with wood and water; to give orders fish"; Dakats, Kunugechi, Puza'ots, Paza'ods, s ciefwit wod ad wter togiv orers 11never heard of those words." Neither had he ound the village; and particularly at cere- heard of Toselwords." Netherch flies to direct proceedings, supply wood and heard the Yokuts Tokelyuwich and Nutuwich niesto irec prceeings suply oodand moiety names, meaning downstream and upstream ter, prevent quarrels, and direct the dancing md entertaiment routine. The women of the respectively. The expressions for downstream ssenger's family, also called natinab, were and upstream in Wobonuch are: paiyana makwawai lled upon to cook and serve food at cere- and paiyana tunakwe tugo; the latter also nies and to keep peace among quarrelsome means mountainward or eastward. The inter- men. A male natinab did not interfere with preter G.D. had heard of Nutuwich and said it men's activities unless it was physically meant Coyote or anybody that laughs and jokes; bcessary. Sometimes persons marrying into a Tokelyuwich he did not know. At Wobonuch tinab's family took up natinabs' duties anda rblmunn eeone h eirctn Wok the family symbol as their own; this was - atly true of women but not exclusively so. 229Hadok 588. 272 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS sides are merely called literally "your side" Redemption of Totem Animals and "our side." Wobonuch with Bear mapuk redeemed their totem animals. The affair was in the hands of, Lineages leading members of that lineage. A hunter who killed a bear sent a mes- Kin groups were of significance in Wobo- senger with this information to the head Bear nuch society for, like the Yokuts', these were man. This man -- it was Supana at Yumsanyu essentially patrilineal lineages with totemic would send the messenger back saying the man symbols and attached social functions: thus was to bring the bearskin, claws, etc., in siz Eagle lineages provide chiefs, Roadrunner (or days. Meanwhile Supana notified other Bear Dove) lineages, the messengers. people and they all accumulated food and money In the attempt to discover how many dif- At the appointed time all the Bear people as- ferent totemic lineages there were, informants senbled as well as many others who came to were asked to list those of which they had watch. heard. The lineages are designated by their The Bear people had made up a sum of mon totem animal with the addition of a suffix which their leader gave to the hunter. The "riwub," thus: kwina%riwub, kiniWriwub, etc. leader received the bearskin. Of this he used This was never-done with animals which were the paws and claws for dancing ornaments and dream helpers, although both the totemic kept the hide to use as a bed covering or animal and the dream animal were spoken of as lounge. He could resell the bearskin to any mapuk or ibuk (your pet or my pet, respective- other Bear man, but he could not give it away, ly). The totemic animals listed below were Then everyone present ate the food which the also checked in genealogies. Actually more Bear people had provided. were named than appear in genealogies. Two informants stated that a similar cer As listed by Jo.W.: mony was held for killed eagles and "sometime for Coyote," but a description of these was n obtained. kwina : eagle, the chief b i 'd i: roadrunner, the messenger he wi: dove, "might be messenger too" kini : falcon, "sometimes was chief" mu sigi: rattlesnake, for Rattlesnake shaman, Birth and Infancy 'none up here" isa uJ: coyote, for clown According to Jn.W. there were no prenata1 unu': bear, for Bear Dancer tabus on the behavior of an expectant mother muhu'lu: owl, for curing shaman her husband. we Jani: condor Birth took place in the house. The woman' ka 'rapuj: crow tewawyap: spotted, long-tailed cat mother usually attended, but any competent tewa Wiya: spotted., long-tailed cat w woman relative, blood or affinal, might serve wihe sutt cougar tu"hu'c: deer, "maybe somebody's family but instead. The mother squatted over a depressi never heard of him"'. rThis is a clear dis- in the floor lined with sand and an old rabbi tinction between the nature of the totemic and skin blanket. A woman relative sat behind hez the dream animal, for Jo.W.'s father was nick- bracing the mother's back against her knees named Tuhiya because of his dream help from holding her arms Just above the elbows. The deer and his prowess as a hunter.] mother did not pull on anything. As listed by M.J. and G.D.: Normally no shaman was present but, ac- cording to M.J., "if the first baby did not kwina'riwub: eagle come right," a shaman would be called. "He isa'riwub: coyote danced and sang and the baby came." An old kini 'riwub: falcon Wobonuch woman, Aua na (now deceased) had Wat' unu: bear Baby (pa 'hwa) as a dream helper which assist musigi: snake her in aiding difficult parturitions. karapuc: crow; a man of this lineage was If the baby was her first, the mother wa messenger at Ko'onikwe placed on a warm pit for about twenty-four hewi: dove hours or until the placenta was ejected. A po hewe: a small hawk; a man of this totem hole was dug in the floor and a fire built in was messenger at Kumsanyu. This bird and Crow it; after the pit was hot, earth was thrown above were mentioned as exceptions to the Road- over the fire. Mats or skins were laid on t runner totem of messengers. and the mother rested on these on her back, covered with skins or blankets. She remained, As listed by the Entimbich informant, lying down ten days, although the pit was nota kini: falcon reheated, and daily steamed the vaginal tracf kwina: eagle For two months after the birth she remainedu unu: bear an acorn mush and water diet. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 273 When the attendant took the baby, she cut If the paternal grandfather or father's sister the cord with a cane knife (ha obi) and tied was dead, another name was chosen from the the cord with fine milkweed string. The pla- paternal side. "Names were never taken from centa was buried in earth. If the baby was a the mother's side" (Jn.W.). When a namesake girl, the placenta might be buried in an ant- died, the child was given a new name until hill, "so she would be a good food gatherer." after the Annual Mourning Ceremony: "after When the navel stump dropped off, it was hung that it was all right" (M.J.). from the hood of the second cradle. Immediate- A statement by Jn.W. that personal names ly after birth the infant was washed in a were meaningless and that nicknames were not basket of warm water. Pieces of old rabbitskin used is an example of the misleading state- blanket were laid beneath it as absorbents; ments the best informants sometimes make, for moss or shredded bark was never used as a the Western Mono are more given to nicknames diaper. A foxskin blanket was wrapped around than the Yokuts. Thus, out of some 300 Yokuts and the whole little bundle was tied onto the men's names obtained, 7 are nicknames, out of first cradle, where it remained ten days. some 170 Yokuts women's names, 2 are nicknames; The father of the baby also maintained a for Western Mono some 170 men's names yield nonmeat diet for ten days. G.D. said that, 18 nicknames, and 85 women's names, 5 nick- when his first son was born, he ate only acorn names. Or, about 2 per cent of Yokuts names mush for ten days, and that his wife ate no are nicknames whereas about 11 per cent of meat until the following new moon. He worked Western Mono names are such. In fact, Jn.W.'s chopping wood, "but didn't run around like the husband had two "good" names and two nicknames, other men." The system is one of sympathetic and in one instance a nickname was bestowed on magic. G.D. said that, if the parents got sick a paternal granddaughter of the originally from improper eating, the infant would get sick nicknamed woman. also. "A baby got drunk if the father did -- Examples of Western Mono nicknames, most white stuff came up. You had to get a [native] of them Wobonuch, are these: .doctor to suck the whiskey out." [G.D. could not explain the process whereby whiskey that Men Women the father drank had entered the baby.] Excessive curds [probably] were also men- ci "ca: live oak eku mina: tongue out tioned in an anecdote of G.D.'s baby's sickness. hewa "cicvi: colt e pis: fish (in Yokuts) ice l1s: hungry hai W'n: quick movements kadaka danaci: josher wedawe 'dna: chatterbox Soon after his baby was born, G.D. dreamed va koman: sour hugai da: (this is an about the poginape [sic: chief, Eagle], but pi noa: restless abbreviation of her when he awoke he could not recall what Eagle pitoci bono: rabbit's proper name, suhumu- had said to him. He ignored the event, but white rump spot gai da, which G.D. con- that very day the baby got sick. A shaman down unu'rigan: Bear dancer sidered "very pretty") at Mastinao knew about this [without being told] 'and came up to see G.D. He examined the baby and found 'some white stuff" in its mouth. He All informants agreed that there was no explained that this was the faeces of Eagle who clan or family name applicable to all members had made the baby ill because of pique at of a kin group. G.D.'s indifference. Cradles.--The first cradle (matpatzo6ci) was made of squawberry (wa obtt) twigs. "It Naming.--At the end of ten days a ceremony was just the baby's size." The frame was stiff called nipaki 'ed was held at which the mother and the general construction of twining, as for rose and was washed and the infant was named the second cradle. The hood was a circular and put on its second cradle. The baby's band. The baby remained on this cradle but ten father's family came with a washing basket and days. new clothes for the mother. They washed her The second cradle (maho'p) was much larger, completely, washed and arranged her hair, and as it accommodated the child until he was able dressed her in new clothes and ornaments. Then to walk. It was made of fine willow, and had the paternal grandmother named the baby: if a the typical twined construction and fan-shaped boy, the paternal grandfather's name was be- hood. The frame of the cradle carried dis- stowed, if a girl, the paternal aunt's (Jn.W.)* tinguishing patterns for boys and girls. The A girl was never named after a paternal great- navel stump dangling from the hood is today aunt. M.J. and G.D. said that the paternal replaced by some strands of coarse, colored grandfather named the baby: if the infant was beads. the first grandson, he gave his own name, if Babies were nursed until they had cut the second, his oldest brother's, etc.; if a their teeth and were able to walk. Then they girl, the fathelr's sister's name was given.230 were given pieces of meat to suck and mumble in '30This is theoretical practice, as the genealogies indi-thijaswicwstoutto entemb ceate great deviation, i.e., the majority Of names are indi- the desirable flavor. Nursing was supplemented ?idual, not duplicated in successive generations. with acorn gruel as the baby grew older and, at 274 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS weaning, it ate mush, meat, and any other food male or female) sat outside the house and sang that it was able to chew or suck. about 6 a.m. and 4 p.m. until the day of burial The corpse was washed and dressed by rela-, tives, either blood or affinal, who also con- Marriage tributed finery to enhance its appearance. Villagers in general came to the house to see Marriage regulations were like those of the corpse and weep. Normally the body was the Yokuts: persons having the same totem kept two nights, i.e., it was buried two days were free to marry, provided no blood tie after the day of death. But as it was desired nearer than third cousin was traceable or that all relatives should be there for the recognized. No cousin marriage was permitted: burial, this sometimes was postponed up to six; since first cousins, both cross and parallel, days, if possible. For the funeral the corpse, were classed as siblings, this automatically was flexed and bound; scratches were made on made second cousins classifiable as siblings. the forehead and Jimsonweed leaves bound The next step, to third cousins as siblings, against it. The body was removed through the was not normally made and they were not counted door. as close kin, though a relationship, when Informants differed as to who carried the known, was recognized. corpse. Jo.W. said it was carried by the The levirate and sororate were both prac- singers, who also dug the grave. M.J. said the ticed. Two wives in the same house, the same corpse-carrier was "a strong woman" called village, or in different villages were not un- tsuapino (tsuap, dead person or ghost), who common, but were maintainable only by a man of positively was not a berdache (taiyup), and wealth or a clever provider. that the deceased's relatives built the funeral pyre or dug the grave Edepending, of course, on. which disposal was chosen]. The Transvestite Cremation was practiced in older times EM.J. could not say when, "maybe in my grand- Homosexuality was recognized in men and mother's time," prior to 1850]. If the body women. M.J. claimed that this was most fre- was cremated, the relatives did not stay to see quent among men. Some men, dressed as women, the consumption but returned home as soon as engaged in acorn gathering and grinding, the fire was lit. The corpse-carrier or some pottery making, etc., and then would doff friends kept up the fire. The following day, female dress and hunt with the men as well. when the ashes had cooled, the relatives re- For others the transition was complete and per- turned, collected the bones and ashes in a manent: they dressed as women and had male basket, and buried the whole thing in the locaL consorts -- "but they never had any babies." burying ground. Jo.W. said that, after burial, No real berdache is known at present nor would was adopted, cremation was reserved for dis- M.J. disclose the names of those deceased. posal of persons who died far from home; the The term tai "'up was applied to the com- bones and ashes were collected, brought back, plete transvestite, to the partial transvestite, and buried by the relatives in the deceased's and to the ordinary bachelor-who was masculine community burying ground. Similar treatment in every respect save that he was not known to was given strangers or enemies who died or have intercourse, much less a permanent were killed on local territory and were buried marriage arrangement, with any woman. (A locally "unless some relative came after them." certain informant's son was mentioned as an This was a sort of civic duty for which the example of the last category.) There was no chief paid the corpse-handlers in lieu of the parallel term for spinsters: M.J. claimed relatives. (Bones of the dead were never put there were none. in water.)23' The berdache had no special functions at When burial took place, the corpse was funerals or rituals (as had the Yokuts trans- laid in the grave on its back, head west. The vestite) nor was he treated differently by spirit (tsuap, Jo.W.; tuwiW'ap, M.J.) traveled others in ceremonial situations. He had no west (kwiwi) for two days when it reached the special dream helper and, while the tendency land of the dead (kwiwi ).232 At the grave the for the trait "to run in families" was recog- corpse-handler "made a speech to the spirit", nized, it might occur in a family of any totem. telling it to go to "the father" (tuwawiya), not to turn back to its people, that it was dead and departed and should go "right on to Death, Burial, and Mourning 23In myths bones were put in water to cause revival, either of the whole person or of the true spiritual es- When a person was thought to be approach- sence of the person, hence the present burial of eagle ^ ing death, a messenger was sent to summon his carcasses in water "so they will rise again. " The idea is 9 