ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 6:3 CULTURE ELEMENT DISTRIBUTIONS: XVII YUMANPIMAN BY PHIUP DRUCKER UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES 1941 CULTURE ELEMENT DISTRIBUTIONS: XVII YUMAN-PIMAN - BY PHILIP DRUCKER ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Vol. 6, No. 3 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS EDITORS: A. L. KROEBER, E. W GIFFORD, R. H. LOWIE, R. L. OLSON Volume 6, No. 3, PP. 9I-230, I map Transmitted December 12, I939 Issued October 30, 1941 Price, $1.25 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON, ENGLAND The University of California publications dealing with anthro- pological subjects are now issued in two series. The series in American Archaeology and Ethnology, which was established in I903, continues unchanged in format, but is restricted to papers in which the interpretative element outweighs the factual or which otherwise are of general interest. The new series, known as Anthropological Records, is issued in photolithography in a larger size. It consists of monographs which are documentary, of record nature, or devoted to the presentation primarily of new data. MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA CONTENTS st ga e . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . gstigated. a . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ement distributions list - ntdistibutons ist. . . . . . . . . . . s used in the element list . . . . . . . . . . Btence, elements 1-524 . . . . . . . . . . . . 'Agriculture, 1-101. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 'Wild-vegetable products, 102-205 . . . . . . . 'Hunting, 206-329 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fishing, 330-358 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Salt, 359-363 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cooking and eating, 364-408 . . . . . . . . . . Storage and storehouses, 409-454 . . . . . . . Food-quest beliefs and minor rites, 454a-524 ial culture, 525-1463 . . . . . . . . . . . . . Dwellings, 525-582f . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shades, shelters, and camps, 583-606 . . . . . Assembly house, 607-625 . . . . . . . . . . . . Sweat houses, 626-651 . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pottery, 652-735 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Basketry, 736-820 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Cradles, 821-861 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Textiles, 862-927 . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . Skin dressing, 928-958 . . . . . . . . . . . . Dress and ornament (nonceremonial), 959-1145 AWeapons, 1146-1264 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Grinding devices, 1265-1310 . . . . . . . . . . Cordage and netting, 1311-1335 . . . . . . . . Various tools and techniques, 1336-1354 . Fire, 1355-1359 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Burdens, transportation, 1360-1418 . . . . . . Musical instruments, 1419-1463 . . . . . . . . sements, 1464-1744 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Games, 1464-1711 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Smoking, 1712-1728 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Pets, 1729-1744 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ial culture, 1745-2071 . . . . . . . . . . . . . The structure of society, 1745-1819 . . . . . . Real property, law, 1820-1839 . ... . . . . . . Warfare, 1840-2024 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Marriage, divorce, 2025-2064 . . . . . . . . . Kinship usages, 2065-2071 . . . . . . . . . . . ividual development, 2072-2527 . . . . . . . . . Birth customs, 2072-2178 . . . . . . . . . . . Twins, 2179-2184 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Names, 2185-2201 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Girls' puberty, 2202-2320 . . . . . . . . . . . .Individual tattooing, 2321-2333 . . . . . . . . Menstrual customs (postpubescents), 2334-2356 Boys' puberty, 2357-2401 . . . . . . . . . . . First-game usages, 2402-2407 . . . . . . . . . Mortuary customs, 2408-2514 . . . . . . . . . . Souls and ghosts, 2515-2527 . . . . . . . . . . nials (except puberty ceremonials), 2528-2931 Mourning ceremony, 2528-2643 . . . . . . . . . Vikita harvest festival, 2644-2750 . . . . . . Ceremonial drinking for rain, crops, 2751-2810 Social dances, 2811-2855 . . . . . . . . . . . Masked and coyote dancers, 2856-2931 . . . . . [iii] Page * . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 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Types of shamans, 2932-2951 . . . . . . . . . . . Source of power, 2952-2986 . . . . . . . . . . . Miscellaneous, 2988-2989 . . . . . . . . . . . . Shaman's paraphernalia, 2990-2998 . . . . . . . . Disease and curing, 2999-3097b . . . . . . . . . Public performances, 3102-3117 . . . . . . . . . Black magic, 3118-3122 . . . . . . . . . . . . . Miscellaneous customs and beliefs, 3123-3250. Toloache, 3123-3135 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ritual expedition for salt, 3136-3171 . . . . . . Berdaches, etc., 3172-3193 . . . . . . . . . . . Time, directions, beliefs, 3194-3226 . . . . . . Shrines and offerings, 3227-3250 . . . . . . . . Elements denied by all informants . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ethnographic notes on the element list . . . . . . . . . . Cultural relationships of the Yuman and Piman tribes . . Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . MAP 1. Tribes of southwestern United States and northwestern Mexico . iv . . . . . . . . . . . . . FOREWORD The field work on which the present paper is based was done in the course of a three months' trip in the spring of 1938. Funds were pro- vided by the Institute of Social Science of the University of Cali- fornia. The writer wishes to thank Dr. Ralph L. Beals of the Univer- sity of California at Los Angeles, Dr. W. W. Hill of the University of New Mexico, and Professor E. W. Gifford and Dr. Omer C. Stewart of the University of California, who were kind enough to recommend informants and interpreters from the groups with which they were familiar. With- out their aid not only would time have been lost, but informants equally good could not have been found. Especial thanks are due Dr. George Herzog of Columbia University, for painstakingly checking through the Pima list, and giving me access to his ethnologic notes on this tribe. His data have been included in the section "Ethnographic Notes on the Element List," and are designated by (GH). Commonly included in ethnographic reports are expressions of thanks to the natives who assisted in making the study possible. To the pres- ent writer it seems that the user of an element list owes a special debt of gratitude to the informants and interpreters who maintained a steadfast good humor, co'operativeness, and conscientious effort under the barrage of questions. To all those who contributed to the present work the writer extends his sincerest thanks. [v] TRIBES OF SOUTHWESTERN UNITED STATES AND NORTHWESTERN MEXICO UNDERLINING INDICATES GROUPS REPRESENTED IN THE PRESENT LISTS LAGUNEROS & 7 +-1lII 0I T Map 1. Tribes of southwestern United States and northwestern Mexico. CULTURE ELEMENT DISTRIBUTIONS: XVII YUMAN-PIMAN BY PHILIP DRUCKER INTRODUCTION aim of this study is twofold: to present ies of comparable data on the "rancheria" a of the southwestern United States as a of the University of California program of ulture-element survey of western North ca; and second, to establish the cultural ion of these tribes in relation to those of boring regions.1 This set of lists is to tie in with three previously made: rd's survey of the Puebloan and Athabascan est (CED:XII), Stewart's southern Basin y (CED:XVIII), and the southern Californian yby the present writer (CED:V).2 To this the prefield list was compiled on the basis studies just mentioned, supplemented by vailable accounts on the region. 3 Of these r, Spier's Havasupai and Maricopa mono- Gifford's reports on the Yavapai and a, and Kroeber's interpretative sketch of ohave must be mentioned as indispensable n understanding of the culture of the nce. any study such as this one, in which so weight is placed on the testimony of a e individual of each group, the question of bility arises. In editing the lists there- the writer has checked his data with the able literature as thoroughly as possible. a of disagreement have been noted, and are in the section "Ethnographic Notes on Element List." A review of these disagree- | suggests two things: the amount of error asonably low (I should estimate about 5 per of the total entries), and this error is Ifly in matters of minute detail. There are few instances of lack of accord on whether t a certain ceremony is performed--most of contradictory statements are of the order ether participants painted a black or a Akssistance in the preparation of these ma- &1s was provided by the personnel of Work ects Administration Official Project No. O8-3-30, Unit A15. To make certain of tie-ups, Gifford's Papago nt and Stewart's Shivwit informant were for the present lists. 1See "Bibliography" at the end of the paper. red stripe across their faces. For this reason the present lists are in disagreement with such thorough and detailed accounts as those of Spier and Gifford more often than with Kroeber's or Underhill's penetrating but frankly interpre- tative studies. It may be added too that some of the error (as reckoned on the basis of dis- agreement) is more apparent than real, for there undoubtedly was individual variation in custom, and the present informants moreover were from local groups or bands distinct from the bands of the chief informants of other authors. In short, a critical check indicates that the data are sufficiently sound to warrant using them freely for comparative interpretations. GROUPS INVESTIGATED The data presented in the following pages are from eleven Southwestern groups, seven Yuman- speaking, and four Uto-Aztekan in language. The groups represented are as follows (the order is that of the lists): Abbreviations Diegueno (La Huerta) Akwa'ala Mohave Cocopa (River) Maricopa Pima Papago -Yaqui Yavapai (Northeastern) Walapai Shivwits Paiute Dieg Akwa Moh Coc Mar Pim Pap Yaq Yav Wal Shiv DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wl SS The location of the groups is indicated on map 1. Of the abbreviations listed above, the two-letter type correspond to those used on the culture ele- ment distributions map of the entire surveyed area (i.e., western North America), published in Kroeber's Tribes Surveyed (CED:XI) in this series. The longer abbreviations are those that I have employed in this paper. On the published map, the block of tribes under discussion here are labeled P. ['91 El 7 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS INFORMANTS The people who contributed the information contained in the element list were the follow- ing: Diegueno (La Huerta, Baja Calif.)4-- (1) Juan Largo. A word list was obtained from this informant, and elements 1-205. He seemed fairly well informed, but quite apathetic. (2) Juan Aldama. Active, in possession of all faculties, reputed to be extremely aged. Well informed, intelligent. The remainder of the list (206 on) is from him. [(3) Bernardo Salgado. Somewhat younger than (2), active, well informed. A half day was spent checking information from (2), but the data checked so well that it was felt unneces- sary to enter the data from (3) in the lists.] Interpreter: Hilario Morffe. Rating of list: good.5 Akwa'ala.--Petrocina Cuniedo. (m. was kwah, a Diegue-no-speaking group resident among the Akwa'ala). Active, good health except slightly hard of hearing. Extremely aged. Very well informed, intelligent. Interpreter: Eugenio Albaniez. (The inter- preter was La Huerta Diegue-no by birth, but since he spoke his wife's (Akwa'ala) language sufficiently well for everyday purposes, and the informant spoke her mother's language as well as her own, the linguistic situation gave no difficulty.) Rating of list: good. Mohave.--George Turner, Mohave Valley. Ac- tive, full possession of faculties, stated to be 66 years of age. Well informed, intelligent. Spoke some English, but felt himself on safer ground with an interpreter. Interpreter: Dio Lewis. Rating of list: fair. At the time, the writer would have rated it very good, because of the informant's quick comprehension of the ques- tions--there were few points at which he showed 4I should like to call attention to the modern cultural situation on the Diegue7no and Akwa'ala reserves in Lower California. The villages are isolated and seemingly little influenced except in a superficial way by Mexican neighbors (ma- terial culture and a good deal of economy have been deeply affected of course, and at La Huerta the shamanistic complex has somehow been in- hibited). There is an excellent opportunity for making an acculturation study of these groups-- one of the best I have encountered. As a con- trol one could compare American Diegueno modern culture against that of their Mexican kin, an opportunity for careful checking seldom paral- leled. I mention this favorable circumstance as a suggestion to anyone interested in studies of this type. 5Rating of lists is in terms of: good, fair, mediocre, poor. evidence of failure to see the point. Editing of the lists however shows a certain amount of error in his answers, attributable apparently carelessness in matters of detail. On the who however, the list seems sound. Cocopa (River).--Jim Barley. Foot of H Str Yuma. Full possession of faculties, apathetio Aged. Interpreter: Paul White (Yuma). Rating of list: fair. Because of the infot ant's apathy, and the linguistic difficulty, work was extremely slow. A little more than the list was gone through. The data, on chec ing with available source material, seem howei fairly reliable, although the informant showed tendency toward oversuggestibility. Maricopa.--Cyrus Sunn (m. Kaveltcadom). Gd health, active, fairly aged. Good English (literate), intelligent. (2) Mrs. Lila Howard, and her mother. Ga supplementary information on pottery and baski Rating of list: good. The chief informantS tried to restrict his answers to refer to the Maricopa proper as much as possible, but prob, ably the list contains elements from other grq of the mixed community. It is scarcely possi to sift them out in the brief time allotted fd getting an element list. By and large, the dl check very well with the results of Spier's ip tensive study of this culture; points of difft ence are mostly minutiae. Pima.--Chola Manuel (Lower Santan). Fairl! well preserved, aged. Well informed. Interpreter: Paul Azule. Rating of list: good. The excellence of t list is due to the capabilities of the inter- preter. Papago.--(l) Jose Santos (Akchin; now lii at San Xavier Reservation). Fairly aged, o? health. Inclined to be apathetic. Interpreter: Frank Rios. Rating of list: mediocre. The informant wa a bit dull; he and the interpreter very slow., Mr. Gifford used the same team for his Papago list (KP) in CED:XII--Apache-Pueblo, and info me that he spent greater time on this list th on any other of his series. A complete list obtained by the present writer, but part of t data on social organization (1745-1819), and those on ceremonials, shamanism, and miscell ous beliefs (2528 on) were obtained from Papa informants (2) and (3), and substituted for t given by (1). (2) Jose Marino. Santa Rosa. Gave infom tion chiefly on ceremonials. (3) Albert Anton. Santa Rosa. Informatio on social organization and shamanism. Interpreters: Carmen Pancho, Tommy Segundo 92 CULTUIRE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN Rating of data from (2) and (3): very good. th informants possessed a great deal of knowl- ~e, and the interpreters were very capable. aqui.--Lucas Chavez. San Ignacio (Torim), ra (now living at Pascua village near Tuc- Good health, late middle age. An emi- from the Yaqui River prior to the 1890's. Beals considers this man the best available rat, at least of the expatriates. About a list was obtained. ting of list: fair. Actually, considering long exposure of the Yaqui to alien influ- , the data obtained are extremely good; the may be too severe. It is only by com- on with the information from less modified s that the list seems below par. vaai (Northeastern).--Charley Pattea pa division, Verde Valley). Active, good aged. Well informed. terpreter: Johnson Stacey. Very capable; schooled in interpreting by Gifford. ting of list: good. Walapai.--Kate Crozier (man) (Matewitide division). Blind, but active, aged. Well in- formed, intelligent. Some English, but pre- ferred to work through an interpreter. Interpreter: Ray Winfred. Rating of list: good. The informant had an attitude uncommon in blind persons--cheerful, alert, and active, which facilitated work con- siderably. Shivwits Paiute.--Frank Mustache. Good health, but deaf. Well informed, cooperative. Aged. Interpreter: Tony Tallahash. Very capable. Rating of list: good. The informant and in- terpreter were selected on the advice of Mr. 0. C. Stewart, who obtained his Shivwits list (SS) chiefly from them. Lists Dieg, Akwa, Yaq obtained in Spanish, remainder in English. 93 CULTURE ELEMENT DISTRIBUTIONS LIST SYNBOLS USED IN THE ELEMENT LIST Element reported present. Element denied. Presence or absence reported, but not certain. Informant did not know, or he or the investigator did not understand. "Some" or "sometimes" (i.e., vari- ability of custom indicated). R 0 M, W * Reported to be recent innovation. Absent because environmentally impos sible (e.g., fishing techniques an apparatus in the Papagueria). Men, women; following these captions + = both. See section "Ethnographic Notes on th Element List." OCCURRENCE ELEMENTS | 0 0 ? . g co | DM Ak Mo Co Ma |Pi Pa Yq |Yv Wij SUBSISTENCE Agriculture 1. Agriculture by all . . . . . . . . . . 2. Agriculture by few families onl* 3. Agriculture in good years only . . . . 4. Fields in river overflow basins . . . 5. Fields along stream course . . . . . 6. Irrigation ditches . . . . . . 7. Water carried (ollas or basketst 8. Temporale agriculture . . . . . . . . Crops 9. Maize grown . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10. Small white variety . . . . . . 11. Large white variety . . . . . . 12. Red variety . . . . . . . . . . 13. Blue variety . . . . . . . . . . 14. Yellow variety . . . . . . . . . 15. Spotted variety (mixed colors) 17. Varieties planted separately . 18. Varieties mixed . . . . . . . . 19. Teparies grown . . . . . . . . . . . . 20. White variety . . . . . . . . . 21. Yellow variety . . . . . . . . . 22. Brown variety . . . . . . . . . 23. Black variety . . . . . . . . . 24. Mottled variety . . . . . . . . 25. Cowpeas grown . . . . . . . . . . . . 26. Pumpkins grown . . . . . . . . . . . . 27. Varieties recognized . . . . . . 28. Watermelons grown . . . . . . . . . . 29. Muskmelons grown . . . . . . . . . . . 30. Grass seeds planted . . . . . . . . . 31. Wheat grown . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32. Sunflowers grown . . . . . . . . . . . 33. Sugar cane grown . . . . . . . . . . . 34. Chile pepper grown . . . . . . . . . . 35. Prickly pear grown . . . . . . . . . . 36. Tomatoes grown . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + * + + + - - R S S + + + + ++ + + + + * + - + + - + + + + + +- _ + + + + + * + + + + 444 + + + + + + + + + - + + - R + + + R R R + + + + + * + + + + *+ + T+ +) *+ + * + + + + 1 + I + * + + + + + [94] (+), (-) S -11 i i i a I i I II.I. I -A CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PINAN 95 I) I z ?3 z |4 P4 U I f r co DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wi SS ...~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Odigo grown. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. _ + - _ _ Otton grown . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . _ R + + + - - _ 6bacco grown . :|- - *+ *.+ + + +|+ -|- ourds grown .- - +. + + + + + + -+ - Agricultural Tools, Techniques, etc. ibble planter . . . + + + + + *+ + + + iize dropped in holes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + 43. Number kernels per hole* ..- 8 4+ 4+ 3+ 3+ 3 3+ 1 4 44. Holes in rows ............. _ _ *+ - - + + + S - + 45. Holes irregular .. . . + + - - - S + _ 46. Number feet (approx.) apart . . 3 3 2 1 1 1 1 3+ 3 47. Men only plant .. .... .+ - - _ 48. Men loosen ground, women drop in seed*. . . . - + + + + + * + + + 49. Corn soaked before planting . . . . . . . . . - - S + + S + _ + + + 50. Two maize crops per year . . . . . . . . . . - + + + + *+ _ _ _ Bparies planted with maize . . . . . . . . . . . . - S + S eparies planted separately . . . S + _ S + + _ + + owpeas planted separately . . . . . . . . . . . . _ _ + + + + + + + ampkins planted separately . . . . . . . . . . . . - _ + + + + + + + + + elons planted separately . . . . . . . . . . . . . - _ + + + + + + _ + _ rass seeds broadcast by hand . . . . . . . . . . . _ _ + rass seeds blown from mout . . . . . . . . . . . + + heat (R) planted in holes with dibble . . . . . . - _ + + + + + + _ bbacco planted in basins' . . . . . . . . . . . . . - _ + - + - + - 60. Broadcast by hand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - _ + - _ _ + + - _ 61. Blown from hand . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ - - + obacco planted in pits . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ + - obacco planted in ashes . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ - + _ _ obacco transplanted . . . . . . . . + _ _ ourds planted apart from other crops . . . . . . . _ _ + + + + + + - _ _ 66. Near tree (for vine to climb) . . . . . . . . _ _ + + + - _ _ seding by men, women (M, W; +, both) . . . . . . . _ _ + + + M + + + + M 68. Weeding by hand . . . . . . . + s + + + + S + + 69. Weed cutter with side blade . . . . . . . . . _ _ + + . + + ) _ + _ 70. Dibble for weed cutter . . . . . . . . . . . _ - + + 71. True hoe . . .... . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ *+ _ ooden shovel (for ditching)* . . . . . . . . . . . ? + . ountain-sheep-horn scoop (for ditching)* . . . . . - + + carecrows for bird scaring . . . . . . . . . . S - S + + + + _ _ _ ird scaring by children' . . . . . . . . - . . . + + + + + + + + _ ences built ......... . . . .? + + + + _ _ 77. Whole cultivated area fenced, . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ _ + + _ _ 78. Fence of brush, etc. . . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ _ + + _ _ 79. Fence communally maintained. + + _ 80. Individual fields fenced . . . . . . . . . . . _ _ _- + *+ - _ 81. Fences of posts and reeds . . . . + - tone piles or stakes to mark limits of fields . .?S - _ - + oundaries determined by natural landmarks . . . .*+ S - _ + _ ams built to store or divert water' . . . . . . . . + - Harvesting 6rs of maize picked (plants left standing) . - + + + + + lants pulled up, piled, dried + + + + + *+ 6rs spread on ground for drying . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + eed corn tied in bunches, suspended* . . . . . . . + + + - + + + 96 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Hss X 0 co H a DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv W 89. Tepary vines pulled up, dried . . . . . . . . . . . - - + + + + + + + 90. Threshed ;-ith wooden flails . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + 91. Threshed on ground . . + + + + + + + 92. Threshed by men, women (N, W; +, both) . . - - W W W W W + W 93. Cowpeas harvested like teparies . . . . . . . . . . + + + + - + - 94. Pumpkins cut in long strips, dried . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + 95. Whole pumpkins piled on ground .. . . . . . . . . + + + 96. Covered with bean vines, leaves, etc. + + + 97. Wlhole pumpkins stored in pits . . . . . . . . . . . + - + 98. Watermelons stored in pits . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + _ _ 99. Covered with bean vines, leaves, etc. + + 100. Covered with earth . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + _ _ 101. Muskmelons sliced, dried . . . . . . . . . . . . . - S + + + + + _ Wild Vegetable Products 102. Mesquite gathered ...... . . . + + + + + + + + 103. Hook for gathering . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + 104. Club for knocking down . . . . . . . . . . . 105. Beans ground in mortar . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + 106. Beans ground on metate . . . . . . . . . . . 107. Meal dried in cakes . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 108. Meal made into drink* . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + 109. Seeds discarded . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + S 110. Seeds ground, eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . + S 111. Screw mesquite gathered . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 + + + + O V) O 112. Ripened in pit*. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 + + + 0 0 0 113. Cooked in earth oven . . . . . . . . . . . . O O + 0 0 0 114. Ground in mortar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 + + + + 0 0 0 115. Nescal gathered .. + + *0 *0 *+ + + + + 116. Gathering by which sex (+ both).N N 0 0 N N N N + 117. Wooden chisel for cutting . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 *+ + + + + 118. Driven with cobble . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 + + + 119. Driven with wooden club . . . . . . . - 0 0 + - + _ 120. Leaves trimmed off . . . . . . . . . . . . . - 0 0 + + + + + 121. Mescal knife of stone . . . . . . . . . . . 0 + + + + 122. Side blade in wood haft. . . . . . . - - 0 0 S - - + 123. Heavy unhafted "chopper" . . . . . . 0 0 S + _ S 124. Ownership marks cut . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 - + + + 125. Cooked in earth oven . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 + + + + + 126. Communally ....... ...... + + 0 0 + + + + + 127. Each person's piled separately . . . . . . . + + 0 0 J- - _ + 128. Recognized by ownership marks . . . . . . . 0 - + + + _ 129. Cooked mescal dried ..... .... ... ... . + + 0 0 + + + + + 130. Pounded with stone . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 + + - * + 131. Pounded with wooden club . . . . . . . . . . - 0 0 + * 132. Made into large flat cakes . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 + + + * + 133. Wine made of mescal ..... ... ... ... . - 0 0 *+ + - 134. Mescal stalk eaten' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 *- + + + + 135. Roasted on coals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 - + + + + 136. Prickly-pear fruits gathered . . . . . . . . . . . + + *+ 0 + + + + + 137. Tongs for picking . . . . . . . . . . . . . + - 0 + + + + + 138. One-piece, split . . . . . . . . . . - 0 - + +) 139. One-piece, bent . . . . . . . . . . . + + - 0 - ) 140. Two-piece . . . . . . . 0 . . . . . . _ + + + _ _ 141. Knocked off with stick . . . . . . . . . + 0 142. Brushed to remove spines . . . . . . . . . . + + + 0 + + + + + dl~1 + +1 + + *+ W +i + CULTURE E.LE4. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUIIAN-PINAN 97 IbD Cd m g 0 t1- | DMi 0 Mo Co M | Pa Yc | Y - W1 | SS r:::) A 1-5 - i H P i ct5 ~ -C 3:c o ______________________________~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~ DN Ak No Co Na j Pi Pa Yq Yv WlI SS 4. Shaken in net sack to remove spines. . . . . + - 0 44Fruit dried in cakes . . . . . . . . . . . . + S - 0 + - + _ + 45. Seeds parched, ground . . . . . . . . . . . + - O - 6. Seeds discarded . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - + O s + + + + _ ga fruits eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0- - _ _ aga pulp eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 S + + + _ + aga cooked .+ + 0 0 + + _ _ - lla fruit eaten.. .......... + + 0 0 + lla buds eaten .0 0 + + _ + lla cooked (on coals, or boiled) . . .0 0 + + + - _ + - uaro fruits gathered . . . . . . . . . . . . . . O 0 0 0 + + + * *+ *+ 0 ahaya fruits gathered* . . . . . . . . . . . . . *0 0 0 0 0 0 S + 0 0 0 55. Hooked pole for picking . . . . . . . . . . O 0 0 0 + + * +) + + O 156. One crosspiece . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 0 0 - + - + - 0 157. Two crosspieces . . . . . . . . . . . O 0 0 0 + - + - + + 0 58. Juice expressed from fruit*. . . . . . . . . O 0 0 0 + + + + + + 0 159. Wine made . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 0 0 + + + --- 0 60. Seeds parched, ground* . . . I . . I . I . . 0 0 0 0 + + + + + + 0 61. Dried fruit made into cakes . . . . . . . . O 000 0 + + + 9 + + a ca fruit eaten*. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (+) + (+) + + + orns eaten . ..... ..... . + + 0 0 0 0 + 0 + + + :.164. Sweet acorns only . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - 0 0 0 0 + 0 + + + 165. Unleached . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - 0 0 0 0 + 0 + + + 166. Raw . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - 0 0 0 0 + 0 + + + 167. Roasted . . . . . . . . . . . - - 0 0 0 0 -0- + + '168. Bitter acorns used . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 0 0 - 0 - - - 169. Leached in sand basin . . . . . . . + + 0 0-- O _ _ 170. Acorns hulled for storage . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 0 0 *- 0 + * - on nuts gathered.. ........... + + 0 0 0 0 0 0 *+ + + 172. Ripe seeds picked up from ground . . . . . . + + 0 0 0 0 0 0 + + + 173. Parched in parching tray . . . . . . + + 0 0 0 0 0 0 + + + 174. Unripe cones gathered . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 0 0 0 0 + + + 175. Hook for gathering . . . . . . . . . - 000 0 00- + R 176. Club for knocking down . . . . . . . S O O O O O O S S _ 177. Climb to pick . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 0 0 0 0 + + + 178. Cones roasted to open . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 0 0 0 0 + + + 179. Pinon nuts shelled for eating . . . . . . . + + 0 0 0 0 0 0 + + S 180. Cracked and winnowed . . . . . . . 0 0 0 0 0 0 + . 181. Pi-non nuts ground, shell and all . 0 0 0 0 0 0 - - S tellow pine nuts gathered* . . . . . . . . . . . . + talnuts gathered.0. .......... . . . 0 + 0 + + 0 184. Ground into meal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . O 0 0 0 0 0 - 0 + + 0 runiper berries eaten' . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 0 0 + + + 186. Pulverized, drink made of . . . . + + + + + attail reed pollen gathered . . . . . . . . . . . 0 O - + + - 0 - - - 0 188. Beaten out of pit . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 - + + - 0 - 0 ule roots eaten.. ..... . + . - + + - 0 - + - 0 190. Young shodts eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - 0 - S - 0 .ronwood nuts gathered . . . . . . . . . . . . . . O 0 0 0 + + *+ *+ - - - 192. Threshed with stick . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 0 0 + + 193. Rubbed in hands to thresh . . . . . . . . . O 0 0 0 - - + + - _ 194. Soaked in cold water to leach . . . . . . . O 0 0 0 + + 195. Boiled to leach . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 0 0 + 'aloverde seeds gathered . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 O (+) + + + - - ottonwood catkins gathered . . . . . . . . . . . . _ - - - + - - _ - - rrass seeds gathered . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + + 199. With seedbeater and tray . . . . . . . . . . + + + - - + + + + + 200. Plain stick seedbeater . . . . . . . + + + + - - + + + - - 98 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS H DM A N Co Na P Pa Y jYv Wi i I 201. Woven seed beater . . . . . . . . . . + 202. Curved blade . . . . . . . . . + 203. Seeds stripped by hand . . . . . . . . . . . S + S S + _ 204. Plants pulled up, dried, threshed with flail _ + S - S _ + 205. Grass cut dried, threshed . . . . . .-. . . Hunting 206. Deer hunted.. ................ + + + + + + + + + + 207. Stalked (individual hunt) . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + 208. Deer-head decoy . . . . . . . . . . + + + + * 209. Head with horns used . . . . . + + + + * 210. Stick "legs" .. . .+ f) + 211. Blind hunting (by trail, waterhole). . . . . + + - + + + + + + 212. Deer driven past (by others). . . . . + + + _ + + 213. Converging fences built . . . . . . . + 214. Deer run down . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + ) S R *R + *R + + 215. Deer snares . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . *+ 216. Fawn calls.. ......... + + ???? + - + 217. Special share of meat for slayer (in group hunt).-. . ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + - + S + 218. Hide also . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + - + S + 219. Hunters race to kill . . . . . . . . . . . *+ *+ S 220. First to touch gets hide . + . _ + 221. Get share where touched . . . . . . . + + + 222. Brought carcass home for feast . . . . . . . + + _ 223. Antelope hunted. . ............... * 0 0 + 1O + + + 224. Stalked with decoy . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 - 0 0 + + - + + 225. Stick "legs" . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 - 0 0 - + 226. Body painted. . . . . . . . . . . . . - 0 0 + 227. Antelope drives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ) 0 0 + + + - + + 228. Surround . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i 0 0 + + + - + _ 229. With fire . . . . . . . . . . 0 - 0 0 - - + _ 230. Driven past hidden hunters . . . . . 0 - 0 0 + - _ + + 231. Blinds of stone . . . . . . . 0 - 0 0 + - - + - 232. Blinds of brush . . . . . . . 0 - 0 0 _ _ + 233. Mountain sheep hunted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 + + + - + + 234. Hunted extensively . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 0 _ - + + 235. Hunted rarely because considered supernatural - - 0 0 * + + * _ _ 236. Stalked (individual hunt). + + 0 0 + + + _ + + 237. Sheephead decoy . . . . . . . . . . . - 0 0 238. Female head . . . . . . . . . - 0 239. Driven ..- 0 0 + + - + + 240. Past'hidden hunters . . . . . . . . . 0 0 + + - + + 241. Stone blinds . . . . . . . . . 0 0 _ 242. Dogs for driving . . . . . . . . . - 0 0 + _ _ _ 243. Rabbits hunted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + 244. Individual hunt with bow and arrows .. . + + + + + + + + + + 245. Hook for extracting from burrow . _ _ + + 246. Plain stick for extracting from burrow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + ++ + 247. Arrow used for extracting.. + + + _ _ 248. Snares for rabbits . . . . . . . . . R + + *++ 249. Spring-pole-type snare . . . . . . . R + + + + - _ 250. Rabbit calf.+ + + + + + + + + - 251. Pocket nets, set in trails.+ + - 252. Communal rabbit drives .+ + + + + + .+ + + U CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 253. Drive into long nets.... 254. Connected in semicir 255. Separate, with wings 256. Drive into pocket nets 257. Set in wings . . . . 258. Plain throwing club . . . . - 259. Curved throwing club . . . 260. Smeared with rabbit I 261. Fire for driving . . . . . 262. Hereditary hunt master . . 263. Appointed hunt master . . . Wd rats hunted . . . . . . . 265. Hook for tearing up nests . 266. Plain pole for tearing up nests i67. Snares for catching . . . . . . . 268. Deadfalls for catching. 269. Prop release . . . . . . . 270. Figure-4 release . . . . . 271. Baited . . . . . . . . . . r hunted. . . . . . . . 73. By group (not individually). . . . '74. Shot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . tcary hunted . . . . . . . . . . . . . '76. Bayed with dogs . . . . . . . . . 77. Shot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78. Clubbed . . . . . . . . . . . . . wmtain lion eaten . . . . . . . . . . . kdcat eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . f eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . yote eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ft fox eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . ,ger eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lcoon eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lver eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . uk eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . rupine eaten. ound squirrel eaten. bpher eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . brtoise eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . rtle eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . kterpillars eaten . . . . . . . . . . . illow-jacket eggs eaten . . . . . . . . iuckawalla eaten . . . . . . . .. 297. Hole or pole for extracting icks eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 299. Shot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 300. Mud hens only . . . . . . . . . . 301. Clubbed when too fat to fly ail eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 304. Shot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 305. Driven into long nets . . . . . . 306. Driven into pocket nets . . . . . 307. Nets set in V-wings . . . . 308. Fire used for driving . . . . .. 309. Quail walked down in rain or snow 310. Snares for quail . . . . . . . . . 311. Simple type . . . . . . . . 312. Spring-pole type . . . . . * * t cle . * * @ * * @ * * @ * * s * * s blood* * * s * * s * * s * * * * * e * * e * * e * * e * * @ * * * * @ * * * * * * * * - * * * * * * * * v * * * * v * * v * * v * * v * * - * * @ * * @ * * @ * * e * * * * * * * @ * * - * * @ * * * * * @ * * @ * * @ * * @ * * s * * e * * e * * e * * e * * * * - * * e * * e * * - * * e * * @ =~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~b mo PI. h. UPl;1 I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ DM Ak Mo Co MalPi Pa Yq Yv Wi SS + + + + + 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 * *+ + 0 0 + + 0 + R R R R R 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 + * + + S + * + + + + + 0) + 0 0 0 0 + + + + + + + + + + - + S + + + + + 00_ 00O 00O .0O + - *+ + * + + * - + + + - + +J + + + + + + + + + - + + +t + - R * + _ + + - - R - t - + + 0- + + + + + + + S S - + * - + - S - + + *_ * S * + + + + + + 0 0 * t) + 0 S + S + + + + + + * * + + + 0 0 + * * + + + + + + + + + * + 0 0 0 0 + S * + 0 + + + + + + + + + + + + 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 *+ + + 0 %+ *+ 0 0 + + + 99 'C 1.00 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS UD co | DMi 0 0 cM ., co P _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~iD A Mo Co Ma iPi Pa Y 313. Set in fences or wings . . . . - + + + _ _ 314. Box trap for quai . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + _ a 315. Split prop release. . . . . . . . . . . + + + 316. Hunted at night with flares . . . . . . . . + + + 317. Wild turkey eaten ................. 0 0 0 0 O0 0 0 + + + 318. Hunted at night . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 + + 319. With flares . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 + - 320. Doves eaten ... . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + 321. Other small birds eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + 322. Mockingbird eaten ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 323. Road runner eaten ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 324. Eagle eaten ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325. Hawk eaten ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 326. Crow eaten ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 327. Horned owl eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 328. Young bird only . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 329. Quail eggs eaten ................. + + + + + + + + Fishing 330. Fish eaten' ...... ...... .. . *. + + + + 0 + - 0 331. Netted .. . + + + - 0 + - 0 332. Long net, with vertical sticks . . . + + + - 0 + - O 333. Stone weights on bottom . . - + + + - O o - 0 334. Seined . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - 0 + - 0 335. Set . . . . . . . . . . . . . - --- 0 336. Dip net on cross-stick frame . . . . - + - 0 - -O 337. Dip net on parallel-stick frame. . . + - + 0 + - 0 338. Basketry fish scoop. . . . . . . . . + - 0 - - 0 339. Large trawl, thrown out and hauled in with ropes . . . . . . . . . . . * * * - 0 + - O 340. Movable "fence" of bundles of branches, dragged . . . . . . . . . + + 0 - - O 341. Weirs and traps used . . . . . . . . + + 0 + - C 342. Enclosure of stakes. + + 0 + - C 343. Baited with melon seeds . . + + 0 - - C 344. Dip-net used at entry + + - 0 + -O 345. Fish speared . . . . . . . . . . . . ) 0 + - C 346. Spear with 2 diverging points. _. - C 347. Fish shot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + 0 - - C 348. Featherless arrows . . . . . . t + + *+ 0 - - C 349. Angling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 0 + - C 350. Viznaga spine hook . . . . .. + 0 - - C 351. Hardwood hook with 2 acute- angled points . . . . . . . 0 + - C 352. Fish caught with hands . . . . . . + + + + 0 + - C 353. Live to catch . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + 0 + - C 354. Fish poisoned ........... .. . o O *+ - C 355. Surf fishing with clubs*.- - 0 + 0 0 0 0 C 356. Clams dug, eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + *+ 0 + 0 0 0 + 0 C 357. Abalones eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + *+ 0 0 0 0 0 C 358. Hardwood abalone bar .+ + 0 0 0 0 0 C Salt 359. Salt from salt pond . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + R _ - + - _ 360. Salt from salt beds or deposit . . . . . . . . . . + *+ + S - I' p CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YIJMAN-PIMAN 101 IG) 10 C) F-4I F P4 (ZT ~> H-i. .H 0d 0 CdlHr- C1d Cd1 C cd i ii| DMI Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wl SS "alt" from alkali ground . . . . . . . . . . . . . + S + - Salt obtained in trade . . . . . . . . . . . . + + - - 2 *+ s _ - Salt obtained for trade . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - + R - - - Cooking and Eating Cooking done by women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + + Cooking in pottery vessels . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + + 366. Pot-rests used . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + _ 367. Three . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S - + + + + + + + + _ 368. Four . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S + 369. Of clay . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 370. Of stone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + S + + + + + + + + Stone-boiling in baskets . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 372. Bent tongs for stones . . . . . . . . . . . + + Earth oven for cooking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + + 374. Vegetable products . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + + 375. Meat ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + - S + + + + - _ Broiling on open f ire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + + Parching of seeds, corn, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + + 378. Pottery tray . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + 379. Basketry tray . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + Multiple-rod food stirrer . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + Single-stick food stirrer . . . . . . . . . . . . . + S + + _ _ _ Tongs for food stirrer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + Paddle food stirrer .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + Corm meal cooked into mush + + + + + + + + + Corn-meal bread (baked in ashes). . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + Corn-meal tortillas .. . . . . . . . . - - R *+ R + + + - _ _ 387. Made on pottery tray . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + Maize soaked in wood ashes.- _ - - . + .- _ _ _ Maize soaked in lye ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . + Watermelon seeds parched, eaten . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + Muskmelon seeds parched, eaten . . . . . . . . . . + + + Pumpkin seeds parched, eaten . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + Food dishes of pottery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + Food dishes of basketry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + Food dishes of mountain-sheep horn . . . . . . . . + + Dead mescal-cabbage shell as dish . . . . . . . . - 0 0 Wooden bowls and platters . . . . . . . . . . . . . .R R _ Ladles of mountain-sheep horn . . . . . . . . . . . 0 * + + Ladles of gourd . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + - + + + + + + - Ladles of pottery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + Basket used as ladle . . . . - . + - + Long-handled wooden ladles . . . . . . . . . . . - - R R + _ _ _ Fingers for spoon .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + + 404. Usually two (index and middle) . . . . . . . f + + + + + + + + + + Spoon of sea shell .. . . . . . - - 0 t..) 0 0 - + 0 0 0 Spoon of mesquite bark. . + - _ _ Rabbit-foot swab for eating . . . . . . . . . . . . + Usually two meals per day . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + Storage and Storehouses "Bird's-nest granary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + - + + + + + - _ _ _ 410. On platform.. . ..... + - + + + s + _ _ 411. On ramada.. ..... . s 5-s + + + + - _ _ I Iz 102 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS . r-I 0 0 Cd ~~~H C!icd DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wli I i~~~~~~~~~~~ 412. On tree fork.. + 413. Covered with branches, dirt . . . . . . . . . + + + + + 414. Notched-log ladder for access + + + + 415. Used for maize . . + + + + + _ _ _ 416. Used for teparies . . . - - + S S 417. Used for mesquite . . . . . + - + + + + + - _ _ 418. Cylinder of matting, rolled and tied*. . + _ _ 419. Storehouses built.- - _ + + + + + _ _ 420. Rectangular frame . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + - + _ _ 421. Flat roof . . . . . . . . . . . + + - + _ _ 422. Brush-and-dirt covered .+ + 423. Walls of poles, brush, and dirt . . . _ _ + 424. Walls of poles or thatch . . . . + _ 425. Door of logs piled across . . . . 426. Walls of poles, crib fashion . . + 427. Lined with bark, hides . . . . 428. Covered with bark, hides . . _ _ _ - + _ _ 429. Gable roof over pit. . . . . . . . . + + + 430. End posts with ridgepole . _ _ - + + + - _ _ _ 431. Thatch-and-earth covered . . . - + + + - _ _ _ 432. Entry in gabled end . . . . + + 433. Door of logs piled across . . _ _ + + + _ _ _ _ 434. Small domed hut. . . . . . . . . . + - 435. Earth covered . . . + - _ _ 436. Door of logs piled across . . _ + - _ _ 437. Pit storage. .... .... - . + + + + + _ + + 438. For melons, pumpkins . . - + + + + + _ _ + l 439. Food in baskets + 440. Cave or rock-shelter storage . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + 441. Wall across front . . . . . . . + + S 442. Dry wall of rocks . 444. Mud-chinked wall of rocks + +.4 445. Storage in pit in cave .+ + - _ - + _ + + 446. In pottery vessels.+ + _ _ _ - + _ - + 447. In baskets.. . . . - 448. Stored food suspended from sticks Miscellaneous Storage Practices +~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 449. Mud-daubed baskets for storage . . . . 450. Meat jerked for storage ... + - + + + + + + + 451. Deer, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + _ + + + + + + + 452. Small game.- .. ..... . + - _ _ + + - + 453. Pounded before cooking . . + _ + + + + + _ + 454. Fish dried for storage . . . . . . . . . . . + + - O + - O Food-Quest Beliefs and Minor Rites Agricultural Observances 454a.Prayers at maize planting . . . . . . . + 455. Songs at maize planting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 456. Food taboos at planting . . + 457. Melons and pumpkins only. . . - + _ _ _ _ 458. Eating salt, smoking tobacco taboo . . . . .+ _ _ _ 459. Offerings placed in fields.+ ) _ _ I i s.' CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 103 |- 0 0 O. co h d | d 10 | |m |D k Mo Co Ma |Pi Pa Yq |Yv W1 co DMv Ak Mo Co Na Pi Pa Yq I Yv Wi Ss I I~~~~~ 460. Magically sprouted grain . . . . . . . . . . + Prayers and songs at tobacco planting . . . . . . . + + Rite to increase pumpkins and melons . . . . . . . + + + 463. Twins called on to perform . . . . . . . . . + + + _ - _ 464. Chew new leaves of vines . . . . . . + + + - - - 465. Make circuit of garden . . . . . . . + + + 466. Spit leaves out at each "corner" . . - - + + + - - - Gathering Observances Fire for mescal oven lit by summer-born person . . - - 0 0 - - - + + + 468. Continence during cooking . . . . . . . . . - 0 - + - + + + 469. Scratching taboo during cooking .- - 0 0 - - - + - - Chills and fever from prickly-pear fruit~ . . . . . + *+ + + - - - Hunting Observances Sweating before deer hunt . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0 472. Optional. ........ . . . . . . . . . + + 0 Bathing before deer hunt . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 0 Continence before deer hunt . . . . . . . . . . . . ) + + + 0 Group singing before deer hunt . . . . . . . . . . + - _ + + + + + 0 476. Hunters assemble with weapons . . . . . . . + + + + + + 0 477. Smoke tobacco ritually . . . . . . . . . . . + *+ + + + 0 478. Sing deer songs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + - - - + + + + + 0 479. Singing led by shaman . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 0 480. Performance by Deer dancer .+ - 0 481. With mask, regalia, etc. . . . . . . + - 0 482. Singing lasts all night . + - - - + + + + + 0 Hunters set out breakfastless . . . . . . . . . . . + + - -t - - 0 Prayers on killing deer . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + *+ *+ + 0 Offerings to deer ........ . . . . . . . . . + - - 0 Deer turned head east before butcher . . . . . . . - + 0 Horns, tail, offal ritually disposed of . . . . . . + + *+ 0 Deer meat taboo to impure (menstruants, etc.) . . . + + + + + + + + + 0 Restrictions before mountain-sheep hunt . . . . . + *- 0 0 + + - * - - 490. Fasting requisite . . . . . . . . . . . . + - O 491. Continence requisite . . . . . . . . . . . . + - O + 492. Group singing before hunt . . . . . . . . . - 0 + 493. Led by shaman . . . . . . .- . . . . . - 0 + 494. Hunters kneel, "dance".- - 0 0?+ 495. Hunters mimic death of sheep . . . . - 0 + 496. Magic tricks displayed . . . . . . . - 0 + 497. Dance on cane arrows . . . . . 0 + 498. All-night singing . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 + Sheep horns cached in mountains . . . . . . . . . . - - + + 500. Sometimes brought home, for weather magic. - - 0 O *+ *+ * - - - 501. Throwing, dropping causes windstorm . - - 0 + + + - - - Mountain-sheep meat eaten unsalted . . . . . . . . 0 0 +? Group singing before antelope hunt . . . . . . . . - 0 - + + * 504. Led by shamans . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - 0 0 - + + 505. Shamans smoke between songs . . . . . . . . 0 - 0 - + + 506. Shamans locate game between songs .0 - 0 - + + - - - 507. Some have power to cripple antelope . . . 0 - 0 0 - +? Slain bear sung over . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0 0 0 0 0 + 0 509. Pollen put over bear's ears, nose, legs. . 0 0 0 0 0 - + -0 510. Heart eaten raw by hunters . . . . . . . . . 0 0 0 0 0 - + + 0 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 511. Sprinkled with pollen . . . . . . . . 512. Head ritually disposed of . . . . . . . . . 513. Put in tree (not oriented) 514. Bear has house, stores provisions . . . . . . . . . 515. Bear marries human ................ 516. Bearmeat eaten .................. 517. Hide used ..................... 518. Quail taboo to young . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 519. Quail eggs taboo to young . . . . . . . . . . . . . 520. Taboo to kill rattlesnake . . . . . . . . . . . . . 521. Causes sickness . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 522. Rattlesnake shamans tried to prevent . . . . 523. Rattlesnake must be killed quickly (so does not suffer) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 524. Taboo to kill horned toad . . . . . . . . . . . . . MATERIAL CULTURE Dwellings' Colorado River Complex' 525. Rectangular floor plan . . . . . . . . . . 526. Floor excavated . . . . . . . . . . 527. One to two feet . . . . . . . 528. Four-post frame, with connecting beams 529. Two posts, longitudinal, with beam . . . 530. Two posts, transverse, with connecting beam 531. Short side posts (hip roof) . . . . . . . . 532. Rear posts lower than side . . . . . . . . 533. Side and rear walls vertical . . . . . . . 534. Side and rear walls inclined . . . . . . . 535. Walls of horizontal poles 536. Walls of vertical poles . . . . . . 537. Covered with arrowweed thatch . . . 538. Earth covering over entire house 539. Vertical double sand-filled front wall Gila River Complex' 540. Circular floor plan . . . . . . . . . . 541. Floor area excavated . . . . . . . . . 542. One to two feet . . . . . . . . 543. Four-post frame with connecting beams 543a. Paired auxiliary posts for large house 544. One (center) post . . . . . . . . . . . 545. Walls of poles bent in to central frame 546. Horizontal ribs lashed to walls . . 547. Courses of thatch for coverini . . . . 548. Earth covering on top of house . . 549. Earth banked against sides . . . . . . Domed-to-conical Hut Complex 550. Circular (to elliptical) floor plan . . 551. One center post . . . . . . . . . . . . |DM A Mo- CoDMa |Pi Pia Yq|YV 3W1| iDMv Ak No Co Na iPi Pa Yq I Yv WiIS 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 + + + 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 + + 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 + + _ - + + - S + + + + + S +. S S S + + + * + + - + + + - 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 *.+ * * * + + $+ + + + + + + + + + + It + - S - - + + + + + * + + + + -I + + + - S 104 I I j CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN Two interlocked forks . . . . . . . . . . . . Three or four interlocked forks . . . . . . . Two posts with beam . . . . . . . . . . . . . House built without posts . . . . . . . . . . Floor area excavated . . . . . . . . . . . . Wall of poles inclined inward . . . . . . . . Wall of poles bent inward . . . . . . . 559. Stones at bottom to brace . . . . . . L Covering of thatch (grass, brush) . . . . . . Covering irregular (not in courses) . . . . . Covering of bark . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Earth covering over thatching . . . . . . . . Fire built before door (mosquito smudge) Extended entryway . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Used as winter dwelling . . . . . . . . . . . Used as summer camp . . . . . . . . . . . . . Rectangular, Gabled, Thatched House Complex Floor plan rectangular . . . . . . . . . End posts supporting ridge . . . . . . . 566. Center posts under ridge . . . . . Two-pitch roof . . . . . . . . . . . . . 568. Covered with brush, yucca thatch 569. Covered with reeds and palmetto 570. Earth covering over thatch .Walls of vertically placed brush, reeds, bound between poles. b.Wattle-and-daub (jacal) construction.. c.Huts with walls of stone and mud . Secondary Features Doorway faces east . . . . . . . . . . Doorway faces south . . . . . . . . . . Doorway faces west . Door: suspended mat of twined arrowweed Door: suspended mat of woven bark . . . Door: suspended mat of grass, brush . . Door: suspended mat of bean vines Door: suspended mat of cane, etc. . . . Door covering absent . . . . . . . . . Fireplace in center of house Fireplace between center and door . . . No fire in house (cook, etc., outside) .Fireplace on floor lever . . . . . . . bSmoke hole in roof . . . . . . . . . . .Single-family house . . . . . . . . . . IMultifamily house . . . . . . . . . . . 3,Dwelling type winter house only . . . . t.Dwelling type used year around . . . . ste'ms * . . * * e * * v * . . * * e * * * . . * * 0 * * . * . . * * e * * 0 Shades, Shelters, and Camps* Shade (ramada) in conjunction with dwelling . . . . 584. Irregular number of posts . . . . . . . . . 585. Flat roof . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 01) A C) k 4 It- I j . H 1 0 0 0 O* P oI co co 0i 1 L:I DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq IYv WiI SS + + + ? + + + + + + + + + + S- + S S + + + + + + * + S S ? + + - * * I+ S S + + *+ S S + + + S + ? + + + R + S + + + + + + *S It + + + S S + + S S + + + + S + s s + + + + + + 1- + * + + + 105 I L v i, I P11- . . . 0 . . . . 0 . . 0 . * . . . . 0 . eic: , * - - . . . . . . . . . . . * . . . 106 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS . rI 0 0 x, *H Xi d $ c I DM Ak Mo Co Ma iPi Pa Yq | Yv Wi 586. Gabled roof. R R R -R 587. Roof brush or thatch covered .. . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + 588. Earth covering on thatch . _ - ' R R R - - 589. Enclosed sides .S.. . . . S + S S S + S + + 590. Built attached to dwelling ..... . . - - S S _ _ S 591. Built separate from dwelling .. . . . . . . + + + S S + + S t 592. Circular to semicircular windbreak of brush (unroofed) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + 593. Built in conjunction with dwelling .+ + + + + + + + + 594. Used for cooking, etc.* .-.-. . . . . + + + + + + + + .i' 595. Used as temporary dwelling s S 596. Domed hut with two opposed doorways + 597. Brush lean-to against tree* 598. Cave or rock-shelter dwellings .. . . . . . . . . + ++ +_ 599. Preferred type for winter .. . . . ......... + 600. Used when gathering, in mountains.+ +? ? ? ? ? ? ?- 601. Front partially enclosed ........ . + ? ? ? ? ? ? ?S S_ 602. With brush ... . . . .......... + 603. Half-wall of rocks .+.?.?.?.?.?..?. ?+ _ 604. Multifamily use ... . . . . . . . . . . . + S S S 605. Separate family spaces .+.?.?.. . .+ + 606. Separate fires .+ . . . . _ Assembly House 607. Men's assembly house ... . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + 607a. Circular to oval ground plan . . . . . . . . + + + - _ 608. Four-post frame ... . . . . . . . . + 609. Six main posts, four auxiliary posts. - - - - + - _ _ _ 610. Two posts with beam .. . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ _ + 611. Walls of poles, bent to central frame . . . - _ - + + + - _ 612. Bound to horizontal poles. + + + 613. Thatch covering ... . . . . . . . . . . . - - - - + + + - - 614. Earth covering on top .. . . . . . . _ _ _ _ + + + _ _ 615. Built by communal effort .. . . . . . . . . - - - - + + + - - 616. Men assemble in, nightly . _ _ _ - + + + - 617. Women excluded ... . . . . . . ..... . _ _ - + + + _ _ 618. Chief lives in ........ _ + - *+ - 619. Village medicine bundle kept in ....... _ + *+ _ 620. Firetender official .-. .-. -.. . _ _ _ + + - _ 621. Used as sweat house . . . . . . . . . . . . _ _ - + + + 622. Designated "(tobacco-) smoking house" 1 *. *+ 623. Headman's house used for meetings` .-....... . - + + - _ - *+ - 624. Shade used for meetings. + + S - 625. Meetings in circular brush windbreak .?.?. . .?.?. + + _ Sweat Houses 626. Small domed, conical structure of poles.. .+ * - *+ . _ _ -_ + + 627. Covered with brush and grass.+ - _ + - _ _ - + 628. Earth covering on brush, etc.+ _ _ + - _ - - + 629. Covered with bark ..... .....+. _ 630. Rectangular pit . . . . . . . . + - 631. Three to four feet deep + 632. Gabled roof (end posts with ridge) . .... + - 633. Covered with brush and earth .. + - 634. Door covering: blanket, hide .+ + I i I CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN _DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv wI1 SS Zor uncovered. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . lrect-f ire heat *`637. Fire kindled outside, coals brought in 638. Placed in the four corners '639. Fire built inside, near door . . . . . . team sweating . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 641. Rocks placed near wall . . . . . . . . . 642. Forked stick for handling rocks . . . . 643. Pottery jar for water . . . . . . . . . 644. Coiled basket for water . . . . . . . . Oeating for minor curing . . . . . . . . . . . Oeating for hunting luck . . . . . . . . . . . L'g when sweat ................ eating by men, women (M, W; +, both) . . . . 50. Sexes sweat separately. btbed "sweating" for minor curing . . . . . . Pottery .ttery made ................. 1$653. Pottery making by women . . . . . . . . Techniques Lay ground, winnowed . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ijper added ................. ?656. Sand .................. 657. Pulverized rock . . . . . . . . . . . . 658. PulveriZed sherds . . . . . . . . . . . 659. Grass or dung . . . . . . . . . . . . . temper (already in clay)*. etus juice mixed with clay gtom of vessel molded . . . . . . . . . . . . 63. Over another vessel or stone . . . . . . 664. On knee. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65. Molded with hands from lump . . . . . . $66. Concave bottom to which sides added 67. Conoidal bottom to which sides added 4es built up by coiling . . . . . . . . . . . gdie-and-anvil technique . . . . . . . . . . ?70. Pottery anvil . . . . . . . . . . . . . 671. Mushroom shaped . . . . . . . . . 672. Cobble anvil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V73. Wooden paddle . . . . . . . . . . . . . 674. Rectangular blade . . . . . . . . 675. Ovate-blade . . . . . . . . . . . 676. Tapering blade . . . . . . . . . ;77. Smooth cobble as paddle Fping technique . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 79. Shell scraper . . . . . . . . . . . . . 0. Wooden scraper . . . . . . . . . . . . . ishing with smooth pebble and water . . 'sling with smooth sea shell and water. shing with cactus pulp . . . . . . . . . . ing in open fire (or very shallow pitr . . . 83 Vessel filled with cedar bark . . . . . + + + + + + + + + 1- + + + + + +~~ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + R + S + + + + + + + + ? + 1- + + + + + + + + + + + + + + ? + + + + + + + + + + + T+ 1- + + + + + + + S + + (+) S S s + + + + + + - + + + + + + + + + + + + R + S + + + + + + + + + + _- + + ++ + + + _ + + '+ + + _4+ _ _- * + v+ + + + + _ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + R + + _ S + + + + * + + + + + -4- * + + + + + + + 107 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Vessel Shapes* Wide-mouthed jars*: 684. Open returned rim, slightly elongated round body.. 685. Sharply returned rim, long neck joining globular body at angle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 686. Open returned rim, sides diverge gradually to greatest width near base . . . . . . . . . . . . Narrow-mouthed jars: 687. Slightly returned rim, long neck, globular body* 688. Slightly returned rim mouth larger than 687, no neck, globular body . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 'W'ide-mouthed bowls: 689. 690. 691. 692. 693. 694. 695. 696. Open returned rim, elongated round body . . . . . . Sharply returned rim, shoulder at middle of vesser. Sharply returned rim, globular body . Inturned rim, oval body widest near base . . . Inturned rim with ears, compressed round body . . . Slightly returned rim, hemispherical body. "Duck-shaped" olla* . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Straight sides, conical base* . . . . . . . . . . . Shallow dishes and trays: 697. Plain round shallow dish or tray* 698. Elongated, with ears (parching trays Ladles and scoops: 699. Ovoid, without developed handle . . . . 700. Ovoid, effigy handle ("quail spoon"r Various: 701. Small jar, constricted mouth, long neck, body~ bo y . . . . . . . . 702. Same, with double spout . . . . . . . . 703. Effigy jars, features on neck of vesse1 globular * . . . . * . . . . * . . . . Decoration 704. Pottery slipped before firing 705. Red slip (when applied). 706. Red after firing 707. White slip (when applied) 708. White after firing 709. Unslipped pottery . . . . . . . . 710. Cooking ware only . . . . 711. Pottery painted before firing . . 712. Pottery painted after firing . . 713. Refired to fix paint . . . 714. Designs in red . . . . . . . . . 715. Designs in black . . . . . . . . 716. Mesquite gum for black . . 717. Designs in yellow . . . . . . . . I D Ak o Co N z Pi Pa q Y IDM Ak Mo Co Ma IPi Pa Yq ,Yv Wl + + + + + + - + + + + (+) _ + + + + + + + + + + - + + + + + + _ _ + + . + + + + _ - + + + + + + + + + + + + (+) (+) (+) R R + + + + + + + _ + + + + + + + + 1- + + R + + + + _- + R R + + + ) + - + + + + + + + + + _ + T+ *+ * *+ *+ + + + + 108 I t CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: IVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 109 (|. 1 2 o h | X 4 & r | H I DM Ak Mo Co Ma |Pi Pa Yq |Yv Wi SS 718. Paint applied with brush . _ +) . + _ *+ *+ _ _ _ 719. Paint applied with stick ....... . . . + _? ? ? ? ? ?+ + _ 720. Paint applied with finger ... . . . . . . + - + + - + - ncised decoration .-... . . . . . . . . . . . . + S + - calloped rims .... . . . . . + + + . S . + . _ Miscellaneous 'ot rims bound with bark for strength* ... . . . . + - + + S - + _ 'ottery-mending with creosote-bush gum .-. . . . . + + + _ _ _ 'ottery-mending with clay (refiring) ... . + + + - S - lew pot rubbed with gruel to make impermeable . . . + + + H + - - + - lew pot rubbed with prickly-pear leaf to make impermeable . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .+ montinence requisite of potter . _ + _ _ _ _ _ _ olls (figurines?) made of clay ... . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + 730. Human forms .... . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + 731. Animal forms .... . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + 732. Fired . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . + - + + + _ 733. Unfired .-... . . . . . . . . .... . . + ? ? ? ? ? + + + 734. Made by adults (for children) ....... . + + + + + _ _ _ 735. Miade by children _ + + Basketr~y lasketry made by men, women (M, W; +, both) . . . W M m W W + W W W 737. Men make rough baskets (only) .....+ - _ _ Techniques Svined basketry made ........ + + (+) - - + + + + + 739. Closework .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + 740. Openwork . .+ _ _ _ + - + 740a.Wrapped twine . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + [oiled basket-ry made .... . . . . . . . . . . . + + - + + + - + + + 742. Single-rod foundation .-.. ....... _. ) 743. 2-rod foundation .+. . . . . . . . . . . . . 744. 3-rod foundation .... . . . . . . . . . . + + _ 745. Bundle foundation .... . . . . .. . + - - - + + + - _ _ _ 746. Clockwise coil .... . . . . . + . - - i..) + - + 747. Counterwise coil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -- + s - 748. Bone awl for sewing .-.. . . . . . . . . . + _ - + * + 749. Wood awl for sewing ..... . + + - - . _ + - _ . _ 750. Awl hafted _ _ + R - _ . + 751. Wood, horn handle. . . - R - _ . + 752. Creosote-gum ball for handle_ . . .. _+ hecker and twill baskets made ..... . . ...+ + + - - - Decoration esigns in red .................. . + + _ - _ _ + - + + R 754. Dyed elements inserted ... . . . . . . . . + + 755. Fiber elements inserted .-.. . + _ - - - + - + + R 756. Yucca root .-.. . . + - _ - - + - + + R 757. Applied to twining ... . . . . . . . . . . + 758. Applied to coiling ... . . . + + - _ - - + _ + + R 110 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS IDM 0 0 Mo C M|i Pa Cd CY ' DM Ak Mo Co Ma IPi Pa Yq IYv WiI~ 759. Designs in black. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + - + + + + + 760. Dyed elements inserted . . . . . . . . . . . 761. Fiber elements inserted . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 762. Martynia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . (+) + + + + + 763. Applied to twining . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + ? ? ? ? ? ? + + 764. Applied to coiling . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + Basket Types 765. Burden baskets ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - + * + * *+ + + + 766. Cylindrical . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + - _ 767. Conical . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + - + + + 767a.Buckskin reinforced bottom . . .. . . . . + + 768. WJedge shaped ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 769. Rectangular . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 770. Made in twined work . . . . . _ - + - + - + _ + + 771. Made in coiling . . .. . . . . ._ 772. Made in "crisscross lacing" (wrapped twine?) _ *+ 773. Made in checker. .. ... + - _ 774. Storage basket ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 775. Cylindrical, flat base . . . . . . . . . . . 776. Globular ..... 776 Glbulr .. .. . . . . . . . . . ..... _ _ _ _ _+ - _ _ 777. Constricted mouth with neck and shoulder . .. . . + + - _ _ 778. Conical burden basket for storage . . . . . + + 779. Made in twined work . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 780. Made in coiling ..... . . . . . . . . . 782. Water bottle ... . . . . . . . . . . ........ + + 783. Shoulder, constricted mouth with neck, conical base . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 784. Same, with roi)nded base . . . . . . . . . . 785. Pitch coated ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 786. Inside . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 787. Outside. + 788. Pitch put on over red paint . . . . . + 789. Wad of bark, etc., for cork . + + 790. Made in twined work . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 791. Made in coiled work . . . . . . . . . . . . * + 792. Trays ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - + + + - + + 793. Circular flat (or shallow) tray .+ + + _ + + - + + 794. Simp e ring for rim . . . . . . . . . + + 795. Wide truncated cone . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 796. Triangular tray . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 797. Made in twined work . . . . . . . . . . . . + *+ + + 798. Made in coiled work . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - + + 799. Cooking vessels .................. 800. Hemispherical (straight sidesr. . . . . .. 801. Globular (inturned rim) . . . . . . . . . . 802. Women's basketry cap . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 805. Twined ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + ? ? ? ? ? ? ? ? + 806. Coiled .. . . . . . . . .._ 807. Basketry fish scoop ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . 808. Twined . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 809. Trinket and medicine baskets . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - _ 810. Rectangular' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 811. Cylindrical ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 812. With fitted lid . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + R - _ 813. Checker or twill . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - _ 'I I .i CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN ill a) Ak Mo CoMa Pil Pa4 Y Yv W1 SS ________________T~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~DM N o o a P a Y IWlSiISs ing ring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . +- 815. Twilled .I........... . . . . . . + - _ dle hood of basketry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + _ + + + 817. Wide cylindricar . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + _ + + _ 818. Triangular awning, attached at tQp . . .? ? ? ? ?? + 819. Checker or twill . . . . . . . ... . . . . . + + + + + + + - + + _ 820. Twined . .. ........ _ _ _ . . . . . . _ + Cradles 'laddertypeframe*. .+... .......... + + + + + -| - S|- i1-ladder type frame . . . . . . . . . ... + S 823. Widely spaced horizontal wood crosspieces . _ - + + + + + _ _ _ _ B824. Closely spaced horizontal wood crosspieces + +?+ + - cotangular frame of four sticks* . . . . . . . . . + 826. Vertically placed cross sticks . . . . . . . + Ade-shaped frame of twined basketry . . . . . . . 828. Hoop handle ........ adle made by men, women (M, W;-, both) .W N N J N N N d N W adle hood: wide wicker cylinders . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + _ adle hood: single stick bent across cradle . . . + _ ladle hood: triangular awning . . . . . . . . . . Mattress iredded bark, bound in concentric loops.' - + + + + - _ . + - wvn mat .......... ______+ + . -_ redded bark, loose . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + llow: wrapped ring of bark, bound in middle . . . _ - + + + + + + - _ Binding Band ven (or plaited) plant fiber (except cotton) . + + ? + $ven of cotton .-.-.-....... . . . . - + + + *+ - _ ickskin strip ................ . . . + + + pmd around cradle. . . . . . . . . . + 4- + + + + + - _ _ ioed back and forth through loops . . . . . . . . + + + Ornamentation linted designs on hood . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 842. Indicate sex of child . . . . . . . . . . . + Maments suspended from hood . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + - + + + + ,844. Indicatesexof child. - + + . + - + - + - 845. Feathers for boy . . . . . . . . . . + + + 846. Beads for girl . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - + + bven designs on binding band . . . . . . . . . . . - + + + - _ _ _ i848. Indicate sex of child . . . . . . . . . . . Carrying Fnying strap attached to cradle . . . . . . . . . + + + + + 850. Cradle carried on back vertically .+ + ? ? ? ? ? ? + + + lde on head, horizontally, crosswise . . . . . . S S + + + + + + - lde on top of carrying frame, horizontaf. . . . + + . _ _ ld1e horizontal on hip, or in arms . . . . . . . + S + + + + + + - _ _ ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Usage 854. Only one cradle for infant. . . . . . . . . . . . . 855. Several cradles (successively larger) . . . . . . . 856. Two cradles ................ 857. Three or four cradles . . . . . . . . . . . 858. First cradle of different type . . . . . . . 859. Cradles kept when outgrown . . . . . . . . . . . . 860. Reused for other children . . . . . . . . . 861. Swing of two parallel ropes . . . . . . . . . . . . Textiles` Rabbitskin Cloth 862. Rabbitskin robes made . . . . . . . . . 863. Made by men, women (M, W; +, both) . . . 864. Strips of skin wrapped on foundation . 865. Strips of skin twisted, no foundation 866. One-ply (twisted on self) . . . . . . 867. Two-ply . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 868. Horizontal weaving . . . . . . . . . . . . . 869. Warps over two horizontal bars 870. Warps on two rows of pegs* . . . . 871. Warps laid out on ground (no framer 872. Vertical weaving . . . . . . . . . . 873. "Half loom"; two posts with horizontal cord . . . . . . 874. Circular blanket . . . . . . . . . . . . . 875. Continuous warp used . . . . . . . . . . . 876. Wefts of plant-fiber string . . . . . . . . 877. Wefts of buckskin . . . . . . . . . . . . . 878. Wefts of rabbitskin . . . . . . . . . . . . 879. Wefts twined ................ 880. Wefts wrapped* . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 881. Wefts checker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 882. Robes for dress . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 883. Robes for bedding . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shredded-Bark Cloth 884. Bark robes woven ................. 885. Willow bark ................ 886. Cowania bark . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 887. Other bark ................ 888. Warps bunched or loosely twisted (not spun). 889. Warps suspended on half loom. 890. Warps laid out on ground . . . . . . . . . 891. Twined wefts ................ 892. Checker (?) wefts . . . . . . . . . . . . . 893. Made by men, women (M, W; +, both) . . . . . Cotton Cloth* 894. Cotton cloth woven . . . . . . . . . . . . . 895. Ginning by whipping, rolling with stick* oY =:: ~O S C) -4 $ j P- & H DM Ak Mo CoMa0 c P Pa cc Yv l;] DM Ak No Co Na, Pi Pa Yqj Yv WI + - - + - + - + R R + S S R + R R + + + + * + + *+ + T+) - M M + _ + - _ * _- + + _ - + + - + _ _ + - _* _ _ + - + + + + ? + + + + + + + + + - + + -) _ + + _ _ + . * _- - + _- - + 112 I R + + S S R + t M + R 1- * + +.X + + + + _ + (+) + + S S + - + S S + *+ + + t+) + + * + . _ CULTUPE ELMH. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN GD Cd ~ 0> . r-i 0 0 Cm H l C DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wvi[ SS *~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 896. Cotton plucking bow' . . . . . . . . . . . -897. Spun with spindle . . . . . . . . . . . . . 898. Spindle with cross-stick whorl, lashed . . . . . . . . . 899. Spindle with cross-stick whorl, perforated* . . . . . . . . . . . . 900. Spindle rolled on thigh . . . . . . . 901. Spindle held between toes . . . . . . 902. Weaving on horizontal loom . . . . . . . . . 903. Two horizontal bars on pegs . . . . . 904. Heddles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 905. Weaving sword . . . . . . . . . . . . 906. Belt loom . . . . . . . . . . . . . 907. Colored warps in borders . . . . . . 908. Robes woven .. .. ... .. .. 909. Sashes woven . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 910. Weaving by men, women (M, W; +, both). . . . Wool Cloth oi cloth woven (since white contact). . . . . . . 912. Preparing by whipping with stick . . . . . . 913. Cotton-plucking bow used . . . . . . . . . . 914. Spun with spindle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 915. Spindle with gourd disk whorl . 916. Spindle rotated on ground . . . . . . .917. Weaving on horizontal loom . . . . . . . . . 918. Two horizontal bars on pegs . . . . . 919. Heddles . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 920. Weaving sword . . . . . . . . . . . . 921. Weaving by men, women (M, W) . . . . . . . . 922. Belt loom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Matting e and tule mats .. .. ... .. .. k mats . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . cal- and yucca-fiber mats . . . . . . . . . . . ned . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . oker and twill ................ Skin Dressing kakin made .................. 29. Skin soaked for dehairing . . . . . . . . . 930. Two days . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 931. More than two . . . . . . . . . . . 932. Short time only, in lye solution . . 33. Slanting post for scraping . . . . . . . . . 934. Side-blade beaming tool (two hands) 935. Bone beaming tool . . . . . . 936. Deer cannon . . . . . . 937. Horse rib (modern) 938. Wooden beaming tool. . . . . . 939. Stone scraper . . . . . . . . . . . . . Vertical sharp-bladed post; hide sawed over. _- - + _- - + _- - + _ _ ~~~* _ _ _ + _ _ - + - - + - - ~+ - - ~+ - - ~+ _ - - N _ _ _ _~~ R R R *+ + + + + + - + - _ R - - + + + + + (?) 113 + + _ ? + _ + + - + ? S + + M + + + + + + + + - + + S + ) + + + R + + * + + + + + + + + R + () + + + + ** + - + - R - *+ ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 957. Hi 958. SR 941. Tanning agent applied. . . . . . . . . 942. Deer brains . . . . . . . . . . 943. Hide soaked in . . . . . 944. Rubbed on . . . . . . . 945. Sprayed on with mouth 946. Sahuaro seeds. 947. Hide wrung out by twisting with stick* 948. Hide worked in hands . . . . . . . . . 949. Hands and feet used . . . . . . 950. Hide pounded with stone . . . . . . *. 951. Hide sawed over edge of vertical post 952. Skins left natural color . . . . . . . 953. Skins dyed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 954. Red . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 955. Yellow . . . . . . . . . . . . 956. Black . . . . . . . . . . . . . ides tanned with hair on (i.e., furs) cin dressing by men, women (M, W; +, both) Dress and Ornament (Nonceremonial) Men's Clothing 959. Breechclout worn . . . . . . . . . . . . 960. Shredded willow bark . . . . . . . 961. Cotton cloth . . . . . . . . . . . 962. Buckskin . . . . . . . . . . . . . 963. Kilt of skin (one-piece skirt). . . . . . 964. Men naked (no pubic cover). . . . . . . . 965. Cotton shirt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 966. Poncho-fashion, belted . . . . . . 967. Sleeved and sewn . . . . . . . . . 968. Buckskin shirt . . . . . . . . . . . . . 969. Long sleeves . . . . . . . . . . . 970. Fringed . . . . . . . . . . . . . 971. Across chest . . . . . . . 972. Down sides . . . . . . . . 973. Along sleeves . . . . . . . 974. Bone beads sewed on . . . . . . . 975. Painted designs . . . . . . . 976. Sleeveless shirt of two hides sewn 977. Ankle-length leggings . . . . . . . . . . 978. Fringed down sides . . . . . . . . 979. Knee-length leggings . . . . . . . . . . 980. Belt of buckskin . . . . . . . . . . . . 981. Belt of fiber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 982. Cotton, woven . . . . . . . . . . 983. Twisted cord . . . . . . . . . . . 984. Sandals of woven fiber . . . . . . . . . 985. Sandals of hide . . . . . . . . . . . . . 986. Moccasins ................ 987. Two-piece . . . . . . . . . . . . 988. Three-piece . . . . . . . . . . . 989. Ankle-length . . . . *. . . . . . . 990. Long top, folded down . . . . . . 991. Wrapped top . . . . . . . . . . . 992. Added hard sole 993. Round guard-piece on toe . . *** 0 * * * * * * *. * 0 *** 0 * * toge'ther.. * *. * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 0 * * * * * * * * * r 0 0 a c ad od ad DN A No A I Pa YX v W IDM Ak Mo Co Ma IPi Pa Yq Yv W + + + + + + + - S S + + M * R + S S + N R R + + R + + + + - S _0 + + *R N R R + + R + S * *R *+ + *~~~~~ R + * S + S S + + N + + + S + S S + * N t~~ +) M + + + + + - R R +* + - + - S - S - + + + 1+ *+ *+ + + + + + + + + + + + S S S + + + + + + -s + * + + + - + *+ +** + + + - + S + + S S + + + + - + + *+ *+ + - - S *. + 114 p CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YU[MAN-PIMAN 115 DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yqj Yv Wi SS i~~ Barefootedness habitual. . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + | Woven-bark robe worn' . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + S 9 - _ . - s S Rabbitskin robe worn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + S S + _ - 9 + + + Sewn-skin robe worn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . s + s + + Cotton robe worn .-.-.-.-... .. .. . . + + + _ _ _ Buckskin robe worn ...... .. .. . .. .. . + + S S S Buckskin cap worn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 1001. Old men only . Muffs for cold weather . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ _ _ _ + + + Women's Clothing Two-piece shredded bark aprons . . . . . . . . . . S + + + S Two-piece woven cotton aprons . . . . . . . . . . + + One-piece woven cotton skirt . . . . . . . . . . . R- Two-piece buckskin aprons . . . . . . . . . . . + S - * * + + + 1007. Both suspended from belt . . ... . . + + - _ 1008. Long (breast to knee) front a*ron . . . .?+ + - 1009. Suspended around neck + + 1010. Fringed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 1011. Belted*. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + 1012. Rattles suspended from bel_ + + _ Buckskin tunic or shirt . . . . . . . . . . . . . + - + 1014. Two hides sewn together . . . . . . . . . + - + 1015. Short sleeves (to elbows). . . . . . . . .