relatives. Those at home would gather in the more strongly develotped wth pmthe Yrokuswthouar pa- house, the old women wailing even before death c 'te et. inwtrt rmt rwh occurred. Professional singers (hubi 'e roti, 232See the Wobonuch Orpheus myth (Gayton and Newman, 50) GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 275 heaven" (kwiwi). (No explicit directions for ing of eagle down (piwib), abstinence from meat, travel were given.) When the grave was filled and, if the boy was old enough, the taking of a in, each person present made a circuit of it tobacco emetic. Tutelaries might also be and threw a handful of earth on the head. Then sought through jimsonweed narcosis. The noon- they all went directly home without loitering time prayer in solitude, prescribed by the or making a detour. Michahai-Waksachi informant, S.O., was not Some bereft people moved away from their known, hence not necessary. To secure power homes to another location, others remained in actually the same helper must be dreamed of the house but burned it at the time of the several times. M.J. said, "A bird comes down Annual Mourning Ceremony. If the house con- and sits and tells you what to do [to cure, tinued to be occupied, it would be fumigated hunt, or whatever]. Then you went out and with boiled jimsonweed leaves so the foul odor talked to it. Nothing was there to be seen, would discourage the ghost from hanging about you just talked to it [prayerfully]." or coming to the relatives in dreams. Intimate For the plain man who did not want to be- friends of the deceased would do the same. come a shaman supernatural power was a protec- There was no sense of uncleanliness connected tion against sickness or accidents from natural with death and neither the relatlve nor the causes. "It was not much help against bad corpse-handlers purified themselves in any way. doctors because they always had more power and Mourning was manifest in shortened hair, could steal your mai'i'w&n [talismans]" (M.J., dirtiness, and meat-abstention. Only women G.D.). Plain people and shamans secured power singed their hair, and these would be of very by the same process. If persons of prestige, near kin to the dead person. The singeing was such as those of Eagle or Falcon lineages, done by a relative of the deceased, but one who wanted power they had to go through the same was not so grieved. The method was to slip a dream process. strand of hair through a split stick held close Supernatural power was not inherited, but to the scalp and singe off the protruding hair there was said to be a tendency for shamanism with a glowing manzanita stick. The cut-off to run in families because of inclination and hair was burned (not buried in water) so no the opportunities for superior instruction. evil shaman could use it for contagious magic. The instruction was not so much the transmis- No meat nor grease was eaten for six days, nor sion of secret formulae or formal teaching of was the face washed during that period. A the healing art as personal advice on how to namesake of the deceased changed his name per- propitiate the supernatural world and to con- manently or until the Aninual Mourning Ceremony, tinue in its good favor. usually the latter. At the end of six days The somewhat inimical attitude of the relatives came and washed the mourners and gave dream creatures toward their human protege's was them meat to eat. "Coyote was the first to do disclosed by M.J. and G.D., who said that "what this."233 No pitch nor charcoal was used to one dreamed was a bead and might hit the enhance the filth of mourning but deeply be- dreamer's children." 234 A person, if married reaved mourners would continue the meat and and seeking dream aid, told his helper "to stay washing tabus until the Annual Mourning away" until solicited for help. "An unmarried Ceremony. person could do as he pleased, but a married person's children would never grow up unless a doctor removed something from the dreamer's SUPERNATURAL POWER AND SHAMANISM right wrist." [The right wrist is the seat of dream power and often marked with tattooing.] Acquisition of Power In contrast M.J. and G.D. mentioned the tute- laries obtained through jimsonweed trances as "Everybody tried to get power in dreams" consistently benevolent, "all right, the kind (Jo.W ). The process of securing supernatural that would let those children [the drinkers] aid from dream helpers was identical with that grow up." employed by the Yokuts, but it is clear that The Wobonuch had no specialists such as the Wobonuch stood in greater awe of their tute- Rattlesnake shamans or weather shamans. How- laries, who were conceived as capriciously in- ever, some had a special power of clairvoyance imical unless propitiated. The Yokuts felt to find lost or stolen articles (see below). this too, but their attitude was more assured. Young people were urged to secure super- ntural helpers. Old men would advise young Miscellaneous Powers ones as they gathered in the sweat house and Instruct them on procedure, which was as Nomenclature.--Supernatural power was ollows: rising to swim on cold winter nights, identified with the dream helper by Jo.W., who Walking to a solitary spot to pray to the de-2X 8ired helper or to one already obtained, cast- '3This peculiar concept was not clarifiled by further in- quiry. It was not a Yokuts 8idea in general; the neighbor- ing Chukchansl seem to have been victimized by their super- 233Cf. the Wobonuch Death Controversy myth ( ibid., 41) . natural powers. 276 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS called both ma nostn, but it was identified man would tell the chief, and the chief would with the talisman by M.J. and G.D., who called tell a doctor to sicken the victim by this both mai i'wtn. These two called the dream means. The informants were not sure how the experience ma nsLn. I am inclined to favor hair was obtained, for most people were ex- their nomenclature. Incidentally, the word for tremely careful about the disposal of hair, sleep is i'widi. they would burn it themselves. The "burning Talismans.--Persons with dream helpers hair sickness" was called mana orai'Ln, the always wanted a tangible symbol of their tute- victim, ma naoraid. The process of sickening lary which was imbued with supernatural power. by this means took about one year, but the ill As an example, M.J. said that a man who dreamed ness was incurable. Whether this means of kee of Falcon would buy some falcon feathers, make ing social order was justly used really depend them up into a little bunch, and hang them on ed upon the integrity of the chief. his arms in time of danger. In old days some woman might have her Power of flying.--This power of magic, acorns stolen. She would go to a shaman [no immediate, and invisible escape (called special kind], tell him of the circumstances. (mai'iwtn))seemed particularly important to the He would commune with his tutelary and dance. Wobonuch (as opposed to the Yokuts) and it was Then he would put a fingernail (his own or the symbol, as it were, of successful and suf- anyone's, apparently] in some food and leave it ficient dream power. It was a power of plain where the culprit would take it. This persons, not of professional shamans; this was "doctored" food would make the thief ill, and ordained by Coyote when Owl, a shaman, killed the shaman would be called to cure her.236 "He' Coyote's son.235 would tell her to quit stealing and then she "If something is trying to kill you, you gets well -- unless the people wanted her to use mai'iw&n [your power to fly off from the die" (M.J., G.D.). danger) but you lose one [talisman] at each Curing shamans knew how to make airshot or jump. Plain men could help each other with invisible intrusive objects and send them into their talismans. That is, a man could hit his persons they wished to become their patients. friend with a talisman and they would both fly, Sometimes these things were very injurious, but you used up two -talismans] in doing this. "they might kill in half an hour if they really Even if a doctor got a plain man's mai'iw&n wanted the man to die" (M.Jo , G.D.). [talisman] he could not use it" (G.D.). He Shamans would steal or burn a person's could not use it to fly, that is, but shamans talismans and then sicken the now unprotected could and did obtain plain person's talismans, owner. "When that man calls on his mai'iwtn, as among the Yokuts. they're gone. He knows he is going to die. Airshot.--Magic, invisible "shot" was made Someone usually hired the doctor to do that." by Wobonuch shamans to be propelled as an in- "If a man had good spirits [dream helpers] trusive, sickening object into a victim's body. a doctor would kill them all. Then the ai ntc! The shot was called pohage ma paga (lit., [Yokuts: talismans] wouldn't be any good, the doctor's arrow, as with the Yokuts: toiyosv, doctors would take the power out of them all." arrowpoint). Only powerful shamans could do However, if a man's dream helper were more this; they got the power and the shot from the powerful than that of the shaman assaulting him: sun. magically, when the shaman sent the airshot to Specialized helpers.--Although the nature sicken him, "that man's spirit [dream helper] or quality of supernatural power was the same would send the airshot right back to the doctor; at all times, it was directed to the enhance- (M.J., G.D.). This ability to make airshot or ment of certain functions as sponsored by any intrusive object "bounce back" on the certain helpers. Thus, Cougar bestowed hunt- sender is a Wobonuch conception, I believe, and. ing power, as did Deer; Falcon and Yellow- not Yokuts. jacket gave the power to shoot far and ac- "Doctors had no friends except each other, curately; Turtle, Frog, Water Dog, and Otter and the poginape [chief], of course. The made one a good swimmer; Owl, Coyote, and poginape had no special [supernatural] power Spotted Cat helped curing shamans; "any kind of himself" (M.J., G.D.). spirit" could give the power of traveling far When a shaman was going to cure, he would invisible (mai'iw&n). bring all his talismans with him. These were such things as a weasel skin with the head on, the rattle of a snake, an eagle head decorated Sickness and Curing with beads, or an eagle wing tip (makw&k), which would hang on a string from the shaman's A person could be sickened by having his arm or neck. The informant said a used talis- haircombings burned. M.J. and G.D. said that man was thrown on the fire and destroyed, which- this would be done to some person who was differs from Yokuts practice in which the talis' generally disliked. An enemy of an unpopular man was kept and revitalized by dreaming. 3Itwas taken fcor granted by the narrators that the 235Cf. Gayton and Newman, ~42. thief would be a woman. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 277 Shamans without much power cured by cut- produced from the sucking was always a clot of ting and sucking. They were called ti 'c'n blood, which the doctor spat upon a sand- [little ?I pohage. They did not know how to covered tray. The sand and blood were burned make airshot. The powerful shamans, who cured or buried, and the tray was given to the shaman by rubbing with talismans and did not need to as part of his payment. A person might have cut and who could make airshot, were called "blood sickness" in any part of his body. It pabai pohage (lit., blood doctor). was caused by the spirit of a mountain or Bear dancers, never regarded as doctors spring and usually attacked people when they nor spoken of as such, nevertheless might have were in some strange locality. sufficient power to do a little curing, usually Headache.--Headaches were called ho&t- within the family. "They could cure if a man sonabi and "always came from the north." Fre- was Just sick in the body but not from airshot" quently they came in the form of an epidemic Cintrusion] (G.D.). There were no special which shamans would predict and cure in advance symptoms, particularly; "Just didn't feel good." (see "Group curing"). An epidemic of headaches In such ailments a person with Bear power might "took everyone along its route." The ache was be tried before sending for a curing shaman. very severe, but rarely lasted more than one Supana was a Bear curer. When he wanted day. The procedure of curing was cutting and to help somebody, he had a soaproot brush sucking between the eyes. [The symptoms sug- (tso ks'&l wina 'tza); "when he was dreaming of guest that it might be a neuralgia caused by Bear he got this" [as a talisman]. Then he north winds.] would lie down beside the sick person and talk Diarrhea.--This was called manaba'kwitan, to Bear. Then he scratched the patient's back was attributed to no special cause, and was with long strokes of the brush. The recovery cured by some remedies of herb infusions. was said to be prompt. G.D. saw Supana treat Insanity.--The symptoms of insanity were his aunt by this method. immoderate laughing, dancing about, forgetful- A good doctor who could not cure an ill- ness, and complete amnesia. It was called ness would admit his failure and would not only mamanawa 't& t poha 'gaik mama paiy&n [untrans- refund the fee given him but would add a sum lated]. It was always caused by a shaman who for the patient's relatives to get a second got the spirit (tsuap) of a dead person, con- doctor. When this was done, the two men, if verted it into airshot, and sent it to some they were friendly, would hold a consultation man. "It entered that man's head, covering up and the second doctor would proceed to attempt his mind so he knew nothing." (Dead spirits the cure. If the cure were successful, the did not cause trouble of their own accord.) second doctor would receive the entire fee. This was very difficult to cure, only a Informants were uncertain whether he gave any very powerful shaman could do it.238 To ac- part of this to the first man called. complish it the shaman had to dance half the M.J. thought that in old times possibly night by the assembly fire. The patient would women could acquire enough power to make air- be brought there to him. Then the doctor would shot and send intrusive objects, but he could talk to the sun and to all his helpers. Final- not name or specify any. Most women who had ly he advanced to the insane one and rubbed him private supernatural power used it to help all over with his hand feathers (sa wap). He their children or relatives, particularly stood the person upright before him and cut at their daughters in childbirth. all of his joints, over his heart, and between Shamanism did not necessarily go in fami- the eyebrows. Then he sucked all these places. lies, "but an old man who knew what to do would Then he brushed the patient all over and final- tell his boys." Shamans who were friends would ly sucked between the eyebrows. This produced exchange information and narratives of their some of the hair from the dead spirit. The experience with the supernatural, but no in- hair was always the cause: the spirit came out formation was given between shamans for pay- along with the hair, and always from this spot ment, even to novices: "every man had to learn regardless of the cuts made elsewhere. from himself; his spirit tells him." "When a Group curing.--This was called a doctor's rattlesnake bites someone it goes off and dance (manapohagigan) but was actually a opens its mouth toward the sun to get more prophylactic curing event enjoyed as a specta- poison. Doctors do the same thing when talk- cle. "A doctor thinks he can tell when a sick- lng" (M.J., G.D.).237 Airshot is derived from ness or a lot of headaches is coming" (M.J.). the sun (cf. "Shamans' Contest"). He would inform his chief of what his super- The following sicknesses and their cure natural aids had told him and ask to give a ere described by M.J. and G.D. general curing performance. They set the time Pains.--Pains of an inexplicable nature six days ahead and sent messages to near-by (which did not come from wounds) were called hamlets with news of the dance. "Everyone pzn ka mida (lit, blood all-over). This comes to have their life saved and has a little Was a common illness and was cured by cutting bit of money or something to pay the doctor." d ukn h anu pt. Teojc 3Note the fact that most powerful shamans did cut and 237Cf. Spier, Yumnan Tribes of the Gila River, 34*8. suck, in spite of the informnants' statement to the contrary. 278 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS On the evening of the dance the shaman become active, irritating the skin and causing may be ordered by the chief "to dance all swelling. night." There were two or three singers who A second type of sickness caused by poison used the elderwood clapper (wutadigihan). They was papin manabi dantn (lit., blood cough [or had many songs and the shaman stamped with the vomit]); this was identified voluntarily by "piston rod" step to each one. At the close of the informant as consumption. The poison was the dance the curing took place. called by the name of the sickness it caused The shaman ordered the spectators to form and, unlike the poison mentioned above, was a line and walk past him and, as they did so, always carried around on the body and was they were each to spit on him. For this the administered in food. It would be placed in doctor divested himself of his dance skirt of coffee or anywhere convenient. The only feathers and fine beads, but retained breech- symptom which the victim noted was the vomiting clout and feather headdress; he carried his of blood. There was a "home cure" for this. hand feather bunch (natasuwab). lihen all had One had to abstain from meat and grease for done as instructed, he brushed off the accumu- one year and take two medicines. The first was lated sweat and saliva from his body with his a decoction of sage (ko sidapi), which is said feather bunch. He squeezed the wet feathers to taste like pepper. This caused vomiting, over a basket tray onto some sand. An assist- and the treatment was continued until the per- ing messenger took the tray and burned the son vomited a hard lump of blood called makwida, "sickness" which was on it. Meanwhile another which was thought to be the root of the illness. messenger had collected the payments from the If this were not produced, the sickness would audience of "patients" and from this sum the evolve into true consumption from which the doctor paid the singers and messengers. patient became emaciated and finally died. But after the lump of blood was out the second medicine was taken, which was a dose of six pepperwood leaves boiled down with six cups of Poisoning water. About a cup of this was drunk three Poisonig -times a day for three months. It was continued Poisoning is differentiated from sickness- until the person could retain any kind of solid es caused by intrusive objects sent by shamans food which he tried to eat. The meat tabu was or such natural spirits as mountains or pools continued for a year, however, for if it were of water. The use of poison is said to be broken, the person would get sick and die. recent and to have started after the intro- A notable poison man was Opkwiyots. Poison,) duction of the Ghost Dance (see anecdote of that is, this second variety, was said to be Kumkum's death). "It does not go back to most frequently used at ceremonial gatherings. Coyote and Wolf. Owl [the mythical animal "One year about fifteen people were killed from shaman] had only airshot and 'hair-burning' to it: Jack [?], Willie Waley's wife, Samson use" (M.J.). The poisons are said to be Dick's girl, and Basket Susie's boy were among tangible, to be manufactured by people way to them." If the poisoner was known, the victim's the south, farther south than Tule River, and relatives would get permission from the chief to be traded secretly like narcotics. It was a to kill him. resource of plain people, not of doctors, and G.D. related an incident of his own suffer- its use became so pronounced that a person who ing from poisoning (other accounts have been was suspected of employing it a great deal was given elsewhere).239 dubbed by the title tuba ha, or hu'upi tubaha, if a woman. It was used by either sex. Poison G.D.'s sister died of consumption. They men were thought to be rich. took her out and buried her. When they re- One of the poisons was called tigifdegan. turned from the grave G.D. was very hungry, for. It was so powerful that it was never kept upon he had had nothing to eat all day. There were the person but was always kept in a little some apples and bread on the table which had bottle or tin container or "a little skin sack knwingp Gi D sat down hand amitly's absence. Un inodtimes" [before bottles and tin were easy koig ..stdw n t o fti in old times" Ebefore bottles and tin were easy food. Immediately he vomited up a lot of blood. to get]. A poisoner would always make friends The matter had an odor like that after an ex- with his intended victim, finally becoming so plosion of Giant Powder [his own simile). He intimate that he might sleep near him. He followed the cure prescribed above and got well would have a long stick, the end of which he in about a year; but he was very thin and weak would dip in the poison when the time had come before the end of the sickness. [He is, ap- for its use. During the night, when all were parently, in the prime of live and health, asleep, the poisoner would touch the inside of 1 the victim's shoe with the point of the stick e or, if the opportunity offered, might even touch the person on his leg or arm. When the owner put the shoes on and became overheated, ______ the persplration and heat caused the poison to '39Gayton, Yokuts-Mono Chiefs and Shamans, 401-407. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 279 Anecdotes of Supernatural Experience always did as he was instructed. He would go and Shamans' Malice hunting in the daytime, wearing the deer dis- guise, and bring back four or five deer. It was only the stalking hunter who needed to 1. 6iwit was severely cut in the soft follow the instructions of Deer; the deer- portions of his back and sides under the ribs; trapper, who only got one at a time anyway, did the wound was so large that the viscera were not need to divide his meat unless he wished to. visible. He told his sister to get a big (M.J., G.D.) basket of warm water. He sprinkled eagle down over it. He called to his dream helper, 4. M.J. and G.D. had some further anec- Thunder (togui yap). Then he drank the water dotes about Thunder. Thunder is conceived of which poured right out through his wound, as twins and the story of their adventures is cleansing it. This was just what he wanted to an important one in Wobonuch mythology.240 accomplish. He took another basketful of water, Buffalo Bill was out picking grapes. A continuing to talk prayerfully to his tutelary. storm was coming up and the Thunder Twins began Finally the wound ceased to bleed. He then lay to grumble. Bill shouted at them to "Shut up!" passive for many days, determined he would not Other people heard him, warned him to be care- die and permitting the wound to heal. A poul- ful. A little later at suppertime there was tice of some plant [jimsonweed ?] was continual- more thundering and again Bill shouted at it to ly applied to the injuries. Finally he got keep still. Then Thunder became angry and with well and thereafter was thought to be something a stroke of lightning struck a tin cup right of a doctor. out of Bill's hand. Then Bill was sick and Much later 6iwit was over on Pine Ridge, vomited "a lot of green stuff." lying dead drunk under a tree. A white man On another occasion when G.D. was just a named B. came along and saw him. Now B. had little boy they were living at Ko'onikwe taken an Indian wom n to wife who had soon left (No. 3 Mill Camp) in a modern-type house with him and he thought giwit, because he was a a shake roof. A heavy storm came up and G.D.'s prominent person among his people, was to blame. mother sent him out with a big basket to B. went to get a drink. He came back to 6iwit, collect water which dripped from the eaves .241 whom he shot and killed. Someone passing saw He was afraid to go out because "Thunder was the dead man and went to notify 6iwit's rela-- talking a lot." Nevertheless he went and, just tives. By the time these people had come to as he was outside the door, a bolt of lightning take the body a terrific storm had arisen. As struck the ground in front of him. In the they were carrying 6iwit to his home at Syca- flash of light stood two little boys. They more, an accompaniment of thunder, lightning, were beautiful lads with fine breechclouts, rain, and wind indicated the displeasure of the glossy black hair, many strings of beads, and victim's supernatural helper, Thunder. The man each had his own bow and arrows. G.D. was both had been unjustly killed. (M.J., G.D.) terrified and delighted; he fell down from the shock and then vomited some green matter. 2. Once, when he was young, G.D. and an- Two boys were careless about Thunder. One other boy were fishing near Ko'onikwe. Mill was a son of Captain George, the other a son Flat Creek is deep and swift just where they of Apcu; they were about ten years old. They were. A man came along and jumped in to swim were always reckless and shouted jeeringly at across. It was Tsomoni. The boys shouted to Thunder. People told them to be careful, but him to be careful, that he would drown if he they were heedless. "Finally Thunder struck swam there. He just laughed at them and dove those boys into a lot of pieces." into the rushing water. He disappeared but came up somewhat later farther down the creek. 5. The Wobonuch have a belief in an He was on the boys' side of the stream then, "Earth mother" who emerged from a lake (in the and they offered him some of the fish they vicinity of Huntington Lake; possibly Coyote were cooking. He accepted and talked with them. Lake) and called forth "every living creature" He told them that Otter (ta cvitu) was his dream and told it where to go; this was after the end elper and that he could swim anywhere. The of the prehuman animal era of Eagle's reign. oys were skeptical, so he rose and dove into The water is black in this lake and, if one the deepest whirlpool he could find; he swam watches, one can see "all kinds of animals around a long time under and on the water. running around under the water. Coyotes are en he emerged the boys were convinced. (G.D.) often seen in it and they holler down under Tsomoni was Sacata Jack's son and was there." later killed at Trimmer Springs. Now once three Indian boys and two white boys were over there herding sheep. The white 3. The man usually called Wilolohi had boys were careless of their behavior and shout- aother nickname, Tuhiya, referring to deer, ed and bawled in a maudlin manner. The Indian tuhucv. He was a noted hunter and had Cougar boys warned them to take care, but they paid no s a dream helper as well as Deer. When he heed. Soon Tabiya (Mother of All) became angry. reamed of Deer they would ask him how many he It began to rain hard. The water in the lake anted to kill. They instructed him to give a started to rise and by the middle of the night lece of the venison to each person in his had washed all the sheep away. Even the boys rillage; if he did this he could always kill as sny deer as he needed.24 "The deer would come to him night after 2"Gayton and Newman, 48. tght this way. They told him if he would con- 24'With Mill Flat Creek roaring near by, this is an tinue this way he would be a man." So Wilolohi amusing item of acculturation from white practice. 280 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS had a hard time and only saved their lives by ly he went back to Pujipuwe (Pajipu, Local swimming out of the water to safety. (M.J.,G.D.) Map F, no. 22) to get some men to nelp him kill Topo. Meanwhile his sister had gone as 6. G.D. said that his grandfather used to far as Pawuhaba (Local Map G, no. 1), while the meet a spirit every night just at sundown. He shaman had gone to Tomokozono (Local Map F, would say, "Tsuap mo'nyan" ("Ghost, goodbye"). no. 15). Meanwhile the brother-in-law had died This was a formula which anyone would say when back at Apuwijiwana. The men got the shaman meeting a ghost. If the ghost had had a chance, and killed him on the spot. Then the young it would have grabbed the grandfather and shut husband went to Topo's relatives at Pajipu and his eyes, for it was sent by a shaman. Ghosts told them to go get the corpse; however, they did not voluntarily injure people. Since they buried him right there. were sent by a shaman, tobacco [pulcinal was ineffectual against them, but nevertheless was taken as a stimulant to the frightened person's nerves. Ordinarily men did not go out alone at night but in groups of three or four. In olden times (manati co *n; the mythi- 7. Ipemai was an old man when we first cal prehuman era) Crow (ka'rapuc) was a good hear of him in the war with the Pasuaj; 242 friend of Eagle (kwina'), Falson (kinii), and Supana (G.D.'s grandfather) was but a young man Roadrunner (oi'o'i). Coyote (sa buj; also then. Nevertheless Ipemai was still alive in called namajdap, possibly a nickname) was G.D.'s time, for he was able to rejuvenate him- Wolf's older brother. "He was always getting self by vomiting "a lot of rotten stuff." Then he would be young again for a few days. He did killed and coming back to life again" (G.D.) this frequently, "but finally he gave up and Wolf and Eagle were not related. Wolf is the died." (G.D.) identification of to lop also referred to as "the father." However, the same designation is 8. G.D. told of the shamans' gatherings applied to tuwa wiya, an animal of the cat at Tsu'apidika (Local Map F, no. 47; tsuap family with spots and long tail.244 means dead person or ghost.) G.D.'s maternal grandmother, Noisa, would Tsu'apidika is a high hill. Several sometimes fall down and be unable to move or' doctors used to get together there and kill rise. Finally "she fell in the fire and burn some beautiful girl [by magic with intrusive rie Fnal"seflinteieadbue4 airshot]. After she died and was buried, they up, although her house did not burn. would go to her grave, exhume the body and re- The Wobonuch differ from the Yokuts in move the heart and liver. They went back to having belief in a series of creatures who are%, their hill and roasted the organs. The flesh not folktale characters but mythical or fanci-., was cut in small pieces of which each shaman ful denizens of the present world. Two of ate. If one of the men vomited, it was a sign these were described by M.J. and G.D. Panakozo he would die soon. On this hill is a flat rock is a man who is darker than an Indian but not * like a table; the fire was built beside it. Negro His hair is fuzzy and all trimmed off A much longer account of these activities N was given by the Waksachi-Michahai informant, so that a single knob stands erect on the top S.O., and published elsewhere.243 of his head. He lives over by the ocean. He walks up and down the beach carrying a long 9. G.D. gave, voluntarily, his version of pole in his hand and a pile of brush on his an affair also related by the Waksachi in- formant, B.O. While the versions differ on the back "H looks as tho e getting actual relationships involved, it is of inter- ready to build a fire He does this just for est to note how closely they align. fun. There are several of these men all call Topo was a great doctor. He had a Panakozo. daughter who had Just married. The girl lived A companion people called N&msui taba ii with her husband at Apuwijiwana (Local Map G, near the edge of the water too. They open up no. 7). They had a lot of obi (cactus). The places in the land so that floods occur. They husband was a fine hunter and had gone off to do this Just for meanness. To offset this evi~ hunt deer. During his absence the shaman and work the Panakozo go about after them, moving his wife came to visit. Living at that place hills into place to prevent the floods. also were the young hunter's sister and herm,, husband. The Wobonuch also believed in "water Then Topo killed his own wife. And be- babies" (pahwa), creatures with masses of lon cause he was jealous of his son-in-law, he black hair who lived in the bottom of springs wanted to kill his own daughter. At this the and pools. They were thought to be inimical girl's brother-in-law objected Whereupon the mankind; might pull people under the water. shaman made the man ill. Then he killed his Asked if there were historic accounts of; daughter. The young hunter's sister told her floods, G.D. told of the flood occurring when ill husband to bury the girl and they would try te"ohro l"wsagrda aiae to get away. Just at this time the hunter re- the mother of all was angered at Tabiyawet turned and found what had happened. Immediate- (see "Anecdotes of Supernatural Experience, no. 5) and then told of one mentioned by the; old men, Supana and Wilolohi. This flood oc- '4'Th1s war was probably about 1825. ________ '64The activities of these creatures are described in- '43Gayton, Yokuts-Mono Chiefs and Shamans, 392. Wobonuch Mythology (Gayton and Newman, 38-51).- GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 281 curred before their time, but their old people sagacity and good character and know how to told them about it. The flood was so great prepare the dangerous decoction. For his ser- that it forced the inhabitants onto hilltops. vice he received payment (in bead money) of The Waksachi and Michahai went up on Tsohom; about $2.50 from each participant, their basket the Entimbich went up on Pine Ridge; the cups, and the large basket which held the drink. Wobonuch went up on ridges near their own ham- In the autumn the leader would find out lets. Animals were swimming all about in the how many persons intended taking jimsonweed in water. Men got their bows and arrows and shot the spring. These would be "people who were all the game they needed. sick, or who just wanted to see the country." Continuing, G.D. said that he once was The ceremony was held in spring, about March, down in the valley helping to make a well. At and from three months to one month previous the the 40-foot level the drill struck a redwood drinkers abstained from any form of meat. The tree. The wood was seen and identified by G.D. leader also observed the tabu. The final day and the owner of the property. G.D. added that for the drinking was set by. the chief and he had heard of an antler found many feet below leader and announced six days in advance. ground in the valley: it was straight at the Six days before the ritual the leader core but had spiraled ridges. "These things, collected the drinkers, who usually were like that tree and that antler, must have been adolescent boys and girls (though not infre- carried down from the mountains during that quently adults also partook), and took them to flood." a secluded camp. Here they ate only acorn mnush G.D. once read in a magazine about a snake and each night went out alone to talk prayer- with two horns which buried itself under the fully to the Jimsonweed brothers (see below), earth so that the horn tips just emerged. Any- asking them for a dream in the coming ceremony body who stepped on these died, so the local which would ensure them a long and healthful inhabitants lived up in trees to avoid the life. It was said that spirits of the dead danger and this also kept them safe from visited these persons at this time, though G.D. enemies .245 himself "never saw any-" Duck and Falcon ran a race from the valley On the fifth night the leader went after [about Reedley) up to the east. In spite of the jimsonweed plants (taniabl or tanfarib'), the fact that Duck had to go via all the water- which he gathered "roots and all," washed ways whereas Falcon flew straight, Duck won. thoroughly, and took to the private camp. "They are over there where the sun comes up, On the sixth morning he put the jimsonweed now"i (G.D.). on a tray and, followed by his wards, ran a circuit up to the home village and back to their camp. On their return they were followed CEREMONIES by everybody who was interested,whether they were drinkers or not. (G.D. knew no purpose Jimsonweed Ritual for this running trip.) Then the leader put the jimsonweed in a big basket of water to soak Entimbich.--The ritual drinking of jimson- until afternoon, when it was to be drunk. weed was established as an annual event for the The drinking took place at the camp, but Entimbich, but not for the Wobonuch, according meanwhile three or four singers, using clappers, to Jo.W. and G.D. The Wobonuch used the nar- and the general audience were assembled at the cotic, but on individual impulse at any season, village dance space. At the drinkers' camp the as will be described below. The drink was novices stood in a row, men first, each with taken by both sexes but under no compulsion. his own little basket (manahe'bina ma tugu, A shaman was said to take it ten years in suc- to-drink "cup"). The leader poured out the cession if he wanted extensive occult knowledge; proper amount from the large basket and, as he again it was not required -- shamanism did not did so, he said prayerfully to Jimsonweed, depend upon its use. This boy [or girl] is going to drink you. You The interpreter and informant, G.D., had "give him a good life. Show him what he wants himself partaken and described the affair in to know." Each person drank his portion as he which he had participated. This was given by received it. (There was no repetitive offering the Entimbich at a "rancheria on Pederson's or hesitation with the drink.) Those who had place" [unlocated]; some Wobonuch and Choinimni drunk had to keep on their feet until all had were also present. finished; they moved around stamping their feet. The man who directed the jimsonweed ritual Then the drinkers and leader all went up "here and on Kings River" [Wobonuch territory] to the assembly space where the singers were was Wilolohi, a Wobonuch who was also famous as already singing. The drinkers stood in a row a deer hunter. The leader must be a man of before them dancing as best they could. The members of different lineages danced at dif- '45This has no reference to Wobonuch culture, but is put frn pes Cyt ats acnnx on record, as the idea might later turn up in local Indian ethnography without indication of its source; G.D. volun- Eagle and Rattlesnake slowly. "Deer didn't teered it as something of interest, matter because it wasn't a mapuk, Just a 282 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS mai'iwtn" Cnot a totem but a dream helper]. The sis. This was attributed to shamans who, fear- singers continually increased their tempo, as ing awkward disclosures of their evil work or it was necessary that they complete their songs of their secret caches, "covered up that man's before the dancers fell unconscious. What the mind." tG.D. could not explain either the songs were about G.D. could not say because "he process or sensation of this "covering."] was too dazed to know." The dancers staggered By afternoon the drinkers began to regain about and, when they finally fell, were carried full consciousness and were given small por- back to their camp by their relatives. At this tions of acorn gruel. This immediately brought camp one man remained to sing while others on a second but slighter attack of delirium guarded the sleepers. Anyone who wished might after which they became normal. The meat tabu stay near to watch the proceedings and to join was continued for six days. in the singing. At the end of six days the ritual leader Toward morning the sleepers became active: and his followers were given a feast by the they muttered, reached about, tried to get up drinkers' relatives. At this time they ate a or to run away. When they became quite active, little meat, which even then made some-of them they each had two guards, as they were likely sick. They also made a formal announcement of to dash off, run against trees, or jump in the what they had dreamed (comparable to the Yokuts water. They were especially guarded against "confession rite"). "They never forgot what poisoners" who took this opportunity to ap- they had seen. People cane around to hear the proach them (see "Poisoning"). As the sleepers news and, if they could find out who killed became aware of their sensations at dawn, they their relatives, they started right out after would hear Falcon and Duck shouting to them them." "from where the sun comes up."246 They would Jimsonweed is personified as two brothers like to have these or other birds or animals who lived in the prehuman era: "they started for their dream helpers (mai'iwtn). "If a man out as grass." Although a shaman could kill was good (able], he'd get up and walk around at them, they always returned to life in three this time, but he could not talk distinctly. He days. The use of jimsonweed as a narcotic is just babbled and thought he was talking." also attributed to the prehuman era, when it It was during this period of activity that was taken by all the animals save Rattlesnake occult things were seen. The seers had eagle- and Grizzly Bear. This omission is the cause bone whistles which they blew and then listened of their deadliness 247 "Brown Bear took it for supernatural helpers to tell them what to and is gentle but wild, but Grizzly Bear didn't look for or what to do. Some of the things and he is mean and kills." seen were: The Wobonuch boil jimsonweed in a house where death has occurred. The foul odor dis- courages the return of the ghost to the house Causes of Sickness: (1) A person would or to the inmates in dreams. The leaves are appear to be covered with blood, or with mag- gots, or with lice. This was cured by the dreamer's brushing of the invalid with his hand Wobonuch.--At the Wobonuch village of feather bunch (natsowab). The microcosms would Yumsanyu no annual spring ritual was performed. swarm all over the ground and were then brushed Jimsonweed was drunk "whenever somebody was into the fire. (2) If a man had been poisoned, sick or wanted to find out something." The it could be seen working on him at a certain person would go to Wilolohi, who lived at spot. [G.D. could not describe how it looked-] pesnwould go to Wloh who lied at Kadawinao, for he kept jimsonweed seeds on hand.: (3) A dying man could be seen and the people Wilolohi would have his wife grind these seeds with him, no matter how far away his house was, one could see inside the house. (4) If a man in a mortar which had been thoroughly washed to were seen walking along and the dreamer could remove all contamination of meat. The prospec- not walk fast enough to catch up with him, that tive drinker was made to avoid meat or grease man was certain to die within the year. (5) If for three days. When it was time for him to a shaman had killed people, his evil acts were drink, many people gathered round. Wilolohi disclosed [G.D. could not say how] and the news had both the drink and some acorn gruel pre- was made public. pared. The man would take a swallow of the Places of wealth: (1) If a man had lost pulverized jimsonweed liquid (taoa riba t money, a dreamer could hear it rattling and would find it for him. (2) Gold mines could be manaha mogadwtn) and then a swallow of gruel. seen "like sparks sticking up out of the ground.""He did this maybe four times." Then he sat (3) Shamans' caches became visible unless down and was soon unconscious. The next morn- "covered" by their owners. ing he "saw everything." The effects were as described above: he babbled, grabbed about, was protected from flight, and saw the causes It sometimes happened that a jimsonweed drinker would have no vision during his narco- of s icknes- 247This is probably an inverted s tatement: because they were deadly, i.e., man killers or meat eaters, they were ?4Falcon and Duck raced from the plains (about Reedley not permitted to take Jimsonweed with the other animals town) to the east where the sun rises, and there they who observed the meat tabu (cf. Latta, California Indianm stayed (G.D. ). Folklore,71) . GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 283 A jimsonweed dreamer's experience.--When In fact, on his mother's side, G.D. was a de- G.D. partook of jimsonweed in the Entimbich Acendant ofC famous Bear dancers. The oldest ceremony described above he had the following Bear dancer recalled was his great-grandfather, experience. Unu rigan (nickname, "Bear Dancer"). His two sons, Supana and 6ineda (G.D.'s grandfather and The first effects of the drug he felt in great-uncle) were Bear dancers at Yumsanyu. his feet. They grew very heavy, difficult to The oldest or most prominent man of the lift; they felt as if they were going to sleep. Bear lineage decided when it was time for the He stamped around hard while waiting for his Bear Dance to be held and, with the chief's companions to drink and dance before the sing- consent, notice was sent to Bear people in ers. Finally, in spite of himself, he could other camps. Many Bear people who did not not lift his feet and his knees began to give nece.sarily count blood kinship with Supana's way. By the time the singing was ended he could no longer stand up: "the land was turn- family would Join, as the dance would not be ing over and my feet were higher than my head." performed in the littlle hamlets. The celebra He faintly remembers being carried off. tion was for all Wobonuch Bear people. Yet When he woke up Duck was shouting to him. there was no regulation Just who should and He could see Duck and Falcon. He tried to should not participate. "The Entimbich came reach for them. ("A man is always grabbing in if they wanted to." around at this time trying to get something he The time for the dance was important, for sees for his mai'iw&n" (talisman]). Then he it had to take place between the ripening and began to see people. Everything looked red. dropping of the fall acorn crop and the begin- He looked at a man and he was covered with n blood; he was red all over. G.D. took his hand ning of the hibernation period for bears. "If feathers and brushed the man off. Other people the dance wasn't held before the bears had were covered with lice. Then he saw a water- holed up for the winter, these people [Bear fall and a water dog "came out of it." This lineage people] would get sick and die." Of creature was holding a big basketry tray with a more practical importance was the tabu on the single acorn on it. He told G.D. to eat the new acorn crop which Bear persons could not use acorn. G.D. Jumped in the water to get it, but as a food until the dance was performed. somebody pulled him out. Then he saw a bear coming toward him and would have run off but All persons with Bear as a family totem Just then he "began to see real things and soon contributed money and supplies for the festival after was all right." at which they were the hosts. As for all feasts, hunters and fishermen brought in extra game which they sold to the hosts. However, Bear Dance and Bear Transformation since the Bear people who were to end their tabu on fresh acorns at this time had not yet Bear Dance.