+ 1016. No sleeves ........... . . . + 1017. Rattles suspended from . . . . . . . . . . + Shredded-bark robe worn . . . . . . . . . . . . . - S + - . - S Rabbitskin robe worn . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + S + S S + + Buckskin robe worn. ............ . Ss s S OCotton robe worn.- _ - - S + + _ _ _ Bendals of woven fiber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + Sndals of hide. .... . . . - R R + + + _ _ _ Moccasins. . ....... . . . . . . . + + R 1025. Long uppers, folded . . . . . . . . . . . + + Barefootedness habitual . . . . + + + + S S + S S S Women's basketry cap . . . . . . + +? + + 1028. Worn only for carrying, grinding . . . . + +- + + Clothing Miscellaneous Buckskin garments made by men . . + - ..... + + .+ Men's Hairdress Hair long ... .. + + + + + + + + + 13.Rolled in pencil* + - S - _ 1032. False hair added . . . . . . . . . + 1033. Side hair loose, back hair in pencils.-SSSS- - - - 1034. Side hair braided or wrapped, back hair in pencils . . . . . . - - S S S - 1035. Hair loose* . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S 1036. Rolled and wrapped in bacl' . . . . . . . . - S S + orehead bangs . . + + + - + - - + + uall boys' hair trimmed short . . + + + + 9) S + 1040. Long locks left on top or sides . . . . . + + + + (+) S + 116 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS .H 0 0 Cd H r- c ci c DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wi 4 1041. Facial hair plucked. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S + + + + R + 1042. With fingers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + R + 1043. "No beards formerly" . . . . . . . . . . . S + + + Women's Hairdress 1044. Hair long ... ........ . + + + + + + + 1045. Hair short (about shoulder level) . . . . . . . . + 1046. Worn loose . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + 1047. Side strands tied back when working . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - _ S - 1048. Forehead bangs . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + Hairdress Miscellaneous 1049. Hair trimming by cutting . . . . . . . . . . . . + t + - 1050. Hair trimming by singeing with coals . . . . . . . + + + + S - _ + 1051. Niud plaster against lice . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + - + - 1052. Dye in mud plaster . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + 1053. Mesquite-bark infusion . . . . . . + + + + + 1055. Yucca root for washing hair . . . . . . . . . . . R - - - + + + + 1056. Paint part on hair (in spots or lines) . + + + + S + _ 1057. White ........ _ _ + + + + + + 1058. Red*........ _ 1059. Cylindrical fiber hairbrush . . . . . . . . . . . + - + + + + + + + 1060. Doubled and wrapped . . . . . . . . . . . - + + + - + + 1061. Straight, wrapped and gummed . . . . . . . + 1062. Fingers for combing hair . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + 1063. Feathers worn in hair (men, women: M, W; +, both). - N N N N M - + + 1064. Two pendent feathers attached to wood pin. I_ll N N M M _ _ 1065. Single pendent feather . . . . . . . . . . M - M - 1066. Erect feathers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - M 1067. Small white feathers stuck in hair . . . . W W Mutilations and Ornaments (Nen) 1068. Nasal septum pierced . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + * + + 1069. By all. . . ..... + + - + + _ _ 1070. As puberty rite (q.v.) . . . . . . + + - + + - _ _ - 1071. Few only ........... . . . . . . + + 1072. War leaders, brave men . . . . . . + + + 1073. Anyone, at will . . . . . . . . . + 1074. Shell pendant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + 1075. Turquoise pendant . . . . . . . . . . . . + 1076. Arrowhead pendant . . . . . . . . . . . . + - 1077. Ears pierced ........... . + . .- + + + + + + + 1078. Lobe ................ + - + + + + + + + 1079. Helix ................ . _ + + + _ _ - _ 1080. Bead pendants . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + - + + + + *+ + + 1081. Wooden pins . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - S - - S S - 1082. Necklaces worn ................ . _ + + + + + R + 1083.Beads ................ | - . + + + |+ + * + 1084. Tubular bone beads . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 1085. Tooth, claw, etc., pendants . . . . . . . + 1086. Tattooing . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + R *- 1087. Facial ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + R I CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YEJMAN-PIMAN 1088. 1089. 1090. Chin ta Forehea Line un 1091. Cheeks 1092. Body ..... 1093. Arms . 1094. 1095. Chest 1096. Legs . Daily face painting 1098. Red . . . . . 1099. Black .... 1100. White . . . . 1101. Yellow . . . . 1102. Solid (against 1103. Designs . . . 1104. Black around ey Body painted . . . . . .ttooed. ider eyes Circle on point of shoulder . s . . . o . . . . . * . . . . . . . . . * . . . . . . . . . sun, cold)* . .. . res * . . . . . . . . . Mutilations and Ornaments (Women) Ears pierced (all) . . . . . . . . 1107. Lobe . . . . . . . . . . . 1108. Helix . . . . . . . . . . 1109. Bead pendants . . . . . . Necklaces . . . . . . . . . . . . 1121. Beads in single strands 1122. Frog-shaped shell pendants 1123. Wide bead collars or capes 1124. Imported ..... Tattooing 1126. Facial .......... 1127. Chin ....... 1128. Chin and c( 1129. Lines under eyes . 1129a. Forehead . 1130. Cheeks ...... 1131. Body ........... 1132. Arms ....... 1133. Legs ....... Tattooing with single needle Tattooing with bunch of needles, b Tattooing with stone splinter . . Daily face painting ....... 1135. Red ........... 1136. Black .......... 1137. White .......... 1138. Yellow. 1139. Solid (,against sun, cold) 1140. Designs ......... 1141. Black around eyes .... Body painted ........... * . . * . . ~orners * . . * . . * . . * . . * . . lound . .* * . . * . . * * 0 * . . of * * @ * * * * * . - * * * * * @ * * * - * * n * * llp * n * n * n * n * * @ * @ * @ * * * * @ * e * e * e * e * * a) C) PA ) > rz H .H H A 0 0 co H Cl Cd co c) I DM Ak Mo Co MRaI Pi Pa Yq Y l1v- Wi SS + + + S + + S S + * + + S S S S c- * + + + + + + S .+ + + + + + S + S + S S 4 + + + + + _ I- - R + + + + - + + + + + R - + S _ - 0 + - + + - + + + + + - + * - + - + + + + + + - + + _ - + + - R + + + + + + + + R +r + + + + t 4- S + + S + I- + + ? + S + * + * * * + + + + + + + + + + * + + + + * * + R 1- + + S + R + + + + + + + + R R +- + + R + R + R 4 + + + _ + _ + + + - + + + + - + S + I-i + + I- L17 . . . . . . . . . . . . ANTiIROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Bows 1146. Self bow .................... 1147. Length: 5 feet or more* . . . . . . . . . . 1148. Length: under 5 feet* . .1 . I I I I I . 1149. Bow of half-section of pole . . . . . . . 1150. Grip full round, arms elliptical . . . . . 1151. Cross-section elliptical . . . . . . .* I . 1152. Simple curve with abruptly curved tips. 1153. Double curve. 1154. Bow sinew wound at points of stress . . . 1155. Wrapped grip . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1156. Quail tips on ends of bow 1157. Bow painted . 1158. Belly painted. 1159. Back painted . . . . . . . . . . . 1160. Sinew-backed bow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1161. Form: same as self bow . . . . . . . . . . 1162. Short (3-4 feet) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1163. Recurved tips . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1164. Compound bow ................... 1165. Of mountain-sheep horn . . . . . . . . . . 1166. Of two lengths of horn, spliced . . . . . 1167. Simple curve . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1168. Sinew bowstring ................. 11.69. Buckskin bowstring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1170. Plant-fiber bowstring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1171. Cowpea fiber . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1172. Bowstring one-ply . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1173. Two-ply ................. 1174. Three-ply ................ . Arrows 1175. Arrows of arrowweed (Pluchea) . . . . . . . . . . i176. Untipped ................. 1177. Arrows of cane ................. 1178. Hardwood point. . .......... . . 1179. Foreshaft and stone point . . . . . . . . 1180. Arrows of hardwood shoots ........... 1181. Foreshaft and stone point ........ 1182. Untipped *.............. 1183. Stone points used . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1184. Not stemmed: triangular, two side notches (NBal) . . . . . . . . .b. 1185. Triangular, concave base (NBb) 1186. Triangular, concave base, two side notches (NBbl) . . . . . . 1187. Stemmed: parallel-sided stem, shouldered (SBa) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1188. Expanding stem, shouldered and barbed (SCb) . . . . . . . . . . 1189. Points firmly attached . . . . . . . . . li90. Arrow points "poisoned" . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1191. Concoction of liver, snake venom, insects, etc.* . . . . . . . . . . . . . (1 0) W 10 i A 4 D 1 - > r 1 > *H 4 x 0 co r-I p co co DI ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv '1l I II ~ ~ _ + + + + * + + + + + + + * + (+) + - *R + + + + + + + + S + - +q _ - + - + - - + - + _- + + + + + *+ * (+) + ._ + * + + * + S S C, - + _ - + - + + + -- + + t- + + + -9 + *+ (9) + + +-I 118 I A + CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRTJCKER: YUNAN-PINAN 192. Gall. ................ 193. Rabbit blood . . . . . . . . . . . . . ut-tipped bird arrows . . . . . . . . . . . 195. Corncob tip . . . . . . . . . . . . . >8s-stick bird arrows . . . . . . . . . . . 197. One cross stick . . . . . . . 1198. Four (two pairs at right angles) eshaft (or shaft of hardwood arrow) rilled. }2OO. Zigzag or spiral rills . . . . . . . . ithering: triple, radial . . . . . . . . . . 202. Recognized best (where other types co-occur) . . . . . . . . . . . . athering: double radiar . . . . . . . athering: double tangential . . . . . . . . "Wshaft painted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1206. In feathering only . . . . . . . . . . 1207. Black ................ 1208. Red . . . . . . . . . . . gative pyrographic ornament on shaft . Shooting iheld vertically. . . . . . . . . w held diagonally, top to right . N held horizontally . . . . . . . 1213. Back of hand up .. row to left of bow (above when bow row release primary ....... 1215a. Considered inferior . . . . row release secondary . . . . . . row release (modified) tertiary* row release Mediterranean . a guard worn . . . . . . . . . . . 1219. Bark . . . . . . . . . . . . 1220. Hide . . . . . . . . . . . . hor'iz'onta'l) *** 0 * . . * * . *** . * . . . . . *** . * . . . . . Quiver LVU17 U1 UC1tbU!1.&II1 . . . . . . . . * .. iver of cut and sewn skin . . . . . . . . id leather base (to protect points) Inforcing rod in quiver. L225. Carrying slring tied to iver carried at side. Lver carried slanting across small of back* Lver carried at back (draw over shoulder) quiver, arrows stuck in belt . . . . . . Miscellaneous Weapons rforated arrow wrench . . . . . . . . . . L231. Horn . L232. Wood . loved straightener, heated .. L234. Stone . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . L235. Pottey' .............. 119 DM a Mo Co Ma Pi Pa YqI Yv wi SS + + + + + + *0 + + 4 + + + + + S + * * * + + + + S - + + + + + _ + + - +- + + * + + + + + + + + + S3S3 + + 4 + + + + + S -.S + 4 + 0 + * I () + 1- *+ * -4 + S + ? *O l- + + S + - _ + - + + + S + S + + _ - + + + + + + + + + _ *. S + S - + S + - * * * + * + + + *+ + + + * + + + + + + + *+ *+ S + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + ?1- + + + + * 4 + + tvair- fif in-Qarl --';rin 120 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS a)~ : 1 0) $~ Fl cl ~ H . r-i 0 0 Cd . H A C Cd (j DM IkM CD Ma~ Pi4 Pa Yq YvW _____________________________________________________ ~~~~ ~~~ ~~ ~~DN Ak No Co Na, Pi Pa Yq Yv Wi 1236. Curved potsherd, stone, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . S - - + - - 1237. Hands and teeth for straightening.S - + + + + _ - + + 123?a.Bow kept strung ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - + + + + + _ + Slings 1238. Sling used by boys (for bird-scaring, small- game huntingr ................ . *R + + + + + + + + 1239. Sling used in war .-.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . *R War Clubs .. . . . . . . . . . . 1240. Wooden war club.. .. + + + + + + + + 1241. Short "potato masher" type .+ + + + + + + S + 1242. Cylindrical sharp-edged head . . . + + -- * *R - tt) 1243. Round head *.+ - - + + + - + + 1244. Rectangular sharp-edged head . . . _ + _ _ 1245. Wrist loop .+ + + + t + + + + 1246. Short cylindrical club . . . . . _ + 1247. Long plain club - + + 1248. Used two-handed . + + - _ _ _.. ..- 1249. Stone-headed clubb . . . . . S ? 1250. Grooved hammer or ax (found) . . . . . + + Spears (For War) . . . . . . . . . . 1251. Short pike*.. .-.+ - + - + + - 1252. Untipped (plain wood point). . . . . . . . + + - + + - Knives or Daggers (For War) . . . . . . . 1253. Hardwood dagger.. +?+ 1254. Stone-bladed dagger, hafted . . . . . . . . _ 1255. Steel machete + Armor . . . . 1256. Round hide shield . + + + + + . * 1257. Hoop rim ... . ...... . .+ . ._- 1258.Painted.- + + + + + * - _ 1259. Feather pendants. . _ *+ + + 1260. Curtain shield of hide i . . . . . . + + 1261. Wide strip of hide, etc., arcund belly . + - - _ + - _ + 1262. Rope wrapped around belly . . . . . . . . . . . . 1263. Mescal slab armor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 1264. Shields and body armor of iron .. Grinding Devices Mortars . . . . . . . . . . . . 1265. Woodenmortar.- - + + + + - - 1266. Cavity in end of log' . . . . . . . . - _ . + + + _ _ _ 1267. Pointed base, set in ground . . . _ + + + + - _ _ _ U i 4 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 1268. Cavity in side of log*........ 1269. Portable mortar ....... 1270. Stone pestle ............. 1271. Long, cylindrical ...... 1272. Made ......... 1273. Found and used .... 1274. Unshaped stone ........ 1275. Wooden pestle ............ it mortar .................. 1277. Lined with arrowweed stems ...... 1278. Lined with meala. .......... 1279. Long wooden pestle .......... 1280. Men grind in (usually) .... 1281. Women grind in (usually) . . . tone mortar ................. 1283. Portable type ............ 1284. Made ............. 1285. Found and used ........ 1286. Bedrock mortar ........... 1287. Stone pestle ............. 1288. Unshaped cobble ....... 1289. Long, cylindrical ...... rraveling mortar" of arrowweed ....... 1291. Conical, of twined stems. Metates and Manos juared block ............... 1293. Trough type ............. 1294. Found ................ ral type. ... * 1296. Narrow proximal end ......... roximal end raised ............. 1298. Dirt piled under ........... 1299. Stick, stone, etc., underx. 1300. Made sloping (thicker at proximal end) mno long (with metate) .... *....... 1302. Cylindrical cross-section ...... mo short (less than width of metate) .... 1304. Rectangular form ........... mos made .................. Inos found and used ............. ro-hand grinding .............. 1308. Direct (back and forth) )....... paling brush used .............. "1310. Cylindrical fiber bundle, doubled Cordage and Netting prdage of mescal fiber Wage of cotton fiber ........... rdage of cowpea-vine fiber ......... rdage of willow bark ............ Wdage of mesquite bark ........... rdage of milkweed-bark fiber'. Ordage of yucca fiber ............ 6rdage of human hair .. ......... .. .. 1Y & m ? 21 X~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ C1 >1: D A M CoI M Pi Pa Yq A C) :2 D P- 9 ~ 34 CO"- DM4 Ak M~o Co Ha Pi Pa Yq, Yv Wi Ss + + + + + + *+ + * + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + + S S R R + (+) + + + S S + + + + + + + + _ - + + + - - + + _' + - *+ + *+ * * _ - + + + + S + + + + + + + + + *+ + + + * + + +N + + + + + + S + + + + + + + + + _ + - + - + _ + - + _ + _ + _ + - + + + - + - + - + - -+ + + + + + + -+ -+ + + + + + + (+) + (- (+ + 121 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS CD hA . r-I 0 0 Cd . rl co co Cd 1 _____ ____ _____ __ D Ak o Co a A _____ _____ ____ _____ ____ _____ __ DM Ak__ Mo_ Co_ Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wi 1319. Scraper for plant fibers . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1320. Pounding to loosen plant fibers . . . . . . . . . 1321. Cordage twisted on thigh . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1322. Cordage twisted with spindle .*. . . . . . . . . . 1323. Cordage twisted with taravilla . . . . . . . . . . 1324. Cordage two-ply 1325. Four-ply (double two-ply) . . . . . . . . 1326. Cordage three-ply ................ 1327. Bowstring only . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1328. Cordage braided ................. 1329. Netting made ................... 1330. True netting knot used . . . . . . . . . 1331. Square knot . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1332. One-stick "shuttle" (like kite-string) . . 1333. No shuttle (ball of twine used). . . . . . 1334. Fingers for mesh gauge . . . . . . . . . . 1335. Nets made by men, women (M, W; +, both). Various Tools and Techniques Woodcutting 1336. Woodcutting by fire. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1337. Sticks broken by dropping rock on . . . . . . . . Knives* 1338. Stone knife . . . . . . . . 1339. Unhafted ("scrapers" 1340. Hafted . . . . . . . 1341. For butchering .* . . 1342. For wood working . . and "choppers" ) * . . . .* * . . . . . * . . . . . Drills 1343. Hafted drill, with stone tip . . . . . . . . . . . 1344. Drilling by burning. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Flint Flaking 1345. Flint flaking by percussion . . . . . . . . . . . 1346. Flint flaking by pressure . . . . . . . . . . . . 1347. Horn flaking tool . . . . . . . . . . . . 1348. Leather hand guard . . . . . . . . . . . . Awls, Needles 1349. Wooden awl .................... 1350. Bone awl ..................... 1351. For sewing ................ 1352. For basketry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1353. Eyed needle, wooden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1354. Distal eye ................ S + R + + + + + 5 + + R + + ++ + + + + + + +e *+ + + W M M M + + + + + + + . * + + + + + + + + + + + + * *+ *+ + *+ + (+) () + + + + + + _- 122 R + S * R- + + + + + + R R _ _- + +. + + + + + + - S _ + _ + *+ _ + + + + + M M + + + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + + I I CULTURE ELEI. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 123 ADM k Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wi SS Fire le fire drill. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + R + + + + + + + + by percussion .... . . . . . . . . . + + - + R + + + + match . . ..................................... _ _ _ _ _ _ _+ + + 58. Bound "rope" of'fiber . . . . . . + + + h carried for warmth . . . . . . . . . . . . . + Burdens, Transportation Carrying. -ring on head ..... . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + _ _ 361.By women . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + - _ 362. By men . . . . . + - + + *+ + + _ _ _ _ 1363. Wrapped fiber ring . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + - _ 1364. Plaited ring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + rryingon back .... ..... + + + + + + + + + + + 1366. Burden basket* . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 1367. Kiaha*. ..... . . . . . + + 1368. Hoop and four-stick frame . . . .? ? ? ? ? ?+ + _ 1369. Netting of Agave fiber . . . . . . + + _ 1370. Designs in red and black .? ? ? ? ? + + _ 1371. Human-hair lashing for frame . . .? ? ? ? ? ?+ + _ 1372. Twilled back-gad . . . . . . . . . 1373. Walking stick . . . . . . . . .+ + _ 1374. Forked top . . . . . . . . + + 1375. Buckskin streamers . . . .? ? ? ? ? ?+ + _ 1376. Painted decoration . 1377. Two U-shaped sticks, string- lashed . + + 1378. Long type . . . . . . . .+ 1379. Carrying net.+ + +???????+ 1380. Adjustable type*.+ + +? ? ? ? ? ?+ 1381. Skin bag for carrying . . . . . . ++ + + + 1382. Tumpline for carrying . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + 1383. Woven-fiber tumpline . . + + _ 1384. Twisted fiber (i.e., cords or rope) . . . . + + + + 1385. Buckskin strip . . . . . . 7 + + + 1386. Head carry . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + 1387. By men .+ + + + + S - 1388. By women .+ + + + + + + + + 1389. Cross-chest carry (men). + S + + + srying on shoulder'. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + + 1391. By men. ... ... . + + + + + + + + + + + 1392. Coolie yoke . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + _ + _ Omteen carried on journeys . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + + + 1394. Gourd . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + S - - S 1395. Pottery . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 1396. Basketry . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .+ + + 1397. Slung at side, to belt . . . . . . . . . . 1398. Slung at small of back . . . . . . . . . . - - S + + > 1399. Hand-held. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + S ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Navigation . . . . . 1400. Tule balsas. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1401. Made of four bundles . . . . . 1402. Made of five (three on bottom, for sides) . . . . . . . . . 1403. Wooden pins to hold together . 1404. Square ends . . . . . . . . . 1405. Large (support several people) 1406. Dugouts of cottonwood . . . . . . . . 1407. Log rafts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1408. One-piece, single-bladed paddles . . . 1409. Plain pole . . . . . . . 1410. Balsa, raft pushed by swimmers . 1411. Floats to aid swimmers. 1412. Single log or pole . . . . . . 1413. Held under one arm . . 1414. Straddled .. . . . . . 1415. Pole with bundle of tules 1416. Straddled . . . . . . 1417. Large olla for ferrying children . . . 1418. Large basket for ferrying children . . ***** g ***** g two * * * * * @ * * * * * ***** @ ***** - ***** @ * * * * * @ * * * * * @ * * * * * @ ***** - * * * * * * * * * * * * ***** s ***** s * * * * * e ***** @ * * * * * s * * * * * s Musical Instruments . . . . . . Drums 1419. Basket drummed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1420. With hands . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1421. With stick . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1422. With bunch of twigs . . . . . . . . 1423. Over pit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1424. With pot resonator. 1425. Pottery drum ................ 1426. Skin head . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1427. Contains water . . . . . . . . . . . 1428. Looped drumstick . . . . . . . . . . 1429. Held under arm . . . . . . . . . . . 1430. Skin-covered wooden drum . . . . . . . . . . 1431. Double head . . . . . . . . . . . . 1432. Floating gourd drum . . . . . . . . . . . . Rattles (hand-held) 1433. Gourd rattle ................ 1434. Holes in rows . . . . . . . . . . . 1435. Painted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1436. Deer-hoof rattle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1437. Hoofs in bunch . . . . . . . . . . . 1438. Loop handle . . . . . . . . . . . . 1439. Turtle-shell rattle . . . . ... . . . . . . Rattle-belts, etc. 1440. Belt with jinglers*. 1441. String of cocoon jinglers' . . . . ... . . . 1442. Wrapped around legs . . . . . . . . a,) ~ : A C) $4 Fi PA CY H>rIIl DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wl' _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ + + + + + + R R + + R R + * + + + + + + + + + * + - + + + + + + + + + + + + - S + + + +) S + S + S + S + + _ + - + * + + -I- + + + + + + + + + + S S + * + *+ R *R *R + + + + + * + + + + + + R R; R R; + + + ii 124 I 'A I i I i CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN a).A 0 ;- O , O4 & r-4 A A AH |DM Ak Mo Co Ma |Pi Pa Yq |YV Wl |SS I I I~~~~g ~ Rasps hed-stick rasp . . . . . . . . . . . . 44. Held on basket . . . . . . . . . . 45. Wooden scraper . . . . . . . . . . :et scraped . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Flutes 'e of cane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ;e of elder . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49. Three-hole flute . . . . . . . . . 50. Four-hole flute . . . . . . . . . .51. Eight(!)-hole flute . . . . . . . 62. For rituals . . . . . . . . . . . t53. For courting . . . . . . . . . . . tles made . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Bull-roarers board for bull-roarer . . . . . . . . 56. Painted . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1457. Lightning designs . . . . 58. Notched edges . . . . . . . . . . 69. Used ritually . . . . . . . . . . 1460. By shamans . . . . . . . . 61. As child's toy . . . . . . . . . . Musical Bow .cal bow played . . . . . . . . . . . . 03. Ordinary hunting bow . . . . . . . AMUSEMENTS Games Shinny my played . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Z5. Single-ball shinny . . . . . . . . 1466. Ball or gourd stem . . . . 1467. Ball of wood . . . . . . . 1468. Stuffed-buckskin ball 1469. Gnme played by men, women (M, W; +, both). P0. Double-ball shinny ........ 1471. Played by women . . . . . 2. Stick for propulsion of ball . . . 1473. Straight stick . . . . . . 1474. Bent stick. '5. Ball buried at start of game.. 6. Ball on surface, or thrown in -. 1477. Thrown in air . . . . . . R * + + * * R *R R R + + *+ + *R R R + (- _ - + _ - + + + + + ~*+ + + + + + + + + + _ + + _- M N M N * * + + + + + + + + + + R *+ + + + + -I + %+ + S S + + - + - + - + - + + + + + + + N + + + * + + + + S + + + + + + + + + S *R R + *+ + + 125 126 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 1478. Goals marked by lines. . . . . . . . . . . 1479. Goals marked by stakes . . . . . . . . . . 1480. Stakes paired; ball goes between . 1481. Goals are natural landmarks (trees, etc.). 1482. Definite number players per side . . . . . 1483. Four per side . . . . . . . . . . 1484. Six per side . . . . . . . . . . . 1485. Grappling permitted in play . . . . . . . 1486. Grappling is foul . . . . . . . . . . . . 1487. Betting on game .. . . . . . . . . . . . . Pelota 1488. Pelota played. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1489. Ball of corn husks . . . . . . . . . . . . 1490. Players form two opposing rows . . . . . . 1491. Ball batted back and forth . . . . . . . . 1492. With hands . . . . . . . . . . . . 1493. Letting ball drop loses point Kickball Races 1494. Kickball ("footcast ball") races . . . . . . . . . 1495. Wooden ball. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1496. Gum-covered . . . . . . . . . . . 1497. Fiber-wrapped . . . . . . . . . . 1498. Painted . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1499. Stone ball*. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1500. Gum-covered* . . . . . . . . . . . 1500a.Natural pebble or clay "ball" . . . . . . 1501. Run by men, women (M, W) . . . . . . . . . 1502. Course: to point and return . . . . . . . 1503. One runner on side (two sides) . . . . . . 1504. Two runners on side . . . . . . . . . . . 1505. Relay each other . . . . . . . . . 1506. Intervillage races . . . . . . . . . . . . 1507. Interclan races . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1508. Each runner has "referee" to watch opponent* . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1509. Young men race on way to dance . . . . . . 1510. Betting ................. Relay Races 1511. Relay races intervillage . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1512. Run by men, women (M, W; +, both). 1513. Each team in two groups . . . . . . . . . 1514. One group at each end of course. 1515. Marks made where opponents pass . . . . . 1516. Side whose marks meet (i.e., gain 1 length) wins` . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1517. Betting ................. Hoop-and-Pole Game c ri 0d I I - d o C DM Ak Mo Co Ma jPi Pa Yqj Yv W1 + + + + + + * + + + + + N + + S S + * + *+ + - + - + - + + - R - + + + + * + + + 5 + + _ + _ + N N + + S + S - S - _ * + + + + + + + *+ + *+ + T+ + + + + + + ? + S S S N + + + + N + + + +_ + + - + + - + + _ + + - * + - + + - + + + + + * 4 + 1* * * + + + 1518. Hoop-and-pole game played . . . . . . . . . . . . I I Ii I _ _ CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUNMAN-PINAN L519. By men ................ L520. Wrapped hoop ............ L521. Poles notched on butt 1522. One notch, "man"; two, "woman" L523. One player per side ......... 1524. Throw simultaneously. L525. Pole under hoop counts one. L526. Pole through hoop counts zero . L527. Pole over hoop counts zero ...... L528. Hoop on end of pole counts four . . . L529. Hoop on end of pole counts three . . . L529a. Hoop on end of pole counts two . L530. Score according to turns of wrapping (or notches?) over pole L531. Four points for game ......... L532. Six points for game ......... 1533. Score by subtraction ..... L534. Betting ............... Ring-and-Pin Game Wg-and-pin game played ........... L536. By men, women (M, W; +, both) .... L537. Multiple rings ............ 1538. Squash-rind rings ...... L539. Single ring ............. 1540. Rabbit skull. 1541. Score according to orifice pinned . . . L542. Spiral scoring circuit ........ 1543. Straight scoring circuit ....... 1544. Kill when meet. 1545. Count scores to meeting point 1546. Number of points decided* ...... 1547. Betting ............... Dice Games ok 54! 545 55. 55' stick dice game ......... 9a. Played by men, women (N, W; +, both) 0. Split-stick dice ............. 1. Stave dice ................ 2. Deer-rib dice .............. 3. Decorated (designed) faces . . . 4. Solidly painted faces .......... 1555. Red ............... 1556. Black .............. 7. Dice named ................ 1558. "Old man, old woman" ....... 1559. "Quince, sigo, six, four" . 0. Struck with hand-held stone ....... il Struck against flat stone on ground* i2. Tossed in winnowing tray ......... iring method r: 1563. 4 face up = 4 .......... HD X 0 O 0 0*H 0 0 0 m ADM k Mo Co Ma IPi Pa Yq Yv Wi SS + + *+ + + + *_ *+ *+ + + + + + + + + T+ + + * + - + + + - + + + + + * + + + + + + *+ W t+) + + *+ + W *+ T+) + + + + + *+ + + + - + (+) H (+) (+) 9 w + + + * + * + * + + + + 1- * + * + * + + + * + *+ *+ + + + +- _ + - + + + + + _ + - + + +- *+ _ _ _- - ++ + + (+ + - + * + - + *+ _ + - + _ + + + + W + *+ s s 127 I ai rr- - - - - ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 1564. 4 face down = 6. . . . . . 1565. 2 up, 2 down = 2 . . . . . . 1566. Loses dice . . 1567. 3 up, 1 down = 3 . . . . . . 1568. Loses dice . . 1569. 1 up, 3 down = 1 . 1570. No point, but keeps 1570a. Game = 15 points . . . . . . Scoring method D: 1571. Quince up, 3 down = 15 1572. Sigo up, 3 down = 14 . . . 1573. "Six" up, 3 down = 6 . . . 1574. "Four" up, 3 down = 4 . . . 1575. All up = 5 . . . . . . . . . 1576. All down = 10 . . . . . . . 1577. Two up, two down = 2 . . . 1578. Three up, one down = 3 . . 1579. Game = 46 or 50 points . Scoring method 3*- 1580. Four up = 1 . . . . . . . . 1581. Four down = 2 . . . . . . . * . . * . . dice * . . 1582. Other throws = 0 . . . . . . . . . 1583. Game = 3 points (by subtraction) Scoring method 4*. 1584. Scoring by either faces or backs, decided . . . . . . . . . . . . 1585. One die laid down to indicate choice 1586. Only three dice cast 1587. 3 of kind = 1 . . . . . . . . . . 1588. Keeps one die . . . . . . 1589. Opponent casts two . 1590. 1 up, 1 down wins third die* . . . 1591. Casts for points with 3 . . . . . 1592. Game = 4 points . . . . . . . . . Scoring method 5*' 1593. One point for each face up . . . . 1594. Number of points for game . . . . Tallying: 1595. Scoring circuit . . . . . . . . . 1596. Rectangular . . . . . . . 1597. "Pockets" of "starting boxes". . . 1598. Called "houses" . . . . . 1599. Opponent's marker "killed" when met . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1600. Stick counters for tallying . . . 1601. Marks on ground for tallying . 1601a. Betting. 1602. Three-stick dice game . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1603. Split sticks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1604. Painted solid on faces . . . . . . . . . . + * * + * * + * * + + +*+ * +* * +* + - * * + - *+ + *+ * *+ * * _ _ - + _ - + _- - +) _ - + _ _ _ _ +~~ _ + - _ - + _- _ - + - _ _ + _- _ - + - _ - + - *+ $+ + (+) + + + + + + * + 128 ta CdII D & 1c C) N p p4 & I r CZ z C PI2 Pd Cd CdA DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv W _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ _ . + + + + + + + + * 1- + + + *+ + + + + + + + + 1- * + + + * + *+ + + + *+ (+) + + I * .* * .* CULTURE ELEMI. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUNkN-PIMAN I ) * PO O -1 P UY I -1 H I DMI Ak Mo Co Na Pi Pa Yq Yv WI SS 605. Struck against 606. Played by men, coring: 1607. 1608. 1609. 1610. 1611. 1612. 1613. 1616a. , .7. i-stick dice : 1619. Split st 1620. Painted 1621. Score ac 1622. Game 1 1623. flat stone on ground . . . women (M, W; +, both) . . . 3 face up = 5 . . . . . . . . 3 face down = 10 . . . . . . . 2 face up, 1 dowen 3 . . . . 1 face up, 2 down =1 . . . . Game = 44 points . . . . . . . Game = 40 or 50 points . . . . Scoring circuit . . . . . . . 1614. Circular . . . . . . . 1615. Pockets in circuit . . 1616. Called "water- holes" . . . Marker "killed" when met . . . Betting . . . . . . . . . . . Name . . . . . . . . . . . . . ticks. solil on faces . . . . . . . . cording tu number of faces up L5 points . . . . . . . . . . . Score by subtraction. Hidden-Ball Game 4dden-ball game played . . . . . . . . . . . . . tick, pebble, etc., hidden . . . . . . . . . . . id "bean" hidden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lca-root ball hidden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lding in four canes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1628. Filled with sand . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1629. Marked: end, middle, both, all-over 1630. Named ............. 1631. Old msn, old woman, etc.$. . . . . 1632. Tubes arranged by guesser . . . . . . . . 1633. One pair crossed, one pair parallel 1634. Three guesses, find ball on third. 1635. Scoring 10-6-0-4' . 1636. Scoring according to value of canes . . . . . . . . . . . . . ding in four dirt piles . . . . . . . . . . . . ding in three dirt piles . . . . . . . . . . . . 1639. Single mound or ridge, divided into four (three) .............. 1640. One guess for ball . . . . . . . . . . . . 1641. If misses, hider scores 1 . . . . 1642. Second guess allowed . . . . . . . 1643. Third guess allowed . . . . . . . 1644. Hider scores 1 each miss 1645. Three guesses, find ball on third* . me played by men ................ 1647. Two opposing "teams" . . . . . . . . . . . me = 80 or 100 points . . . . . . . . . . . . . me = 12 points. ................ me = 20 points. ................ me points variable, decided . . . . . . . . . . *+ + + + - + * (+) + !+) + + _ - + + + _ - + ? + _ _ -? * _ - _ - 129 + i + - + S t + + + * + ?b + * + . _ *+ + + S + 1- *+ + + + 1- + + + + + + * * (+) * + + + + -- + ?W +_ _- + + + S ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 1652. Sticks for counters. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1653. Corn grains for counters. 1654. Counters in middle at start . . . . . 1655. Counters divided at start . . . . . . 1656. Sing during play . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1657. Bett ng . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hand-game (Peon) 1658. Hand-game played . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1659. Pieces made of bone . . . . . . . . . 1660. Pieces made of wood . . . . . . . . . 1661. Stones, walnuts, etc., used . . . . . 1662. Pieces in pairs (white and marked) . . 1663. White guessed for . . . . . . 1664. Single piece to player . . . . . . 1665. Finger or wrist loops on pieces . . . 1666. One holder . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1667. Two holders . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1668. Three holders . . . . . . . . . . . . 1669. Four holders . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1670. All guessed for simultaneously 1671. Holding side sings . . . . . . . . . 1672. Played by men, women (M, W; +, both) . 1673. Played by children (only). . . . . . . 1674. Game = 12 points . . . . . . . . . . . 1674a.Game = 14 points . . . . . . . . . . . 1675. Game = 15 points . . . . . . . . . . . 1676. Geme 20 points . . . . . . . . . . . 1677. Game = 40 or 50 points. 1678. Counters divided . . . . . . . . . . . 1679. Counters in center . . . . . . . . . 1680. Held by "referee" . . . . . . 1681. Referee called k5lme * 1682. Betting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Various Games and Amusements 1683. Archery games ................ 1684. For accuracy . . . . . . . . . . 1685. Arrows bet . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1686. For distance . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1687. Throwing mud balls with sticks . . . . . . . . 1688. Two opposing sides . . . . . . . . . . 1689. Jacks with stones . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1690. Five usual number . . . . . . . . . . 1691. More than five . . . . . . . . . . . . 1692. Pick up jacks . . . . . . . . . . . . 1693. Throw under hand* . . . . . . . . . . . 1694. Played by women . . . . . . . . . . . 1695. Tops spun (boys) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1696. Pottery-disk top . . . . . . . . . . . 1697. Wood-disk top . . . . . . . . . . . . 1698. Squash-rind-disk top . . . . . . . . . 1699. Root, etc., for disk . . . . . . . . . 1700. Juggling ................... 1701. By men, women (M, W; +, both). ILjf 0!0 M;'i Cd o I= ;E CD ri ?PI A z- : Iz | DM Ak Mo Co Ma | Pi Pa Yq | Yv Wi * + + + + M + + N + S R R + + + + + + + + + + _ _ _ + - .+ * + S + * + * + *1 S 1- + + S- + +e + * + 1- *+ + M + + + 14 + +d * W W W + * + + * + m + _ $+ $ * + + + + (+) + T + + + + M. + N + + + + + + S + + _.+ + + *- -1 + + + + + + + + S - S + + + + + + + + + - + + - S - - - + + + + W W a + + + + * + S T + + + 130 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII-DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIN 131 DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv W1 SS ___ _-~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 1702. As game (contest). . . . . . . . . . . . . + + _ *+ - - + 1703. As pastime (no counting) . . . . . . . . . + - + + - 1704. Small melons used . . . . . . . . . + + + + - + %+) + _ 1705. Baked clay balls . . . . . . . . . . . + + 1706. Pebbles . + - + - 1707. Two to three objects . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + S s + + 1708. More than three . . . . . . . . . . . . . S - + s - Popguntoy* . R - + - + + - + + Cat's cradles. . . -. + + * + + + + + + + 1711. Played by men, women (M, W;+, both) + + W + + + W + + + Smoking' Cultivated tobacco smoked . . . . . . . . . . . - + - + + + + + - Wild tobacco smoked . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + S *+ S t S + + + 1714. "Coyote's tobaccol" . . . . . . . . . . . + + + Clay pipes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + +?__ + + 1716.Tibular ........... + + +? _ + 1717. Elbow . . . . . . . . _ + 1718. Cane stem . . . . . . . . . . . + :Wooden pipes (tubular) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + ,Stone pipes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 1721. Cane stem., + Cane cigarettes (or pipes) .. . . . . . . . + Corn-husk cigarettes.. _ _ . + . .+ Smoking by men only .+ . + - + + + + + * Ceremonial smoking + + + + + + + + + + 1726. Pipe (or cigarette) passed .+ + + + T + + + + + 1727. To right only . . . . . . . . . . + + - + + + - + * 1728. Kin term exchanged . . . . . . . . + + + + + + _ Pets Dogakept .................. R R + R + + + + R- 1730. Eaten ...... . - - +- ...??R - ookingbirds kept .. . . . . . . . . . . ..... +*-+ + ++ + + + + >es kept . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ? + + + + + + + ite-winged doves kept ................ . + + + + + 1735.Cribwood cages .. . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + 1736. Rectangular' . . . . . . . .... . .... . . .. . + + S - + - _ 1737. Cylindricar .- .-...... . . . S + - + + Eagles gles kept .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + 1739. Young taken from nests .+.. . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + ~1740. Caged. ................. + + + + ++ + + ++ 1741. Plucked and released .-.. . . . . . . . . + + + s c + 1742. Killed and plucked ........... . + + ? ? ? ? ? ?+ - _ 1743. Killed ritually ..... . + + . . - - . . . | _ wks kept similarly . . . . . .. ........ . S + + + + + - + + I I.,D 0 C ? F I pi 0~ 1> I r 0 0 Cd H r- Cd I C9 0 D AkMo C) M A A , Y > |DN Ak M4O CO Na| Pi Pa Yqlj Yv W1 SOCIAL CULTURE The Structure of Society Political Organization 1745. True tribal organization . . . . . . . . 1746. One headman for tribe . . . . . 1747. Tribe acts as unit in war . . . 1748. Tribe acts as ceremonial unit . 1749. Band organization . . . . . . . . . . . 1750. Bands are geographical divisions 1751. Bends consist of several camps 1752. One or more headmen in band . 1753. Band acts as unit in war . . . . 1754. Autonomous village organization . . . . 1755. Village with headman . . . . . . 1756. Village is ceremonial unit . . . Clans and Iloieties* 1757. Patrilineal. clans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1757a. Localized . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1758. Nonlocalized ; . . . . . . . . . . . 1759. Exogamous . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1760. Named . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1761. Names of totemic reference 1762. Clan names used for women 1763. By all . . . . . . . 1764. By in-laws only . . 1765. Numerous cians . . . . . . . . . . . 1766. Father-name groups . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1767. Four groups . . . . . . . . . . . . 1768. Five groups . . . . . . . . . . . . 1769. Used special term for father . . . . 1770. Nonexogamous . . . . . . . . . . . . 1771. Patrilineal . . . . . . . . . . . . 1772. Patriliineal moieties*. . . . . . . . . . . . 1773). Nonexogamous . . . . . . . . . . . . 1774. Totemic names . . . . . . . . . . . 1775. Coyote, Buzzard . . . . . . 1776. Color associations . . . . . . . . . 1777. Red and white (also, red and white "cowkiller") . . . . 1778. Intermoiety rivalry: boasting . . . Chiefs and Headmen 1779. Tribal chief . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1780. Hereditary . . . . . . . . . . . . 1781. Males only . . . . . . . . 1782. Chief of leading village . . . . . 1783. Consults with other village 1784. Called "stick-owner"* . . 1785. Village chief . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1786. Hereditary . . . . . . . . . . . . 1787. Called "stick-owner" . . . . . . . chief s I * . I . . _ - + + _ _ + + _ _ + + + + - + + _ + + - + + + + + + + + + + r+ %+ *+ + +w * * + * + *R *R R R R R (i) (+) + + t+) T+) + + + i) + + + + + + + + + + + + + + ++ +* + - + 4 R .R R R R R R R R R + (+) + + + + (?) I 132 AITTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: IVII--DRUCKER: YUMAkN-PIMAN 133 BU) z 41 C F-Ai F > i 0r- 0 C d *H co co co o D: X No Co Ha Pi, Pa Y q Yv W SS | M Ak Mo Co Ma |Pi Pa Yq | Yv W1 |SS 1790. Messenger assistant . . . . . . . . . . . R ota festival chief . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 1792. Position from dreams . . . . . . . . . . . + . 1793. Position from recognized ability . . . . . + + - _ - _ _ 1794. Keeps enemy scalps . . . . . . . . . . . + + 1795. Has big house . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 1796. Good speaker . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 0remonial official . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 1798. Hereditary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 1799. Called "(tobacco-)smoke-keeper". . . . . . 1800. Cares for assembly house . . . . . . . . . + + 1801. Cares for ceremonial bundle . . . . . . . _ _+ 1802. Calls for men to assemble . . . . . . . . + + 1802a. Tends fire at assemblies . . . . . . . . . + + nd headmen .-.. . _ _ _ _ _ _ .. . .-.. + + 1804. Hereditary .+. . . . . . . . ...... . + 1805. Bravery requisite . . . . . . . . . . . . _+ 1806. Must have slain foe . . . . . . . + - 1807. Wears nose ornament . . . . . . . + - 1808. Daily addresses to people . . . . . . . . S + 1809. One or more per band . . . . . . . . . . . + + it master ...... + + + + + ..+ (+) (+) 1811. Hereditary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1812. Casually selected . . . . . . . . . + (+) + + - 1813. Owner of net, or grounds . . . . . . . . . *+ *+ 1814. Whoops to announce hunt . . . . . . . . . + + + ? + OX chief (as definite office) . . . . . . . . . . + + + _ * + + 1816. From dreaming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + _ _ _*+ 1817. On record of bravery, etc. . . . . . . . . _+ + nyone may lead war party . . . . . . . . . . . . + + _ _ 1819. Must have permission of chiefs . . . . . . *+ *+ _ _ Real Property, Lawv gricultural lands individually owned . . . . . . + + + + + + + 1821. Inherited.. ........ . . + - + *+ + + + 4 + 1822. Abandoned at owner's death. . . . _ _ + - _ _ - + - 1823. Abandoned for short time only . . _ - + - *+? 1824. Push of war to settle boundary disputes . - + + 1825. Stick fight to settle boundary disputes* . _ + + ithering rights privately owned . . . . . . . . . + + + 1827. Individual trees (mesquite, etc.) owned. . + + + 1828. Bunch of arrowweed to mark*. . . - + + + 1829. Mescal patches owned . . . . . . . . . . .+ 1830. Edible grass patches owned . . . . . . . .+ anting areas owned+ mtingareasowned. . . . . . . . . . . . . .._________+ gle nests privately owned . . . . . . . . . . . + + + Dpensation paid after murder' . . . . . . . . . . S ovenge taken after murder . . . . . . . . . . . . s + + tick fight by relatives after murder' . . . . . . + + Lultery: wife and/or paramour killed . . . . . . S - - S S S S - Lultery: wife and/or paramour beaten . . . . . . S - S S S S lultery: no action taken but divorce . . . . . . S + + + S S S S 134 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS | ;J 0 DM) Ak Mo Co MaI ~4 ul le r-P _______________________________________________ ~~~~~~~DM Ak Mo Co Mal Pi Pa -Yqj Yv Wi Warfare Preparations 1840. Expedition initiated by war chief. . . . . . 1841. Dream sanction requisite* . . . . . . 1842. Fasting before war party . . . . . . . . . . 1843. Meat, fat, salt taboo .. 1844. Continence before war party . . . . . . . . 1845. Dance of incitement . . . . . . . . . . . . 1846. Men dance . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1847. Women dance . . . . . . . . . . . . 1848. Song cycles use: . . . . . 1849. Old scalps danced with . . . . . . . 1850. Ordinary circle dance* . . . . . . . 1851. Dance in two rows . . . . . . . . . 1852. Dog dance* . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1853. Sham battle before set out. Conduct of Party 1854. Formal speeches at nightly camps . . . . . . 1855. By leader . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1856. By special speaker . . . . . . . . . 1857. Warriors sing nightly . . . . . . . . . . . 1858. Shamans lead singing ........ 1859. War leaders lead singing . *..... 1860. Warriors dance: round dance .... 1861. Warriors smoke ritually ...... 1862. Warriors eat little ............ 1863. Warriors drink little ........... 1864. Use drinking tube ......... 1865. Use scratching stick ...... 1866. Shaman accompanies parties ......... 1867. Works magic against foe ...... 1868. Heals own wounded ......... 1869. Finds foe (magically) ....... 1870. Families of warriors go about quietly . . . Armament and Regalia 1871. Armament divided* . . . . . . . 1872. Bowmen ........ . 1873. Clubmen .............. 1874. Lancers .............. 1875. War paint black .............. 1876. War paint red ............... 1877. Face painted half red, half black 1878. Hair painted red .............. 1879. Feather hairdresses worn ......... 1880. Feathers on netting foundation . . . 1881. All over, radiating feathers . ... 1882. Erect bunch on top ......... 1883. Worn by war chief ......... 1884. Featihers on buckskin cap ...... 1885. Erect row across front. 1886. Pendent feathers on sides ..... * * + + + + + + + + + -I * +D - f) + + + * + + -I + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + + ? + + -) * * ._ + + + + + + + *+ + *+ + * 4k * * + + * + + + + + + *_ + + +* + __ *+ S + + *_ + + *_ + + + 4 + x + 4 + x + I +1 + 4 + 4 *_ + CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKKR: YUN-PIMAN 135 (1) 10 O F-4 El~~ P4 & >O-i -- |- 0 o O 0 1a H C Cd Cd I DM kk Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv WL SS I_ J887. Non-flight oblig8tion. . . . . . . . . . . + 1888. Worrn by "Ashes men" . . . . . . . . . . . +- 1889. Anyone might wear . . . . . . . . . . . . + Feathered staves carried . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + _ _ _ _ _ 1891. Two.+ + *+ - 189 Owo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + * 1892. One black, one white . . . . . . . . . . . + + 1893. Both black ..+ - _ - - _ 1394. Non-flight obligations .+ + + - _ _ _ _ ,Feathers worn in hail . . . . . . . . + + + + S - + - Old scalps carried to war . . . . . . . . . + + + _ _ _ _ _ 1897. To taunt enemy . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + Tactics, Trophies Pitchedbattles* .(. . . . . .......... . s +|- - - - - Night raids.+ + t- + + + + Slain enemy scalped . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + 1901. All those slain . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + 1902. Slayer scalps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + 1903. Few only scalped . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - + - + 1904. "Those with good-looking hair" . . + + + _ _ + - + 1905. Special scalper . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + _ + + 1906. Power from dreams . . . . . . . . + + + 1907. War leader scalps . . . . . . . . + - + 1908. Skin of whole head for scal. + + + + + + 1909. Scalp includes ears + + + - %+) _ - 1910. Ears cut off separately R t R _ _ _ 1911. Scalp kicked in air four times . . . . . . + + ) Captives taken .+ + + + + S 5 1913. Young women . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + - S S - 1914. "Given to old men . . . . . . . + - 1915. Children .+ + + + + ' S _ 1916. Kept . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + S + + + - S - 1917. Sold . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + R + 1918. Captives killed . . . . . . . . . . . . . S S 1919. Eaten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S - Return of War Party Enemy slayers march separately . . . . . . . . . . + + + _ - + Enemy slayers (only) restricted on return journey. _ * + + + _ + 1922. Fast.. - + + + _+ 1923. Given little pinole only . . . . . + + + _ 1924. Littie water . . . + + | _ + 1925. Use scratching stick . . . . . . . . . . . + + + _ - + All returning warriors restricted . . . . . . . + *+ + + _ 1927. Eat, drink little . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + 1928. Use scratching stick . . . . . . . . . . . . + + _ 1929. Use drinking tube Warriors bathe when arrive home . . . . . . . . + + + - + Warriors sweat when arrive home on return journey. ? + - Warriors' hair washed with soapweed . . . . . . . + + + Enemy slayers secluded . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + _ _ 1934. Inhut.- - + ~--+ - - 1934 In ut . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ * + * 1935. Old man attendant . . . . . . . . . . . + + + _ _ _ 1936. Four days . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . *+ - 1937. Eight days .-.... . . + _ _ _ _ _ 136 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS w od ~ ~ ~ ~ DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq _Yv W 1938. Sixteen days . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 1939. Bathe daily . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 1940. Bathe every four days . . . . . . . . . . + + 1941. Enemy slayers: food restriction . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 1942. Meat taboo .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 1943. Salt taboo .. . . . + + + + + * 1944. Use scratching stick . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + * 1945. Use drinking tube . . . . . . . . . . . . + 1946. Emetic (at beginning of fast) . . . . . . + - 1947. Enemy slayer's family restricted . . . . . . . . .+ + + + + _ 1948. Wife's head covered . . . . . . . . . . . + 1949. Fasting (meat, salt taboo) . . . . . . . . + + + + + 1950. Scratching stick . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1951. Bathe after four days . . . . . . . . . . + + + 1952. Scalper (official) restricted . . . . . . . . . . + + + 1953. Same individual as enemy slayer . . . . . + + + - _ _ 1954. "Tans," dresses scalp . . . . . . . . . . + + +* 1955. Enemy slayer gets vision, songs, during seclusion. S + 1956. Cures sickness from Apache scalp . . . . . + Victory Celebration 1957. Women go to meet war party*.+ + S 1958. Women dance with scalp - . . + 1959. Run in ahead of war party with scalp . . . . . . . . . . . . . + S 1960. Young women take warriors' weapons, dance. * + _ 1961. Old people go to meet war party . . . . . . . . . + + 1962. Sing, dance, shout . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 1963. Victory dance held .. . . . . . . . . . + 1- + + + + + 1964. Outdoors .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 1966. Men dance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + 1967. Women dance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 1968. Song cycles used . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 1969. Special victory songs . . . . . . . . . . + + + 1970. Scalp(s) put on post . . . . . . . . . . . + + + *+ + + 1971. Scalp(s) danced with . . . . . . . . . . . S *+ 1972. By old women . . . . . . . . . . . + 1973. By men . . . . . 1974. Captives present at dance . . . . . . . + + + + 1975. Beaten, abused . . . . . . . . . + + 1976. Circle dance used . . . . . . . . . . . . _+ + + 1977. Square dance (two lines) . . . . . . . . . + + + 1978. "Dog dance" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 1979. Speeches made . . . . . . . . . . . . . .+ + + + _ 1980. Warriors take part in dance . . . . . . . . . . .+ + + _ + + 1981. Enemy slayers' families stay away from dance-.*. . + + 1982. Slayers sit in pits near dance ground . . _ + + _ 1983. Face eastward . . . . . . . . . . + 1984. Face westward . . . . . . . . . + 1985. Stake behind pit . . . . . . . . . 1986. Weapons, feathers hung on. _ - + - _ 1987. Face paint: white with horizontal black stripe . . . . . . . . . . 1988. Young men dance with slayers' *~~~~~~~~~~~~~ weapons. *. . . . . . . . . . 1989. "Paid" . . + + _ I CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 137 Q c z O H z I I | D A M Co Ma C| W 1 .1I" ~~~~~~~DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wi S 1990. One night only ... . . . . . . . + + _ _ _ 1991. Tobacco smoke blown over slayer. . _ _ + + _ _ _ 1992. Slayer bathed + + 1993. Slayer brushed by singer . . _ _ _ + _ _ _ 1994. Victory dance repeated . .+ * _ + + - 1995. Month or so later . _ _ + + - 1996. When large number of people can be assembled * _ ..+ + _ Preservation of Scalps Scalps kept .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + _ * + 1998. Sealed in olla ... . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - _ _ _ _ 1999. Taken out, washed, combed . . . . + *. _ _ _ 2000. At irregular intervals . . + 2001. Dance with, two nights . . + * + _ _ 2002. Kept in twilled basket .. . . . . . + 2003. Made into effigy.- _ _ - + _ _ _ 2004. Offerings put with ... . . . + + _ 2005. Feathers .... . . . . + + _ 2006. Warriors' scratching sticks ... . . . . . . _ + + _ _ 2007. Prayer sticks .. . _ _ + + 2008. Fed tobacco, meal .. . . . . . . + 2009. Kept in buckskin sack .+. . . . . . . . . 2010. Scalps bring rain .. . . . . . .... . _ _ + + _ _ _ 2011. Scalps give power, good fortune.* + - +- - 2012. Scalps kept by kohota . . + - .+ - _ _ _. . 2013. Scalps kept by war chief._ + _ _ _ _ - + 2014. Scalps kept by ceremonial official . ... + 2015. Scalps kept by enemy slayer .. . . . . . + 2016. Kept in house (dwelling) .. . . . - + 2017. Kept outside, in special structure _ + _ _ _ _ _ _ 2018. Kept in ceremonial house. + Scalps not kept .......... . . . . + + - 2020. "Hung up" out in brush .S -.- 2021. Burned . . . . . . . . . . . . + - Defensive Tactics Sentinels posted when raids expected +.+.".*.+.-. . 5 - Defensive walls built .. . . . . . . - . _ 2024. Of stones .. . . . ...... .. _ + Marriage Marriages arranged by parents ... . * . S - S + + * + S 2026. Girl's family takes initiative . . *+ - - S + _ - _ MIarriage arranged by couple themselves. ..... S + + + 4b - S + 2028. Informally (begin living together).+ + 1 + + - - + + Bride purchase . - - R - R *+ *+ 2030. Gifts in indeterminate amount . . . . . . - - - * *+ *+ Bridegroom visits bride at night (at her home) . *+ + 2032. Leaves before dawn.- - + + - + _ 2033. Four nights.- - + + - _ 2034. Longer (as much as a month) . . . _- - + ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 2035. Bride brought to bridegroom's home end of time . . . . . . . . . . 2036. Bridegroom's mother gives dress to 2037. No formal marriage rite . . . . . . . . . at bride * . . Residence 2038. Initial residence with wife's parents (other than 2031-2034). 2039. Initial residence with husband's parents 2040. Final residence with wife's parents . . 2041. Final residence with husband's parents . 2042. No fixed rule . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2043. Establish separate camp . . . . . . . . Types of Marriages 2044. Marriage to cousin (x or /R ) taboo . 2045. Kin cut hair, burn house, at union 2046. Polygynous marriages . . . . . . . . 2047. To woman and her daughter 2048. To two or more sisters . . . 2049. To nonrelated women . . . . 2050. Polygyny infrequent . . . . 2051. By anyone . . . . . 2052. Polyandrous marriages . . . . . . . 2053. Fraternal . . . . . . . . . 2054. Successive sororate . . . . . . . . 2055. Optional . . . . . . . . . . 2056. Mandatory . . . . . . . . . 2057. Levirate . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2058. Optional . . . . . . . . . . 2059. Mandatory . . . . . . . . . 2060. 2061. 2062. 2063. * * * * * - incestuous * * * * * + * * * * * + * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * - * * * * * * * * * * * - * * * * * * * * * * * @ * * * * * * * * * * . * * * * * @ * * * * * @ * * * * * @ Divorce Divorce for infidelity (by either mate). Divorce for laziness, etc . . . . . . . Children to husband on divorce . . . . . Children to wife on divorce . . . . . . 2064. Older children allowed to choose Kinship Usages 2065. Parent-in-law avoidances . . . . . . . . 2066. Mother-in-law son-in-law . . . . 2067. No speech . . . . . . . 2068. Turn aside on trail . . 2069. Privileged familiarity . . . . . . . . . 2070. Siblings-in-law of opposite sex 2071. Remote ("2d, 3d") cousins . . . I DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv W1 . H + + + + + *+ S S S S + S S + + + + + S + + ? S S + + * S + + * + + + + + + + + S (+) + + + + * * S S + + S S + + * * + + + + + + + + + + * + + S + S S + *+ S S + *+ * + + S + S t) *+ + * + + + + + + + + + + + + + + *+ 138 I U I i -A CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN INDIVIDUAL DEVELOPMENT Birth Customs' Pregnancy Restrictions Dietary restrictions (female). . . . 2073. Eats sparingly . . . . . . . 2074. Head of animal taboo 2075. Fat taboo. . . . . . . . . . 2076. Salt taboo . . . . . . . . . Staring or laughing at "ugly" things Scratching-stick used . . . . . . . Restrictions applied to husband . . 2080. Dietary taboos . . . . . . . 2081. Same as wife's . . . 2082. Hunting taboos . . . . . . . 2083. Scratching-stick used . . . * . . * .* * .* * . . t*O* .. .. Parturition Parturition in dwelling . . . . . . . . . Parturition in special hut . . . . . . . . Midwife attendants . . . . . . . . . . . . 2087. Usually kinswomen . . . . . . . . Shaman called for difficult births (only). Woman's husband excluded . . . . . . . . . Woman's husband must be present . . . . . Woman's husband gets wood for fire, etc. . Umbilical cord cut by midwife . . . . . . 2093. With ordinary stone knife .... 2094. With yucca-leaf "knife" ..... Placenta buried ,Placenta wrapped up, placed in cholla fork Placenta disposed of by midwife ..... Placenta disposed of by child's father Postnatal Treatment Parturient confined ........ 2100. In birth hut ........ 2101. In house .......... Parturient placed in warming pit * 2103. Four days ......... 2104. Six days .......... 2105. "Two or three days" .... 2106. Until child's umbilical cord No pit; warm stones put on belly Parturient fasts .......... 2109. Eats sparingly ....... 2110. Meat taboo ......... 2111. Salt taboo ......... 2112. Cold water taboo ...... 2113. Fasting for four days . . . 2114. Fasting for eight days . . . 2115. Fasting for six days .... 2116. Longer fast for first child * * * * . * * * * detache's * * * * * * * * . *** . * * * * . * * . . . * . . . . * * * * . * * * * * * . . . . w )C C d |DM Ak Mo Co0 Mal p Pi Yq Y v l W -1|S iDM kk Mo Co Na jPi Pa Yql Yv Wi 1ss + + + _ + + - + + - + + - + + * + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + S S + + * + + + + + + + - +_ + - + _- - *+ + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + + + * + *+ *+ $+ + *+ + + +I + (+) + + + + + 139 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 2117. Twenty days . . . . . . . . . 2118. "Month" . . . . . . . . . . . 2119. Subsequent children: ten days 2119a. Scratching-stick used . . . . . . . . 2120. Parturient bathes during confinement 2121. Daily ................ 2122. Fourth and eighth days . . . . . . . . 2123. Face painted during confinement . . . . . . . 2124. Red paint used . . . . . . . . . . . . 2125. Red and white paint used . . . . . . . 2126. Child's face painted also . . . . . . 2127. Wide belt worn by parturient . . . . . . . . 2128. Bathes at end of confinement . . . . . . . . . 2129. With warmed water . . . . . . . . . . 2130. Paints self with white paint . 2131. Hair washed with yucca . . . 2132. Fumigates self at end of confinement . . . . 2133. Restrictions extended to husband . . . . . . . 2134. Confined . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2135. One day . . . . . . . . . . . 2136. Four days . . . . . . . . . . 2137. Food restrictions . . . . . . . . . . 2138. Meat taboo . . . . . . . . . . 2139. Salt taboo . . . . . . . . . . 2140. Cold water taboo . . . . . . . 2141. Food taboos for four days 2142. Food taboos for six days 2143. Food taboos for eight days 2144. Food taboos for "month" . . . 2145. Scratching-stick used . . . . . . . . 2146. Bathes daily . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2147. Bathes every fourth day . . . . . . . 2147a. Bathes four times during restriction 2148. Runs daily . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2149. Toward east 2150. Until child's umbilical cord detaches . . . . . . . . . . 2151. Bathes to end restrictions . . . . . . 2152. Fumigate self to end restrictions Treatment of Child 2153. Ears pierced ................. 2154. Four days after birth . . . . . . . . 2155. Few months after birth . . . . . . . . 2156. Few years after birth . . . . . . . . 2157. Umbilical cord tied to cradle hood . . . . . . 2158. Umbilical cord buried . . . . . . . . . . . . 2159. Umbilical cord discarded . . . . . . . . . . . 2160. Umbilical cord kept . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2161. Umbilical cord put in tree . . . . . . . . . . 2162. Occipital head-flattening (accidental) . . . . 2163. Child's purification rite . . . . . . . . . . 2164. Second moon after birth . . . . . . . 2165. "Few months" after birth . . . . . . . 2166. Singer performs rite . . . . . . . . . 2167. Sings . . . . . . . . . . . . w Cd~~~~~~~~~~ D k N o a j Pi PA q j IDM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq ,Yv W1 + + (+) + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + + +_ + +1 * + + + + + t + + + + + + + + + + + + + f ? -_ + + + + + + + + - (+) (+) * -eH - + * - + - S + - + + - + + - + - + - + - + _ _ + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + _ _ + + _ _ _ + - S + + + +1 + +~ + + (+) + (+ + - + * + - + * - + * - + _ + ++ + + +- - $+ + + * * - + +- + S 140 i j m CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 141 .r-l 0 0 r-i cYI f r- * r-I A X-3 X ~ Ei P'L, X II A g I n DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wi SS _.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 2168. Brushes child with feathers . . _ _ _ + + _ _ _ 2169. Blows tobacco smoke over . . . . . + 2170. Drink of water and medicines. . _ _ - + + _ _ _ 2171. "Ocean foam" . . - + 2172. White clay and owl feathers .. + 2173. Mixture drunk by child* . _ _ _ + + _ _ _ 2174. Mixture drunk by child's parents . . . . . . . . + 2174a.Gives name to child . . . . . . . + 2175. Child's parents fast . . . . . . . + + 2176. Meat taboo . . . . . . . . + + _ _ _ 2177. Salt taboo . . . . . . . . + + _ _ _ 2178. Four days . . . . . . . . + Twins Twins kept (not killed) . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + 2180. Twins wanted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + . _ 2181. Twins from special heaven . . . . . . . . + 2182. Reincarnated . . . . . . . . . . . + * 2183. Twins always treated same . . . . . . . . + + + + + | RDeformed killed at birth . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - _ + Names ~Names bestowed in childhood . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + 2186. At few months . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + _) 2187. At few years (after weaned) . . . . . . + + - + + S t) + Name selected by singer'. . . + + _ _ 2189. Word or phrase of song chosen . . . . . . + + _ _ Naming feast: kin assemble, suggest name . . . . . + Name casually bestowed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + * _ + + + 2192. According to incident, child's peculiarity - + + _ _ _ + + + 2192a. According to parent's dream . . . . . . . s S -New names taken when adult . . . . . . . . . . . . 2194. Amusing name may be bought . . . . . . . . * + + Nicknames commonly used . . . . . . . . . . . . .+ + + + 2196. Obscene nicknames common . . * + + + + + S 2197. "Given by mother-in-law" . . . . . . . . + Person does not mention own name . . . . . . . . . _*+ + + _ _ 'Names not used in reference . . . . . . . . . . . i) + + + + _ - 2200. In immediate family . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + _ _ Name of dead taboo .... . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + Girls' Puberty Restrictions . . . . . . . . . . .Girl confined .......... . + - -*+ + _ _ + 2203. In dwelling .... . . . . ... . + - + _ _ _ _ 2204. In separate hut . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 2205. Sits up (may not lie down). . + _ 2206. In warming pit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ,Girl goes about with proctor . . . . . . . . . . . 2208. Assists proctor at tasks . . . . . . . . . + + ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS .,, A z O) z AL AWL A A DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv W1 i i i~~~~ 2209. Proctor instructs in conduct etc. . 9.91)( r.l - co-n + nil+. ; "n +r. nnmin +n n c n I A 9n' CJ J.U.L7L.L QbuIu u.JL4 .LUUu iuL LMub di Duration of confinement, proct Duration of confinement, proct( Dietary restrictions in force orine orine 2214. Meat taboo . . . . . . . . 2215. Fat taboo . . . . . . . . 2216. Salt taboo . 2217. Cold water taboo . . . . . 2218. For four days . . . . . . 2219. For five days . . . . . . 2220. For "about ten days" .. . 2221. For one moon . . . . . . . 2222. Scratching-stick used . . . . . . 2223. Drinking tube used . . . . . . . . 2224. Special woven belt worn . . . . . 2225. Laughing taboo . . . . . . . . . . 2226. Talking taboo . . . . . . . . . . 2227. Girl's face covered . . . . . . . 2228. Hair combed over face . . 2229. Girl works during period . . . . . 2230. Makes baskets . . . . . . 2231. Carries water . . . . . . 2232. Carries wood . . . . . . . 2233. Girl runs . . . . . . . . . . . . 2234. Toward east, early morning 2235. Race with (related) boy . 2236. "Pit-roasting" at girl's puberty . 2237. Familial rite (not public r 2238. Girl put in in daytime . . 2239. Girl put in at night . . . 2240. Short time only (first day 2241. Four days . . . . . . . . 2242. After four-day conf 2243. Returns to hut at n 2244. Girl's back stepped on . . 2245. By man . . . . . . 2246. By woman . . . . . 2247. To make girl straig cy . . . . . g: 4 days g: 5 days rite * ofperiod).' Cinement in I iight ... 3ht, hut. strong . . Public Rite at Girls' Puberty 2248. For each girl individually. 2249. At end of four-day proctoring . . . . . . 2250. Starts before four-day proctoring over . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2251. Dancing ................. 2252. Outdoors, at dance ground . . . . 2253. Men dance . . . . . . . . . . . . 2254. Women dance . . . . . . . . . . . 2255. Two opposing rows . . . . . . . . 2256. Men, women alternately in row . . 2257. Men one row, women other . . . . . 2258. Arms over each other's shoulders 2259. Rows advance and retreat . . . . . 2260. One singer . . . . . . . . . . . . 2261. Uses gourd rattle . . . . + + + + + + + + + + + + + ? ? + + + + + + + + * + + * + + + + + + * + + + + - + + - + - + - - + _ - + + _ + + _ + + _ + - _ - + _ + + _ + - + _ + + + + + + *+ + _ _ - R _ _ _ R _ _ - R _ _ - R _ _ - R _ _ - R _ _ - R _ _ - R _ _ - ~~~R _ _ _~~ _ _ - ~R $+ + T+ *+ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + _ + + - + + + + + + + + + 4 + 4 + 4 + 4 * - 4 + + + + + + - 8 + + + + - _ * - - 1 _ +T - _ - _ - _ + + I 142 2211. 2212. 2213. J I I 4 I . CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN .PR -v ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ * (1) A C) $Li 0 ~~~~4 co ai Ci 4ri I X ?1 A A Ad 1rA 1c ____________________ DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wi SS 2264. 2265. 2266. 2262. Dances in line . 2263. Sits by, singing Girl dances . . . . . . Dance four nights . . . Dance nightly, up to one * . . * . . * . . moon Conclusion of Ritual Period Girl bathed. ; Grl athd. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2268. Warm water ............. 2269. Cold water (water poured over) 2270. River . . . . . . . . 2271. Paints with white clay before bath. 4 Girl fumigates self . . . . . . . . . . . . Girl's hair dressed ............ 2274. Mud plaster put on . . . . . . . . . 2275. Washed with yucca suds . . . . . . . 2276. Deloused .............. 2277. Lice put in olla in river Hair cut (adult woman's style) . . . . . . . 2279. Hair saved for kiaha frame . . . . . I Purification by singer . . . . . . . . . . . 2281. Girl sits facing west . . . . . . . 2282. Singer blows over girl . . . . . . . 2283. Singer brushes girl with feathers 2284. Singer mixes drink of clay, feathers 2285. Girl drinks mixture . . . . Subsequent Puberty Rites Puberty seclusion repeated . . . . . . . . . 2287. Two times . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2288. Four times ............. 2289. Pit-roasting repeated ....... Dance repeated . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2291. Four times. Girls' group rite, with tattooing . . . . . 2293. Several girls together . . . . . . . 2294. Postpubescent . . . . . . . . . . . 2295. In conjunction with boys' nose-piercing. 2296. In conjunction with mourning ceremony. . . 2297. Rite performed in mourning-ceremony structure. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2298. Rite performed in roofless circular enclosure ("corral") . . . . . . . . 2299. Preceded by dancing . . . . . . . . . . . 2300. Circle dance . . . . . . . . . . . 2301. Counterclockwise . . 2302. Men one side, women on other . . . 2302a. Double circle, men inside, women out . . . . . . . . . . . 2303. Girls dance . . . . . . . . . . . 2304. In center of circle, near singers . . . . . . 2305. Girls run when tattooed . . . . . . . . . 2306. In group . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2307. Toward east . . . . . . . . . . . 2308. Return to corral . . . . . . . . . 143 S R R *+ * + + + - + S + + + + + + + + + + ' * () (+) + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * + * * * *+ *+ _ + _ + + I + - + + llr k rv? il t 1- 11 11I :1,jA IP 1-ii r1l . . . . 0 . ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 2309. 2310. 2311. 2315. 2316. 2317. 2318. 2319. 2320. Stay in "camp" with proctors Four-day seclusion . . . . . Fasting. . . . . . . . . . . 2312. Meat taboo . . . . . 2313. Fat taboo . . . . . 2314. Salt taboo . . . . . Scratching-stick used . . . Daily bathing . . . . . . . Daily fumigating . . . . . . Daily running . . . . . . . Sleep in warming pit . . . . Hold leaves in mouth* . . . Individual Tattooin Not as puberty rite) 2321. Girl tattooed between puberty and marriage(usually) 2322. Individually . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2323. One line, right after puberty . . 2324. Rites . . . . . . . . . . 2325. No restrictions 2326. Full tattoo later, at convenience. 2327. All at one time . . . . . . . . . 2328. Fast till healed . . . . . . . . . 2329. Meat taboo . . . . . . . . 2330. Fat taboo . . . . . . . . 2331. Salt taboo . . . . . . . . 2332. Scratching-stick used . . . . . . 2333. Hold leaves in mouth . . . . . . . Menstrual Customs (Postpubescents) 2334. Menstruant secluded. . . . . . . . 2335. In house . . . . . . . . . 2336. In separate hut . . . . . 2337. Food restrictions applied . 2338. Meat taboo . . . . . . . . 2339. Fat taboo . . . . . . . . 2340. Salt taboo . . . . . . . . 2341. Cold water taboo . . . . . 2342. Scratching-stick used . . . . . . 2343. Drinking-tube used . . . . . . . . 2344. Bathes daily . . . . . . . . . . . 2345. Woman cooks for husband 2346. Restrictions for four days . 2347. Bathing at end of restrictions 2348. Fumigation at end of restrictions 2349. Hair washed with yucca suds . . . 2350. Restrictions extended to husband 2351. Meat taboo . . . . . . . . 2352. Fat taboo . . . . . . . . 2353. Salt taboo . . . . . . . . 2354. Scratching-stick used . . 2355. Husband may hunt . . . . . . . . . 2356. Husband bathes after four days . . I|DM Ak Mo Co Ma|, Pi Pa Yql, Yv Wl| + + + + + + + + + + + + + + _ + + - + + + 4' + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + ? + + + + + + + + S + * + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * 1- + + + + - + - + +- +- + + + + + + ? + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + 144 I CULT[RE ELK[. DISTPIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PINAN 145 a1) m0 c.) hF D 4 A e > H r-1 _IPI 4 N Pi Pa Yq Yv Wi SS iDM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv W1i SS Boys' Puberty rlmal rite at boys? puberty . . . . . . . . . . . 2358. Group rite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2359. With nose-piercing . . . . . . . . 2360. In conjunction with girls? tattooing . . . . . . . . . . . 2361. In conjunction with mourning ceremony . . . . . . . . . . . . 2362. Rite performed in mourning- ceremony structure . . . . . . . 2363. Rite performed in roofless circular enclosure . . . . . . . 2364. Rite performed under ramada . . . 2365. Preceded by dancing . . . . . . . 2366. Circle dance . . . . . . . 2367. Counterclockwise 2367a.Mlen one 3ide, women on other 2368. Double circle, men inside, women out . . . . . . . . . . . 2369. Boys dance . . . . . . . . . . . . 2370. In center near singers 2371. Boys run . . . . . . . . . . . . . 992372. In group . . . . . . . . . 2373. Toward north . . . . . . . 2374. Toward east . . . . . . . 2375. Circle shade four times on return . . . . . . . 2376. Bathed, fumigated on return . . . . . . . . . 2377. Confined four days . . . . . . . . 2378. Daily running . . . . . . 2379. Fasting . . . . . . . . . 2380. Meat taboo . . . . 2381. Fat taboo . . . . 2382. Salt taboo . . . . 2383. Cold water taboo 2384. Scratching-stick used . . . . . . 2385. Drinking-tube used . . . . . . . . 2386. Daily bathing, fumigating . . 2387. Sleep in warming pit . . . . . . . 2388. Nightly . . . . . . . . . 2389. Backs stepped on . . . . . 2390. Bathing at end of rite . . . . . . 2391. Fumigation at end of rite . . . . 2392. Hair mud-packed at end of rite 2393. Hair washed with yucca suds . 2394. Shooting at deer bone at end of : ~~rite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2395. Rite prerequisite to marriage 2396. Rite prerequisite to eating own game . . . . . . . . . . . . . . fo boys.. r b oy....s .... 8. Any time (not formal puberty rite) . . Bee-killing ordeal . . . . . . . . . . . . Ant-hill ordeal . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1-dual nose-piercing, with no ritual . . . . . + + + + + + _- _ + - _ + _- + + * + + + - + + + + + + + + + + + + - + + - + + - + + - + + - + + _ + + - + + _ _ - + + + + + + + (+) + + + + *+ - + _ + - + + T+ + _ + - + _ + _. + - + _ + _ + _ _ - +- _ + + + + (+) 146 ANTEROPOLOGICAL RECORDS t Cd a) Ici 0 C - h Xd A o H n k No Co XvIa Pi Pa Yq Y aW! |DM Ak MO CO Mla |Pi Pa Yq |Yv '@1 First-Game Usages 2402. First game taboo to boy .. . . . .+ + +.+.+. + + + 2403. To parents also .?. . . . . . + (+) * _. + 2404. First of each kind killed.- - - (+) _ _.- 2405. First four kills .-.-. . . . . .. . + + ._ 2406. All, till maturity .. . + + + .. .) - _ + . 2407. First-gathered products taboo to girl . . _ _ _ _ _ _ - Mortuary Customs Burial 2408. Mourning songs begin before death* .- - $- - - - 2409. Corpse "dressed," feathers put on, etc.*. . . R _ _ + 2410. Corpse's face painted. . . + + .+ (+) + + . 2411. Special paint for warrior .. . . . . . . + 2412. Corpse flexed and tied .. . . . . . . . . . . . . + 2413. Corpse prepared extended .+. . . . . . . . . . . . + + + _ + + + 2414. Corpse removed at death . - + + + +.+ 2415. Corpse kept in house overnight ........ . . + - 2416. Corpse removed through door .+. . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 2417. Four pallbearers .. . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 2418. Ladder-like stretcher for packing + + + 2419. Packed on back by one man .-. . .--.-. .. + 2420. Four ritual halts . . ....... . . . + + - - _ 2421. Crematicn .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + S S + + 2422. Regularly practiced.+ + + + + _ + + 2423. For those slain on warpath (only). - _ _ - + _ 2424. For old, uncared for (only) . . - _ _ _ _ _ _ 2425. Same day as death .. . . . . . . . .. . - + + + + 2426. Following day .. . . + + _ _ _. _.. .S 2427. Pyre over pit .. . ... . + - + _ _ _ .. .- 2423. Pyre on level ground . . . . + S + _ + + 2429. Corpse laid head south .. . . . . . . . . + 2430. Corpse laid head east .. . . . . . . . . + + + 2431. Corpse laid head west .. . . . . . . . . _ 2432. Corpse laid on side ..+ + - (+) _ _ - 2433. Corpse laid face down . ..... . _ + L) - _ _ + 2434. Corpse laid on back. . _ - . _ _ - 2435. Possessions on pyre .. ...... .. * + + - + + 2436. One man tends iire .. . . .. . + + + + _ _ .) - 2437. Special official . . - - (+.) _ - -. - 2438. Kinsman official . .? . + _ _ _ _ _. . 2439. Funeral orations.- *+ + - _ -_ + 2440. Songs during burning .I.... . . . . . . + 2441. Wailing during burning . . . . . . _ 2442. Spectators throw gifts on pyre _ + + - 2443. Grain strewn about pyre . . . . . _ 2445. People do not stay at burning.+ - +- _ _ _ + + 2446. Ashes (when cool) put in pit . . . . . . . + s 2447. By firetender . . . . . . . . . + + + 2447a.By relatives . . . . . . . . . . . s 2448. Interment .. . ... ... . . . . . - .+ *S 2449. Dug grave (except modern) . . . . . . . . + 2450. With recess . . . . . + _ _ 2451. Poles, mats over recess. . _ - I + _ _ I F I CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIIAN 147 Iw co .G) A 0 0 c ., A a) - ci Ili U) A :F4 C P-4 4 A > P -.C' iDM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv '1I 2452. Rock-slide burial . . . . . . . . . . . . + 2453. Burial in rock shelter or crevice . . .. . _ + 2454. Corpse oriented . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 2455. Head west . . . . . + - _ + 2456. Personal property, etc., in grave *. . . . _ _ _ _ + - R | 2457. Ramada torn down, piled over grave . . . . _ - + - _ I _ Special burial for shaman . . . . . . . . . . . . S - 2459. Interred. ........ . _ _ _ + .. + - 2460. Sitting up, in ritual posture* . . _ _ - + - _ 2461. Laid face down . . . . . . . . . . + 2462. Withe arches put over grave . . . . . . . + - 2463. One in each direction . . . . . + - 2464. Rectangle of stones around grave . . . . + 2465. Grave swept at intervals . . . . . . . . . + 2466. Offerings put on . . . . . . . . . . . . . + -Special burial for enemy slayer . . . . . . . . . + S - 2468. Interred . . . . . . . + + - 2469. Sitting up, in ritual posture* . . _ _ + _ _ Property destroyed at death . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + + + 2471. House burned . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - + + + :2472. At time of burial . . . . . . . . + + + + - + 2473. After from one to four days . . . + + _ + - 2474. House torn down, rebuilt * . . . . . . . . + 2475. Personal property of dead burned . . . + + _ _ + + _ 2476. Personal property taken out near grave, left . . _ .. - + + _ _ + 2477. Standing crop given away . . . . . . . . . - S S S - S - 2478. Standing crop destroyed .- - S S S - S - Mourning Mourners cut hair* . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + 2480. Close cropped . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 2481. Spouse, siblings of dead . . . . . + + 2482. To ear level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + - + - 2483. M en . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - 2484. Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + - + + 2485. To shoulders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + + 2486. Men . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + - - + + + 2487. Women . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + 2488. Little off ends (men) . . . . . . . . . . + + * + + S + S 2489. At time of death . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + 2490. At funeral . ......... _ _ + + - -...... - 5 - 2491. Few days after funeral . . . . . . . . . . + + - S - 2492. Four (when house burned). + Mourners fast ......... . . . . . . .. . _ _ _ 2494. M eat taboo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + _ _ _ _ _ 2495. Fat taboo .-.. . . . + . - _ _ _ _ 2496. Salt taboo .-...... . . + + + - _ _ _ _ 2497. Cold water taboo . . . . . . . . . . . . . + - ( Mourners bathe daily ............. . . + + + 2499. For four days . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + 2500. Arrowweed root infusion . . . . . . . . . + + mlourners bathe after four days.- - - .+ + ...... - 2502. Hair washed with yucca suds . . . . . . . ourers fumigate selves . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + +- _ + 2504. Smoke of arrowweed root . . . . . . . . . - + + + ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 2505. Smoke of chamisso brush h. ...... 2506. Smoke of pinon gum .......... 2507. Daily.l ............... 2508. After four days ........... 2509. Once after funeral .......... 2510. Special restrictions for widow ........ 2511. Hair washing taboo (after purificatory washing). 2512. Widow mourns one to two years .... 2513. Widow mourns four years ....... 2514. Firetender bathes over pit where ashes buried Souls and Ghosts 2515. Land of dead in south ....... 2516. Land of dead in west ........ 2517. Land of dead in east ........ 2518. Twins' souls go to sky world .... 2519. Souls die four times .... 2520. Souls turn to charcoal . . . 2521. Soul of man with unpierced nose goes 2522. Soul of man with unpierced nose goes badger holel. .......... 2523. Heart (or pulse) turns to owl . . . 2524. Shadow turns to owl ........ 2525. "Owl songs" sung when dream of dead 2526. Ghost travels in whirlwind. 2527. Offerings to past dead (put on gravel * . . * . . * . . into . . * . . * * 3 * * @ * * @ * * * @ rat * @ * * - * e * * * * hole CEREIIONIAIS (except puberty ceremonies) Mouning Ceremony 2528. 2529. 2530. 2531. 2532. 2533. 2534. Called keruk (or variant).... Held for all dead ........ Held for prominent men only . . . "Year" after death ........ At funeral ............ After several members of clan have Given late suammer or fall..... * . . * . . died * . . Equipment 2535. Special structure built . . . . . . . . . . 2536. Ramada . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2537. Rectangular . . . . . . . . 2538. Nine-post frame . , 2539. No fixed number. . . 2540. U-shaped . . . . . . . . . . 2541. Ten-post frame . . , 2542. Enclo3ed sides . . . . . . . 2543. Offerings put in post-holes 2544. Tobacco . . . . . . 2545. Faced to south. 2546. Faced to east . . . . . . . 2547. Posts painted. . . . . . . . (I) 9 410 C) $L H P4 c'l P> H- |H O 0 0 | . ( XI DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wi I I I~~~~ + + - + + * + + + + + + + + +- * *+ * *+ + 4 T+) + *+ $ * + + _ + + + + + + + + + + + + *+ *+ + *+ + * + *+ T+) ) + + + + + - + R R + + + + + + + - R -R -R' -R -R -R R _ -R 148 U I I I i .j .1 I I I I -i .11 i i i I I II - i i. II - I .1 II 'I II I I I - I i I I . I I I CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN w Cd ~ I (1) A C) . P4 & ~, r- bHr- _._ _ X m $_ __ _ A k 1o r t c) A AE C- ;Ei PL PL :: c DM Ak MIO Co Ma Pi Pa Yq, Yv Wl SS 2548. Red and black. ...... 2549. "Represent" deceased . 2550. White e.......... 2551. Feather bunches hung from beams. . ood piled up in center of house ......... mages made de. ................. 2554. One only ................. 2555. Of sticks and willow bark ........ 2556. "Face" painted in red and black ..... 2557. Cape of eagle plumes and deer hoofs . . . C-shaped withe frame made 2559. Feather bunches tied to ......... 2560. One for each dead ........ 2561. Deer hoofs fastened to .......... 'eathered staves made .............. 2563. Eight staves ............... Accompanying Rites [ourning ceremony with ritual eagle-killing . . . 2565. Eagle-killing as preparatory rite .... 2566. Eagle-killing on first night of ceremony proper ................. 2567. Eagle killed by blowing tobacco smoke at . 2568. Plucked ................. 2569. Skinned ................. 2570. Buried .................. 2571. Feathers used for U-shaped frame ..... 2572. Feathers used for dancers' hair ornaments. [ourning ceremony with boys' nose-piercing . [ourning ceremony with girls' tattooing. Ritual Procedure ite begins with eagle-killing .......... 2576. Givers mourn kill eagle ......... 2577. Guests (only5 dance 2578. Outside house, around fire .... 2579. Twice nightly . . . . . 2580. Deer-hoof rattles used ...... 2581. Dance with image ............. 2582. Givers dance with ........ 2583. Guests dance with ........ 2584. Around fire in front of house . . Iternate crying and dancing on subsequent nights. 2586. Image danced with nightly . ....... 2587. Last two nights dance around house . ... ite begins with nose-piercing, tattooing .... 2589. Dance in house .............. 2590. Circle dance ........... 2591. Boys and girls dance ....... 2592. Center of circle ..... 2593. At night, givers cry . . . . . 2594. Guests enter to cry .... . ...... 2595. Guests speak . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2596. No group singing, dancing . . . . . . . . + _ R R R R R + + + + + * + + +_ + + _ - + _ + + R R R R + R R + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + R R R R 149 150~~~~~~ ANTHROPLOGICALBACOAD IDM Ai i MAk M4o Co Na Pi Pa YqI Yv Wi" 2597. U-shaped frame danced with . . . . . . . . 2598. On last night . . . . . . . . . . 2599. Rite begins with reception of guests . . . . . . . 2600. Guests approach in rows . . . . . . . . . 2601. Givers in line before shade . . . . . . . 2602. Speeches made . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2603. Alternate singing and crying . . . . . . . 2604. Song cycles used . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2605. Many used . . . . . . . . . . . . 2606. Salt . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2607. Bird . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2608. Circle dance . . . . . . . . . . . 2609. Ceremonial sham battle . . . . . . . . . . 2610. Feathered-stave carriers . . . . . 2611. Eight . . . . . . . . . . 2612. Number varies . . . . . . 2613. Face paint black . . . . . 2614. Bowman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2615. Dramatized raid . . . . . . . . . 2616. "Scouts" sent out . . . . 2617. Four springs . . . . . . . 2618. Scouts circle shade . . . 2619. Scouts "report" . . . . . 2620. Group marches up to shade, through it . . . 2621. Set up staves in front . . 2622. Running with staves . . . . . . . 2623. Rest every sixteen circuits 2624. Running continues all night . . . . . . . . . 2625. Run around cremation fire. 2626. Clockwise . . . . 2627. Ceremonial stops, with shouting. 2628. Four circuits . Conclusion of Rite 2629. Structure burned . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2630. Feathers, other equipment thrown on 2631. Runners circle burning shade . 2632. Throw feathered staves 2633. Runners bathe. . . . . 2640. 2641. 2642. 2643. 2634. Mourners fast during rite 2635. Mourners fast after rite 2636. Director fasts after rite 2637. Runners fast after rite 2638. Meat taboo . . . . 2639. Salt taboo . . . . Rite lasts one day, one night . . Rite lasts part of day only . . . Rite lasts eight days . . . . . . Rite lasts four days . . . . . . . * z * z * On. * * * e * e * * * * * @ * * * * * * * * * Vikita Harvest Festival* 2644. Held irregularly . . 1- -I- + + + + + + + + + * + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + * . * _ _ + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + - Ri R R R R R R R R R l I l 61 t I 1- I I R R R t R ' R R -I 150 AINTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS F F F F I I CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 151 ;1) I0 P) N Fl 9 & t P r-I H |DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq IYv Wl ISS Bld every four years .+........ . . . . . . + )1d November-December.- _ _ - + + ,ld at one village only .-. .--. . .-. . . _ _ . - + ich village gives own . _ _ _ + - ther villages invited to participate . ..... *+ .2650. Prayer sticks sent .-.. . . . . _ _ _ _ _ + 2651. Ten days before rite . .... ..... . - - + kvitco go about in ten-day period . . _ _ _ + + 2653. Assemble singers by sprinkling corn meal on them .-.. . . . . _ _ - _ + ar taken from village medicine basket (bundle) . _ _ - - + 2655. Prayer sticks, feathers .-.-. . . . . . . + 2656. Bundle opened nonritually .-. . _ _ . . _ *+ remonial enclosure made .-.-. . . . . . . . . . + + 2658. At village dance ground .-. . . . . .. . + + 2659. Rectangular .-. . . . . . . . . . . .. . + + 2660. Open on eastern side . _ _ - _ + + 2661. Separate place for each participant village ... . . . . . . . _ - _ _ + 2662. Walls of corn stalks . . ..-...-. _ + + 2663. Unroofed .. _ _ - + + 2664. Practice enclosures made at each participant village .-.. . . _ _ _ _ + iages made ... . . . . . . . . . . . . ... . _ - + + 2666. Of wild food plants ... . . . . . . . . + + 2667. Of domestic food plants.- _ _ - + + ;12668. Of game ... . . . . . . . . ..... . _ _ - + + 2669. Of clouds .-.. . . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ + 2670. Of sun and moon.- _ _ _ - + lagers practice till rite beginss. - _ _ + + jpresentations of fields made - _ + 2673. Prayer sticks (from medicine bundle) used for markers .-.-. ... . . . . . . . Dramatis Personae witco dancers (clowns) ... . . . . ..... . - - - + + ipinyim ................ . . . . . + + ?2676. In groups of eight ... . . . ..... . _ - - + + 2677. Eight from each partic,ipant village . . . _ - _ - + kcpakim.- _ _ _ + + 2679. Two for each squad of singers . - + + iwotAm (attendants) ... . . . . . . . . . . . + 2681. Four .-.-.-.-. . . . . . . . . . _ _ . . _ + ngers .. . . . . . . . . . ........ . _ _ _ + + 2683. Eight from each village .-. .. . _ _ _ _ _ + Ritual Procedure Fgers and dancers march into enclosure . _ _ _ _ * + 2685. Just before dusk .-.-. . . . -. + 2686. Make one counterclockwise circuit .. . _ _ _ _ + 7. Carry images. + .Place images in enclosure .-.-. . . _ _ + 9. Each village puts in own place .-. . _ _ + + 2690. Bull-roarers swung as procession enters enclosure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 152 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS a a . r-i 0 0 cd H cd Cd Cd oJ I_DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv W1 - + + _ 2691. All-night singing. 2691 hl-niht ingng.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ + + _ 2692. Kokcpak&m dance on west side . . . . . . . + 2693. Vipinyim dance on south side . . . . . . . + 2694. Kokcpakam, vipinyim dance before each village's place . . . . . . . . . . . . + 2695. Vipinyim hold images in hands during song. _ _ _ + - 2696. Songs in groups of fours . . . . . . . . + 2697. Each village sings eight songs . . . . . . + 2698. Notched-stick rasp on basket accompaniment _ _ _ _ + + _ 2699. Singers stop, paint, in morning + 2700. Dramatization of children's sacrifice . . . . . . + 2701. Four children come from enclosure just before dawn . . . . + 2702. Two boys, two girls . . . . . . . + 2703. Painted: right side body yellow, left black . . . . . . . . . . . + 2704. Boys carry bows and arrows . . . . + 2705. Girls carry ears of maize . . . . + - 2706. Two attendants (tcuilwatam) . . . . . . . . + 2707. March to shade near enclosure . . . . . . + 2708. Children, attendants stand all day . ... . . _ - + 2709. Two singers sit under shade . . . . . . . . . . . + 2710. Children dance to songs . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 2711. Nay stop only when singer stops . . . . . + 2712. Sun, moon images (worn by men) appear at dawn + 2713. Preceded, followed by attendants (tcuiiiwatAm) (tciwaAm) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ _ + _ 2714. Procession to children's ramada . . . . . + 2715. Followed by vipinyim . . . . . . . + 2716. Attendants sprinkle corn meal on images. . _ _ - + - 2717. Four times . . . . . + 2718. Attendants sprinkle meal on children . . . + 2719. Sun, moon images make circuit of enclosure, reenter . . . . . . . . . . . + 2720. Procession with images of foods . . . . . . . . . + 2721. Vipinyim march, carrying images . . . . . + 2722. Two ceremonial halts . . . . . . . + 2723. North and south of enclosure . . . . . . . + 2724. Sing during halts . . . . _ _ _ _ + 2725. One song for each circuit . . . . . . . . + 2726. One singer leads .. - + 2727. Four of each sing (successively) in morning . . . . . . . . . . . + 2728. Procession lasts all morning . . . . . . . + 2729. Procession repeated in afternoon . . . . . + 2730. Different songs (second four of each village sing) . . . . . . . + 2731. Different images carried . . . . . + 2732. Cloud image brought out . . . . . + 2733. Navitco pretend to cul- tivate gardens. + 2734. Vipinyim run about with bull-roarers . . . . . . + CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN Conclusion of Rite All masked dancers bathe . . . . . . . 2736. In river . . . . . . . . 2737. In fields, "to make rain" Dance director fasts afterward . . . . 2739. Four days . . . . . . . . . . Images put in enclosure . . . . . . . 2741. Participant villages take home enclosures . . . . . . . I . 2742. Images left in enclosures* . . * . . . . . * . . . . . * . . . .* * . . . . . to practice * * Is . . . * *. *. . *. Miscellaneous Invitation prayer sticks kept by recipients . . . 2744. Kept in homes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2745. Used in case of Vikita sickness . . . . . 2746. Kept with food, to make last long . . . . Navitco called to cure Vikita sickness . . . . . . 2748. Brushes self with feathers, then patient . 2749. Shakes disease from feathers toward north. 2750. Vipinyim assist. . . . . . . . . . . . . . Ceremonial Drinking for Rain, Crops Annual festival ................. 2752. To bring rain . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2753. Held before rainy season . . . . . . . . . 2754. Spring . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2755. Midsummer . . . . . . . . . . . . 2756. Fall . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2757. Sahuaro wine made . . . . . . . . . . . . 2758. Made in ceremonial house . . . . . 2759. All bring ollas of syrup . . . .. 2760. Mixed with water ritually . . .. 2761. Four mixers . . . . . . . . . . . 2762. Mix with hands, in basket . . .. 2763. Prayer invocation as pour into ollas . . . . 2764. Ollas set irr circle. 2765. Ritual smoking . . . . . . . . . . 2766. Watchers (while ferments) . . 2767. Rain-making rite while wine ferments . . . 2768. At dance ground . . . . . . . . . 2769. Men (only) sit in circle . . . . . 2770. Circle dance . . . . . . . . . . . 2771. Men, women dance . . . . . 2772. Counterclockwise . 2773. Shamans inside circle. . . 2774. Face east . 2775. Singers north of shamans 2776. Gourd rattles . 2777. Shamans perform sleight- of-hand *. . . . . . . . 2778. Continued nightly till wine ready. 2779. Men sing outside ceremonial house if no rite . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v. I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ T -I 0 0 A H ' x DM Ak Mo Co Ma jPi Pa Yq jYv Wi SS i I~~~ *R *R R R R R R + + _ + - + - + . _ + . _ + + - _ + - + + _ ? + + + * + + + + + + + + + + + ? + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + +) S S + + + - + _ + - + + +- + + + + + + +* + + + + - J, - X 153 - + 154 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDo ttO co a1) ~~ 1 a Fl P., O" ~ H 0 0 co H, co o od D| k Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv WI i | DM Ak MO CO Ma |Pi Pa Yq | Yv W1 2780. Ritual drinking of wine. . . . . . . . . . S + 2781. People sit in circle . . . . . . . + + 2782. Men . . . . . . . . . . . + + 2783. Women . . . . . . . . . . + 2784. In ceremonial house . . . . . . . + 2785. Outdoors, in front of house . . . + 2786. Singers at cardinal points . . . . _ _ _+ + 2787. Shamans sit inside circle . . . . *+ 2788. Use paraWhernalia from bundle . . . . . .-. . . + 2789. Eagle feather rope _ _ _ _ + 2790. Sleight-of-hand performed. - _ _ + 2791. Wine served by four waiters . . . 2792. Wine served by eight waiters . . . _ _ _ _ _ + 2793. Baskets of wine set before singers _ _ _ _ + + 2794. Singers bless wine . . . . . . . . + 2795. Singers sing in turn . . . . . . . + 2796. East, north, west, south . _ _ _ + + 2797. One round of wine served . . . - + + 2798. People take own wine home, drink there . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 2799. Nonritual drinking . . . . . . . . . . . . _ + + 2800. Men invite friends to home . . . . - R + + 2801. Maize wine made . . . . . . . . + 2802. Procession in honor of San Ysidro. - _ _ _ _ + 2803. Through fields . . . . . . _ 2804. Wine carried, drunk during procession . . . . . . . . . . . + 2806. Men, women drink . . . . . _ 2807. Dances performed . . . . . . . . . _ 2808. Niatachin ......... _ _ _ + 2809. Pascola . . . . . . . . . + 2810. Deer dance . . . . . . . . + Social Dances "Mountain Killdeer Dance"* 2811. Dance in daytime ..... .. .-.-........ . + + 2812. Outdoors . _ _ + + 2813. Equal numbers men and women . . . . . . . . . . . + + 2814. Four men, four women . . . . . . . . . . . 2815. "Eight or ten" of each . . . . . . . . . . + 2816. Square-dance routines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 2817. Circle-dance routines . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 2818. Songs refer to birds . . . . . . + + 2819. Dancers carry wands with images of birds . . . . . + + 2820. Clown participates .-.-.-. . . . . . . . . . . . . S S 2821. Masked .-.-. . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ + 2822. Painted ... . . . . . . . . . . ... . _ _ + + 2823. Carries bow or lance . . . . . . . . . . . + + 2824. Belt with long ends . . . . . . . . . . . + + 2825. Women pursue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 2826. Dance with if catch . . . . . . . + + 2827. Paid if catch . . . + + 2828. Money tied to clown's belt _ _ _ R 2829. Two women catch, dance with . . . _ _ S 'II CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 155 -) IoD 3 94 CY > r-S 1 3 DM Ak0 0 Co Ma Pi Pa co co 'WcS IDMI Ak Mo Co Na Pi Pa Yq I Yv_WilISS arformed as part of Begging dance.- _ _ + - - _ _ "Deer Dance" Der dancer with mask .-.-.-.-...-.... . _ + _ _ - 2832. Other men dance with ....... . - _ _ + - - + 2833. Pascolas ....... _ _ _ _ - _ + - _ _ 2834. Make obscene gestures .. . . . . + + 2835. Deer dancer may not laugh. - _ _ + - - + - _ _ 2836. Burlesque hunt .... . . . . . . . + - 2837. Deer "killed".- ; _ _ _ + _ _ _ 2838. Butchered, skinned, etc. . - - - * - + _ _ Round Dance mcers form circle . ........._ - t+) + + + + 2840. Men, women, alternately .-... . _ _ _ . + + ) + + 2841. Hold hands . . . . . . . . _ _ _ . + + + + 2842. Singer in center of circle . . . . . . . . . + + 2843. Dance counterclockwise ... _ _ _ . + + . - 2844. Dance clockwise .-... . ... . _ _ _ . - H + + Square Dance mcers in two rows, facing.- _ * * * * + *+ *+ 2845. Men one row, women in one.- _ * * * * + + + 2846. Rows advance, retreat .. . . . . . .. . _ + + + "tDog Dance" wo women dance with one man.- _ _ _ _ _ + 2848. Link arms, face opposite direction . _ _ + war dance _ R Begging Dance* .sitors go to another village . ........ . _ _ + + 2852. Sing, dance for host village . _ . + + 2853. Make songs naming hosts ... . _ _ _ + + _ 2854. Hosts give to those who sang their names . _ _ - + + _ _ _ 2855. Hosts' wives give to singers . . . + Masked Dancers' Sack-Type Masks mcers with sack-type mask . . . . * + + + * 2857. Mask of buckskin .... . . ...... . _ _ * - + + * _ 2858. Mask of cloth .... . . . . . . . .. . _ _ + R R _ _ 2859. Mask painted .... . . . . . . . . . . . + 2860. Grotesque features . . . . . . . . _ 2861. Beard.- _ _ * _ - + _ _ 2862. Big ears, long nose - _ - + 2863. Hornlike appendages on mask *. . . _ _ _ + + + * _ 156 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS c:: r:, D z PL PL4 DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq 2864. Long plumes, one to each side. . . . . . . . + + * 2865. Small feathers fastened to top of mask . - . + + _ 2866. Bright-colored rags on horns . . . . . . . . . + 2867. Body covered with robe (only arms, lower legs exposed) . . . . . . . . . . - - - + + + 2868. Wide belt . . . . . . . . . . . . _ - - + + + 2869. With deer-hoof jinglers. - - - - + 2870. With sea-shell jinglers. . - - - + + - 2871. Long string of cocoon rattles wrapped around legs . . . . . . _ - - R + + 2872. Carry wooden sword . . . . . . . . . . . . _ - - + 2873. Carry (crooked) bow and arrows . . . . . . _ - - + + - Functions 2874. Clown functions (ludicrous behavior) . . . . . . . - - * + + + 2875. Reverse actions . . . . . . . . . . . . . - - *+ 2876. Begging. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ - - + + + 2877. Dance, clown, for gift when asked for . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ - - + + 2878. Speaking in mask taboo . . . . . . - - + + 2879. Use falsetto voice. . . . _ _ _ + _ 2880. Directing or policing rite. . . . *+ * + 2881. Carries whip in processions . . . _ _ _ _ + 2882. Chases people with bullroarer . _ _ _ *+ * - 2883. Curing functions .......................___... + *+ 2884. Exorcises disease from ritual (i.e., caused by error, breach of taboo). . . . _ _ + + - 2885. Brushes with feathers . . . . . . _ - - + + - Miscellaneous 2886. Office hereditary ............... . - - - + + 2887. Office by vow ........ . . . . ...... - - - + 2888. Office by capture ...... . . . . ...... - - - + 2889. Mask, regalia kept sealed in olla . . . . . . . . _ - - + + Gourd Mask 2890. Dancer with gourd mask* . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ - - - + + - 2891. Rows of small perforations for eyes . . . _ _ - + + - 2892. Mask painted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ - - - + + - 2893. Torso bare ............ . _- - - - + + - 2894. Torso painted . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ - - - + + - 2895. Red with white dots . . . . . . . _ - - - S + - 2896. Kilt worn ..... - - - - + + - 2897. Belt with cocoon jinglers . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ _ + - 2898. Long string of cocoon rattles on legs . - _ _ _ R + - 2899. Hand-held willow wands . . . . . . . . . . _ - - - + - - 2900. Hereditary office . . . . . . . . . . . . _ - - - + + - CULTIJRE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMiAN 157 ao co 01) ~ 3 10 C) F- f P-4 &) ~ > r-H~ .H- |H bD 0 co r- h | d d o cd _I DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wl SS ___________________________________________ _________________ Y n Y v Wi SS~~~~~~~~~~~~~~m Sack-and-Gourd Mask with sack-and-gourd mask* .. Mask of cloth ......... 2903. Bunch of feathers on top Long noselike appendage of gourd Mask painted .......... Torso bare ........... Torso painted ......... 2909. Red with white dots Kilt or breechclout ...... Hand-held willow wands. Ritual shout after each song Danced by youths ........ Hereditary office ....... * . . stem'~ * . . * . . * . . * . . * . . * . . * . . * . . Wooden Mask ancer with wQoden mask *......... 2916. Mask with hair, beard ...... 2917. Torso bare, unpainted 2918. Kilt. 2919. Belt with bells or deer hoofs -2920. Long cocoon rattles on legs . . . 2921. Necklace of beads (pseudo-rosary) 2922. Rattle with metal disks*. ;2923. Clown functions ......... Coyote Dancers yote dancer'........ 2925. Coyote skin suspended from headband (dovn back) 2926. Feathers attached to co,yote 2927. Carry bow and three cane arrows . . 2928. Three dance together ........ 2929. Imitate coyotes ...... 2930. Imitate crows ....... 2931. Danced by warriors (soldiers) . . . * 0 skin * * 0 * * * s * SHAMANISM Types of Shamans* ral practitioner ........ 33. Cures any disease ..... )34. Cures according to nature of spirit or dream ..... 2935. Rattlesnake shamans bite) 2936. "Wound doctors" . . 2937. Hunting shamans . . )ialists. )39. Clairvoyant shamans . 2940. Diagnose disease guardian * . . . . . (cure snake * . . . . . *** . * . . . . . * . . . .* * . . . . . * * * . . . + 9 * * ? + t + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + - - + _ _ + _ - + _ _ + _ _ + _ _ + _ - + _ - + _ - + _ _ + _ _ + _ _ + - - i) -- H + * + + + *+ + + + + + 158 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS CD 10 C. F-4 0 P4 CY, t> r-- H DN A No o I'JaP Pa Yq A j Yv W jX |DM Ak Mo Co Ma |Pi Pa Yq |Yv Wl |SS 2941. Extract cause of disease . _ _ _ + - _ _ _ 2942. Weather control (bring rain)* . . _ + + - _ _ _ 2943. War functions (find enemy, etc.) J _ - + + - _ _ _ 2944. Hunting functions (find game). . . + + - _ _ _ 2945. Separate class of disease-extracting shamans. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 2946. Singing (exorcising) shamans. . . . . . . + + - _ _ _ 2947. Herbalists .... .... . . . + + + + + + 2948. No power, simply know remedies . .+ + + + + + 2949. Shamans male .... . . . . ..... . . . . . . + + + + + + + 2950. Shamans female .... . . . ...... . . . . . + + S + S + *R+ 2951. Mostly male, some female . . . . . . . . . + + Source of Power 2952. Power from dreaming . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .+ + s S S 2953. Prenatal dreaming . - + 2954. Dreaming in childhood (usual) . . . . . .+ 2955. Dreaming at any time (usually after maturity).- - - ~~~~~~~~~~~+ + S + + +i maturity) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ _ _ + + S + + + 2956. Dreams come unsought . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + S + 2957. Dreams sought . . . . . . . . . . . . + 2958. Sleep in cave, etc. + - 2959. Power from vision . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - S + 2960. Encounter powers . . . . . . . . . . . . . + S - + + 2961. Sought powers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + - _ _ 2962. Vision during salt expedition . . _ - + _ - - _ 2963. Vision during war purification . . _ _ + _ _ _ 2964. Seeker enters cave of serpents . . + _ 2965. Dreaming subsequent to vision . . . . . . + 2966. Shamanism taught or given . . . . . . . . . . . . S- 2967. By older shaman . . . . . . . . . . . . . + 2968. Nonrelative, paid . . . . . . . . 2969. By older singer (teaches songs) . . . . . + - 2970. Instructor "throws" power into novice . . _ _ - + . _ - 2971. Instructor sings over novice . . . . . . . + - 2972. Instructor teaches songs, curing methods . _ _ + - + - - 2973. Novice dreams after schooling . . . . . . + . 2974. Novice has dreamed before schooling . 2975. Shamanism the result of predisposition . . . . . . + S S S 2976. Hereditary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S S - S 2977. Born with dreams . . . . . . . . . . . .+ . 2978. Because of object in body . . . . . . . . - 2978a.Crystal . . . . . . . . . . . 2978b.Animal . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2978c.Power from object in body received miraculously* . + - _ - 2979. Dream of sacred mountain . . . . . . . . . . . . . *+ *+ - _ - 2980. Dream of time of creation . . . . . . . . + + - 2981. Power given by deity . . . . . . . . . . . + . () 2982. Power given by monsters . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2983. Power given by animal spirit . . . . . . . . . . . + - +) + + 2984. Any kind of animal spirit . . . . . . . . + + _ 2985. Restricted number . . . . . . . . . . . . + . + + 2986. Power given by ghost . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S ? ? ? ? ? ?S m CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN Miscellaneous Novice reveals power by curing . . . . . . . 2989. Begins on sick relative . . . . . . Shaman's Paraphernalia Gourd rattle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2991. Feathers tied to handle . . . . . . Bull-roarer 2993. To call spirit impersonators' . Shaman paints . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Shaman uses medicine kit . . . . . . . . . . 2996. Twilled basket . . . . . . . 2997. Contains feathers, tobacco, crystals Shaman uses cane . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Disease and Curing Causes of Disease Disease 3000. 3001. caused by intrusive object . . . . . . . Sent by magicians (special class) . . . Sent by evil shamans . . . . . . . . . . 3002. Tobacco smoke blown by shamans . 3003. Shaman's familiar sends "arrow". Disease object sucked out . . . . . . . . . . 3005. With mouth (direct) . . . . . . . . . 3006. Through arm . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3007. Through cane . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3008. Patient lies across shaman . . . . . . 3009. Displayed . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3010. Material object: worm, pebbles, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . 3010a Apache hair . . . . . . . . . 3011. "Bad blood? . . . . . . . . . 3012. Pain (not an object) sucked out * Disease object "sent away" . . . . . . . . . . Disease object destroyed . . . . . . . . . . 3015. Burned . 3016. Put in water . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3017. Buried . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3018. Sender killed thereby . . . . . . . . 3018a. Apache hair "blown to north" . . . . . Disease caused by dream-poisoning . . . . . . Disease caused by animals . . . . . . . . . . 3021. Result of malhandling, injuring . ,Disease sent by spirit animals . . . . . . . . 3022a. Bear . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3023. Mountain lion, buzzard . . . . . . . . Disease caused by soul loss . . . . . . . . . 3026. Soul stolen by shaman . . . . . . . . 3027. Soul stolen by spirit, ghost . . . . . 3028. Soul loss from fright . . . . . . . . + + + - + + - S - S + - _ _ * S * * (+) + S + * + + S + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + + 1- + + + + + + +I + + + + S + S S S S - + + _ _ + + + + + + + + ) S T+) 159 a) ~ ~ F- ? m O .H b . .- l _| . H I 0 0 ~~~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~Cd C Cd Cd i _ _ DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wl SS _~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ + + + + *+ + + - - S + + + - - S + + + S *+ + + + s s + S S * + + + + + + + S * * I LI I II 160 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS |-) A =E-, C--) h14 PA PW C > H DM Ak Mo Co Na Pi Pa Yq Yv Wl i~~~~~~ Curing Methods 3029. Diagnosing by specialist . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + - - _ 3030. House darkened (no fire) . . . . . . . . . + 3031. Diagnostician smokes . . . . . . . . . . . + + - _ _ 3032. Blows smoke on patient . . . . . . + 3033. Diagnostician does not sing . . . . . . . + + 3034. Blows saliva on patient . . . . . . . . . + + _ _ _ 3035. Brushes patient with feathers . . . . . . + + 3036. Diagnostician sucks out disease object . . _ _ _ *+ - _ _ 3037. Extraction of disease object by specialist . . . . + 3038. Sucking doctor sings . . . . . . . . . . . + 3039. Sucking doctor smokes . . . . . . . . . . + 3040. Sucking doctor blows smoke on patient . . _ - + - _ _ _ 3041. Curing by exorcising* . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + - _ _ 3042. Singing shaman called . . . + + - _ _ 3043. Smokes over patient . . . . . . . . . . . + + _ _ _ 3044. Sings over patient . . . . . . . . . . . . + + - _ _ 3045. Brushes patient with feathers . . . . . . + S - 3046. From head to feet . . . . . . . . + + - _ _ 3047. Brushing with image of animal . . . . . . + + 3048. Brushing with part of animal . . . . . . . + + 3049. Diagnosing and curing by general practitioner . . + + + - - + + + 3050. Diagnosing with singing and dancing . . . _ 3051. Diagnosing with singing (only) . . . . . . + -? + + 3052. Sleight-of-hand displays . . . . . . . . . S + 3053. Smoking to diagnose. . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 3054. Feeling with hands to diagnose . . . . . . + + + _ _ ) + + 3055. Patient lies head to east . . . . . . . . + (-) + 3056. Patient lies head to west . . . . . . . . + 3057. Patient lies head to north . . . . . . . . 3058. Shaman sits on patient's right (- = no rule) . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - 3059. Shaman sits on patient's left . . . . . .* 3060. Blows smoke over patient . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + 3061. Blows saliva over patient . . . . . . . . + + + R + 3062. Blows breath over patient . . . . . . . . + + 3063. Paints patient with paint and "medicines". _ _ _ _ + _ _ 3064. Puts eagle down on patient's hair . . . . 3065. Sucks at seat of pain. . . . . . . . . . . + + + + + 3069. Cuts cross over seat of pain . . . + 3071. Shaman possessed at seances . . . . . . . . . . . . . Special Cures 3072. Snake bite cured by one with snake familiar or dream ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + + S + + 3073. Snake bite cured by someone previously bitten . . * S 3073a. Cure: sing over patient. . . . . . . . . . + - + + 3074. Ligature applied . . . . . . . . . + 3075. Painted "ligature" . . . . . . . + + 3076. Poison sucked out . . . . . . . . _ - 3077. Snake extracted . . . . . . . . . 3078. Saliva rubbed on bite . . . . . . + 3079. Walks around patient (does not touch) . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + + - - 3080. Makes rain "to cool patient" . .- + _ - U CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--D] 3081. Drinking water taboo to patient and family . . . . . . . 3082. Sand painting made . . . . . . . . ound doctors" suck wound . . . . . . . . . . . . :3084. Sing over. 3085. Wave notched eagle feather over . . . . . 3086. Dance around patient . . . . . . . . . . . st soul recovered . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3088. Patient faces Land of Dead . . . . . . . . ,,3089. Shaman sings ............... W 3090. Shaman walks around patient (ritually) . . 3091. Shaman smokes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3092. Blows smoke in patient's ears, nose, mouth . . . . . . . . . . M3093. Sends own soul for . 3094. Swallows 4 dirt piles, feigns death . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3095. In sweat house . . . . . . . . . . 3096. Sends spirit (power) for . . . . . . . . . 3097. Two doctors toss back and forth to purify . . . . . . . . . . . shes rubbed on patient . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3097b. In curing "ghost sickness" . . . . . . . . Shaman's Pay haman paid for cure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3099. Paid (or price set) when called . . . . . 3100. Indeterminate amount given . . . . . . . . 3101. Partial payment if patient dies . . . . . Public Performances hamans perform publicly in epidemic . . . . . . . 3103. Sing. .................. 3104. People sing and dance . . . . . . . . . . 3105. Sleight-of-hand displays . . . . . 3106. Search for disease object . 3107. Special Jure for "deer sickness"* . 3108. Two deer killed ritually . . . . . 3109. Heads and tails carried down on sticks (by runners) . . . . . . . . 3110. Vegetable products gathered . . . 3111. Sickness sucked from them. 3112. Boys and girls dance . . . . . . . 3113. Feast of venison and vegetables. 3114. Shamans sweep house with cholla branches . . . . . . . . . . . . 3115. People pound on walls to shake sickness out . . . 3116. Cholla branches ritually disposed of . . . . . . 3117. Deer heads, tails, offal ritually disposed of . . RUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 161 (1) 14 C) I A A P r - Ut 14DM Ak Mo Ma iPi Pa Yqc Yv W1 SS * + + + * + + + + t - +_ _ . +I _ ~~~+ * + + * + + + + + + + + + + + + + J+ + - + +- +- +- + - + - + - + - + - + - + _+ _ + - + ) + + + + + R + + + + + * 162 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS eO C m Q h * 00 P. DM Ak Mo Co Ma Pi Pa Yq Yv Wi Black Magic 3118. Black magic by regular practitioners . . . . . . . + *+ + + + _ _ + 3119. Black magic special power . . . . . . . . . . . . S + + S 3120. Usually performed by women . . . . . . . . . + - 3121. Black magic: disease object sent . . . . . . . + _ _ + + + + + 3122. Magicians killed when detected . . . . . . . . . + + + + + + S MISCELLANEOUS CUSTOMS AID BELIEFS Toloache 3123. Toloache taking by individuals . . . . . . . . . . *+ + + S 3124. For narcotic experience . . . . . . . . . - R + - + 3125. To foresee one's fate* . . . . . . . . . . + 3126. For gambling luck . . . . . . . . . . . . R 3127. For hunting luck . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3128. Shamanistic power acquired . . . . . . . . 3129. Root used ..... ..... . - R *+ + + - + . 3130. From north side . . . . . . . . . R - 3131. From west side . . . . . . . . . . + 3132. From east side . . . . . . . . . . 3133. Leaves used. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S 3134. Seeds used s. ........... S 3135. Toloache not taken, carried by hunters for luck. . _ _ _ _ _ + _ _ Ritual Expedition for Salt 3136. Fasting during journey .............. . .+ - | - | 3137. Meat taboo. .... - _ _ _ _ _ + . _ 3138. Fat taboo. .... _ _ _ _ _ _ + . _ 3139. Salt taboo. .... _ _ _ _ _ _ + . _ 3140. Eat only pinole . . . . . . . . . . + 3141. Mix with water in basket cup *. .+ _ _ 3142. Eating only at order of leader . . . . . . + 3143. Scratching-sticks used . . . . . . . . . . + 3144. Little sleep on journey . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ _+ _ _ _ 3145. Sing at nightly camps . . . . . . . . . . _ _+ - _ - 3146. Ritual smoking at nightly camps + - _ _ 3147. Ritual speeches at nightly camps..+ - _ - 3148. Races on journey . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .+ 3149. Novices race to ocean on arrival . . . . . . . . .+ 3150. Prayer-stick offering to ocean + _ _ _ 3151. Fasting on return journey . . . . . . . . . . . . 3152. Same as outgoing . . . . . . . . . . . . .+ 3153. Walk, lead horses (riding taboo) + - _ _ 3154. Ritual halt and speech on return . . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ _ _ + - - - 3155. Met by small boys with bull-roarers . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ _ + - - - 3156. Assemble in ceremonial house . . . . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ _ _ + - - - 3157. Salt-gatherers sit in row . . . . . . . . . _ _ _ _ _ + - - - 3158. Ten singers called . . . . . . . . . . . + - - - 3159. Notched-stick rasps with basket resonators . . . . . . .+ 3160. Corn meal sprinkled on basket resonators . . . . . . . . . . . + 3161. Singers are "noted men"' . . . . . + I 11 -0 i I CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 163 e o I r oD |-I P= o H t> DM Ak M d H i Pa Y CY 1 S iDM Ak Mo Co MajPi Pa Yq,Yv Wi Ss 3162. Between songs each singer puri- fies, blesses salt-gatherers .+ - _ 3163. Paid in salt .+... . - _ _ _ _ _ + 3164. Each salt-gatherer con- tributes parcel of salt. + - _ 3165. Salt for singers in two baskets .+. _ _ _ _ _ _ + 3166. Remainder divided among spectators? + - _ 3167. Singing, purification lasts all night? + - _ Novice salt-gatherers secluded ... . . . . . . . + 3169. Four days ...... + _ _ 3170. Restrictions still in force . ...... + Guardian spirits often obtained on salt expeditions' .... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + Berdaches, etc. Male berdaches .... . . . . . . . + - + + + + + 3173. Transformation caused by dreaming . . . _ + + * 3174. Dream of Berdache mountains + 3175. Cause unknown ("born thus") .. . + - _ - - + - - + 3176. Tests to see if berdache .(.-.. . . . ) + _ 3177. Child put in windbreak with basket, bow . . . . + 3178. Windbreak set afire, watch what he brings out.- _ + + _.. .. 3179. Berdache-making ritual ... . . . . . . + + 3180. Sing over .-... . . . _ + . _ _ _ _ 3181. Bath ritually ..... . - + . _ _ _ _ 3182. Put dress on ..-. . . + . _ _ _ _... 3183. Male berdache marries man ... . . . . . - + + + _ - _ Female berdaches .-... . . . . . . . . . . . . . _ + + + - + _ 3185. Female berdache marries woman . . . . + + - _ ._ Belief in person marrying snake .-.-. . . . + + _ - 3187. Bewitched (snake appears as attractive human being) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + 3188. Symptom: convulsive seizures ... . _ + + ._.. "Backwards": group using reverse speech and ac- tions .-.... . . . . . . . . + + - _ 3190. "Those born without foreskins" *. _ _ + . 3191. Those who have intercourse with a berdache - + - 3192. Membership recruited by offering tobacco _ _ +? 3193. Myth about battle charge when told to retreat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + . Time, Directions, Beliefs Descriptive moon count . * . i) * .+) *+ * _ 3195. Twelve- to thirteen-month round. (r) * - + 3196. Six-month-calendar round ..H. * + - _ Numerical moon count ..) * - _ *+ Year begins in harvest season .(+) *) * .+) * Calendar stick year round .... . . . . . . . . + + Four cardinal directions .... . . .... . + + + + . + + + 164 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS |__ N Ak N CD3 o a l Pi ,a CY q > Yv W |DlM Ak MO CO Ma I Pi Pa Yq|I Yv WlSI 3201. Color-direction symbolism . . . . . . . . 3202. N = white, S = black, W - red, E = yellow . . . . . . . . . . . 3203. N = red, S - black, W = yellow, E = blue-green . . . . . . . . . 3204. N = red, S = blue-green, W = black, E = white . . . . . . . . . . . 3205. Comet is dangerous omen . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3206. Prominent man will die . . . . . . . . . . 3207. Defeat in war . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3208. Sickness, general misfortune . . . . . . . 3209. Shooting stars: indifferent . . . . . . . . . . . 3210. Shooting stars are star feces . . . . . . 3211. Sun, male; moon, female . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3212. Coyote in moon . . . *. . . . . . . . . . . 3213. Eclipse of moon: "moon dies" . . . . . . . . . . 3214. Shouting, crying at eclipse . . . . . . . 3215. Singing. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3216. New-moon observances . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3217. Running ................. 3218. Toward east . . . . . . . . . . . 3219. Shouting and singing . . . . . . . . . . . 3220. Myth telling in suimmer taboo . . . . . . . . . . . 3221. Snake will bite teller. 3222. Left-handedness esteemed . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3223. Good marksman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3224. Active, ambitious, "like Coyote"* . . 3225. Left-handedness deprecated . . . . . . . . . . . . 3226. Indifference to left-handedness . . . . . . . . . Shrines and Offerings 3227. Sacred spring as ritual center . . . . . . . . . . 3228. Associated with myth of sacrificed children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3229. Fenced ....... .......... 3230. Feathers, beads offered . . . . . . . . . 3231. Offerings at caves, places of mythical association 3232. Trail-side offering places . . . . . . . . . . . . 3233. Food, tobacco, arrows put on . . . . . . . 3234. Stones piled on . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3235. Prayer sticks made*. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3236. Painted (blue or green) . . . . . . . . . 3237. Used as mnemonics for war party* . . . . . 3238. Kept in scalp basket after . . . . 3239. Made in preparation for Vikita . . . . . . 3240. Kept for curing . . . . . . . . . 3241. Kept with food . . . . . . . . . . 3242. Made for salt expedition . . . . . . . . . 3243. Offered to ocean . . . . . . . . . 3244. Medicine baskets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3245. Village owned . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3246. Kept in ceremonial house . . . . . . . . . 3247. Ritual paraphernalia kept in . . . . . . . 3248. Scalps kept in . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3249. Shamans' medicine baskets (distinct from above). 3250. Enemy slayers' privately owned medicine (scalp) basket . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . + + * * + _ X *- + + + + + + + + + + + + +) + + + + * + + + + + + + * + + + + +__ + + *+ * + * + + + + + * + *+ + + + + + + + S + + + + * + + + + + + + + + + + I ELEMENTS DENIED BY ALL INFORMANTS SUBSISTENCE Basketry Agriculture planter with footrest, or with cross- r horn shod. True hoe (except Yaqui Maize planted in hills. Wild Vegetable Products patches burned over. Wild grass rrigated. Hunting pitfalls for deer. Deer hunted with nces, corrals, or nets for antelope eadfalls or other traps for large car- Eagle catching from pit. Salt rom grass (burned). Cooking and Eating ressels (except mortars). Wooden ther than recent). Grasshopper, rattle- )g, horned toad eaten. Storage and Storehouses ilverized for storage. Ad-Quest Beliefs and Minor Rites parts of deer taboo to women, or to Antelope charming (other than pre- Feather-decorated baskets. Cradles Sitting cradles. Wooden cradles. V-frame cradles. Buckskin-covered cradles. Textiles Weaving on vertical (full-) loom (in any ma- terial). Skin Dressing Skin dressing women's work. Hafted end scrap- er. Buckskin smoked, or buried, to color. Dress and Ornament Men's skirt of shredded fiber. Men's apron. Men's hats or caps (except buckskin cap). Women's leggings. Men's hair in two braids; women's ditto. lien's hair short (except in mourning). Eyebrows plucked. Compound wooden comb (but see Gifford, 1936, 278). Women's nose- piercing. Alae pierced. Labrets worn. Weapons Snakeskin-covered bow. Simple bow with re- curved tips. Bowstring of human hair. Bow case. Bone or horn tips for arrows. True arrow poison. Multiple-tipped arrows. Slings for war (except "recent" [sic!]). Throwing spear. Stone-tipped pike. Throwing board. Twined rod or slat armor. Long hide tunic (armor). Helmets of any type. MATERiAL CnLTURE Dwellings )m, multistory houses. Tipi of skins. type). Semisubterranean dwelling. entry. Sweat Houses Btered doorway. Sweating for purifi- ssembly house for sweat house. Dancing Duse. Competitive sweating. Pottery bottom made by coiling. Polychrome pt recent). Corrugated ware. Handles ladles). Potter's food restrictions. Grinding Metate for rotary grinding. Metates graduated in fineness. Singing while grinding. Various Tools and Techniques Ax or adz for woodcutting. Hammer and wedges for splitting wood. Cane knife for butchering. Fire Bow drill. Jointed fire drill. Transportation Snowshoes (any type). Musical Instruments Foot drum. Hollow log drum (cf. Spier, 1928, 264). Hand-held cocoon rattle. [165] - w ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS ANMUSEIENTS Games Kickball race with plain stick for "ball." Hoop and pole with netted hoop, or notched hoop. Nut-shell dice. Spear-throwing games (except hoop-and-pole). Moiety competition in games. SOCIAL CULTURE Structure of Society Matrilineal organization. Exogamous moieties. Chiefs' speakers. Hereditary war chiefs. Formal war societies. Head taking. Marriage Formal marriage rites, marriage tests. Any preferential mating. Polygyny by chiefs (i.e., restricted). Kinship Usages Avuncular relationship. INDIVIDUAL DEVELOPMENT Birth Customs Midwife paid. Placenta burned. Offerings put with placenta. Twins killed at birth. Names Names bestowed at puberty. Feast to cha name (cf. Gifford, 1933, 292). Girls' Puberty Pit-roasting as public rite, group of gi (except Akwa'ala tattooing rite). Round da at girl's puberty. Deer-hoof rattle at gir puberty. Mortuary Customs Dying removed from house. Interment in ing. Corpse removed through wall. Recipro burial functions of clans or moieties. Spe burial for chief, or twin. Mourners pitch scratch faces. Widow (widower) secluded. Mourners purified by shaman. CEREMONIALS Mourning Ceremony All preliminary rites: ritual clothes bu ing; ritual house burning; "ceremonial road Mourning ceremony at regular intervals. R from medicine bundle. Images made (except cent"). Dances of Toloache complex used. Feathered shields (Forde, 240). Miscellaneous Entire Toloache-initiation complex. Ini tion rituals into dencing societies. 166 ETHNOGRAPHIC NOTES ON THE ELEMENT LIST SUBSISTENCE Agriculture ew families lived in favorable places aally planted small gardens. In none bases however was agriculture a major subsistence, even to the planting The products were regarded as luxu- their ripening was the signal for a "good times." This desultory culti- the soil is more fully described in 57 ff. and Gifford, 1936, 262-263. ew Shivwits, living at a place called ?ted; the rest did not. At tacai Ipparently a spring or series of Dwn a slope that waters a small area. wit stated quite emphatically that the Liportance of the planting was slight, E families engaging in it. : Agriculture here was of the Lower River type, as Spier brings out clearly p33, 58 ff.). The informant stated floods on the Gila were less regular e Colorado, and some years were not t for the usual planting. The people fto find low places, "like sand tanks," Bging revealed dampness, planted there. r not all could find these places. r went out on the desert looking for ,plant, like the Papago. Pap: There rears, now and then, in which there was i water to plant. There were two types of fields, along the river, and yOik&wosam, on ses back from the river. The former, tstood, were inundated annually, and i well by the heavy mists that rise tiver each morning. The latter depended Dr their moisture. If the rainfall was tnt, they were watered by hand, water ried up from the river in ollas (see caption indicates fields situated near listinct from those in overflow basins, Wamporales. Actually, the line of dis- ks not so sharp as it appears: a good 0 Pima cultivated land was subject to The chief point of difference is in lce or absence of ditches. Shiv: The "ditches" seem to have been e than shallow scratches from the 8spring to the planting place. They dnly crude affairs compared to the ir- iystems of the Pima. The Walapai made ktangular basins of earth, which they Lh water shortly before planting. r was carried for young plants in dry as "irrigation" was nowhere standard Yaq: The fields away from the river were so watered (see note 4). Yav, Wal: Baskets, not pottery ollas, were used for this purpose. 8. Temporale agriculture refers to the utili- zaticn of ephemeral stream waters. The fields ("temporales") are in aggraded plains over which the runoff of adjacent rocky hills spreads in a silt-laden sheet. Once well soaked, the finely divided adobe of which the plains are composed retains its moisture long enough to grow crops. The ponds which form on these "flats,"t or the earth dams commonly constructed, supply water enough for human needs in the farming season. (The structure of these plains and their ponds is well described by Bryan, pp. 120 ff., 144 ff.; see also Sauer and Brand, 1931, 74.) In princi- ple this temporale farming is very like the over- flow-basin farming of the Lower Colorado Valley. Crops 10. Yaq (and 11 Yaq): There were three varie- ties of white corn, but the characteristics of the third were not made clear to me. These three were economically the most important. The col- ored corns were said to have been grown in small quantities only, and used chiefly for "remedios." 10. Wal: This small white corn, "Mohave corn was formerly the only variety grown. Colored maize was obtained from the Havasupai, it is said. 22-23. Yaq: Brown and black beans were not cultivated, but grew wild. 25. Cowpeas (Vigna sinensis) are of course Old World domesticates. They are considered to be aboriginal by the tribes of the present study, which suggests lack of feeling for history, if nothing else. Coc: Cowpeas were planted and tended by women, chiefly. Wal: Cowpeas were ob- tained from the Mohave at some unknown time in the past. 27. I was not able to equate the varieties of "pumpkins" described by the several informants. 30. Kroeber (1925, 736) names four varieties of grasses planted by the Mohave; my informant could recall only three. The Cocopa planted two kinds. Mar: My informant did not know the "likcamac" mentioned by Spier (1933, 62). The negative is probably an error. 31. Wheat was considered to be aboriginal by some informants. It was introduced in early times (see Forde, 110; Russell, 76) and became an im- portant crop. Pap: Wheat was grown by the Papago ever since the informant could remember. He was trying to restrict his answers to the period of which he had first-hand knowledge, so I pressed him no further on the point. 38. Mar: Cotton planting was known to have been borrowed from the Pima after the people moved from the Gila Bend region to Sacate. 39. Moh: Tobacco seed was obtained from the Chemehuevi. Coc: The denial of tobacco planting [167 ] ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS is substantiated by Gifford's information (1933, 269); nor did the Yuma plant it (Forde, 117). liar: One of Spier's informants affirmed, others denied, the planting of tobacco (1933, 333 ff.). 40. The gourds were nonedible, and grown to use for rattles, dippers, etc. Agricultural Tools, Techniques, Etc. 41. Yaq: Only very poor folk planted with the dibble. All who could afford it had hoes (with iron blades) and the well-to-do had plows and oxen. Vhen the plow was used, one man plowed a furrow, and another walked along behind, drop- ping seeds three at a time in the furrow and covering them with his foot. The field was not worked and then planted in our way. The plows seem to have been identical with those of the Tarahumara (Bennett and Zingg, 19-20). 42. This planting differs from the planting in hills practiced in some regions. A small circular area of ground was loosened, the seed grain dropped into it or poked down with the fingers. The planter with hand or foot, accord- ing to convenience, scraped a little earth over the corn and pressed it down lightly. Later, the growing corn was sometimes hilled to keep it froTr being blown down by the wind. Another method of planting used for early corn or in dry seasons was described by Maricopa and Papago informants. Pits 1-2 feet in diameter were dug in sand tanks down to the moisture line, and seeds were planted there but not covered deeply. Sand was filled in around the growing plants. This corn did not grow tall, but ripened early. Apparently it was not of the deep-root- ing type of Pueblo maize. 43. 4+ means 4 or 5; 3+, 3 or 4; etc. 44-45. HIoh: Kroeber (1925, 735) states corn was planted irregularly, and the "rows" the in- formant described must have been rows only in the broadest sense. He said the holes were made diagonally, first right, then left, thus: Good true rows could be made thus, of course, but the chances are that Mohave stands of corn were pretty uneven and ragged-looking. 48. This trait is not to be interpreted to mean a strict division of labor, but that as a rule the entire family pitched in to do the planting. Men would do the harder work of dig- ging, usually. An old man or boy, as well as a woman, might plant the seeds. The essential point is that planting was considered to be a two-person task: one to dig and one to plant. The Yaqui had a similar custom, whether planting with dibble, hoe or plow (see note 41), except that it was the men who worked in pairs; women did not engage in planting. 50. Moh: Negative is probably an error. Some other Hohave with whom I conversed casually spoke of two plantings a year being an ancient prac- tice. Yaq: Two crops were usual; in good ye there might be three. 52. Most informants agreed that teparies planted separately to make them easier to hi (by pulling up the vines and threshing the b with flails, see elements 89 ff.). If plant among the maize the vines would entwine them selves on the cornstalks. 56-57. The grass seeds were sown on the s face of basins of wet mud and not covered, t is, in the same manner that we seed a lawn. kind that the Mohave sowed--anki (Kroeber's ankithi ?)--was broadcast from the hand; the others, finer and lighter, could be scattere more evenly by blowing them from the mouth. is interesting to compare this planting comp with that described by some informants for t fine light seeds of tobacco (note 59-61). 59-61. The basins for tobacco were formed scraping up a low bank around the plot, work the soil within it, filling it with water wh was allowed to percolate down. The Mohave watered the basin by means of ollas, the Pit made a ditch. Wdhen the water had seeped awe the seeds were broadcast on the wet ground. 62. Pap: The method of planting tobacco u similar to that described for dry-season cor (note 42), that is, in pits in sand tanks. 64. Yaq: Transplanting of tobacco seedlin does not sound like an aboriginal trait, but informant insisted it was an indispensable a in the growing. 69. This the typical Lower Colorado imple See Kroeber, 1925, pi. 67,a. Yaq: It was no quite clear whether the implement described similar to that reported elsewhere or a wood imitation of the postcontact sickle. Beals a reference to the weaving-sword hoe from Si (Beals, 1932, table 18). 71. Yaq: The hoe used was the European i ment with an iron blade. 72. See Russell, 97. 73. Described as "a small shovel of mount sheep horn" (Walapai, 60), the implement see have been a kitchen utensil--the familiar]mc tain-sheep-horn ladle--temporarily put to a use. 75. Slings, bows with cross-stick arrows, were used by the children for this purpose. 77. These fences may be postcontact innol tions. What utility they could have had bet livestock was introduced is hard to see. 80. Pim: Both individual holdings, and wi them the irrigation units, were reported m off by low ridges of earth. The latter unit were designated by a term referring to thesu ridges: Wuas, something shallow enclosed by raised border. (GH.) Yav: Plus is probably roneous. 82. Coc: The informant thought that a rou sugar cane, or something of the sort, might planted at the edge of one man's field to m it off from his neighbor's. U A i I p J. 168 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN Pim: Within the cultivated areas, indi- fields were bounded by irrigation ditches. Construction of these "represos" is one typical features of cultivation of the aes. Harvesting Yaq: The stalks were cut with a machete; Lse the process was similar to that among ier groups. For final drying, for storage. Sometimes w were partially dried on the pulled-up (see element 86). I was unable always to determine if the ere braided together Pueblo-fashion, or 'bunched and tied. Pap: Cowpeas were pulled, vines and all, end rubbed between the hands rather than d with flails, such as were teparies. Mar, Pim: Pumpkins were put in the store- not piled up in the open. Wild Vegetable Products Dieg: Mesquite occurs infrequently in inity of La Huerta; what little there is to be bitter. "Hooks were used to pull down the higher to pick the "beans." The fruit that and fell off itself was of course picked the ground. 06. Wal: The informant denied that his ad any proper mortars (q.v.). Mesquite re pounded fine on the metate, not y rubbing. .The usual manner of using mesquite was the meal in cold water, drink the sweet and discard the meal. People might eat a handful of meal, or spit it out king the juice from it, but this was gular practice. Yaq: The informant may not have recog- tree from my description. Wal: Pres- extreme southwestern part of area" 33), but not in territory of inform- Dd. See Kroeber, 1925, 737. Pim: Russell (p. 75) corroborates this. oh: Mescal grows far back on the mesas river valley, but the Mohave did not he uplands. Coc: The mountain Cocopa to dig mescal, but not the river 'Mar: Mescal is not common. See Spier, Shiv: There are two varieties (?) of a very large and a small kind. Only the s were dug. e Walapai, fig. 1. Mar: Spier's in- described a mescal cutter with the blade lde (Spier, 1933, 55), which my informant Deg, Akwa: The thorns and bitter tips aves burned off in the cooking process. 121. Yaq: A machete was used for this. Wal: The usual implement had an iron blade, mounted, however, just like the stone blades of other groups. The Walapai were reported to have ob- tained iron tools "from over in the Navaho coun- try" long before white settlement in their terri- tory. 122. This is the "mescal hatchet." It was probably used for cutting or sawing rather than for chopping. 124. Each person cut leaves or stalk in a dis- tinct manner, to identify his heads after the communal cooking. Informants denying this prac- tice said that each person put his heads in the pit oven in a separate pile, or row, or such. Yav: Gifford reported this present, also separate piling in oven (1936, 259). 127-128. See note 124. 130-132. Yaq: The cooked mescal heads were dried whole, it was reported. This is certainly erroneous if the statements of most other inform- ants, that the heart or center of the head does not keep well even when dried separately, are correct. 133. Pap: Perhaps erroneous, at least for aboriginal times. 134. The stalks were gathered when young and tender only. Mar: See note 115 Mar. They had to go some distance for mescal; it was probably not worth while to make the trip just for the stalks. 136. Moh: Tunas were not an important food, and only occasionally gathered. This probably accounts for the absence of tongs and of drying (elements 137, 144). 138-139. Yav: The entries are probably in er- ror, through misunderstanding. The "bent" tongs of the other groups were often a split half-sec- tion of a pole. See Gifford, 1936, pl. 10, a. 142. Tunas were usually brushed with a bunch of twigs, or the like, after picking, then spread on a clean sandy place and brushed and rolled about to remove the finer spines. 144. Shiv: The fruits were split open "like peaches" and dried separately, not pounded into a cake. 145. Mar: When the fruits were not fully ripe the seeds were utilized; later, they became too hard. 145-146. Wal: The informant's reply was not altogether clear. Use of the seeds is confirmed, however, in Walapai, 50. 148. Shiv: Perhaps erroneous. 149. The pulp could be boiled and eaten. Sometimes the whole plant was roasted in a pit oven. 150. I am not certain that these are really fruits; the information may apply to the new joints. 153. Yaq: There was one kind of sahuaro that had many large seeds, for which the fruit was gathered. With this exception, sahuaro fruit was seldom picked, for pitahaya was plentiful along 169 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS the Yaqui River. Yav: There was no sahuaro in the informant's band's territory, but the people went south into the desert for the fruit. Wal: Sahuaro grows on the Big Sandy; the people of that section notified friends and relatives in other bands when the fruit ripened, and all as- sembled there. 154. The techniques, etc., for sahuaro- and pitahaya-gathering differed little, so far as I could determine. Pitahaya, having larger sweet- er fruit, was preferred wherever it was plenti- ful. Dieg: Informant (1) affirmed pitahaya- gathering, but the others denied it. He must have been thinking of visits to the Cocopa; pitahaya is not present in the local flora. 155-156. Yaq: The equivalence of the Yaqui implement is not certain; it was at least more precisely made than those of the other groups. A T-shaped stick was lashed across the end of a pole a short distance from the sharpened end. Very ripe fruits were skewered on this point and dislodged by pushing with the crossbar of the T, so that they would not fall and get smashed. 156. Pim: Confirmed by Russell (fig. 18, b). 158. A refreshing drink was made by boiling down the fruit into syrup (such as was done in wine-making) and adding water. All the groups who had access to sahuaro or pitahaya did this whether or not they made wine. It should be noted that this making of sweet beverages was very characteristic of the area; besides mes- quite, many other plants were so used: tunas by Pima, Papago (present informants), Walapai (Wala- pai, 50); mescal by SE Yavapai (Gifford, 1932, 207), Walapai (Walapai, 53); yucca fruits by Walapai (Walapai, 52); juniper berries (see ele- ment 185). Unfortunately the frequent applica- tion of this pattern was noted too late to be incorporated in the lists. 160. None of the informants would admit the "re-eating" of sahuaro seeds (Russell, 71). 161. The fruits which had completely ripened and dried on the plants were treated thus; the fresh ones could not be dried. The Yaqui minus may be due to misunderstanding on this point. 162. Several kinds of yucca occur in the area; some are edible, some not. Confusion on the kind to which my question referred arose in some instances, hence the blanks. The Maricopa, ac- cording to Spier (1933, 55), and the Pima (Russell, 72) ate the fruit of Y. baccata. 171. Yav: There were some pinons in Wipukupa country, but they seldom bore a good crop of nuts; usually the people went to the region around Williams for pinon gathering. 182. Yellow pine occurs in the territories of both Yavapai and Walapai, though probably not in the narmal range of either informant's band. I neglected to inquire about it, however. It is not found in the remainder of the region. 185. Not all trees bear sweet berries. Gath- erers went to trees they knew to be sweet, or went about sampling till they found some. 191. Pap: Ironwood nuts were not used ext sively. Yaq: Children gathered ironwood nut eat. The seeds were not important. 198. The variety of techniques depend on kind of grass seed harvested. 199. Moh, Coc: Pottery trays were used. 202. See Spier, 1928, fig. 3. 205. Shiv: A "mountain-sheep rib" was use cut grass. Sheep-horn sickles were denied. Hunting 206. Moh: Deer were scarce and rarely huo The informant himself had never hunted deer4 208. Mar: Reported by Spier, 1933, 69. formant said this was known to be a Papago but they did not use it. 208-209. Wal: Reported present in Walapa' The informant described this disguise for lope hunting. 1 210. Pap: The bow and arrows might be use "front legs"; no weight was put on them. 214. Mar, Pim, Yaq: Maricopa and Pima hu ran down deer on horseback; before they hadU they never ran them down. This same method used by Yaqui vaqueros, more for sport thani subsistence. 215. Mar: The informant thought that thiq vice was used, but was not positive. He ma been in error. Yaq: The snare was an impo deer-hunting device. 216. The hunter made a noise, like the b of a fawn, to call the doe. Yav: Reported ent by Gifford, 1936, 264. Mly informant pr erred. 219. Pim: When a wounded deer gave out a fell, the hunters raced to it. This was a practice when several men hunted together, though perhaps not invariable. The inform called that, on-his first group hunt, the d went down close to him. He started toward but someone shouted, "Look out, it has hor He faltered, the rest beat him to the quarr he got no share of the meat. Pap: Denied b formant (1), but affirmed by (2). 222. 'The kill was not divided by the hu but was brought home to share with all in t camp. 223. Dieg, Akwa: I am not certain whethL were no antelope in the vicinity of La Huer whether my description of the animal was ml derstood. The Akwa'ala informant's statem that her people had to go down into the de hunt antelope makes the former seem more 1i Yaq: There were antelope, but "they were t swift; one couldn't catch them." 235. Mar: Spier reports this concept 1933, 69). Yaq: Perhaps so, but the info would say only that it was impossible to ki mountain sheep. 245. This and similar devices were of c useful only when the burrow was shallow, or' a rabbit ran into a cranny in the rocks. 170 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PINAN tk, or such, was twisted into the ani- e Spier, 1933, fig. 4. hunter made a noise, like a young call the doe. Shiv: Few hunters only o do this. a: The pocket net was borrowed in a from the neighboring Diegueflo. Mar: 1935, 67. Shiv. Pocket nets were ottontails. h: Reported present by Kroeber (1925, iS was apparently a substitute for oration. : A fire was lit by the hunt master the start of the drive. This is a lifornian practice (see Drucker, CED: .1132). : Herzog's chief informant believed -was not hereditary, but was obtained . (GH.) prop release is meant a simple stick upporting the weight and dislodged by o get the bait. v: See Gifford, 1936, 266. Dr. Herzog pointed out that bear to the Pima, the animal appearing in a particular disease being attributed uence. His informants stated however re not deliberately hunted, though a ill one in self-defense. (GH.) Per- esent informant had in mind the proper ory along the river, which bear prob- t frequent, as opposed to the near-by Pap: Bryan mentions that the Sonora erly occurred in the mountains bor- Santa Cruz Valley, but they may not common throughout Papago country. parently when a group of hunters a bear they might try to kill it, tily the animals were not molested. t common in the area. To kill a bayed peccary with a club steady nerve and a disregard of per- e. Some men hunted this way for i: Mountain-lion meat was considered f the finest procurable. Wal: People Children might not eat mountain lion. in lions were rare in Shivwits terri- is expectable from the absence of Eaten, according to Gifford (1936, Plus probably an error. The informant had heard that the coyotes, but thought that his people astidious. Pap: Coyotes were eaten e winter when deer were poor and the Yav: See Gifford, 1936, 266, for eaking. : Reported eaten (Walapai, 63). : Reported not eaten (Spier, 1933, 65). Yav: Reported eaten (Gifford, 1936, 267); "meat believed to give strength to eaters." My informant said badgers were too malodorous to be eaten. There were other Yavapai foods that smelled worse than badgers, certainly. 285. Mar: The kind of animal asked about may not have been understood. Raccoons occurred in the region, but were scarce (see Russell, 82). 287. Skunk was eaten in times of famine, and probably more widely than informants admitted. There seems to have been no taboo on it in the area, but "people don't eat it because it stinks." 288. Pim, Pap: Porcupines were found only rarely. 289. Mar: Spier lists prairie dogs as eaten (1933, 65), but I am not aware that there are or were any in Maricopa territory. 290. Mar: To eat ground squirrel would cause deafness, according to Spier (1933, 71). Pim, Pap: There were few ground squirrels formerly, the informants said. Russell (p. 81) reports there are at least six species in the Pimerlia, and that their flesh was taboo to women. 291. Mar: Not eaten, according to Spier (1933, 65). 292. Shiv: Tortoises were found only in the region about tacai. The people there ate them. 293. Yaq: The informant was referring to the great sea turtle, it turned out. To the other people represented by lists, any turtle was "poisonous. n 294-295. Akwa: Minuses may be erroneous. 294. Pim: The ritual name of the caterpillars means "Shaman's ornaments," suggesting some ritu- al importance of the creatures. (GH.) Yav: Big caterpillars were not so plentiful as in the re- gions in the west of the Verde Valley. Shiv: The people of the tacai district got more cater- pillars than other Shivwits. 296. Yaq: Large lizards ("iguanas") were eaten. I am not sure that these are the same as the chuckawalla. 296-297. Yav: Both reported present by Gifford (1936, 268). 298. Dieg, Akwa: The people could not catch ducks, except for mud hens (see elements 300- 301). Pap: It was only rarely that ducks alighted on a pond. The few that did were not molested. 309. It is said that in wet weather the birds' feathers become wet and heavy so that they tire easily. 312. See Spier, 1933, fig. 4. 314-315. See Spier, 1933, fig. 5. 316. Mar: Reported absent by Spier, 1933, 72. 317. Mar: Spier reports wild turkeys hunted (1933, 65), but so far as I could learn there were no turkeys anywhere near Maricopa territory. Russell does not mention turkeys in the Pimeria, nor does Bryan include them in his sketch of fauna of the Papago country. 322. Pim: Not for food, but for "medicine" to cure stuttering. 323. Mar: To eat road runner was unlucky. One 171 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS would always be thin and hungry. Pim: Old people sometimes ate road runners; no young person would. 326-327. Yaq: Crow and owl were sometimes eaten for medicine. Fishing 330. Gifford (1933, 268) and Russell (83, footnote) list the fish of Lower Colorado and Gila. The Cocopa, on their visits to the Gulf, and the Yaqui of the coastal towns had a wider selection. Dieg, Akwa: Fish of course do not occur in the arid habitat of these groups, but both informants spoke of frequent journeys down to the coast for shellfish. Nonetheless both denied any method of catching fish. 332. See Forde, fig. 3, a. Large fish, such as the Colorado River "salmon," were simply dragged out, whereas humpbacks, bony tails, and the like, are said to have gilled in these nets. 333. Yaq: Lead weights were usually used, but stones were sometimes used. 335. Mar: This was known to be a Yuma practice. "They could catch fish that way because the Colorado is always muddy. The Gila however was clear; fish would see the net and avoid it." Yaq: People went to the river mouth to set nets at slack high water. The ebb left the net full of fish. 336. See Forde, fig. 3, b. 337. This was a small bag net, with two sepa- rate stick "handles," fastened one on each side of the bag. In dipping up a fish, the user clapped the sticks together to close the mouth so that his catch could not wriggle out. 338. See Kroeber, 1925, pl. 59. Mar: The in- formant knew this device, but said it could only be used successfully in the muddy water of the Colorado. Spier reports it present (1933, 76). 339. Moh, Coc, Mar: Probably all minus. 340. See Gifford, 1933, 268. 341. See Forde, 120. 345. Coc: Gifford (1933, 268) reports a spear used on the Gulf for sea bass. Mar: Probably an error; the informant was not very certain. Spier states the Halchidhoma (and presumably the Maricopa) did not use fish spears (1933, 76). 346. Yaq: The points were of the dense brazil- wood; some, however, were of iron. The imple- ment was called, in Spanish, an "arpon," but from the description was simply a spear. 348. Moh: Sometimes ordinary arrows were used (probably for fish at or near the surface). Pim: These arrows were also commonly used by children; in fact, in myths they seem to have been a symbol of childhood. (OH.) 349. See Spier, 1933, 76. Some sort of cac- tus-spine hooks are mentioned by Forde, 119. 352. The fisherman reached into holes and crannies in the rocks where fish hid. This simple but effective mode of fishing (sometimes known as tickling) seems from informants' state- ments to have yielded a large part of the f eaten. It was used by Maricopa and Pima mo than by the other groups. 354. Coc: The informant did not know of l willow-leaf "poisoning" described by GifforS (1933, 268). Yaq: The informant did not k Spanish name of the "yerba" used. 355. See Gifford, 1933, 268. 356-357. Dieg, Akwa: Mollusks were obtain special trips to the coast. Salt 360. Coc: The mountain Cocopa got salt fl beds near Volcan. 360-362. Dieg, Akwa: There were places o Pacific coast at which salt could be scrape Some salt was also obtained on visits to th Cocopa country (element 362). Shiv: Salt c from deposits in Moapa country. Sometimes Shivwits got it themselves, sometimes they from the Moapa. 362. Mar, Pim: Salt was obtained from the pago. Cooking and Eating 364. Moh: Men sometimes assisted. Elsew cooking was said to be a woman's task only- overstatement, certainly, for hunters and t ing parties of men undoubtedly cooked for t. selves. 371-372. Pim: It is of interest, though or may not be of significance in this conne that being watertight was a mark of excell basketry. (GH.) Wal: Denial of stoneboili corroborated in Walapai, 72. 375. Pim: The Papago were known to roast thus, but the Pima did not. 382. Wal: Prickly-pear tongs were reporte used. This is a strange habit for a people did not use stone boiling--it sounds as thod alien influence were a stronger factor than' venience even in such minutiae. Walapai, corroborates this information. 383. Dieg: See Kroeber, 1925, pl. 44, b. 386. The element began the journey as "wa bread made," but was altered when I was unab distinguish between "wafer bread" and torti Coc: Tortillas were made, and cooked on asb This probably should be considered a modern, (Mexican) innovation. 388. Mar: Spier reports this trait prese (1933, 63). The present informant thought t a custom borrowed from the Mexicans. The P% affirmative also may refer to a Mexican (re innovat ion. 389. Yaq: This is of course the familiar' can "nistamal" (or "nixtamal"). 396. Wal: This was a makeshift device. 397. Russell, fig. 13, d. 399. Akwa: Gourds were imported from the for ladles, rattles, and such. 1?2 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN kim: Russell pictures an "ancient ladle uafacture' (pl. 20, a), but implies were not in common use. Fussell, fig. 14, b. Pap: Probably re- Uoc: Pieces of shell were used for eat- gns, "to scrape close to the rind." A very common "swab" was a bit of dried 'dunked in soup or mush and eaten. Storage and Storehouses Eroeber, 1925, 699, and pl. 60; Russell, A large mat was rolled up into a cylinder, urely, and set on a made floor of packed t was filled with corn and covered with 8s or brush, and earth. The striking y to the northerly bird's-nest granary 409) should be noted. See Russell, pl. 35, e. Thatched store- Ire built down in the fields; those of h as Russell figures, in the village 'dwelling. 28. Yaq: Apparently these were very simi- he "corn-drying" structures of the Tara- Bennett and Zingg, 58 ff.). ye Spier, 1933, 89. See Spier, 1928, 129. ieg, Akwa: The Diegueno informant hat meat was ever dried; "whenever they teat they ate it all up at once." His was thus consistent with a previous irmed also by the Akwa'ala), that deer |gt home whole, and a feast was given 221). Probably the truth lay somewhere the two statements: that meat was some- ied, but not in great amounts, nor to for a long time (the Akwa'ala said the .t was "stored" by hanging it up in the bt in a cave, etc.). This would con- the general southern Californian pattern. 5hiv: Jack rabbits and cottontails were 1y jerked, but hung up "to dry out a to they would keep for a few days. 50d-Quest Beliefs and Minor Rites 3llowing section deals with various ob- 3 connected with the food quest, with ption of major rituals such as the Pima- ne festival and the Vikita, and the a ceremonials, which are treated else- 'Wal: "The Havasupai have songs to use lting corn, because they grow much more is a more important product] than the ld."1 8. Coc: Information may be erroneous; itates that planting restrictions were 3zcept for the planted grass seeds e informant denied received any ritual tL). 460. This was grain which was made to sprout by the songs of the shamans at the wine-drinking festival (q.v.). Both Pima and Papago informants denied that prayer sticks were put in the fields. 466. That is, in each of the cardinal direc- tions, which were not necessarily the corners of the pumpkin or melon patch. 470. This is a peculiar concept, if concept it is, for informants insist on its verity when describing the uses of this important fruit. To correlate their statements, some say that the sickness comes from eating "too much" of the fruit (Mar), others that "people not used to eat- ing them" get sick (Pap) or that it is only cer- tain kinds of tunas that cause sickness (Yaq). According to the Pima, the expressed juice, or syrup, may make one ill. (Russell reports this last notion, 75.) 471 ff. Mar: Spier's data corroborate this ab- sence of restrictions on deer hunters (1933, 69). 474. Akwa: The informant said that because of the group singing before the hunt continence was not requisite. (The singing lasted all night.) Pap: A deer hunt usually involved several days. "Men never took their wives along" on a hunting trip, apparently thus enforcing continence. 475. Dieg: The peculiar situation with respect to shamanism (q.v.) in this group is probably responsible for the negative. Mar: The ritual preliminary to the hunt described by Spier (1933, 69) was not a Maricopa rite, but simply an imi- tation of the Yaqui Deer dance. My informant denied that it had anything to do with hunting (though as a matter of fact the Yaqui so used it); it was danced for amusement only, at harvest feasts. If my informant was correct, the Mari- copa conform to the river Yuman pattern, as one would expect them to since neither they nor the river groups had the "hunting shamans" (shamans with special power over deer or other game) such as their neighbors had. 477. Pap: Smoke was blown upward with a prayer to the sun for success. 483. Yaq: This (and the other purificatory preliminaries to a hunt) varied somewhat with the individual. One who had "medicines" of one sort or another would not have to fast, bathe, etc. 484-485. Yaq: When he killed a deer, the hunter threw a pinch of powdered chile pepper and plant "medicines" in its eyes, with a benediction. 486-487. Pap: When a deer was killed for the ceremony to cure Deer-sickness (q.v.), it was turned head westward before butchering. The head and tail were used in the rite, then carefully hidden in the brush, as was the rest of the offal. Ordinarily these things were not done. Wal: The t"marrow guts" were hung up in a tree as an offer- ing "to the land" for giving the hunter the deer. 489-491. Akwa: Negatives may be erroneous. 489 ff. Yaq: Mountain sheep were never hunted (see element 233). 494. Shiv: The hunters knelt, resting their knuckles on the ground, and moved their bodies 173 174 ANTHROPOLOGI in time to the songs, without moving from their places. 497. Shiv: The shaman might call on a man to throw his quiver of cane arrows on the floor, and dance on them--not a one would be broken, so strong was the shaman's power. 499. Dieg: The horns were hidden so that other mountain sheep would not see them. 500. IMar, Pim, Pap: There was a very strong association of mountain sheep with weather. To kill a mountain sheep often caused violent storms; this is the reason they were so seldom hunted (see element 235). Horns that were brought home were treated with the greatest care, and handled only when a change in the weather was desirable. In late times, the horns were usually used (as in element 501) to make a breeze for winnowing wheat. 503. Pim, Pap: This performance was not spe- cifically an antelope-charming of Great Basin type. The chief function of the shamans was to "find" the whereabouts of the game "by means of their power"--a common Pima-Papago shamanistic practice. In the same fashion shamans "found" the rain during the wine drinking, and "found" the enemy when with a war party. Yaq: Antelope were not hunted. See element 223. Shiv: It would seem that the usual "antelope-charming" performances of Basin Shoshoneans have been transferred to an animal of greater importance in Shivwits economy, the mountain sheep (see elements 492-498). 508. Pap: Bears were not hunted (see element 272). 515. Yaq: Bears sometimes carried off women, and kept them for wives. (Men might be "stolen" [by female bears], but the male bears would kill them.) Bears were the only animals to espouse humans. Other creatures, particularly wolves who were believed endowed with great magical power, killed people, but never kept them cap- tive. 516. Wal: Reported eaten (Walapai, 74). 