--Men of the Bear lineage who been permitted to collect any because of the Edreamed of Bear and secured him as a dream tabu, this food was provided by the guests who helper might become Bear dancers and also ground, cooked, and served the acorn mush eaten secure the power of transforming themselves at the feast. into bears. Women of the lineage could not do The dancers themselves were a few, usually this. "Bear was a very common mapuk (totem] three, of the Bear men who had dream power from but only those taking in the dream could dance Bear. The costume consisted of an upright or change themselves. There were no Bear feather bunch on the head (ma tsowab, the doctors" (Jo.W.). It is to be noted that men Yokuts cu) which had a special net that covered with Bear power were always referred to as unu (i.e., "Bear"), never as pohage (doctor or the face and tied under the chin. .X piece of abalone shell was fastened on the net over the shaman). Bears were redeemed by members of ,. .. their lineage (see "Redemption of Totem nose so the dancer had to peek out to see in Animals"). a manner suggesting a bear peeking from an am- Two kinds of bears were distinguished: unu, bush, as they do. A skirt of eagle-down a vicious black bear, and tuwu hab, a quiet strands (pise "an, the typical Yokuts cere- brown ba Bo gvpwrmonial skirt) was worn and red paint was ap- brown bear. Both gave power, but "black was the worst." The functioning of Bear power was plied all over the torso. No bearskin was not disturbed during the winter period of worn, but bear claws were strung as a necklace not ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~n distred durin paws wiere perin asmitnso hibernation, although it was necessary to hold and cased bear paws were worn as mittens on the Bear Dance before that season commenced. each hand. That women danced is doubtful, Although the elderly informants, Jo.W. and since neither M.J. nor G.D. were positive on Althoughr the eomplder infrmants, Jon and pow the matter nor could they describe any woman's M.J., were in complete agreement on the powers costume or steps. and functions of Bear men, their descriptions 4f the dance and costumes differed. That of The dance itself was the same forward and X.J. will be given first as the more complete backward Jumping and grunting as was done by and reliable. the Wukchumni Yokuts, and the same tabu on Both M.J. and the interpreter, G.D., had repetition was in force. Singers using cocoon seen the Bear Dance (una 'amanigan) at Yumsanyu. rattles accompanied the dancers. The per- 284 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS formance was in the evening, followed by the I am not a bear; I am a log that was burned a feast of which all present partook. long time ago " [Not a real animal nor a trans- The Bear Dance given at Kadawinao was formed Bear man, but one magically created by described by JoDaWn At that village a man Solokokon.] described by Jo-W. At that village a man "If you're a log, you're going to be one. named Ca'maic and his sister [name not recalled: But if you are a (real] bear I'm going to kill danced in the fall when the acorns were ready you," said Ipemai. to drop. They fixed the time for the dance. Then the bear disclosed that Kowo, who They could not eat the new acorns until they lived at To'o jiwe (Squaw Valley) had killed a had danced, although other people might and did. man. Whereupon Ipemai kicked the animal "and They danced at night about eight to ten o'clock it turned into a burned log right there. Then Cnot if repetition was prohibited!) and were Ipemai went and got some friends and they paid by the chief for the entertainment (no killed that Solokokon." At this point M.J. added that Nubabi was mention of feast]. The dancers had red paint killed and eaten by a bear that Supana sent and smeared on their faces, none on the body. They Nubabi's brother was killed the same way.-" wore bearskins "tied on their backs" and bear- claw necklaces, but nothing on the head. Two singers sang for the dancers and used the 2. Supana had a Bear man friend among the clapper (tusuguguhtd) accompaniment. Tachi whose name was Ht lcu. When either Bear transformation.--Men, but not women, visited the other, he would change himself into a bear to make the long trip: he could travel having Bear as their family totem and also faster and would not be halted by strangers or dreaming of Bear as a supernatural helper, enemies. Htlcu came up often to get deerskins, made the Bear dances and they, but not others, bows, and arrows, which he took back home to could transform themselves into bears. It was sell. said that persons without Bear as their family symbol would not get dream power from Bear because they would fear to, "it was too strong." 3. When G.D. was a lad at Yumsanyu his If the dream came unsought, it was respectfully family went off camping to Ko'onikwe. Old rejected. Bear men who did transform them- Supana had some money hidden away which he could not find, so he told the rest to go on selves were said "to do this often; just be- and he would follow in a few days. He did join' cause Bear was their mapuk they went out and the family later and, as he came along the played with Bear." This did not hinder others trail, "a bear walked ahead of him just like a from shooting and eating bears, in fact, it dog." But he did not want to stay and asked encouaraged them (see below). If a Bear man in his wife to prepare some food for him to carry, animal form was being hunted, "he would speak as he was going down to see his daughter with up and change back" into human shape. whom he had previously quarrelled. He said he Anecdotes of Bear supernaturalism.--Al- wanted to see her because he was going to die in two or three days. Then he went down to his though G.Do's maternal ancestors were Bear daughter who was living in Squaw Valley, and people he did not hesitate to let it be known there, in about two weeks, the old man died. that Bear men were feared as dangerous and anti- "He just gave up his life, for nothing could social. The following anecdotes were told by kill him. That's the way it was with people M.J. and G.D. who had a strong Bear mapuk." 1. "A man can send his mapuk [totem, dream helper, or "pet"] to kill someone he 4. When G.D. was a lad he and several doesn't like. That person is doomed unless he companions went fishing. They had Jim Fidley's has more power or mai 'iw&n."cmain etfsig hyhdJmFde' solo kokon was manother. son of Unuriganand dog with them and, while they were fishing, it Solo kokon was another son of Unurigan and treed two cubs. The boys threw stones at them, was also a Bear man. Now a Pasuaj named Ipemai tedtocb.Teby he tnsa hm was camping near Ymsany. 8 Aow beuar chased killing one. The other came down and ran to was camping near Yumsanyu. A bear chased some brush and rocks, where it skirmished him. He did not have time to grab his bow and about with the dog and was finally killed with arrows, but fortunately the bear did not see stones by the boys. They carried the dead the weapons lying there, "for they smashed them cubs home whenever they got the chance." Ipemai climbed * a convenient tree and having some eagle down The very next morning Samson Jack's wife (piwLb) dropped it down to the animal. The The veryAnet no on hac s wife bear was amused and stood on its hind legs, came over. As yet no one had told her what the slapping at the small feathers as they floated boys had done. She came in early and said to around his head. While the creature was thus G.D., A bear chased you last night. It fol- occupied, Ipemai slipped down and got his bow lowed you all the way home. You killed his and arrows. Then he addressed the bear. children. You should leave them alone. They "Now, Bear, I'm going to shoot you. But will get you some day." She was very mad be- tell me first what it is you want to be." cause Bear was her family totem. On a previous The earrepled,"That man over there occasion she had come over and berated G.D. for' Theookn bear replied, ouad atyu p killing "her bear. G-D. said that he was not (Sookoon]tol m tocath yu nd at ou p.afraid of her or her bears. She knew of these l 24This man figured in the Wobonuch war with the Pasuaj events through dreams because her mapuk came ( cf . Gayton, Yokuts-Mono Chiefs and Shamans, 383). and told her everything that happened. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 285 Rattlesnake Ritual had a circular form and an entrance (normally it was open). On the sixth morning everyone went to the The Rattlesnake Ritual was not performed assembly space. There were four or five sing- by the Wobonuch or Entimbich and was known to ers, each with a cocoon rattle (sanaj). The them only through the performances of their Rattlesnake shamans entered and sat down by neighbors, the Chukaimina and Choinimni. On their buried snakes; they were wearing many one occasion this ceremony was given at Kiceyu, strands of eagle-down cord (pisvesvan) and each the Entimbich village at Dunlap, by Rattle- had an eagle-bone whistle and basketry tray snake shamans from those Yokuts tribes, and (saiya). When the presiding chief said all was the Entimbich shaman Kosowi, Joined them. It ready, the shamans removed their snakes from was not unusual for shamans to perform at other the holes and put them on their trays. Then to villages as in shamans' contests, or the the accompaniment of singing they walked around Huhuna dances, as they were always well paid the circle of seated spectators. At every for their services. At Kiceyu the partici- person -- man, woman, and child -- the doctors pating shamans were Pusl&l&n, the Chukaimina, paused, placed the tray with the snake on the Sokon&k, who M.J. thought was a Gashowu, and spectator's head, blew their whistles, and Kosowi, the Entimbich; there may have been listened for information from their super- others of lesser fame. natural helpers, the Rattlesnakes. They would The Snake Ritual as given at Kiceyu and be told whether or not this person was to be Mastinao was described by M.J. and G.D. bitten. Each person was thus diagnosed by all An important rattlesnake-handler would the shamans, who continued their circuit in an think it was time to hold the ritual: this al- anticlockwise direction. Those who were fore- ways took place in the spring when the snakes doomed were gathered in one place and treated were coming from hibernation (about April). He by the shamans. The information the shamans would send a messenger after other Rattlesnake had received told them the exact spot where the shamans and they would discuss the matter, bites were to be [otherwise would have been], consult the chief, and decide upon an exact and on these spots they rubbed matikan.2k9 time and place for the ritual. Then all sur- When all had been treated and the snake- rounding villages and hamlets were notified six handlers had been paid for this special service, days ahead. Everyone thought it wise to attend the chief announced that it was time for the this ceremony, as it was determined there who biting display. Not all the snake-handlers did would be bitten by rattlesnakes during the this; Just one powerful one; he was paid for coming season and preventive cures were given. the spectacle. He threw his snake to the All the people came at the specified time; they ground and then held his hand toward the stayed around for several days playing and en- angered reptile. It struck the hand and the Joying themselves. The snake-handlers giving shaman, if sufficiently courageous, let it the affair had to provide food for the guests dangle there for a moment. Then it was removed for six days, though the messengers were the and all the other snake-handlers took turns ones, as usual, to manage the distribution of sucking the wound. "They sucked out the food, etc. matikan." On the fifth morning from the first day of In the meantime the messengers had made a the gathering, the shamans went out to get hole at the entrance to the enclosure; all the their rattlesnakes. They carried eagle-bone snakes were put in it and brush laid over them. whistles (huguinu), eagle down (piw&b), and The ceremony was now about over and, as the bottlenecked baskets (osa). These baskets were spectators departed, each one stepped on the usually made for the snake-handlers by their covering of the hole. Beside the hole stood daughters. They went to some known snake den one of the shamans, holding a tray which he and, blowing their whistles, talked coaxingly banged against his left hand as each person to the snakes, saying, "Come out, come out! stepped on the hole. A large basket was there I'm going to feed you." When the snakes moved also, and into it each person threw some money forward, they were fed with eagle down, and the or article of value to pay the snake-handlers men selected those they wanted. When a chosen for their performance. snake had coiled (and it was encouraged to do J.B.'s account.--One Snake Ritual was made this by constant soothing talk), it was picked up at Dunlap by Choinimni visitors. The Wobo- up and put in a basket and more eagle down put 249 over it. When the men returned to the assembly 24The exact nature Of matikan was not understandable to bvert Whred hd the nsexy me although G.D. tried hard to explain. It would seem to space where the ritual was to be held the next be the poison from the snake's fangs, yet it seemed also day, the messengers dug a row of holes, one for to be excrement, for G.D. said it was "what the snakes each snake-handler, and the baskets were sunk dumped after they had struck and eaten a squirrel or rab- in these. Some grass was laid over the top and bit"; he said it was "put out from behind." Yet it was the whle coered wth eath. Fo thiscere- matikan which was sucked from a snake bite, and it was supernatural in quality because ''a snake bite should be mony the messengers had put up a screening of put in water at once to keep the matilkan from flying mats and brush around the dance space so it through the air into the wound," G.D. said. 286 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS nuch did not have the ritual; the Waksachi had abundant.. This was of vital importance, since snake doctors but did not attempt the ritual, the hosts supplied subsistence for the visitors according to J.B. and themselves for at least six days, as well The one ritual held at Dunlap was per- as giving or throwing away quantities of food. formed by the Choinimni men, CokonLk, Pusltl&n The persons who talked over the plans were, and Cic'en. Cokon&k brought a large snake, the male members of the bereaved families, the Cicen had one "so small it was a Joke," and chief or chiefs of their village group, and the. Pustl&lLn had none at all. During the rite secondary or "ceremonial" chiefs (often brothe Pusltltn picked up the large snake and got of the actual chief), who had to help pay ex- struck. Immediately the other men bound his penses, particularly if there was a deficit. arm tightly with milkweed string,29 and rubbed If there were only a few families backing the the hair of a rabbit on the wound. "The hair ceremony there might be as many as three or of any animal like rabbit or squirrel that four of these subchiefs to help with the ex- snakes eat will pull the poison out of a snake penses. bite." This little committee, so to say, knew the The ritual procedure at Dunlap was the whereabouts of all members of their own tribe same as usual: the direction of dancing was to and how to reach them. Even at this time the the left; the snakes were held up in the hands exact date was still tentatively a month ahead- but not passed about the neck; the holes in as it would be shifted to meet the convenience which the snakes had been were filled in; the of any important people from the host or re- snakes were returned to their den after the ciprocant group. When they had talked all ritual. The purpose of the rite was prevention these matters over, "they all had a cry right of future injury from snake bites. there" (M.J.). The chief's messengers were always present at these conferences, for the burden of manag- I Deer Dance ing the distribution of food, disposal of guests, organization of events, etc., fell upon The Deer Dance was not recognized as an them. "The natinabs are lined up and each one entertainment. G.D. said "it was done by the told what to do by the head natinab" (G.D.). It. Lake Indians just for fun," but he had no clear was usually the head or chief 's messenger who idea what "it" was. He claimed he had seen took the invitation to the reciprocant tribe. fawns dance with the same mincing steps de- As an example, M.J. spoke of Pinoa sending an scribed by the Wukchumni informant, J.B. He invitation to Supana. added that the supernatural home of deer is a The head natinab went to Supana carrying deep canyon beyond Deer Ridge. The place is his cane with a string tied at the top. When called tuhucv madikap (Local Map G, no. 6), he arrived at Yumsanyu someone had seen him . which means "deer themselves," i.e., real or already and told the chief. The messenger went, true deer (madikap is evidently equivalent to directly to the chief's house. His host took the Yokuts word, mets). The deer congregate his cane and put it down, and a woman of the there. family set food before him. After he ate he delivered his message. Meanwhile the local natinabs had been gathering the people, and the; Annual Mourning Ceremony visiting messenger then made a public announce-, ment of his news and was "paid a little bit" by Preparation.