518-519. Pap: One had to wash his hands after eating quail, on pain of blindness. This applied to young and old. 519. Yav: A child would become spotted or "freckled" should he eat quail eggs. 520. Pap, Wal: It was taboo for a man with a pregnant wife, or a small child, to kill a rat- tlesnake, lest harm come to the child. 523. Yaq: If a rattler is not killed quickly and neatly, it complains to the Snake People in in their council (they are like humans, have houses, etc.), and they retaliate. MATERIAL CULTURE Dwellings For purposes of clarity, the several house complexes of our area are listed separately. [CAL RECORDS This should not be taken to mean that the no points of similarity, however. Despite ward differences of form (on which the cl cations into complexes are based) there series of secondary features which linked several types. It should be noted too tha summer dwellings of some groups were very the rude sort of dwellings of the Yavapai, pai, and others. Colorado River Complex The type description is that by Kroeber,. 731-735, and plate 56. 525. Coc: The informant stated that 1r houses were round; the diagram he drew was neither round nor yet quite square. My im sion is that in building the larger houses was a tendency to round off the corners. (1933, 271) describes the houses as rect Mar: See note 540 Mar. 528-530. The number of posts and the ment seems to have been a matter of expedi depending on the intended size of the hous stoutness of posts, and so on, rather than and-fast pattern. 533. Moh: This question has been misund stood. Kroeber (1925, 734) states the wal inclined inward. The usual Cocopa construc had vertical walls of poles lashed horizon to the main posts (Gifford, 1933, 271; also Forde, 121). Gila River Complex The type description is that by Russell, 155. 540. Mar: The informant insisted that tb Maricopa houses were rectangular, not round "Some people built round houses like the Pi but that is something they learned in recen times." This might be interpreted to mean there were minor differences between Marico Pima houses, but more likely the informant mind references of his elders to Lower Col type houses used before the Maricopa left t river. In all other respects his descripti corded with that of Spier (1933, 82 ff.), w ports a house type identical with that of t Pima. Specifically, he denied use of a hip and double sand-filled front wall, which are along with the rectangular form, diagnostic tures of the Colorado River complex. 541-542. Pap: The winter houses had a pit, 2 feet deep for warmth. The informant told of pit houses 5 or 6 feet deep, the roof o slightly above ground level, entered by a sil trench. They were constructed for use in co seasons. I doubt this last piece of inform 547. The material used for thatch depende the locale. Maricopa and Pima obtained arr weed; the Papago used long grasses. 548-549. The thatch of the side walls was' CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMIAN-PIMAN 'of covering is not identical, by a 'with the all-over covering of the Lower ,though it may be distantly related. ltt reports however that "in the most illage of the Coco Maricopas.... the e wholly plastered with mud" (2:234). 'Domed-to-Conical Hut Complex ed or conical hut is, on the basis of jrm, similar to the Gila River type of !or rather, the latter can be classed tm of the domed hut. However, on the ype of supporting frame, size, and Latching (i.e., thatch in courses as J thatch piled on irregularly) the Pr?? type seems sufficiently distinct to led as a complex, but the similarity of oplexes should not be disregarded. It ited too that a rudely made domed hut in or near the fields for a summer y the Cocopa, Maricopa, and Pima (ele- 3. Wal: Variation was according to the available. When green poles could be a domed house was built; otherwise dry [leaned in against the central struc- Ie Gifford, 1936, 271. e Spier, 1928, 176. ular, Gabled, Thatched House Complex ited out elsewhere (Drucker, CED:V, note this type of structure though now com- lthern California and the Southwest may Aboriginal type. It was the only type be Akwa'ala and Yaqui informants knew, Fis type of construction is common at time throughout most of the region, Widered a "Nexican style." buses were sometimes built in this he hills back from the river "where i'many stones." The trait may not be Secondary Features i Yaq: It was considered better, but dal, to have the door facing south or ih: Mohave "south"--toward The Needles-- rsoutheast from the informant's home. E: Willow or mesquite bark was used. per bark was woven into a mat for a Ise over a period of time of course re- Tihe forming of a shallow basin, but "no deliberate digging of a fireplace. iive (= pit present) may be erroneous. Oc, Mar: Gifford (1933, 271) reports ipresent among the Cocopa; Spier (87) states "most" Maricopa houses had none. The smoke holes described by present informants were complicated devices with a sort of flue which ran under the earth covering of roof on a slant so that its outer opening (the intake) was lower than its opening into the smoke hole (the thick coverings of thatch and earth made this construc- tion possible). This same device was specifical- ly stated to be recent by Pima and Papago inform- ants and perhaps should be reckoned so among Cocopa and Maricopa. Russell (p. 155) mentions the Cocopa as a people who built houses without smoke holes, though he does not give the source of this information. 582f. Pap: However the informant previously stated the winter houses were made over a pit (elements 541-542). Shades, Shelters, and Camps The complexes under this head exclude the domed huts in the fields used for summer dwell- ings by the Cocopa, Maricopa, and Pima. 583. The shade was, and still is, an indis- pensable feature of any native dwelling in our region. In warm weather it, rather than the dwelling house or camp, was the center of daily activity. Russell's excellent picture of its use by the Pima (p. 156) applies to all the pres- ent groups. 586-588. Coc: Both these entries should prob- ably be negatives, or better still, R (recent). The informant for the most part failed to dis- tinguish between old native traits and recent borrowings, even when the latter were fairly ob- vious. 589. The side toward the prevailing wind might be closed in winter; in hot weather, the west side was often walled in with brush and such to give shelter from the afternoon sun. 594. A common function of the windbreak was its use for a kitchen. Russell remarks (p. 156) that one end it served was to keep some of the windblown sand out of the cook pot. On clear windy winter days, which can be raw and unpleas- ant, people lounged about in the shelter of the windbreaks, warming themselves in the sun. 596. See Gifford, 1936, 271 (reported for W Yavapai). 597. See Walapai, 77. Assembly Houses 607-614. The type of construction was essen- tially that of the dwellings (q.v.), except that the building was much larger. 609. See Spier, 1933, fig. 6, d. 616. Spier has described the men's meetings among the Maricopa (1933, 158-159); his sketch would apply equally well to Pima or Papago. Among all three groups men assembled to talk, smoke, tell myths, and the like. Spier however indicates that the structure was a sweat house 175 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS "like those of central California and the Pueblo estufa-kiva" (1933, 92). I was unable to obtain any indications of a function such as this. It is true a fire was built in the structure, but as w,ell as I could make out, comfort, not sweating, was the goal (see element 621). I should like to point out that the assembly house or men's house of this type was definitely denied by Lower Colorado River informants (see Spier, 1936). 618. Pap: Lumholtz (p. 52) states that the house was used for a dwelling. 619. See element 3244. Pap: Affirmed by in- formant (2). 620. Mar: Spier reports firetender as present (1933, 159). 621. See note 616. 622. Several names may have been in use among each group, but the designation "(tobacco-) smoking house" was known to all Maricopa, Pima, and Papago informants. Mar: Spier gives mata' luwe'vas (1933, 92). My informant called it "tobacco-smoking house" (5sip). Pima: djlltcki. Pap: djcentc ki. The term "big house" (va'a ki) was sometimes used. 623-625. The meetings referred to were de- liberative assemblies (to discuss war, plan ritu- als, consider moving, etc.) rather than the pre- dominantly social gatherings of Maricopa, Pima, and Papago. 623. Yaq: The leading men met to discuss matters of policy in the chief's house. General meetings often took place in the plaza or under a shade. Sweat Houses 626. Dieg, Akwa, Coc: The information on the sweat houses of the Diegueio and Cocopa undoubt- edly refers to a structure introduced in historic tines. I have indicated my reasons for this opinion elsewhere (CED:V, note on Sweat Houses); chief points in addition to informants' declara- tions of its recency, are: the uniformity of type and usage, absence of the structure among the few nonmissionized groups of Desert Diegueno, absence of a native name (other than compounded phrases such as "house for sweating," etc.)-- the Mexican-Spanish "temescal" is the only name known to informants. There was a great deal of southern Mexican Indian influence in southern (and Lower) California in mission times (cf. Heizer's interpretation of the Santa Barbara atlatl as a result of postcontact diffusion). The reported presence of the sweat house among the Cocopa--anomalous on the Lower Colorado-- would be just another indication of the greater Mexican influence on them than on other river tribes. Mar: Spier (1933, 92) reports a small domed sweat house with direct-fire heating used for minor curing. The present informant denied such a structure. The only group with whom the Maricopa were in close contact who had a sweat house were the Cocopa with their temescal (sa above); presumably Spier's description refer this innovation. Shiv: The informant knew t sweat house of the Walapai and Havasupai, cq ing it to the Navaho structure, for which he" probably to be credited with above-averagee nographic insight. 637-638. Yaq: This sounds like a misconcej of the method of steam sweating with hot stoje The informant insisted however that steam wa used, and that the method he described was tended to eliminate (or at least decrease) t] amount of smoke within the house. 647. Yav: Reported present by Gifford, 19 272. 648. Wal: Bear songs were used because th sweat house was first made by Bear (Walapai,' ff.). 649. Yav: Used by both men and women, acce ing to Gifford, 1936, 272. 651. The hotbed was a device similar to t used ritually for the girls' pit-roasting ce mony (q.v.) of some of the Yumans. Its use therapeutic device is interesting. Unfortun I heard of it too late to check its distribut among the groups lacking sweat houses. Spie in his description of the Maricopa sweat hou (see note 626 Mar) mentions that the sweater covered the fire (in the temescal) with dirtJ sat on it (1933, 92), which is very reminisce of the hotb3d. Pottery 652. Mar: Data on pottery from informant Wral, Shiv: The universality of pottery makin among sedentary and roving groups alike is a noteworthy aspect of the regional culture. relative importance of the art of course var Walapai and Shivwits informants volunteered ments on this point. According to the former his people made little pottery because they continually moving from one place to another, pottery was difficult to transport. "We were like the Mohave, and Hopi, who stay in one p1 and have lots of pottery." The Shivwits sta that there were only a few old women, one or in a locality, who understood pottery making. They made vessels for those who requested the The Yavapai likewise probably made but little pottery (see Gifford, 1936, 280). Techniques 661. See Walapai, 87. 667. Shiv: The pottery maker molded a low solid cone of clay which was placed in a pit made to receive it and formed the base on whi the coils were laid up. Use of a shallow hol in which the base was placed to steady it is firmed by Walapai, 88, but the solid conoidal base sounds like an improvisation to me. 673-674. The entries "R" following the cap I I I 176 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YLTNAN-PIMAN attempts of informants to be consistent ir statements of lack of wood-working ancient times. Perhaps they were right. See Russell, fig. 52. Vessel Shapes Lta under this head are rather poor and te. The difficulty lay chiefly in field D. In an attempt to avoid the usual il descriptions of shapes of pottery the writer drew a series of forms 3tures in existing literature), which led to informants with the request that Dct the types made by their respective The entries correspond to their choices. Loulty with this method was that there many types depicted, which appeared to some informants; another was that it was s certain that the informant noted the kr feature that seemed significant in Vng pottery shapes. This was particu- of the negatives. Often, after his had been noted, an informant in reply t query would state that the type in- was "just the same" as some other, ing, for example, 685 and 687, or 684 .Obviously, he was being impressed by. ilarities rather than diagnostic e negatives gave the most trouble in t, and for that reason I present here which appeared in the field lists to and convincing. Typologies based less fine distinctions should be on the basis of actual material verbal identifications. ess, the salient features of ceramic from the data. Rather simple shapes Legs, lugs, and handles, except for the cooking pot (element 693) and tray (element 698), were absent. with the lone exception of the nical pot (asserted to be the only y this group), were round bottomed, s a decided preference for open re- * Narrow-mouthed necked jars were there were doubtless local dif- thin this category); they were usually -carrying water. 690. I 693. 695. 699. 700. 702. 685. 689. 691. 694. 696. 698 701. 703. 686. 687. 177 178 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Decoration 704-706. Yav: The entries by this informant suggest lack of knowledge on this topic, which agrees with Gifford's data (1936, 280). In other words, pottery-making was a minor art among these people, and probably relatively little was produced by them. 713. The "refiring" consisted in holding the olla over a bed of coals for a short time. Akwa: The decoration was applied while the pot was still quite hot, so refiring was not neces- sary. This information may be in error. 714, 715, 717. Yav: See note 704-706 Yav. 716-718. Akwa: Use of pigment was denied. It was stated that designs were marked on with a feather, the heat of the pot scorching the feather and causing it to leave a black mark on the vessel. I am skeptical of the practica- bility of this method, but it was insisted on. 723. See Kroeber, 1925, pl. 68. 724. Gum was used to mend water ollas (see Russell, 130; Hrdli6ka, 1906, 44). Of course, it could not be used for cooking-ware, and such, which were subjected to heat, for it would melt or burn out. Some of the negatives may be due to misunderstanding of the kind of vessels that were meant. 726. See Hrdlicka, 1906, 43-44. I am not sure whether this is a magical or practical pro- cedure. The local pottery is all rather porous; this is the means by which the ollas cool water. It may be that an application of this gruel coats over or fills the apertures just as the interstices of a finely woven cooking basket be- come filled. Gifford (1933, 272) evidently con- sidered the custom a ritual one; Spier (1933, 108) accepted it as practical. 728. Throughout the region, potters seem to have been subject to few or no taboos. Most in- formants categorically denied any restrictions whatsoever, nor are restrictions mentioned at any length in the literature. It is possible that male informants were unaware of these rules. A belief (or saying) reported for the Cocopa by Gifford (1933, 320) was volunteered by the Yaqui informant: If the potter, or someone watch- ing, breaks wind during the manufacture or fir- ing, the vessels will crack. Basketry Except "bird's-nest" granaries (elements 409- 417) and cradle frames (elements 821 ff.). 736. Akwa: Entry "M" may be erroneous. Coc: The informant denied that his people made any baskete whatsoever, but said they obtained the few they had from Diegueflo and Akwa'ala neigh- bors. Gifford however describes a twined cylin- drical burden basket and a roughly coiled storage basket (1933, 270, and pls. 35, 38). Mar: Data on basketry from informant (2). 741. Moh: Kroeber reports a rudely made coiled I basket from the Mohave (1925, 738, and pl. 55 The present informant's denial indicates the of interest in the craft. See Forde, 1931, 1 742. Akwa: The entry is probably due to a understanding. Single-rod coiling is not rep from anywhere in the vicinity. 748. Mar, Wal: The only awls which the inf ants had ever seen were of iron. 750. Wal: Metal awls were hafted in bone o horn; the informant surmised that the ancient might have been equipped with handles also, b admitted he did not know. 752. See Russell, fig. 22, b. Basket Types 765. Coc: But see Gifford, 1933, 270. 765-771. Mar, Pim, Pap: The truncated-coni coiled trays (element 795) were sometimes used for burden baskets (e.g., for wild seeds, frui They were carried on the head, not back. See also note 795 Mar. 766. Pap: A rudely twined cylindrical baske was made for gathering the (dry) sahuaro fruit It was thrown away afterward. 767. Moh, Mar: These entries refer to a ro ly twined conical basket of arrowweed stems us for fish. (See Spier, 1933, 76.) 770. Pap: See note 766 Pap. 767a. See Spier, 1928, 137; Walapai, pl. 10 772. Yaq: The rectangular and cylindrical baskets were made in a technique that sounded, from the description, like a wrapped twining. The former type was of sticks, laid up crib fashion and wrapped together at the corners (iI what Bennett and Zingg, speaking of the same t of "baskets" or crates of the Tarahumara, call "a continuous crisscross lacing" [p. 25]). is the common "eacasti," frequently used for carrying fowls to market, etc.) The latter wa made of lengths of cane wrapped to wooden hoop with mesquite bark. 773. Yaq: The wicker or checker burden baske was wedge-shaped, and used chiefly for the sun dried pitahaya fruits. 774. Wal: Reported present by Walapai, 80. 786-787. Shiv: The pitch was said to be put inside and worked (by melting with hot pebbles and shaking) till it came through to the outsid when it was smeared over the outer surface. 788. Yav: Reported absent by Gifford (1933, 282). 791. Yav: Coiled water jars are stated to hai been made, but rare, by Gifford (1933, 282). 793. The investigator neglected to distingui between flat and slightly concave trays; both8a' included umder this caption. 794. See Kroeber, 1925, pl. 55, b. 794-797. Mar: Reported present by Spier (1935 124). Pim: This is said to be a modern type by Russell (146 and fig. 69). The parallel sticks of the bottom were held together by a few widell spaced rows of twining. I CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN k: These wide deep "trays" were used baskets (for gathering mesquite beans, brmants denied any burden basket such by Spier (1933, fig. 11). Trays were ose type, used for winnowing also, , Papago for serving sahuaro wine. Reported present by Kroeber (1925, I 55, b). (Spier, 1928, fig. 9. g: The investigator did not under- er coiled as well as twined caps were ber reports (1925, 700; pl. 73, d) for Diegueffo (and Cahuilla); Spier g the "Southern" Diegueno twined caps y women, coiled ones by men (1923, e possibly both were used by inform- ion. ielement 338. L: Most of the everyday baskets were i8 indicated by the subheads under this a this way the Yaqui differed from pago, who made relatively few checker baskets (for shaman's kits, scalp tribal bundles, etc.). These Yaqui e made by women, whereas the types listed were made by men. iRussell, 145. -luding the wrapped carrying rings Transportation). Pim: Russell states rings are occasionally seen, but are have come from the Papago. Kroeber, 1925, pl. 39, b. Lowie, 1924, fig. 33, a. Cradles See Kroeber, 1925, pl. 39, b. See Walapai, pl. 6. See Hrdlicka, 1904a, pl. 9, fig. ,Se Lowie, 1924, fig. 33, a. !' Entry may be erroneous. Yav: Cl ifford (1926, 283). [Iroeber, 1925, pl. 39, b. a Hrdli6ka, 1904a, pl. 9, fig. 1. note 818. 1. 'on- Mattress iSpier, 1933, pl. 15, c; Gifford, M?, b. !Gifford, 1933, pl. 37, a. Wal: A tical "pillow," lacking only the mid- ,, appears on one of the cradles shown pl. 6. Binding Band Elsewhere the informant stated that lng was a recent art among his people. Ornamentation Coc: Red painted designs (or red ele- in ?) were put on the hood of a cradle of a female infant; hoods of boys' cradles were plain. 842. Mar: Reported present by Spier (1933, 316, and fig. 13). 843-845. Yav: Toy bow and arrows were sus- pended from a boys' cradle hood, Gifford reports (1936, 283). 845. Yaq: "Things pertaining to a man" were tied to the hood. I failed to ask specifically what they were. Wal: Toy bow and arrows were tied to the hood of a boys' cradle. Carrying 848. Mar: Reported present by Spier, 1933, 316. 852. See Underhill, 1936, 7. Usage 858. Shiv: The first cradle was a simple flat section of twined work, without hood or hoop handle. 859. Coc: The second cradle was saved and reused, the first was thrown into the river when outgrown. Wal: The last cradle was saved; being large, it was some trouble to make. The early small ones were thrown away. Shiv: Outgrown cradles were hung up on the west side of trees. 861. Mar: Reported present by Spier also (1933, 319). However, in view of the consistency of reports of recency among neighboring groups, probably both Spier's and my informants erred. Textiles This section deals with the weaving of fabrics other than baskets (elements 736-820), sandals (elements 984, 1022). Rabbitskin Cloth 862. Dieg: The informant insisted that his people wove no robes or cloths of any sort. This is probably to be interpreted as an early loss of the art rather than true absence, since .other Diegueno wove rabbitskin robes (Spier, 1923, 346; Drucker, CED:V, 684 ff.), as did the Akwa'ala to the south. Moh: Only a few people had rabbit- skin robes, for it took a great number of rabbits to make one. Those that were made were short capes, not large robes. Mar: Informant (1) knew only of robes of rabbitskins sewn together, not woven; (2) knew of the woven blankets (kwulol, cf. Moh. kulol) but did not know how they were manufactured. Spier (1933, 96) confirms their presence, and describes the process by which the Maricopa made these robes. Probably, as among the Mohave, but few were made. Pap: "To use the hides of rabbits would cause sickness." The be- lief in a dangerous or poisonous essence in rab- bits was common to Pima, Papago, and Maricopa (see Spier, 1933, 135; also element 1193). (Velarde, however, mentions a Pima women's cape of many rabbitskins: "adobado y con pelo, unidos" 179 180 ANTHROPOLOGI Lp. 3121. Wihether this was sewn or woven cannot be made out from the text.) Yaq: The informant stated that he had heard of these robes, but knew no details of their manufacture. 864. Coc: Gifford (1933, 276) states strips of skin were wrapped around willow-bark string. 868-869. Coc: Gifford describes a robe of this type (1933, 276). The present informant knew only of the circular robes (see element 874); his denials of the rectangular forms are probably erroneous. 870. See Spier, 1928, 188. 871. See Gifford, 1936, 272. 874. Gifford (1936, 272) describes Western Yavapai "loop-coiled rabbitskin blankets, circu- lar in form, coiling without foundation"; all present informants denied them. The circular blanket reported by Akwa'ala and Cocopa was made by coiling a long warp of rabbitskin "string" in a spiral (on the ground) and fastening the turns together with wefts of mescal-fiber string, or occasionally a short length of rabbitskin string (Akwa) or willow-bark string (Coc). The wefting was not in a twine, but in a wrap stitch, the single weft elements making a turn about each warp in passing over it (see element 880). 880. Described by Gifford for the Cocopa rec- tangular robes (1933, 276). (See note 874.) Shredded-Bark Cloth 884. Akwa: The "river people" (i.e., Cocopa) were known to have made willow-bark blankets, but the Akwa'ala never did. Mar: Informant (1) believed these blankets were absent, but was un- certain; (2) denied their use. Spier's more re- liable informant also denied the presence of the trait (1933, 96, xii). 886. Wal: This was recorded under the native name tc5klala; the identification is from Wala- pai, 35. 887. Shiv: The material used was from one of the innumerable plants of the western United States, which is called "buck brush." The native name was given as ciunapH. 892. Wal: This is probably a misunderstanding. Twined wefts are more likely to have been used. See Walapai, 82. Cotton Cloth See element 38 for growing of cotton. 894. Mar: The informant believed cotton weav- ing to be of late introduction, that is, adopted since the Maricopa lived in proximity to the Pima. Yaq: The informant believed that his people did no weaving till Hispanic times, and described weaving methods solely for wool (see elements 911-922). According to Obregon (145, 157) the Yaqui had "but little" cotton and woven cloth; we likely should credit them with a limi- ted amount of weaving anciently. 895. See Spier's description of the process (1933, 113). CAL RECORDS 896. Spier (1933, 113) describes the Mari implement, and points out the fact that it r sembles an Asiatic device, and may have been troduced in the period of missionization. 898. See Russell, 149. 899. See Bartlett, 2:225. 900. See Spier, 1933, 114. 901. The yarn was wrapped about the spind it was spun. When the spindle became heavy left leg was doubled to bring the foot under right thigh, and the end of the spindle was between the toes to steady it. See Russell, Mar: Reported absent by Spier (1933, 114). 904. Pim: The informant stated that he had never seen heddles used, the weaving sword al being used to separate the warps. This may simply faulty observation on his part. He seen weaving, but had never done it himself. 906. Confirmed by Spier (1933, 115). 907. See Russell, 150; Spier, 1933, 115. Wool Cloth This section records the postcontact wool weaving of the Yaqui, to bring out the reman similarity to the Pima-Papago cotton-weaving plex. Matting 923. Mar: Informant (1) denied, but (2) af firmed the manufacture of checker mats of spl cane. Spier denies the occurrence of this tr (1933, 125). It may be that (2) had in mind recently borrowed Pima trait. Skin Dressing Although skin dressing was universally pre among our groups (the Mohave informant denied buckskin-making on the grounds that there we so few deer and no other sizeable animals in have Valley, but described a rude tanning of it should not be overlooked that the importan of the craft--and the skill with which it was done--varied tremendously. The river Yumans Pima-Papago had little use for dressed hides, prepared but few of them (see Russell's remar on Pima tanning [pp. 117-118], Spier's on the Maricopa [1933, 1251). The Walapai and Yavap' on the other hand were highly proficient at t craft. 928. Shiv: The entries refer to tanning of mountain-sheep skin, not of deerskin. 933-935. Coc: Gifford reports these implen, present (1933, 275). 940. Dieg, Yaq: For both I understood the formant to say that the soaked buckskin was p back and forth over the end of a post to remo the hair. This may have been a misunderstand however; the informants may have been referri to a later step in the tanning process. (See element 951.) N CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PI4NN Yaq: Cf. the Tarahumara mode of dressing i (Bennett and Zingg, 19). Pim: Reported present by Russell (118); Herzog (GH). Coc: The informant believed "some kind ds"--pumpkin, melon, or the like--were for substitutes for deer brains. Yaq: Soap Lso used for a tanning agent. ). Yaq: The hide was usually -ounded with a club. 7 Coc: Quivers were tanned with hair on )rd, 1933, 279). Mar: Present, according Ler (1933, 125). Pap: Quivers were tanned lair on. Dress and Ornament Men's Clothing )-962. Dieg: These entries are probably in with regard to aboriginal times, referring !to the historic period. See Spier, 1923, )rucker, CED:V, 607. 3-960. Coc: Gifford states that Cocopa men imes wore willow-bark breechclouts. )-961, 964. Mar: By "recent" the informant since the adoption of cotton and cotton Lg from the Pima. Before this men went nude. Spier, however, describes and fig- model of a willow-bark breechclout (1933, pl. 4, a). ,. Pin: This may be a misinterpretation of on robe worn over the shoulders (see tt, 2:229). L Pap: Negatives are probably erroneous. ill's informant refers to deerskin shirts it 41). Wal, Shiv: Although shirts were both informants stated that among their Otiv_e) people, not all men had them. Wal: t man would wear a breechclout, and wrap ,oyoteskins around his body to keep warm. ad not have buckskin clothes." (By "poor he informant meant one who was not a good ky hunter.) (See also Walapai, 99.) IvMountain sheep are difficult to kill. a only could kill enough for clothes. emters covered themselves with any small 'they could get." E Wal: Elbow-length sleeves are described apai (p. 105). My informant said both 'and wrist-length sleeves were made. i Yav: Denied by Gifford (1936, 274). 4 Wal: Tubular beads of bobcat bone were b ornament the skin shirts. L Shiv: The prized shirts were rude sack- tfairs of two mountain-sheep hides (ap- y with a minimum of trimming, and no sewn together leaving holes for the 'Is head and arms. These belts were lengths of ordinary Ord, wrapped 2-3 times around the waist. 985. Akwa, Yav: Hide sandals are sometimes used at present, but the informants apparently considered them too obviously recent for comment. Piin, Pap: The hide sandals probably should be considered recent, but the informants did not say so. 987. Pim: The native term for moccasins has been lost; at present the articles are designated by a word compounded from English "shoes" plus a descriptive element in Pima. (GH.) 987-988. Wal: According to my informant, there were two types of moccasins made, one on a two-, one on a three-piece pattern. 988. Shiv: The informant insisted his people's moccasins differed in pattern from those of the Walapai, but I could not make out just where the difference lay, from the description. 990. See Gifford. 1936, pl. 9, d. 991. The upper was a strip long enough to make one or two turns about the wearer's leg above the ankle. The Walapai informant compared this to Pueblo women's leggings, describing it as similar but much shorter. 992. Yav: The informant said an extra sole was added when a hole wore in the moccasin; perhaps he was referring only to patching. Gifford fig- ures Yavapai moccasins with added soles (1936, pl. 9). 993. See Gifford, 1932, 228. The same writer denies the element for NE Yavapai (1936, 275). Perhaps the Wipukupa division differed in this respect from the divisions from vwhich Gifford's informants came. 994. Pim, Pap, Yav, Wal: People went barefoot at home, frequently, putting on moccasins or sandals for traveling. 995. See element 884 ff. 996. See element 862 ff. 998. See element 895 ff. 1000-1001. See Gifford, 1936, 274. 1002. These muffs were cased skins of small animals, such as bobcat, coon, and others, worn attached to a string around the neck. Sometimes two were used mitten-fashion. Women's Clothing 1004-1005. Pim: The two-piece skirt was said to have been worn by girls, the one-piece by women. This is probably the attire that Russell describes as a cotton blanket, doubled, wrapped around the waist and belted (p. 157). 1008-1012. See Spier, 1928, 188. 1025. See Spier, 1928, 191. 1027. Ccc: The woman wearing a twined cap figured by Densmore (1932, pl. 16) was said to have been an Akwa'ala woman married to a Cocopa, not herself a Cocopa. 1006. Mar, Pim: Early accounts refer to buck- skin "skirts" of some sort worn by both Maricopa and Pima women (see Font, 53, 49). 181 Men's Hairdress 1031. See Kroeber, 1925, 729. Pim: Some men dressed their hair thus (see elements 1033, 1034) in imitation of the Maricopa. It was not con- sidered to be Pima style. 1032. Spier refers to this custom as a typi- cal Lower Colorado trait (1933, 98), but I have not been able to identify it as such from in- formants' statements. Coc: The positive reply is to be doubted. Gifford specifically denies the presence of the trait (1933, 279). Mar: The informant maintained that this was not a Maricopa custom: "Hair grew long naturally in the old days; there was no need to add false hair to it." 1035. This caption refers to wearing hair with or without a headband. Pima and Papago men usu- ally wore headbands of woven cotton. Among other groups headbands were more or less sporadically used, apparently at convenience, not for a defi- nite style. 1036. This is the "bun" or "chongo" style commonly seen among modern Navaho. See Gifford, 1936, 278; Walapai, 108. 1038. Dieg: Negative may be erroneous. See Spier, 1923, 340; Drucker, CED:V, 518. Mar: Probably erroneous; Spier reports bangs present (1933, 98). Yav: Probably erroneous. Gifford reports trait present (1936, 278). 1039-1040. Dieg: This was a practice of the Diegueno to the north however. See Spier, 1923, 341. Women's Hairdress 1044-1045. Moh: Kroeber states women wore their hair long (except for the bangs)(1925, 729). The informant may have confused the rather com- mon modern style with aDoriginal custom. Pap: Women's hair was worn shoulder length, according so a specific statement in Underhill's account (p. 33 . 1045. Yav: Some women wore their hair at shoulder length, according to Gifford (1936, 277). 1046. Dieg: Women wore their hair tied up in some fashion; the informant was not clear just how. This is probably erroneous. Pap: Some women wore their hair braided. This may refer to a late innovation. 1048. Dieg: Spier reports forehead bangs for the divisions to the north (1923, 340). Miscellaneous 1049. Pim, Pap: Hair (e.g., from pubescent girls) was cut and saved to use in the carrying frame (q.v.). 1053. Dieg, Akwa: Other things: juniper bark (Dieg), mistletoe (Akwa), were mixed with the mud, for the avowed purpose of killing lice. (Gifford mentions mistletoe used thus by the ICAL RECORDS Cocopa [1933, 279]). These mixtures may been as effective for dyes as for delousi 1058. The custom of painting the hair war is not included under this caption. 1060. See Spier, 1933, pl. 4, c. Akwa: implement was made and used for a mealing not for the hair. 1063 ff. Pap: Negatives may be in error. 1066. Pim: The erect feathers were faste holders of devil's claw to make them stand e These are doubtless the "runners' hair ornai spoken of by Russell (163 and fig. 79), but informant stated that while they were for we on festive occasions, such as games and races any man might wear them. They were not restri to the contestants. Mutilations and Ornaments (Men) 1068. Pap: Negatives may be in error. 1073. Moh: "Men with good-looking noses" ui ally had them pierced, i.e., to call attentioi to their charms. 1073-1074. Shiv: The informant could recall only two old men with pierced noses (it was nc a common practice of his people). Sometimes wore little sticks in the perforation. He di not know if other ornaments were so worn. 1074. Dieg, Akwa, Coc: Haliotis pendants used. (Other informants were unable to give recognizable descriptions of the kind of she used. This same difficulty occurred in co tion with other beads and pendants for other poses: elements 1080, 1083.) 1076. Pim: These were said to have been imbued with supernatural power, which were near ruins. The informant may, however, ha in mind some legendary incident, rather t actual custom. Russell speaks of more pro turquoise or shell pendants and bone pins C 1077. Akwa: The negatives are probably e ous. 1079. Pim: Turquoise beads (found in the: were worn by some. (Other informants denie of turquoise.) Pap: "Stone beads" of some were worn anciently. 1083. Pim: Turquoise beads were found and strung for necklaces. Yav: The only neckla beads of which the informant knew were glas trade beads. 1084. Wal, Shiv: Bobcat bones were used f making these bone beads. 1086. Wal: The informant stated tattooi both men and women, was.a very late introdue from the Mohave. Tattoo styles are describ Walapai (104 ff., fig. 12), but these info too state that tattooing is a Mohave introd (p. 110). 1090. See Russell, 162. 1099. Pim: Black paint was war paint, pro (GH). Cf. element 1136. 1099-1101. Pap: These colors were used fo ritual painting only, specified the informan 182 ANTHROPOLOC CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUNAN-PIMWN 02. Use of paint for protection was general, more extensively by women than men. The informant phrased it thus, "In winter, when s cold, they painted all the time. In rtime they painted only for dances, because twouldn't stay on when they sweat." 03. For some regional styles of facial ing, see: Kroeber, 1925, figs. 60, 61, 62; 111, pl. 38, d; Walapai, fig. 11. L04. This type of painting was said to be mbellishment, "to make the eyes appear " rather than protection against glare. Mutilations and Ornaments (Women) 106. Akwa: See note 10?? Akwa. 1120. Dieg: Negatives are probably erroneous. 122. See Kroeber, 1925, 739. 123. See Kroeber, 1925, 740. 1125. Wal: See note 1086 Wal. 28. See Russell, 162. 140. See note 1103. 1140-1142. Pap: However, see Underhill, 6, 30. Miscellaneous 143. Dieg, Pap: Perhaps erroneous. 145. Moh: The informant described a cutting cratching technique with a sharp stone chip. hrrect, it is anomalous for the region. Weapons Bows 147-1148. The measures are of course approxi- only. 147. Akwa: A full fathom was the proper h for a bow. Moh: The bow length should lthe height of the user's chin when stand- erect. Yaq: The bow should reach from the Wd to user's mouth. A short man made his longer, however. 149. See Spier, 1928, fig. 22. 150. Coc: In a bow owned by the informant, tather heavy grip was cut away in a steep t1 at either end to meet the arms, whose in- surface was about at the center of the pole. w such as this was probably made only after eient cutting tools became available, how- 152. See Spier, 1933, pl. 12, c. Akwa: The iof the arms were turned back very sharply. 152-1153. Pim: Russell, however, states the bow was double-curved (p. 95, pl. 13, a) th a hunting bow might be plain. 154. See Russell, 95. This type of reen- ing should be distinguished from true sinew kg or backing (see element 1160). 157. Dieg: Rabbit blood was smeared on the from time to time, as one happened to kill animals. No real paint was used. 1160. Mar: Spier, however, reports sinew- backed bows of the same length and shape as the self bows, with the sinew seized by wrappings at intervals, but not glued (1933, 132, 133). Font's only descriptive comment on Maricopa bows is that they were "somewhat inferior" to those of the Pima (p. 52). Pim: The Pima are sometimes mentioned as having sinew-backed bows (e.g., Bennett and Zingg, tabular analysis in The Tara- humara), presumably on the basis of Russell's mention of wrapped sinew reenforcing (see ele- ment 1154, and note). Yaq: This was emphatically stated to be a true backed bow, not merely wrap- ped at weak points (this was sometimes done to self bows; see element 1154). This information is doubtful, unless it can be interpreted to be a reference to a late introduction, learned per- haps from the Apache during the years of Apache raids. Yaqui seem to have been used for soldiers from early times (whenever they were not them- selves in arms against the Mexicans). HrdliThka figlres and describes a sinew-wound Yaqui bow (Hrdlicka, 1904a, pl. 7). 1164. Shiv: The informant had heard of, but never seen, a compound bow. I gather that they were not in common use, and may in fact have been only trade pieces from northern kin. 1168. Moh, Mar: The entries refer to the use of horse sinew. 1172. Yav: Gifford states two-ply sinew string was used (1936, 285). Arrows 1175. Wal: Arrowweed is mentioned in Walapai (p. 92); the plant is said to occur along the Sandy River (id., 34), and perhaps was not or- dinarily available to the present informants' band. 1177. Pap: Underhill's account mentions "reed arrows with the stone tip" (p. 26). My informant spoke of the hard dried stems of yucca being used for arrows. Russell mentions arrows of this lat- ter type which the Pima got from the Papago and Kwahadk (p. 96). 1178. Yaq: The points were of brazilwood, in two forms, one plain, one with two opposed barbs. The informant claimed these points could be driven through a small mesquite tree, an exag- geration, of course, but the heavy dense points probably had a high index of penetration. 1180. Akwa: Arrows were sometimes made of "some kind of chamissa" which did not grow in Akwa'ala country but was brought from the vicin- ity of the river. This material may really have been arrowweed. 1180-1181. Wal: Hardwood arrows are not noted in section on weapons in Walapai. The statement that they were used with foreshafts may imply a misunderstanding; perhaps the plants of which the informant was speaking were not hardwood. 