--It was decided tentatively everyone present. The chief made an estimate a year in advance to hold a mourning ceremony; of how many of his people would accept the the actual time was always about August- invitation. When the messenger was ready to September. During the year everyone, especial- leave, "he had to pay the chief a little money ly the bereaved families, saved money, food- in order to get back his cane." stuffs, and baskets. When the time drew near, Then the chief's messenger, who was the perhaps a month off, the chief would send for head natinab, would assemble the other mes- the men who served as his assistant chiefs or sengers and their women. He would arrange for financial backers for the ceremony and for the some messengers to go to absent tribal members families who had instigated the affair, or they and tell what was planned; he himself went to might themselves go to these families, and all the chief of the reciprocant tribe. He ap- would consult together about the financial ar- pointed another messenger to take charge of the rangements and the date. The choice of a date food supply and to detail women to do its depended largely upon the financial condition preparation and cooking. Messengers serving of the hosts and the amount of food available. shamans were also present and it was their dut The ceremony was usually held in the late sum- to secure shamans for the dances or rituals mer, as game and vegetable foods were then most that had been planned. If all went well, the 2This method of preventing the poison from spreading acetualn date wasd setled foroorasixg dayags frm was said to be aboriginal, but no other informant de- ceti a,adtecrooaigmsae scribed it. were sent out to all concerned. GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 287 The Yokuts system of tribal reciprocity at sides were more or less permanent. The other mourning ceremonies was followed by the Wobo- visitors set up houses, shades, or lean-tos as nuch. The Entimbich were said to be the usual they wished. In front of the two main camps reciprocants. However, it was not possible to long strips of deerskins sewed together were get detailed data on the actual reciprocating laid down over mats. People sat on or ate off persons, which leads one to suspect that the these, according to the momentary need. When system was not strongly established. The two one side or the other was serving a feast, it sides (the Yokuts gui'i) were called by the was served on these long skin strips. All such Wobonuch simply matamu (your side) and namadamu paraphernalia was in the care of the messengers. (my or our side). [In this connection G.D. was During the first few days games were asked about Tokelyuwich and Nutuwich: the played at a distance from the camp. first he had never heard of, the last he said Each morning and evening a group of old "was just a name that means Coyote or somebody women sang mourning songs and wailed "Any old that laughs and jokes all the time."] The only woman who wanted a good cry could join in" persons he recalled as reciprocants were all (G.D.). This interlude lasted about thirty within the Wobonuch tribal group: Samson minutes, before breakfast and before the even- Jack's family washed G.D.'s mother's family, ing meal on the host's side. The singers (yaya and Supana and Pinoa washed each other. G.D. hubie roti) were paid by the hosts; the ritual said that each person [family] had a specific was called manai'a gnigana. It was continued "matamu" and that all others in those sides through the sixth morning. If the ceremony [matamu and namadamu] "were just helpers." "In were an impressive one, at the evening singing old times a captain just told his people to the mourners would parade around the dance save their things and the whole tribe made that space carrying the baskets, feather ornaments, fandango [ceremony) together; just those fami- and money that was to be distributed after the lies washed each other" (M.J., G.D.). It seems weeping on the sixth night [Saturday]. that possibly in older times only the families On the fifth night [Friday] the Shamans' of the bereaved were washed, not the entire Contest would be held, if it were given at all. host group by the entire visiting group. In This was done at Entimbich mourning ceremonies, short, that which is today called the "little or those of the Wobonuch at Dunlap after they fandango" -- a family affair -- has been over- had moved there, but not at the old Wobonuch shadowed by the adoption of the Yokuts great villages on Mill Flat Creek or Kings River. annual ceremony involving entire tribes as re- The Shamans' Contest (napo hokwat, M.J., G.D.; ciprocants. The data, however, are insuf- napohakwitide, Jo.W.) had as participants ficient to prove this. doctors from the west: Michahai from Mastinao, Although the Wobonuch Annual Mourning Tusao, and Drum Valley, Choinimni and Tachi, Ceremony (unurano'gan) lasted six days,after according to Jo.W. The only shamans' names he the Yokuts pattern, they did little during the recalled were those of Wu' and Iwe hu, whose week beyond having the Shamans' Contest on the tribes he did not know. The Entimbich shaman, fifth night with imported shamans. If the Kosowi, participated, but no Wobonuch. One of Huhuna Dance was given at all, it occurred on the singers was Kowo, a Wawa [Michahai ?) who the seventh day (Sunday) after the washing, lived in Squaw Valley. The messengers made two never during the week. Again, the performers rows of fires on opposite sides of the dance had to be imported. space. Each entrant went to his fire carrying The ceremonial week.--When the week of the a basket tray (saiya): he talked to the sun, ceremony began, the visitors arrived in tribal then chewed roasted acorns and spat them on his groups. "People came from all around: tu'nakwe fire. Then the magic airshot appeared in their (east), Ko'onikwe, Pe koawe (Squaw Valley), hands as they held them over their fires. They To'ojwe (Drum Valley), Tusao and Wukchumni" rubbed it all over their trays. They showed it (Jo.W.; his identifications). The camp for the to the audience: it was the size and con- dance was in a special place: Unanigapu sistency of fish eggs. Older shamans made shot (Local Map F, no. 23) was one of these, Pinoa's for younger ones and showed them how to do it dance place for Pajipu (Local Map F, no. 22). for themselves. The shamans were wearing [These dance places had no connection with feather skirts, feather headdress, and paint. "ancestral" or "sacred" spots.] The camp ar- When all was ready they paraded around in two rangement was roughly rectangular: the hosts lines passing each other and then, standing in on one side and their reciprocants opposite, two rows, were ready to "shoot" each other. unallied visitors at each end. The dance Holding their trays in the right hand, they ground was kept free from weeds, clear of swung them sharply against the palm of the left, stones and, when in use, was watered frequently thus propelling the airshot. When a man was by the messengers to keep down dust. Visiting hit, he cried "'Wa..wa .wa.."- and fell over messengers always helped with all work. The rigid. Messengers picked up the fallen men and space varied in size but normally was about carried them to their chiefs. Throughout the fifty feet across. Shades were erected, some parade and battle the singers sang. When only with screens at the back; those of the opposing one shaman was left standing, the champion, so 288 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS l to say, the singers sang one more song. Then finery and divided the frames in two lots: one the survivor began reviving his victims. "Then set they threw on the fire, the other they took they all cured each other, as only the doctor to the cemetery to burn on the graves. The who put the shot in could take it out again" mourners went to the graves to see this done, (M.J., G.D.). But "some were let stay dead or weeping continuously. This was just before died soon after if it was a chief or maybe some dawn. Then all returned for breakfast, the others wanted it" (Jo.W.). "If the people mourners taking only acorn mush. In connection wanted a doctor killed they would bribe a with the stripping of the dolls Jo.W. referred doctor to let that man [his victim] die" (M.J., to the Wukehumni practice of throwing the G.D.). During the curing the singers had gone valuables on the ground as peculiarly theirs. about collecting payment from the onlookers. The other treasures that had been displayed On the sixth (Saturday) evening, a large were reserved for distribution the next morning. fire was built in the dance space.by the re- "Now it was time for the washing." The ciprocant tribe. This was the first fire (save reciprocants came over to the hosts. Their the shamans') that had been made there during chief and managing messenger had directed the week. This was in preparation for the beforehand which families were to wash the final climactic weeping. The whole evening's mourning families. "In old times this was not performance was called manaha'nain, the crying done, this matamu is from the Diggers [Yokuts, part, ahane wi. The reciprocants aligned them- Penutian-speakers]" (M.J., G.D.). They took selves on their side of the plaza, with the with them new clothing on basket trays. Those other visitors at each end. On the mourners' to be washed had large baskets for the special side sat three or four singers using no instru- purpose; they were filled with water by the ments. Then the managing messenger told the messengers, and after the cleansing would be mourners to come out. They came, the men going presented to the washers. Persons of the same to the fire, the women remaining at one side, sex attended each other. The mourners' faces weeping. The men moved in single file, anti- were dirty and streaked. To remove this ac- clockwise, around the fire, clapping their cumulation of filth dry leached acorn meal was hands above their heads, and on every other applied, which acted like soap when wet and step turning inwards toward the fire. Then the rubbed with shredded bark dipped in water. The manager told the women to get their effigies. mourner's body was swabbed down and the new The effigy dolls (pe- bi) had been made clothes were donned. The hair, which had been during the week. Each was made to represent a singed a year previous and was ragged, was specific deceased person by varying the size trimmed off as bangs across the eyes and evened (long or short, thin or rotund). They were all off around the shoulders. When this was done, on long poles and hung with beads, baskets, and the mourners filled the washers' trays with objects of value that the mourners had ac- food which they had ready and also gave them cumulated. [I am uncertain whether it was the the washing baskets, which were large and hand- men or women who carried these; both informants some. implied it was the women but this is contrary Meanwhile a sum of money to pay the re- to practice elsewhere.] ciprocants, which had been planned on from the Then the bereaved men and women, carrying outset by the hosts, was collected and put in the effigies and the baskets of treasures, one place. The host's messenger called the paraded around the fire. The effigies were reciprocant chief and his messenger and they mockingly thrust at the flames every other step, were presented with the sum of money and all while the baskets, carried at shoulder level, the valuables which had been displayed. This were alternated from left to right. This wealth was distributed by the reciprocant chief parade with the dolls was called manadadaraikan; among his people in accordance with the amount the accompanying singing was called manayuya- of food, clothing, and effort they had expended hain. When they retired to their own side to for the ceremony. The formalized lending of weep, the reciprocants circuited the fire with money for the ceremony, practiced by the Yokuts, a shuffling step. The two groups repeated was not followed by the Wobonuch save in an in- their circuits three times. At the end of the formal sense. Loans to be returned at that last trip the mourners all piled their dolls up time were private, i.e., person to person, not in one place and retired weeping. Then a between tribes. Nevertheless, these private speech was made by the reciprocant chief; the loans were publicly settled as part of the pay- speech was called mada'aiWhu"Sa. He stated the ment to the reciprocants when the borrower obvious, pointing out what they were doing and happened to be of the reciprocating tribe. The why, and dwelt on the fact that the effigies vagueness of informants in trying to define were about to be burned and that grief should these financial proceedings in connection with be dispatched with them. "The mourners' the mourning ceremony is simply additional natinab paid him for his speech right there" evidence of the extraneous source of the whole (M.J., G.D.). When he finished the mourners complex, which is aberrant Yokuts. presented the effigies to him and his followers. By this time it was about midday. The The reciprocants stripped the frames of their reciprocants, having prepared much food, es- GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 289 pecially deer or other meat, brought this over All the Wobonuch and Entimbich people de- to the mourners' side and spread a feast of cided to go. The Patwisha, Pasuaj, and Wowo which everyone partook. Before eating, the [Chukaiminal were going too. Some persons were local chief made a speech in which he recapitu- too old to go. One of these was Kumkum, a lated all that had been done and spoke of the singer's father,253 who lived at Pajipu (Local feast they were about to eat and the breaking Map F, no. 22) and was now too decrepit to be of the meat tabu by the bereaved. He thanked moved. They decided to leave him behind, well the reciprocants for what they had done and supplied with food and water. However, he then enjoined everyone to be happy, to enjoy told his relatives that he would not be there the food and games and entertainment which when they returned, that something was coming actualized the cessation of mourning. Games to eat him, and that tracks of Deer (his super- were played in the afternoon, the hand game at natural helper) would be all around. Indeed, night, and shamans danced for the entertainment when his relatives came back, they found him of others during the evening, for which they lying dead on the ground, surrounded by deer were paid. This type of shamans' dance was hoofprints. Likewise at the village of called negadu pohage. Kudsowabi 254 (Dunlap) (Local Map F, no. 41) Huhuna Dance.--If this dance was given in there was "an old lady who was all wore out." connection with the Wobonuch or Entimbich She said she "wasn't good for anything and mourning ceremony, it was an extra "show" on wanted to die." She told the boys to go dig a Sunday after the feasting. The performers were grave and bury her alive "because she was always from the Yokuts. "Sometimes there were nearly dead anyway." She told her people not two or three of them. Only very big doctors to cry for her. "You are going to see your could do this . 251 Jo -W. described the affair Father and I'll be doing just the same" [by as having the reciprocants' and host's shamans dying]. So her grave was prepared and she was lined up in two rows; the Huhuna dancers "ran buried in it; this was the first grave in the back and forth between the doctors or outside Indian cemetery at Dunlap. them [seeking hidden money ?U. Then they got When all the people were on their way, shot by the doctors and were laid out in front they had great trouble crossing the San Joaquin of the people making the fandango. The doctors River. When they reached Saganyu "they went from the other side [reciprocants] brought them up on top of a mountain." The chief there was back to life." This poor account indicates the Joijoi. He had gone over to Nevada and got rarity and obscurity of the performance for the "the news and the dance from the Yo'ocv [Paiute Wobonuch. or Eastern Mono; anyone east of the Sierra Nevada divide] ." Where those people had got it M.J. did not know: "it came from the same GHOST DANCE OF 1870 place the wild pigeons come from, Canada maybe." The other Wobonuch informant made the very A general account of the diffusion of the arbitrary statement that "the dance was brought Ghost Dance of 1870 to Yokuts and Western Mono from kwita - (west) by a singer named do honisa," includes material from the Wobonuch.252 Since which fits with no other information. (This M.J. Is account was combined therein with that may have been some individual enthusiast who of another informant, it will be repeated here impressed Jo.W. as a little child.) for clarity's sake, together with lesser in- Joijoi and his aid, "a good man named formation from Jo.W. Kaka1," went among the camps, preaching aloud The dance was called properly "round dance" as they walked. They said they were going to (naho'a manai'&gan). Jo.W. said it was in- dance because "the Father" (tuwawiya, "wolf") troduced about sixty years ago "when he was a was coming. They advised the people on their little boy." M.J. said the first dance was conduct: "to have a good time but not to get held when he was about fifteen years old, some- mad at each other, not to flirt, to be good- time just before a big earthquake. He was herd- natured; otherwise they could not go to their ing sheep for a white man when his father came Father when he came. When the Father appeared and told him "to come with them some place he would bring all the previously dead with him. where their 'Father' was coming." They went up Those who had been cremated would be noticeable to North Fork [of the San Joaquin River] to a "because they would be black like niggers." place called Saganyu. The name of the tribe They referred to the road to the land of the there M.J. could not recall: the people spoke dead, saying that a person who failed to heed' a Western Mono dialect, and the Chukchansi these injunctions would not be able to cross Yokuts lived to the west of them. the shaking bridge on the road which lead to kwi [the afterworld in the west] but would fall 251 ta uun' a J5lo.W. was unaware taHuna'8performnancewaa special art, not a shaman 's usual acquisition (cf . Wuk- 253The father of Samson Dick, nicknamed Kumkum (humming- chumni) . bird) because he had been very acti ve and a great traveler. 252Gayton, Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central Cali- lS*Erroneously given as Pagipu, Gayton, Ghost Dance Of fornia, 66-68, 74-75. 1870, 74. 290 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS in the water and be taken by a water creature. many people.256 There was no special costume. Anyone who was reluctant to join in the dance The dancing continued for six nights: "then would turn into a log of wood. everybody went home." During this time food The dance space was circular and was il- was provided for the multitude by the local lumined by fires built outside and all around chief, Joijoi. Horse meat was bought and the circle (Jo.W.). The messengers kept up eaten.257 these fires. At one side of the dance space There was some dissatisfaction after the was a pole; "this had a rag or something tied dance because the predictions were not ful- at the top."255 The pole had power to cure filled: the Father had not come and the pil- persons who were rendered unconscious by their grims had made sacrifices of sentiment and failure to heed the rules of good conduct. property. Nevertheless, local dances were held Thus a man who was angry because his wife was as a further effort, and the proselytizing dancing next another man fell over in a rigid Wobonuch went off on their missionary tour to condition. If a spectator looked on disapprov- the Yokuts tribes. ingly, he was overcome by the same rigidity. According to M.J, it was Just after the People thus stricken were carried to the pole first Ghost Dance that the practice of poison- and laid beside it. There Joijoi rubbed them ing became prevalent. He claims that two with sage (ko"sidab') until they regained con- chiefs, 6ako no and Tu ltn, from the Tule River sciousness. The pole was not climbed; M.J. did region "began to make poison (tigi dedan) and not know how its helpful power functioned. sold it to plain people [persons without super- Many persons collapsed from fatigue. natural power] all around so they could kill At this dance at Saganyu there were such each other almost like doctors The Wukchumni numbers of people that three concentric circles bought some, and many others, and they all of dancers were formed. Men and women danced began killing each other." The chiefs Cup together. Jo.W. said they moved anticlockwise; here] said that, if the culprits were dis- all other informants said they moved clockwise. covered, they should be killed just as were Dancing alternated with exhortative preaching evil shamans. But they added a warning to take during rest periods. Jo.W. said they danced care and not kill a suspect until they were at about 7 p.m., 10 p.m., and midnight, and certain of his guilt. then went to bed. In the morning everyone "'Then the white people and whiskey came swam [as was usual in everyday life). There and everyone began getting drunk. The poison- were no tabus on eating meat, playing games, or ing went on worse than ever. The white people sexual indulgence. Face paint was worn by have stopped that now." 256Shown in rig. 2, e, Gayton, Ghost Dance off 1870. 25And f inally dog meat was eaten, according to E.M., 255A bead-trilmned basket, according to the Kechayi the Kechayl, who claimed the food supplied was inadequate E.M. 's account. (ibid., 72-74) . BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbreviations Kroeber, A.L. 1925. Handbook of the Indians of AA American Anthropologist. California. BAE-B 78. BAE-B Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin. Latta, F.F. JAFL Journal of American Folklore. 1929. Uncle Jeff's Story. Tulare, PMM Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee, Calif. Bulletin. 1936. California Indian Folklore. UC-AR University of California Publications: Shafter, Calif. Anthropological Records. Loeb, Edwin UC-PAAE University of California Publications 1926. Pomo Folkways. UC-PAAE 19: in American Archaeology and 149-405. Ethnology. Merriam, C. Hart 1930 The Em -tim-bitch, a Shoshonean Barrett, S.A., and E.W. Gifford Tribe. AA 32:496-499. 1933. Miwok Material Culture. PMM, 2. Powers, Stephen Bunnell, Lafayette Houghton 1877. Tribes of California. Con- 1911. Discovery of the Yosemite and tributions to North American the Indian War of 1851. Los Ethnology, vol. 3. Department Angeles. of the Interior, U.S. Geo- Coues, Elliott graphical and Geological Survey 1900. On the Trail of a Spanish of the Rocky Mountain Region. Pioneer, the Diary and Itinera- Washington, D.C. ry of Francisco Garces, Rogers, Barbara Thrall, and A.H. Gayton 2 vols. New York. 1944 Twenty-seven Chukchansi Yokuts Forde, C. Daryll Myths. JAFL 57:190-207. 1931. Ethnography of the Yuma Indians. Rowntree, Lester UC-PAAE 19:83-278. 1939. Flowering Shrubs of California. Gayton, A.H. Stanford University. 1929. Yokuts and Western Mono Pottery- Spier, Leslie Making. UC-PAAE 24:239-252. 1933. Yuman Tribes of the Gila River. 1930a. The Ghost Dance of 1870 in Chicago. South-Central California. 1935. The Prophet Dance of the North- UC-PAAE 28:57-82. west and its Derivatives: the 1930b. Yokuts-Mono Chief s and Shamans. Source of the Ghost Dance. UC-PAAE 24:361-420. General Series in Anthropology, 1935. The Orpheus Myth in North Am- No. 1. Manasha, Wis. erica. JAFL 48:263-291. Steward, Julian 1936. Estudillo among the Yokuts. In 1938. PanatUbiji', an Owens Valley Essays in Anthropology in Honor Paiute. BAE-B 119:183-195. of Alfred Louis Kroeber. Voegelin, Erminie W. Pp. 67-85. Berkeley. 1938. TUbatulabal Ethnography. 1945. Yokuts and Western Mono Social UC-AR 2:1-90. Organization. AA 47:409-426. Gayton, A.H., and Stanley S. Newman 1940. Yokuts and Western Mono Myths. UC-AR 5:1-110. Gifford, E.W. 1916. Miwok Moieties. UC-PAAE 12: 139-194. 1918. Clans and Moieties in Southern California. UC-PAAE 14:155-220. E291) PLATE AND EXPLANATION Explanation of Plate 2 Yokuts and Western Mono Specimens, Gbteborg Museum a, Wobonuch winnowing tray, burden basket; b, Wobonuch rock-lifter, mushbasket, cradle; c, Wobonuch fish basket, sieve, individual eating basket; d, Wobonuch pestle for bedrock mortar, handstone, arrow straightener; Wukchumni tobacco mortar and pestle; e, Waksachi fire fan, Wobonuch soaproot brush and "treasure" basket; f, Wuk- chumni gambling tray, dice, counters. _l PLATE TI I. YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO SPEC IMENS, GOTEBORG MUSEUM [295) INDEX (Part I, pp. 1-142; Part II, pp. 143-295) Abalone shell, 14, 37 f., 115, 162, 173 Ceremonial crier, 26, 164 Acorn granary. See Storage bin Ceremonial feasting, 11, 119; Central Foothill Acorn preparation, 146 region, 130-131 Afterbirth, 29, 102, 166, 233, 273 Ceremonial gifts, 103, 104, 108, 134, 193, 234, Afterworld, 31, 46, 198, 237 273 Age categories, 108, 156, 236 Ceremonial manager, 97, 201 Airshot, 43 f., 53 f., 131, 150, 151, 174, 210, Ceremonial washing, 44, 103, 108, 134, 152, 166, 248, 249, 276, 287; Central Foothill 167, 174, 193, 201, 234, 238, 250, 251, 273, region, 112; Tulare Lake region, 42 275, 288; Central Valley region, 130-131; Altinin Indians, 9 Tulare Lake region, 44; Wukchumni, 103,125 Animal helpers, 33, 110, 169, 206 Ceremonial weeping, 29, 41, 43, 44, 100, 107, Apiachi Indians, 5 126-127, 129, 151, 174, 200, 237, 238, 287 Arrow straightener, 74, 219, 265-266 Charmstones, 24, 37, 245 Chiefs, 94-95, 148, 198, 230 f.; Central Mount- Balsas: Northern Foothill region, 147; Tulare ain region, 270-271; Chunut, 25; Gawia and Lake region, 21 Yokod, 96; secondary, 95-96; Tachi, 25; Tu- Bankalachi Indians, 50 ff.; Bear dance, 52; lamni, 50; Tulare Lake region, 25 blankets, 51; calendar, 51; eagle purchase, Child training, 103, 167, 194 52; feather ornaments, 51; games, 51; hair- Choinimni Indians: Balsas, 147; Bear Dance, 151; net, 51; houses, 51; Huhuna Dance, 52; burial, 149; chiefs, 148; dress, 146-147; hunting, 52; Jimsonweed Ritual, 52-53; games, 148; Ghost Dance, 152; houses, 145; localities, 51; money, 51; pottery, 51; Huhuna Dance, 152; Jimsonweed Ritual, 150- Rattlesnake Ritual, 52; shamanism, 53-54; 151; localities, 145; messengers, 148; Shamans' Contest, 52; sweat house, 51; moieties, 149; mourning ceremony, 151-152; territory, 51; tobacco, 52 musical instruments, 147; paint, 147; pipes, Basket cap, 67, 226 147-148; pleasure dance, 150; pottery, 148; Basket designs, 86 Rattlesnake Ritual, 152; shamanism, 149 f.; Basketry, 17; 225; Central Foothill region, 85- Shamans' Contest, 151; subsistence, 146; 86; Central Mountain region, 263; Northern sweat house, 146; territory, 143 f.; weapons, Foothill region, 188; Telamni, 17; Tulare 146 Lake region, 17; Wukchumni, 79 Choinuk Indians, 4 Bear Dance, 120 f., 151, 172-173, 248, 277, 283- Chukaimina Indians: birth and infancy, 134; 284; Bankalachi, 52; Central Foothill cradles, 134; games, 134-135; Huhuna Dance, region, 120-121; Northern Foothill region, 135; moieties, 135; mourning ceremony, 135; 152; Tachi, 42; Tulare Lake region, 40-41 naming, 134; pottery, 134; Rattlesnake Rit- Bear hunting, 71-72, 220, 262 ual, 136; territory, 133-134 Bear shamans, 36, 112, 157, 169, 208-209 Chukchansi Indians: baskets, 188; Bear shaman, Bear transformation, 36, 112, 157, 173, 284 208-209; betrothal, 194; birth, 192; burial, Beaver Dance, 121-122, 173, 248 196-197; chiefs, 198; conical house, 186; Bed frame, 13 cradles, 188; cremation, 196; curing, 203 Belts, 65, 85 ff.; dancing, 203; dress, 177-178; divorce, Betrothal, 80, 104, 119, 167, 194, 235 196; eagle redemption, 199; fishing, 184-185; Bibliography: Part I, 137-138; Part II, 291 foods, 178-180; games, 201-202; Ghost Dance, Birds: Eshom Valley region, 2?3 f.; Tulare 203; hunting, 183; Jimsonweed, 211; locali- Lake region, 23 ties, 175; marriage, 195-196; medicines, 182- Birth, 233; Central Foothill region, 102; Chu- 183; messengers, 198; moieties, 198-199; nut, 29; Northern Foothill region, 166, money, 190-191; mourning, 197; mourning cere- 192; Tachi, 30 mony, 199-201; naming, 192-193; plants used, Blankets, 17, 155, 177, 189, 218, 266; Banka- 179-180, 182; rain-making, 207; shamanism, lachi, 51; Wukchumni, 81-82; Yaudanchi, 82 203 ff.; Shamans' Contest, 210-211; storage Buena Vista Lake, 4 bin, 187; storehouse, 187; subsistence, 177 Bull-roarer, 269 ff.; supernatural power, 205; sweat house, Bunnell, Lafayette H., 153 ff. 186; territory, 175-176; tobacco, 191; war- Burial, 31, 46, 106-107, 149, 156, 168, 196-197 fare, 176-177; weapons, 190 Chumash Indians, 9 Cages, 122, 123, 165, 221, 247 Chunut Indians, 7 ff.; chiefs, 25; cradles, 30; Calendar, 51, 156, 162, 266-267 dream help, 32; first-fruit rites, 40; Hu- Cane knife, 29, 102, 233, 273 huna Dance, 41; intertribal relations, 7 ff.; Carrying net, 17, 79, 83, 85, 147, 155, 189, Jimsonweed Ritual, 38 f.; naming, 30; mess- 226, 265 enger, 25 f.; moiety totems, 28; officials, Carson, James H., 55 26; paint patterns, 21; pleasure dances, 41; [2971 298 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS prophecy, 40; Rattlesnake Ritual, 40; string Central Foothill region, 130; Tulare Lake figures, 22; subsistence, 14 ff.; territory, region, 44 7 ff.; tobacco, 22; warfare, 9 ff. Elements, 24, 156, 162, 229, 267 Clapper, 45, 52, 92, 116, 147, 172, 203, 228, Emetic, 22 f., 52, 93, 151, 155, 161, 191, 228, 269 239, 270 Classification of animals, 99 Entimbich Indians, 254 ff.; Jimsonweed Ritual, Clown(s), 97, 123, 173, 247, 249 281-282; pottery, 265 Contagious magic, 35 f., 53, 111 f., 207, 244 Eshom Valley, 213 Corpse-handlers, 46, 107, 129 f., 168, 236 f., Estudillo, Jose Maria, 14 ff., 126 274 Costume, 41, 42, 43 45, 46, 116, 118, 120, 127, Fages, Pedro, 49 ff. 128, 150, 152, 157, 172, 203, 218, 283 Fasting, 31, 38, 239 Couvade, 29, 101, 103, 134, 166, 273 Feather fire fan, 75, 220 Cradles, 101, 134, 166, 188, 234, 273; Central Feather ornaments, 51 Foothill region, 86-87; Tulare Lake region, Female shamans, 34 f., 54, 168, 210, 238 f. 30 Fingernails, 67, 276 Cremation, 31, 107, 156, 168, 196, 236, 274 Ferrying, 155, 161 Cup and ball game, 92, 163 Fire drill, 148, 185, 266 Cup and pin game, 269 Firemaking, 224 Curing, 32 f., 34, 38, 52, 54, 119, 150, 156- Firewood, 185, 266; Central Foothill region,78; 157, 169, 203 ff., 276-277; Central Foothill Tulare Lake region, 16 region, 2, 110-111; Koyeti, 48; Tulare Lake First-fruit rites, 164, 165; Tulare Lake region, region, 32-33; Wulcchumni, 110-111 40 Fish, Central Foothill region, 76 Datura. See Jimsonweed Fish poison, 15, 75 f., 80, 185, 222, 262 Death, 149, 156, 168, 196; Central Foothill re- Fishing blind, 15 gion, 106; Chunut, 31; Tachi, 31; Michahai- Flood, 25, 48, 172, 280 Deer Dance i21,3637; omen, 197 f. Flute, 51, 60, 92, 147, 217, 228, 269 Deer disguise, 52, 71, 219, 261 Flying magically, 112, 243, 276 Derby, Lieut. George H., 2 ff2, 5 Foods, 100, 154, 178 ff.; Central Foothill re- Dice, 22, 50, 51, 91, 92, 134-135, 148, 163, 202, gion, 76-78; Northern Foothill region, 146; 227, 268-269 Tlr aergo,1 f Digging stick, 78, 189 Football, 148, 162-163, 201 Directions, 89, 145, 156, 229-230, 267 Foot drum, 269 Divorce, 105-106, 168, 235 Dogs, 14, 37 f., 158, 175 fn., 183 Games: Bankalachi, 51; Central Foothill region, Dolls, 92, 151. See also Effigies 90-92, 227; Central Mountain region, 267- Dream help, 31-32, 53, 135, 149-150, 156, 161, 269; in myth, 22; moiety division, 27; 169 f., 205, 231, 238, 239, 275, 279 f.; Northern Foothill region, 148, 162-163, 201- Chunut, 32; Paleuyami, 47; Tachi, 31; Wuk- 202; Tulamni, 50; Tulare Lake region, 22 chumni, 108-109, 110 Gawia Indians, 4; territory, 55-56 Dreams, 32, 118 f., 158 f., 170, 240, 241 ff. Ghost Dance, 35, 174-175, 203, 252, 289-290; Dress: Northern Foothill region, 177-178; Tu- Central Foothill region, 131-133; Eshom lamni, 49; Wobonuch, 261; Wukchumni, 65-69 Valley, 45, 48, 54; Northern Foothill re- Dumna Indians: Bear shamans, 157; burial, 156; gion, 152, 174, 203; Southern Valley region, houses, 155; Jimsonweed Ritual, 158; 48; Tulare Lake region, 48 localities, 153; moieties, 156; rain-making, Ghosts, 31, 34, 36, 39, 113, 150, 170, 172, 197, 157; shamanism, 156-157; sweat house, 155; 274, 280 territory, 153; tobacco, 155 Gifford, E.W., 21, 26, 27 f., 30, .31, 41, 45 Group curing, 171, 205, 277 Guksai (Gugusia), 41, 152, 174 Eagle down, 31, 32, 38, 48, 52, 67, 109, 122, 150, 239, 247, 249, 279, 284, 285 Hair, 34, 66, 67, 147, 237, 276 Eagle hunting, Central Foothill region, 70-71 Hairnets, 66, 85, 147 Eagle purchase: Bankalachi, 52; Wukchumni, 70 Hand game, 22, 91-92, 135, 148, 163, 201-202, Ear ornaments, 66, 67, 218 227, 269 Earth lodge, 145, 161 Harpoon, 15, 75, 146, 155, 184, 263 Earth mother, 279 Heated pit bed, 102, 134, 166, 233 Earthquakes, 25, 48, 89, 150, 162, 172 Honey, 223 Eastern Mono Indians, 2, 56, 160, 213-214, 228- Hoop (ring)-and-pole game, 22, 50, 90, 148, 162, 229, 258-259; trade, 214 201, 227, 268 Eclipse, 38, 89, 158, 162, 229, 230, 267 Horse(s), 162, 180, 183-184, 215 Effigies, 127, 151-152, 174, 250, 251, 288; Hoshima people, 7 GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 299 Hot stone lifters, 79, 190 Waksachi, 235; Tachi, 30; Wobonuch, 274 Houses: Bankalachi, 51; bark, 63, 64, 216, 260; Matching lines game, 22, 92, 268 conical, 51, 63, 215, 260; hemispherical, Mayfield, Uncle Jeff, 14 ff., 143 ff. 145, 155, 160-161; long, 11, 13; mat- Meals, 76, 146, 224 covered, 13 f., 63; Northern Foothill re- Meat tabu, 30, 38, 48, 53, 101, 104, 107, 118, gion, 145-146, 186; oval, 11, 13, 64, 216; 119, 134, 150, 158, 166, 167, 173, 194, Tulamni, 49; Tulare Lake region, 11 ff.; 233, 239, 246, 273, 275, 281 Tule Reservation, 46; Wukchumni, 61-63 Medicines, 80, 182-183 Huhuna Dance, 1, 43, 136, 151, 152, 174, 248, Menstruation, 30, 104, 234 250, 289; Bankalachi, 52; Central Foothill Messenger(s), 148, 164, 198, 231; Central Foot- region, 127-128; Southern Valley region, hill region, 96-97; Central Mountain re- 48 f.; Tachi, 42; Tulare Lake region, 41 gion, 271; Tulare Lake region, 25 f. Hunting: Bankalachi, 51; Central Foothill re- Messenger's duties, 96 f. gion, 70 ff.; Northern Foothill region, 183 Michahai-Waksachi Indians: animals, birds, Hunting blind, 75 insects, 223-224; basketry, 225; Bear Dance, 248; Beaver Dance, 248; betrothal, Illnesses, 34, 110-111, 170, 203 ff., 245, 276, 235; birth, 233; burial, 236-237; chiefs, 277 230 f.; cordage, 226; cradles, 234; dreams, Infidelity, 106 241 ff.; dress, 217-218; eagle and bear Insects, Tulare Lake region, 23 redemption, 232-233; fishing, 222; foods, Intrusion. See Airshot 222-223; games, 227; Ghost Dance 252-253; houses, 215-216; Huhuna Dance, 248; hunt- Jimsonweed, 37, 39, 46, 49, 239, 269, 274, 275; ing, 218-222; Jimsonweed Ritual, 245-247; medicinal use, 16, 38, 39, 53, 119-120, 151 localities, 213; marriage, 235; menstrua- Jimsonweed Ritual, 1, 47, 158, 173-174, 245- tion, 235; messengers, 231; money, 227; 247; Bankalachi, 52-53, 158, 174, 246; mourning, 237; mourning ceremony, 238, 249- Central Foothill region, 118-119; Central 252; musical instruments, 228; naming, 234; Mountain region, 281-283; Chunut, 38; numerals, 227; Pleasure dance, 248-249; Northern Foothill region, 150-151; South- pottery, 226; rain-making, 245; Rattle- ern Valley region, 47; Tulare Lake region, snake Ritual, 247 f.; shamanism, 238-244; 38 f. Shamans' Contest, 249; subsistence, 218-225; sweat house, 217; tattooing, 218; territory, Kawaiisu Indians, 9 213 f.; tobacco, 228 f.; totem animals, 231; Kaweah River, 4, 55 trade, 214-215; transvestites, 236 Kechayi Indians: Bear Dance, 172-173; Bear Mill Creek, 254 shamans, 170; betrothal, 167; birth, 166; Miwok Indians, 2, 175 burial, 168; ceremonial crier, 164; chiefs, Moccasins, 65-66, 178, 217, 266 163 f.; curing, 169; divorce, 168; first- Moieties, 52, 151, 164-165, 167, 196, 198-199, fruit rites, 164, 165; games, 162-163; 231, 271; behavior, 27; burial, 31; Central Ghost Dance, 174-175; houses, 160-161; Foothill region, 97 ff.; Central Mountain intertribal relations, 159-160; Jimson- region, 271 f.; ceremonial washing, 44 f., weed Ritual, 173-174; localities;, 160; 174; chiefs, 26; Chukaimina, 135; dances, marriage, 167; menstruation, 167; messenger 41; foods, 40, 41, 164 f.; games, 22; 164; moieties, 164-165; mourning, 168; marriage, 30; mourning ceremony, 43 f.; mourning ceremony, 174; naming, 166; pets, paint patterns, 21, 162; supernatural power, 165; pleasure dance, 172; pottery, 161; 32, 168; Tachi, 22; Tulare Lake region, 27, redemption of eagles, 165; shamanism, 168 28 ff.; Shamans' Contest, 174; shaman's debut, Money, 21, 124-125, 162, 190-191, 227, 266; 169; sweat-house dance, 172 Bankalachi, 51; Central Foothill region, Kings River, 5, 16, 254 87-88 Koyeti Indians, 3, 4, 48 ff. Mortars: Choinimni, 16; Chukchansi, 190; Chu- Kroeber, A.L., 13, 16, 31 nut, 17; Tachi, 16; Telamni, 17; Tulare Kuksu. See Guksai Lake region, 16; Waksachi, 17; Wowol, 17 Mourning, 30, 107, 168, 197, 237, 275 Levirate, 106, 197, 235, 274 Mourning ceremony, 1, 107-108, 199-201, 238, Loans, 43, 124, 131 249 ff., 251; Central Foothill region, 44, Localities: Bankalachi, 51; Central Foothill 124-131, 135; Central Mountain region, 286- region, 59; Central Mountain region, 256, 289; Northern Foothill region, 151-152, 258; Choinimni and Wobonuch, 145; Chukai- 174; Paleuyami, 46; Tulare Lake region, mina and Michahai, 133-134; Northern Foot- 43 f. hill region, 153; Tulare Lake region, 9 Mushstirrer, 79, 190, 266 Musical bow, 52, 147, 269 Manzanita cider, 77-78, 155, 182, 222 Musical instruments: Bankalachi, 51 f.; Cen- Marriage: Central Foothill region, 104-106; tral Foothill region, 92; Northern Foot- Chukchansi, 195-196; Chunut, 30; Michahai- hill region, 147 300 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Mythology, 2, 22, 31, 37, 60, 70, 71, 159, 230, Salmon, 165-166, 184 f. 237, 267, 270, 275, 276, 282 Salt, 78., 181, 222, 266 Sandals, 65 Naming, 30, 103, 134, 166, 192-193, 234, 273 San Joaquin River, 5, 153, 168 Navel stump, 29, 134, 166, 233, 2.73 Seasons, 89-90, 158, 230 Newman, Dr. Stanley S., 10 Shamanism: Bankalachi, 53-54; Central Foothill Nicknames, 273 region, 238-245; Central Mountain region, Numerals, 88, 162, 227 275-280; Northern Foothill region, 149-150 Nutunutu Indians, 5; chiefs, 26; Huhuna Dance, Shaman-killer: Tulare Lake Region, 26; Central 42; warfare, 9 ff. Foothill region, 97 Shaman killing, 208-209; Central Foothill re- Official crier, 149 gion, 244 Shamans: death, 112 f.; Central Foothill re- Paint, 69, 147, 162, 218; Central Foothill re- gion, 108 ff. gion, 69; Tulare Lake region, 21; patterns, Shaman's cache, 33 f., 113, 168-169, 207 173, 265 Shamans' Contest, 1, 98, 151, 174, 210-211, Paleuyami Indians: burial, 46; mourning cere- 250, 287-288; Bankalachi, 52; Central Foot- mony, 46; pottery, 46; Rattlesnake Ritual, hill region, 128-129, 249; Koyeti, 48; Tu- 46, 47 lare Lake region, 41 f., 43 f.; Northern Parent-in-law tabu, 30, 167, 196, 235 Foothill region, 151 Patwisha Indians, 56; territory, 55, 56; Deer Shaman's debut, 16% Dance, 121 Shinny, 22, 90, i45, 162, 202, 227 Pets, 29, 99-100, 165, 199 Signals, 50, 154 Pigeon booth, 52, 74, 220-221 Sinew-backed bow, 52, 56, 72, 73, 146, 155, 190, Pine nuts, 222 218, 261 Pipes, 50, 52, 81, 93-94, 147, 155, 191-192, Sinew string, 85 228, 270 Snowshoes, 266 Pitanisha Indians, 7; warfare, 9 Soaproot brush, 17, 79, 189, 265 Pitkachi Indians, 5 Songs, 40, 42, 48, 92, 117-118, 121, 157-158, Plants used, 179 f.; Central Foothill region, 186, 242 77 f.; Tulare Lake region, 15 ff.; Tulamni, Special powers, 110 49 f. Stars, 89, 156, 162, 229, 267 Pleasure dances, 44, 172, 248-249; Central Val- Steaming, 102, 233, 272 ley region, 115-118; Northern Foothill re- Storage bins, 14, 146, 187, 216-217 gion, 150; Tachi, 42; Tulare Lake region, Storehouses, 187, 216, 260; Central Foothill re- 41 gion, 65; Choinimni, 146 Pleiades, 156, 162, 229, 230 String figures, 22, 92, 163, 269 Poisoning, 53, 150, 157, 207, 245, 278, 290; Subsistence, 6, 49 f. Central Foothill region, 111; Tulare Lake Supernatural experiences: Central Foothill re region, 35 f. gion, 113 ff.; Tulare Lake region, 37-38 Polygamy, 105, 163, 167, 235, 274 Supernatural power: Bankalachi, 57; Central Pottery, 79, 134, 148, 161, 190, 226; Bankalachi, Foothill region, 108 ff.; Tulare Lake re- 51; Central Foothill region, 80-81; Central gion, 31 f. Mountain region, 265; Southern Valley re- Sweat house, 155, 217; Bankalachi, 51, Central gion, 46; Tulare Lake region, 17 Mountain region, 259-260; Wukchumni, 60-61; Powers, Stephen, 73, 74, 91, 201 Northern Foothill region, 146, 186; dance, Property, 160, 197; Tachi, 11 172 Prophecy, 40, 157, 173 Swimming, 104, 266, 275 Tachi Indians, 3, 5; Bear Dance, 42; blankets, Rainbow, 24 17; chiefs, 25, 26; death, 30 f.; dream Rain-making, 37, 157, 173, 207; Central Valley help, 31-32; first-fruit rites, 40; games, region, 112; Southern Valley region, 47; 22; Huhuna Dance, 42; intertribal relations, Tulare Lake region, 37 7 ff.; Jimsonweed Ritual, 28; moieties, 27; Ramada, 14, 65, 186, 216 mourning ceremony, 43; paint patterns, 21; Rattlesnake handling, 39, 123, 247, 285-286 pleasure dance, 42; Rattlesnake Ritual, 40; Rattlesnake Ritual, 1, 52, 136, 158, 173; Cen- Shamans' Contest, 41 f.; territory, 7 ff.; tral Valley region, 122-123; Northern Foot- warfare, 9 hill region, 152; Southern Valley region, Talismans, 32, 109-110, 276 46, 47; Tulare Lake region, 39, 42 Tanning, 81 Rattlesnake shamans, 46 f., 123, 207-208 Tattooing, 69-70, 178, 218 Redemption of eagle, bear, coyote, 100-101, 135, Telamni Indians, 4; basketry, 17; intertribal ; 165, 199, 232-233, 272 relations, 7 Rodent hook, 75, 262 Territory: Bankalachi, 51; Chukaimina, 133-134; Rogers, Barbara Thrall, iii (Pt. II), 175 ff. Northern Foothill region, 143 f., 153; Chuk-, GAYTON, YOKUTS AND WESTERN MONO ETHNOGRAPHY: II 301 chansi, 175 f.; Wobonuch, 254 ff.; Wukchumni, Ritual, 285-286; shamanism, 275-280; sweat 55 house, 259-260; territory, 254 ff.; tobacco, Thunder Twins, 24, 38, 158, 267 f., 279 269; trade, 258-259; warfare, 259; weapons, Times of day, 88, 229 261 Tobacco, 32, 115, 155, 161, 191; Bankalachi, 52; Wolaski Indians, 4; intertribal relations, 7 Central Foothill region, 92-94, 228; Central Wowol Indians: first-fruit rites, 40; inter- Mountain region, 269-270; Chunut, 22; Tachi, tribal relations, 7 ff.; Rattlesnake Rit- 22; Tulamni, 50 ual, 40; warfare, 9 Tokya people, 7, 9, 21, 27 f., 153 Wukchumni Indians, 4; adolescent training, 104; Topography of San Joaquin Valley, 2 ff. age categories, 108; airshot, 112; animal Totem animal(s), 21, 27 f., 135, 165, 198-199, helpers, 110; arrows, 73 f.; basketry, 29, 223, 243, 272; associated professions, 101; 85-86; baskets, 79; Bear Dance, 120-121; Central Foothill region, 99-101; redemption bear hunting, 72-74; Beaver Dance, 121-122; of, 29, 100-101, 165; Tachi, 27 betrothal, 104; birth and infancy, 102-103; Totemic lineage, 2 blankets, 81-82; burial, 107; carrying net, Trade: Central Mountain region, 258-259; East- 83-85; ceremonial dress, 67-69; ceremonial ern Mono, 56; Central Foothill region, 55- feasting, 130-131; ceremonial manager, 97; 56; Northern Foothill region, 160; Tachi, ceremonial washing, 103, 130-131; chiefs, 56 94-95; chief's authority, 94-95; chief's Transvestite(s), 31, 46, 106, 107, 129, 168, wealth, 95; clapper, 92; classification of 236, 274 animals, 99; clown, 97, 123; cocoon rattle, Traps, 75, 183, 219, 262 f. 92; corpse-handler's dance, 129-130; cradles; Tuhohi Indians, 4 86-87; curing, 110-111,113-115; death, 106; Tulamni Indians, 49-52; dress, 49; houses, 49; deer hunting, 70, 71; directional grouping, subsistence, 49 f.; tobacco, 50 97-99; divorce, 105-106; dream help, 108- Tulare Lake, 3, 4, 5 109, 110; dress, 65-69; effigies, 130; Tule River, 3, 4 fishing, 75-76; flute, 92; games, 90-92; Twins, 103, 166-167 houses, 61-63; hunting, 70-75; Huhuna Dance, 127-128; intertribal relations, 55-56; Jim- Waksachi Indians: localities, 213; shamanism, sonweed Ritual, 118-119; kinship terms 103- 244. See also Michahai-Waksachi 104; loans, 124-125; manzanita cider, 77-78; Warfare, 10, 159-160, 176-177, 259; Central marriage, 104-106; mats, 82-83; meals and - Foothill region, 215; Northern Foothill foods, 76-78; medicines, 80; menses, 104; region, 154; Tulare Lake region, 9 ff. messenger, 96-97; money, 87-88; mourning, Water babies, 37 107; mourning ceremony, 107-108; naming, Water woman, 115 103; numerals, 88; paint patterns, 69; pets, Weaning, 103, 194, 273 f. 99-100; pigeon booth, 74; pipes, 93-94; Weapons, 72-74, 146, 261 pleasure dances, 115-118; pottery, 80-81; Weather shamans,36, 37 pregnancy, 101; rain-making, 112; Rattle- Wechihit Indians, intertribal relations, 7 snake Ritual, 122-12.4; salt manufacture, Western Mono Indians, 1, 56, 159 f., 213 ff. 78; shaman's cache, 113; Shamans' Contest, Whirlwind, 38, 209 128-129; shaman's death, 112 f.; shaman- Whistle(s), 92, 122, 123, 147, 228, 232, 269 killer, 97; songs, 117-118; storehouse, 65; Widows, 106, 197 supernatural experiences, 113 ff.; sweat Wobonuch Indians: basketry, 263; Bear Dance, house, 60-61; talismans, 109-110; tanning, 283-284; birth, 272-273; burial, 274-275; 81; tattooing, 69-70; territory, 55; tobacco calendar, 267; chiefs, 270-271; fishing, drinking, 93; tobacco manufacture, 93; to- 262-263; games, 267-269; Ghost Dance, 289- temic animals, 99-101; trade, 55-56; trans- 290; houses, 260; Huhuna Dance, 289; vestites, 106; tumpline, 85; villages, 56- hunting, 261-262; illnesses, 276, 277; 59; weaning, 103; weapons, 72-74; whistle, intertribal relations, 254 ff.; Jimsonweed 92 Ritual, 282; lineages, 272; localities, 255, 256; marriage, 274; messengers, 271; moieties, 271 f.; mourning, 275; mourning Yaudanchi Indians, 3; arrows, 73-74; Bear Dance, ceremony, 286-289; musical instruments, 269; 121 naming, 273; nicknames, 273; paint, 265; Yokod Indians, 4 poisoning, 278; pottery, 265; Rattlesnake Yucca plants, 222