1183. The types of points listed under this entry are taken from Strong's classification of 183 184 ANiTHROPOLOGI projectile points (1935, 88-89). Drawings were made of major types (to avoid confusing inform- ants, all variations of the primary types were not included), and informants were requested to point out the forms made by their people. The series of types used was longer than that indi- cated in the captions, for some types were uni- versally denied: NAa, NAbl, NAb3, NBa, NBa3, iND, NDa. Most informants selected one type, and stated it was "the only kind made," which is doubtless incorrect in every case. Wal: The in- formant's blindness made the method of inquiry impossible. Pim: Russell states most of the stone points used by the Pima were found about the ruins, though a few were made. He figures a small series, all NB forms, with straight and concave bases, one with side notches (NBa, iBb, flBal). 1189. The points are not deliberately left loose (to detach within the body of the quarry, animal or man). 1191. See for example, Gifford, 1936, 287; Walapai, 94-95. 1193. Rabbit blood was considered to be poison- ous. See note 862. Mar: This trait is reported for the Karicopa by Spier, 1933, 135. 1194-1196. Mar: Negatives corroborated by Spier, 1933, 137. 1196. Dieg: This trait was introduced when the people began to plant crops. That is, the arrow was primarily for bird scaring, such as among the Lower Colorado tribes--a nice instance of diffusion of a native trait in historic times. The Akwa'ala entry is liable to question, for it too may be late. 1202. Dieg, Akwa, Yaq: To avoid confusion the symbol "O" has been used to indicate that other types of feathering were denied. 1203. See Russell, pl. 13, c; Spier, 1933, 134 and pl. 12, d. Yav: Gifford reports feath- ering "with 2 or 3 half-feathers" for Western, but not Northeastern Yavapai (1936, 287). 1205. Dieg: Negative may be erroneous. 1206. This may have been a more sharply de- fined custom than indicated; I failed to note it consistently. Russell states that the Pima painted the two ends of their arrows (p. 96, and footnote b). 1208. Pim: Sometimes a "blue" or "purple" paint, made of corn silk, was used. Shooting 1210. Mar: Spier states "the bow was held nearly vertically" (1933, 133). 1210-1212. Pim: For the typical shooting posi- tion Russell figures a bowman with bow held vertically (pl. 7, b). 1211. This mode of holding the bow may be a variant, for example, for a quick offhand shot, of the vertical or horizontal positions. Actu- ally the two latter differed but little, for the grip was the same (back of hand to left when bow CAL RECORDS vertical, above when bow horizontal), wi arrow invariably to the left (or above) 1212. Wal: The bow is reported to haye held horizontally when used with the curt shield (Walapai, 96). The present info however, insisted that bowmen did not us curtain shield; it was carried by club b when they ran in to close quarters. 1215. See Kroeber, 192?, 284. 1217. The arrow was held between 1, 2, that is, steadied with the thumb, the pul chiefly on 3 and 4. There was little or on the arrow itself, in which this releas fers from the secondary. 1218. Yav: Negative corroborated by Gi 1936, 285. Quiver 1222. Mar: Spier speaks of deer and mo lion skins used for quivers (1933, 135); t skins would be cut to size and sewn. Bob and other skins were cased. Pim: Mountain- skins, cut and sewn, were sometimes used quivers. (GH.) 1223. Yav: Gifford reports a piece of b sewn into the bottom of the quiver for st ing it (1936, 286). Some re6nforcing suc this may have been widespread (though of a the hard-tanned leather used by the Yaqui ern), but I neglected to enquire for it. 1224. See Spier, 1928, 153. 1227. See Spier, 1933, 135. The draw is the arm, not over the shoulder. 1226-1227. Yav: Gifford reports the quiT carried at the right side (1933, 286); ace to the present informant, it was carried a the back, mouth to right. Either way wou. to result in an awkward draw for anything as an arrow. 1228. Yaq, Shiv: The quiver was sometine slung on the back for traveling, that is, one did not expect to need an arrow quickly Miscellaneous 1230-1232. Pap: The implement was used f yucca-stalk arrows. 1230-1231. Yav: Gifford reports a perfor wrench, used not for straightening, but as a sizer, for tightening the junction of the c arrow and foreshaft (1936, 286). Accordi the present informant the Wipukupa people their arrows in a different way, and did not a sizer. The tip of the cane was split by t short cuts, compressed so that the edges over lapped a trifle, and securely wrapped with s The tapered butt of the foreshaft could be fo in firmly without danger of splitting the c Wal: The implement is denied in Walapai (p. 94 but the present informant gave a circumstanti account of the tool and its use. 1233. Grooved straighteners served chiefly CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIAN1 I-the heat from the stone (which was Le-fire) being sufficient to soften so permit straightening. Wood or afts probably require more heat than !cane could be subjected to without : Gifford reports grooved-stone ,a (1933, 274), instead of the make- ibed by the present informant. Pim: ires an archaeological grooved-stone Fwith the remark that: "The Pima he straighteners] scarcely at all" * fig. 31). Kroeber figures a-ridged clay ar- Fner from the Mohave (1925, pl. 49, a caption refers to a makeshift Fe: any convenient stone, or large ,; was heated and used to straighten t: Spier reports "any odd stone" used E arrows (1933, 134). kiv: Wooden bows were kept strung, -bow, so the informant had heard, t unstrung when not in use. A Slings tiRussell, fig. 44. Dieg: The sling *d recent by most southern Cali- mants (Drucker, CED:V, 503). Wal: e aboriginal (Walapai, 96). Slings were "sometimes [used] by rabbit hunt" (Gifford, 1936, 288). War Clubs informant denied the presence of t equipage of war, saying that his er had any wars, and kept no weap- or defense. He was probably the pacific natures of his people. ?ala, who likewise have had of the term "war" (except the re- within the range of folk-memory, -clubs about, just in case. ifford, 1933, pl. 34, b. It that although the typical club oint on the handle which with a could be used for a dagger, ts all held for plain blunt- -This widespread forgetfulness stand unless both forms were in Fr (blunt) type being more common. of the dagger-like butts of Pima es two blunt-ended ones (p. 96, Pap: Although Russell describes ndrical sharp-edged heads (p. 96, a and Papago informants main- real aboriginal type had a head. To clinch their point, St it would have been impossible ar edges without steel tools. to know whether to credit the statements, or to interpret them as overemphasis of the primitiveness and crudity of the ancient days. Wal: See Walapai, pl. 11, d. 1243. See Spier, 1933, 135, and pl. 13, e. Spears (For War) Dieg: See note under head "War Clubs",this page. Spears were probably not used by these people. 1251 The ceremonial feathered spears or staves are not included under this caption. Mar: Spier describes a short untipped pike used by Maricopa (1933, 137). Pim: The spear was called "langs" (probably Spanish "lanza") and was used by caval- rymen only. Russell's statement confirms its recency (p. 96). Pap: Underhill's account con- firms this negative (p. 45). However, a short stone-bladed lance was used for a staff in making war speeches, that is, for a ritual object. Wal: Informants disagreed on the presence of the spear (Walapai, 93, 95). Knives or Daggers (For War) Dieg: See note under head "War Clubs", this page. 1255. Yaq: This is of course recent (historic), but has become a characteristic weapon and all- purpose tool among these people, as elsewhere in Mexico. Armor Dieg: See note under "War Clubs." 1256. Yav: Gifford reports a circular unpainted shield was sometimes used (1936, 288). 1257. Coc: Gifford reports a hoop rim used (1933, 275). The efficacy which the shield had against arrows would probably be nullified if it were thus held rigid, however. 1259. Mar: Spier denies feathers were used (1933, 136). Pim: Two feathers were attached to the bottom of the shield, it was said. The shields figured by Russell lack these appendages (figs. 45, 46, 47). 1260. See Spier, 1928, 250. 1262. Bartlett describes this type of armor: "Such as had their own cotton blankets, placed them around their bodies in folds, and over this wound their lariats as tightly as possible..." (2:216). 1263. See Gifford, 1928, 225. The same writer reports the trait unknown to his Northeastern Yavapai informant however (1936, 288). Wal: The informant's reaction to this question was to the effect that the mescal carried there was "lunch," not armor. 1264. Yaq: The metal armor was that stripped from slain white foes. Some Yaqui who had none made imitations of wood and hides. 185 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Grinding Devices Mortars Wal: The informant steadfastly denied use of any kind of mortars by his people. Both wooden and stone mortars are mentioned in Walapai (p. 50), with the qualification that: "The loose- slab metate seems to have been far more common than the mortar, although informants knew of the latter." 1265. Pap: The informant denied the antiquity of this element on the grounds that his people had no tools with which to make things of wood. 1266-1268. See Russell, 99, and fig. 13, a, b. 1275. See Gifford, 1933, pl. 34, f; Kroeber, 1925, pl. 67, c. 1276. The pit mortar was used chiefly for grinding large quantities of mesquite beans. 1276-1278. Pap: The informant denied the ele- ment for mesquite grinding. He stated that a pit lined with stones (!) served for a mortar for pulverizing cooked mescal for drying. Per- haps he meant that the pit oven was so used. 1279. See Spier, 1933, 128-129. 1281. Mar: Spier, however, states that women ground mesquite in the pit mortar. 1283. Yav: Gifford mentions only the bedrock mortar which was "used only at low altitudes where mesquite available" (1936, 280). The Yava- pai had relatively little use for mortars, and probably had but few of the portable kind. 1285. Mar: Spier states portable mortars were made, occasionally (1933, 128). 1286. Pim: Bedrock mortars (which the Papago were known to use) are fairly common in the mountains, but the informant's people never used them. 1288. Akwa: Long smooth stones, as nearly cylindrical as could be found, were brought from the seacoast for pestles. Yaq: The pestle was described as short and heavy, with an expanded head, but it was not clear whether a stone that shape was found and a few rough places knocked off, or whether it was worked down to shape. 1289. Pim, Pap, Yav: Pestles of this type were found and used. 1290. See Spier, 1933, 129. Metates and Manos 1292. Akwa, Moh: The informants' statements likely refer to metates of a recent type, dressed with an ax. 1296. See Kroeber, 1925, pl. 66, a. 1298. A shallow depression was scooped out to fit the distal end of the metate, and the dirt removed put under the near end. 1300. Akwa: This is undoubtedly a late-style metate. 1302. See Kroeber, 1925, pl. 66, a. Pim: A longish stone of about the right thickness was found and used, but not dressed to shape. 1310. This is the same type (perhaps the] brush) as the hairbrush (elements 1059-1060 Cordage and Netting 1314. Coc: Gifford states willow bark wa into cordage (1933, 275). 1315. Mar: Strips of green mesquite bark twisted, were often used for lashings; theyg hard, like rawhide. 1316. I am not exactly certain to which numerous plants colloquially designated "mi weed" the entries refer. The same name, ap ently, was used by Dieg (ahoRL), Moh (ihUli Mar (ixoR) for a fiber-yielding plant. 1317. Dieg, Akwa: Yucca leaves were "coo over the fire and used (whole) for lashing, example, the poles and posts of a house. The informant said yucca fiber was used by (the Papago informant denied this however). Russell mentions Y. elata among other "avaii fiber plants, but does not state specifical that it was used, or by whom (p. 142). 1318. Mar, Pim, Pap: The Maricopa entry in error. The two latter groups used hair only for attaching the hoop of the kiaha to sticks. 1319. Pim: Russell, however, describes a deer-scapula scraper for mescal fibers (p 1322. Coc: The spindle was used "for mak reatas," and if so is probably a recent el Gifford speaks only of twisting cordage on thigh (1933, 275). 1323. This is the "spindle with revolvi whorl" described by Russell (p. 106). The tives probably mean that some informants co sidered it of obviously alien origin, not t it was unknown to them. Gifford mentions i by Yavapai (1936, 281). 1329. Pim: Neither informant nor investi was thinking of the kiaha carrying frame as ing a kind of netting at this point. Other of nets were said to be absent; the netted rying bags ("saddle bags") described and fi by Russell (p. 113, fig. 35) were said to b by Papago, not Pima, the latter merely trad them. Yav: Gifford's informants likewise d manufacture of nets (1936, 281). 1334. Wal: Sometimes a rabbit skull woul used to measure the meshes in making a rabb Various Tools and Techniques Woodoutting 1336. Pap: The negative is probably an e 1337. See Gifford, 1936, 280. Knives The mescal "knives" or "choppers" are no cluded in this section. See elements 121-1 186 CULTURE ELEMI. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN .e blades were reported used in a having technique, not, of course, Drills xrdwood coal was put on the place le was desired in a wooden object 8 made to burn through. Flint Flaking A Akwa: The informants knew very techniques of working stone. Their went guesses rather than knowledge, Oly wrong. Mar: The informant had improvise a cutting tool by shatter- end selecting a fragment with a Yav, Wal: Both informants specified of stone were broken by pounding to pieces to work. Awls, Needles :Dieg, Akwa: These people had so 1that it seems very doubtful that bve had eyed needles, anciently. Fire # This is probably erroneous. The eremphasizing the poverty of ab- Ore, said cutting and notching a sible only with steel knives. Pim: Both informants were refer- atwhite flint-and-steel. ont, 106. This custom was the fearly name of the Colorado, "Rio i,n rdens, Transportation Carrying ood, poles, etc., were sometimes r Lower Colorado tribes. See Win- r: Spier denies this custom among 1933, 330). ussell, fig. 36, b (the legend is is of willow bark, wrapped). masell, fig. 36, a (see above). Lements 765-773 for types. assell, 140 ff., fig. 63, pl. 34. oeber, 1925, 738. Shiv: This t device, rough and of different "a the Mohave device. Ahave kupo was quite long and nar- iring mouth. Ie informant stated that this was Oice, but not used by Mohave. reber, 1908, pl. 11. rten carried firewood logs and other things on the shoulder, often using a bark pad or a carrying ring for protection against abrasion. Sometimes these burdens were carried on the head (see element 1362). 1394. The gourds used for canteens were, in late times at least, commonly of the "hourglass" shape. The constricted waist permitted a secure attachment for the carrying cord. These canteens were used well south into Mexico (see, e.g., Lumholtz, 1902, 2:219). Akwa: The gourds used were imported from the Cocopa. 1395. Dieg: "A small olla" was carried on journeys down into the desert. 1398. See Spier, 1928, 128. Navigation Yaq: The Yaqui, at least those of the present informant's division, were not waterfarers. Most of their navigation consisted in crossing back and forth over the river. Neither their balsas nor their dugouts were used for fishing, either in the river or offshore. Once in awhile a hardy soul would make a trip to Guaymas in one of the small cranky canoes. This was considered to be quite a feat. 1406. Coc: Probably a recent innovation; Gif- ford states that there were "no real boats" (1933, 272). 1415. See Forde, 127. 1417. Mar: Spier states the Maricopa (proper) did not have this custom, but that the Halchid- homa did (1933, 77). Musical Instruments Yaq: The well-made Yaqui harps and violins have not been included in this section. See Densmore, 1932, passim. Drums 1421. Moh: Kroeber reports present (1925, 763). 1422. Moh: Kroeber reports present (1925, 763). 1423-1425. See Kroeber, 1925, 764-765. 1425. See Gifford, 1932, 230; Spier, 1928, 264. Wal: The informant believed that his people had borrowed this instrument from the Havasupai quite recently. There is reference to a "make- shift drum" in connection with the (Havasupai- derived) rain dance in Walapai, p. 121. 1432. A half-gourd floating in a large olla of water is drummed with a stick. This is a com- mon southern Mexican instrument (GH). The blanks (Moh to Pap) should doubtless be negatives. Rattles 1433. Herzog pointed out a distinguishing feature of gourd rattles which I failed to note: whether or not the wooden handle goes clear through the gourd projecting from the upper end. The Mohave (Densmore, 1932, pl. 24), Yuma (GH), 187 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Walapai (Walapai, pl. 11), Akwa'ala (observation by author) rierely insert the handle at one end; the Pima (GH), Papago (Densmore, 1929, pl. 15, a, fig. 4), N1aricopa (Spier, 1933, pl. 12, a), Co- copa (Densmore, 1932, pl. 23), Yaqui (GIT), and Havasupai (Spier, 1928, 284) allow the handle to project through the upper end. Dieg: Gourd rat- tles, with palm-seed sounders, were introduced in relatively recent times from the north. Be- fore, they tapped two sticks together to keep time to the songs; "that was the only musical instrument they had." Akwa: The gourds were im- ported from the Cocopa. Pim: Dance rattles were large gourds; shamans' rattles were small (GH). Shiv: Gourd rattles have been introduced in re- cent times by Chemehuevi and 'N,ission Indians" (i.e., southern Californians). 1436. Hoh: 'I'he informant knew the deer-hoof rattle as a Yuma instrument. N'ar: Bartlett (2:223) speaks of a Maricopa deer-hoof rattle, but no other account confirms this occurrence. (GH.) 1438. See Forde, 131. 1439. Pim: Russell states that he heard of only one of these (p. 169). It was used for curing "turtle sickness." Pap: These rattles were used only for curing sickness caused by turtles. Rattle-Belts, etc. 1440. The jinglers were of the following ma- terials: deer hoofs (Dieg, Akwa, Yaq, Yav, Wal), cocoons (recent) (Pim). Russell describes a belt with brass cartridges on it. Pap: Sea shells. 1441-1442. Pim: The informant stated that these rattles were borrowed from the Yaqui in recent times. Russell remarks that the cocoons of which they are made were obtained from Yaqui or Papago (p. 169). (Papago informants were all certain the device was an ancient one in their culture.) Rasps 1443. Mar: The rasp was borrowed from the Pima; in fact, the songs with which it is used in accompaniment are in Pima, not Maricopa. Spier confirms this, stating that the rasp is not a Maricopa instrument (1933, 235). Wal: The instrument is reported to be a child's toy (Walapai, 121). Shiv: The instrument was bor- rowed recently from the Ute, as part of the Bear Dance complex. 1444. Shiv: The (recently acquired) equivalent of the basketry sounding board is a washtub over a pit. 1445. Pim: Russell mentions deer-scapula scrapers as well as wooden ones (p. 167). The present informant denied these. Flutes Herzog pointed out that I failed to diffei tiate between true flutes and flageolets in" inquiries. According to data wvhich he has ao bled, the Pima (Russell, fig. 80), Papago (D more, 1929, pl. 1), K'aricopa (Spier, 1933, 1 219), Yuma (Densmore, 1932, pl. 25), and Noh (Kroeber, 1925, 824) had flageolets of cane which the internode between two sections blo' the air column; holes were cut from the outs and covered over to form an external air cha The Walapai flageolet differed from the prec in that the external channel x'as at the end, middle. In addition, the Yuma (Kroeber, 192 pl. 43), perhaps the NIohave, and perhaps thel Southeastern Yavapai (Gifford, 1932, 236) ha true flutes. (GH.) 1447. Dieg: Informant denied use of any fi 1449-1450. Moh: The informant pointed oul that Nohave flutes had three, Yuma flutes foA holes (see Forde, pl. 54), although he owas oI opinion that the Mohave learned to make flutE from their downstream relatives. Kroeber rel to the Mohave instrument as a flageolet (1925 824); the Yuma had both flutes and flageolet8 according to Forde (131). 1450. Yav: Both four- and six-hole flutes: reported by Gifford (1936, 288). Wal: "Four~ or six-hole" flutes are reported (vv'alapai, 1451. Shiv: This is doubtless an error; "l holes" was probably meant. 1453. Pap: Negative is erroneous. Underhi account describes this use so fullv as to be' yond question (pp. 28, 30). 1454. Coc, Pap: Positive entries may be er neous. Bull-roarers 1455. ikwa: Bull-roarer later reported in nection with puberty rites. lIoh: The informa insisted that this was a recently acquired to Formerly, the Mohave had a similar toy (buzze of a gourd whirled around by a string (cf. Gi ford, 1933, 284). 1461. DIar: Children played with this instr ment, "but they weren't supposed to, for it i make them sick. Their parents made them sto vwhen they caught them at it." DNusical Bow 1462. Dieg, Akwa: Though Spier has determi the musical bow among the northern neighbors these people, both present informants statedU "the bow was made for killing, not to be play with." Mar: The informant, when a lad, was a intrigued with the musical possibilities of a that on rabbit hunts he walked along playingi bow and paying no attention at all to the rab Pim: The bow was sometimes rubbed with an ar in deer-hunting songs (GH). U. I 1: II 188 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DIRUCKER: YUIJMAN-PIAN1 A.USEMENTS Games Shinny Mar: Spier's account of the "men's ame" (1933, 336-337) is discussed below 88 Mar). This type of ball was made of the large gourd (or pumpkin), dried, and trimmed nd. Moh: Kroeber states that a wooden :.used (1925, 740). Coc: Gifford states tball was of willow bark wrapped with f cowpea vines (1933, 281). 'Wal: According to Walapai (169), data on participation in the game is from a `reference only. 1471. Coc: Gifford describes women's i11 shinny as a Cocopa game (1933, 281). V;The irregularity of positive statements bm seem doubtful. Coc: Gifford reports Sa side in both men's and women's games B13. Pim: Reported for men's game, not i's (for which see Russell, 172). [Akwa, Moh: Question perhaps was misun- 41by informants. Holding may have been a, but illegally, as for example, in our al. hPim, Pap: Men's shinny was a minor Ibut the women's game was a major af- krly always intervillage or intertribal hpanied by heavy betting. The principal ints were the kickball and relay races. Pelota Mar: The game described by Spier as a Laical, unorganized" kind of shinny 14, 336-337) seems to the present writer Oe likely a marginal form of pelota. My k.denied any kind of men's shinny--the k.the "modified" form--but that may because I asked about a game in which is driven with a club. (Spier, loc. cit., . a wooden ball 2 1/2 inches in diameter, a inches long, 1 1/2 inches in diameter. izs formed two lines, about fifty yards, 0' one side threw the ball or kicked it "%e air to their opponents, who attempted i back over the opposite line. It Or them if they succeeded, or against Whey missed striking the ball entirely.") kahe reported use of wooden ball and E misunderstanding. Fifty yards is Weld of a baseball diamond; to place a *ooden ball that distance with an un- lou1d require no ordinary degree of *ocodrdination; to return it yet more. feet instead of fifty yards, it would tdifficult, and at this short range, a ht at the ball that connected would bt kill one of the opponents. On the other hand, without the clubs (and the burying of the ball at the start--which is an element of the River tribes' shinny), the similarities to pelota are close: ball batted (with the hands, and possibly feet), side dropping ball loses, players remain in position. The present writer would interpret the game as pelota, and a form borrowed, as some other complexes seem to have been, in very late times--since the Yaqui settle- ment in Arizona. 1494. Yav: Gifford mentions a mythical refer- ence to this game (1936, 288). Wal: The inform- ant stated that in mythical times these races were run, but since the beginning of the human era they have been discarded. Walapai (169) mentions an informal variant of the race being "sometimes" run. 1495. NIoh: (See also 1509 Moh.) The inform- ant's account may refer to a minor variant of the kickball race; his denial of the more normal va- riety may be in error. Kroeber (1925, 740) describes a race run by two opponents each with a wooden ball. 1499-1500. See Russell, 173. 1504-1505. The positive entries may be the re- sult of misunderstandings. The informants may have been referring to the "referee" accompanying each racer (see element 1508), and it is even possible that the referee may have helped ("re- layed") his own man when he had the opportunity, though of course this was highly illegal. 1506. Mar: The Maricopa contested with the Pima "frequently," according to Spier (1933, 335). 1508. See Gifford, 1933, 282. Cheating, by practical and magical means, was a standard fea- ture of these races. Spier gives a spirited ac- count of the latter type of hazard to which rac- ers were subject. Coc: See Gifford, loc. cit. 1509. Moh: See note 1495 Moh. Relay Races 1515-1516. The itethod of running the race is that described by Russell (p. 174), albeit not too clearly. The diagram below represents the course and the two teams, A and B, each divided into two groups (A and A', B and B'): B B' If the runner from A outruns the one from B so that A's relief man, A', meets B on the course, a mark is put at the point of meeting (x). If A' maintains his lead, his relief man (the next run- ner from A) should meet B' on the course, and the judges place a second mark at that point (z). A A I E x 189 190 ANTHROPOLOG] If team A gains steadily, the two marks, x and z, approach each other, and finally meet about the middle of the course, in which event team A wins, having gained one lap on the opponents (the runners start from their original stations each time, not from the marks). Of course if the teams were anywhere near evenly matched, a race such as this could seesaw back and forth all day--in fact, informants state that this often happened. 1516. Pim: In the face of Russell's account, the informant said that the usual procedure was to consider that the side farthest ahead when dusk fell had won; if one team gained a great deal, the opponents would simply concede the victory. It was considered all right to quit this race, although it was bad form to drop out in the kickball race, no matter how badly beaten. Hoop-and-Pole Game 1518. Akwa: The informant knew this game as a Cocopa pastime. Pim: This was a Maricopa game, said the informant, but not played by the Pima. Pap: The informant, after attempting to describe the game, admitted that he had never seen but only heard of it. Altogether, he was so vague about it that I suspect he was trying to describe the Maricopa pastime, not a game played by his own people. 1526. Moh: The informant said that transfix- ing the hoop counted two points. There may have been a misunderstanding. 1528. Wal: There is some variation in the ac- counts of scoring in Walapai. That of one in- formant, K, tallies well with the count given here. 1528-1529a. Moh: Kroeber states that this cast was worth two; the account of an actual game that he cites values it at two or three (1925, 740). Likely there were several ways of counting, one being decided on beforehand. 1529a. Mar: Spier states that this cast was worth two points (1933, 336). 1530. Yav: The count was far from clear; as I understood, the number of turns of the wrap- ping which lay across the pole were counted. The informant denied colored notches of the sort reported for the Southeastern Yavapai. (Gifford, 1932, 231.) 1531. Moh: Kroeber's data indicate four- and five-point games were played. Perhaps any rea- sonable score might be set. Mar: The game was set at "four or three" points, according to the desires of the players. Spier, 1933, 336. 1533. See Gifford, 1932, 231. Ring-and-Pin Game 1535-1538. Akwa: This game, played with squash-rind rings obtained from the Cocopa, is obviously an importation. Mar: Spier, however, describes a ring-and-pin game with squash-rind [CAL RECORDS rings as a common Maricopa pastime (1933). negatives are probably erroneous. Yav: Giff informants attributed the game to the Verde ley groups (1936, 289), but the present info steadfastly denied it. 1541. Wal: The present informant had forg the details and was unable to tell the mode scoring. A count is given in Walapai (p. 17] Shiv: The scoring given differs somewihat fr Walapai count referred to above: hole "betwe eye and nose" (holes were made, one on each apparently corresponding to the "depression muscular attachment between the first premol and anterior border of the zygomatic arch" [ pai, 171]), 10 points; incisor alveoli, 6; n apertures, 2; foramen magnum, 2; eye sockets, other apertures, 1 each. 1543. Shiv: The scoring circuit was descri as a straight row of pits or markers; one we to the end and back (such as on our cribbage boards). The opponents started at opposite 1544. Coc: W4hen the men met, both returne the starting point, and raced to the point of meeting (which was marked). The first there 1545. Moh: See Kroeber, 1925, 741. The in formant's account was not clear; at times th seem to have played like the Cocopa (see note 1544 Coc). 1546. In the instances in which pluses are corded there was said to have been no fixed ber of points; the game was a diversion rathe than a serious gambling game, and one could p a long or a short game, as he wished. 1547. Wal: Small bets were sometimes place This was probably true in the other cases as (see note 1546). Dice Games 1548-1549. Yaq: The informant knew of the game, which was played with, he thought, four, dice, but had forgotten the details. The na of the game was "kinssm" in Yaqui (sic, cf. S "quince"). 1549. Moh: I have included this game with other four-stick varieties because it was ess tial that there be four to a set. Actual pla was only with three, however (see scoring met. 4, below, and note). 1549a. Mar, Pim, Pap: There were two games, men's game (quince) in which scoring was acco ing to marked faces as well as faces vs. back and a women's game in which the count depended the number of faces showing on the throw. 1550-1551. Pim, Pap: The two types of dice. dicated refer to the two different games, "qu and the women's four-stick game (see note 154 1551. Moh: Apparently both split-stick and flat (stave) dice were made; see Culin, 205. 1553. Dieg: The Diegueno to tne north had d- with designs marked on them (Culin, 204). Ak Moh: The designs had nothing to do with the s04 ing. Coc: Culin figures a set of Cocopa dicei CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN .le band of red lengthwise of the faces ). One would expect them to use designs lies, at least. 04-1555. Culin figures a set of Maricopa ,s dice; four split canes painted red on Ier (face) side (p. 201). M. Moh: The names given by the informant a follows: die marked in center, "old ; solid black (?), "old man"; solid red tgirl"; all-over zigzag or chevrons, "rain- The solid red and solid black designs are ipresented in Culin's figures (figs. 271- &and may be erroneous information. Kroeber 0 that on the four dice, three designs were id (1925, 741, two of Culin's sets [271, ore thus decorated), by which he may mean Id man," "old woman," and a pair of like i. Pim, Pap: Culin's account (from infor- iby McGee) states that the Papago used dents of these terms for their dice (p. 'but Russell specifically denies this no- iture for the Pima (p. 175), as did the at Papago informant. Culin's source may terror. 59. See Russell, 175, for the Piman terms. bhe informant stated that this was properly Igame, although the Maricopa played it The names of the dice were "in Pima"; walled but two: kints and si:k (cf. 1559; n8es he forgot were probably "six" and i). Presumably he was correct, rather than a informant, according to whom the dice known by the numbers they scored," the Ibeing given as 25, 15, 6, 4 (1933, 342). resent informant's account of the scoring, if scoring circuit, and such, is in better Rent with the Pima-Papago play. W. See Culin, fig. 166. ;1. The dice were held loosely in the hand, It when the (lower) ends were struck sharply It a flat stone (usually in the center of Ioring circle) they would bounce off and bairly. The purpose is obviously the same method of throwing dice against a back- --to eliminate tampering with the laws of 0-1561. Pim, Pap: Men's dice were struck hand-held stone; women's against a stone iground. See note 1549a. Kring method 1: See Gifford, 1933, 284. 3. Coc: In beginning the game, a player throw 1 up, 3 down before he could count tints. He got one point for this throw. ited also by Gifford, 1933, 284.) 6-1570. Dieg, Akwa, Coc: There is some lion in these entries, which is probably incomplete questioning rather than plain From Gifford's data on the Cocopa, it k that throws of 2 and 3 won points but he dice. That the Akwa'ala and Diegueno he same system is suggested by its recur- mong the Kamia (Gifford, 1931, 46). ring method 2: See Russell, 175. 1579. Mar, Pim, Pap: See 1595 and note. Scoring method 3: See Russell, 180. 1580. Mar: The informant did not know the method of scoring, but was certain that the wo- men?s game differed from that of the men in that the scoring "was by low numbers, just one or two points at a time." In this he was once more con- sistent with the Pima-Papago pattern, but at va- riance with Spier's informant, who gave the scor- ing as 10, 5, 2 (and added a scoring circuit, which the present informant denied) (1933, 341). Culin's account of the game (p. 201) makes it conform to the Piman one (giving 6 points, "or as many as are agreed on" for the game, however) (elements 1580-1583). 1583. Pim: Russell states the game point is four. Scoring method 4: See Culin, 207. 1590. If the player fails to make this throw, she loses her turn; making it, she may toss for points. Scoring method 5: The count given in Walapai, 172 ("four points for each painted side that turns up") does not agree with the present in- formant in detail, but the general idea, a score according to the number of faces cast, is the same in both. 1595. Coc: Gifford states stick counters were used in the Cocopa game, not a scoring circuit (1933, 284). The present informant probably had another game in mind. Mar, Pim, Pap: The form of the scoring circuit is that described by Rus- sell, 176. The rectangular circuit is formed by 36 pits, 9 on each corner (the corner pit is fifth from the end), with "houses" of 5 pits at the' lower left and upper right corners, making 46 in all. The Maricopa informant said that there should be 50 pits (see element 1579) after a moment's calculation--his error was probably one of mathematics, that is, through counting the corner pits twice. 1601. Mar, Pim, Pap: This scorekeeping was for the women's dice game. 1606. Wal: Formerly men only played, but in recent times women also take part in the game. Scoring: See Gifford, 1936, 289. 1611. Yav: The game was 44, including the "water holes." Sometimes they decided that if a marker "fell into the water" it was dead, and had to go back to the starting point. 1612. Wal: 40 points is considered the older style of play (cf. Walapai, 171). 1616. Yav: See note 1611 Yav. 1617. Wal: In the older form of the game this was always the rule, but sometimes they set it aside nowadays. 1618. Coc: I am not sure of this information; the informant was somewhat vague about the entire game. Hidden-Ball Game 1624. Yaq: The informant described what was 191 ANTEROPOLOGICAL RECORDS apparently an informal form of the hidden-ball game in which a small object was concealed in one of several baskets, hats, or anything else at hand. Sometimes, he thought lengths of cane might have been used. He was unable to give an account of a system of play,-but the form of game with the marked canes probably occurred, since it is reported from the related Zuaque to the south on the Rio Fuerte (Culin, 356-357). lWhen Yaqui boys played, the winners thumped the losers' head or wrists with their knuckles. Men bet on the play. 1625. The "red Mexican bean" is probably the seed of the "chilicote"' mentioned in Culin as used by both Papago and Zuaque (pp. 354, 357). Pim: Russell states that the Pima used a ball of mesquite gum (p. 177). 1631. See Russell, 177; Spier, 1933, 340. 1632-1633. Mar: This method of play is men- tioned by Spier (1933, 341). Pim: Described by Russell for the Pima (p. 177). 1634. This is essentially what is done in ar- ranging the canes as described above (elements 1632-1633). The crossed pair are indicated as empty; the guesser selects one of the two remain- ing. Sometimes (instead of arranging the reeds-- apparently a variant procedure) the guesser sim- ply tossed two canes to the hider, saying "These are empty" and selected the one with bean, that is, on third choice. 1635. See Culin, 355, 356. Mar: Spier men- tions the 10 and 6 values of the crossed pair of reeds (p. 341). Pim: This mode of scoring was practiced by the Pima (Russell, 177). 1636. Spier reports this as a Maricopa vari- ant (1933, 341). No two informants agreed on the values thus assigned the canes, and I sus- pect that these statements are the result of confusion on the method of play. 1637. See Kroeber, 1925, 741. 1643. Yav, Wal: This third guess was at the option of the hider. If he felt very sure of himself he would allow it. 1645. This refers to a variant mode of play. The guesser might indicate two piles, saying, "There is nothing in these," then select the one containing the object. If the object was in one of the two first piles, the hider won one point. 1648. Apparently the number of counters was variable, but always fairly large. The entries under Mar, Pim, Pap refer to the cane game only; I neglected to ask about the score for the dirt- pile form of the game among these groups. 1649. Moh: Kroeber states that five points was game (1925, 741). Yav: Gifford states that "14 to 24" counters were used (1936, 289). When playing for high stakes, according to my inform- ant, they "went through the 12 counters twice" [i.e., played 24 points]. 1651. Wal: 16 and 18 are given as the number of counters in Walapai (p. 172). 1656. Mar, Pim, Pap: I failed to asik-about this point. There is no mention of singing in the various published descriptions of the ge played by these groups (Culin, Russell, Spie Hand-Game (Peon) 1658. Pim: This game was learned from the copa, said the informant, "about the time th the Maricopa moved over here to Casa Blanca. Yav: The game described in the following ent' is a child's game, or pastime, scarcely recog nizable as a variant of peon. Gifford (1936 makes no mention of the hand-game; he report absent among the Southeastern Yavapai (1932, Wal: The informant insisted that the game, adopted in late time, was "not a real Walapa" --just something new." He did not want to gi any details for fear that I might get things mixed up; we were to confine our discussion topics that "really belonged" to the Walapai. Shiv: The Shivwits learned this game after tb left their old home on the canyon rim and beg to move in around Saint George. 1659. Dieg: Eagle (leg?) bones were someti used, presumably because of the supernatural power within them. Moh: Pieces made of bone, well as wooden ones, are described by Culin (pp. 326-327). Coc: A pair of game pieces us ally consisted of a piece of crane leg bone, a charred piece of arrowwood. 1662-1664. Pim: There appears to be some o fusion in these entries. Culin figures a set three peon sticks, one held by each player un his arm (p. 296, and fig. 387). 1665. See Culin,figs. 430, 431. The obviQ purpose of these loops was to prevent cheatiq Most informants considered this a late improv ment, but I failed to record their opinions, cept in the case of the Shivwits. There, the loops were said to be much more recent than t acquisition of the game itself (see 1658 Shiv 1668. Moh: Kroeber states that there were holders (1925, 741); my informant insisted on contrasting the Mohave with heighboring tribe such as the Yuma, who played with four pairs. 1674. Yav: There was no series of points f game. See note 1658 Yav. 1680. Moh: Kroeber speaks of a referee in charge of the twelve counters (1925, 741). 1681. The wide occurrence of the instituti of the referee, and the term by which he was ignated, k5ime, or an easily recognized varia (e.g., Cocopa, koim; Shiv, k5yTime), is an int esting feature, and obviously indicates a rec diffusion. The recorded distribution extends to southern California (see Drucker, CED:V, e ment 854). Various Games and Amusements 1687. See Kroeber, 1925, 775. Wal: As an equivalent, the informant described a method flipping pebbles by pressing them against the of the upraised index finger and releasing qu 192 CITLTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN . Yav: "Eight or ten" pebbles were used. n pebbles were used. * See Russell, 179. . Yav: The game was played by children, ts of either sex. M Moh: The informant did not make clear the top had a pottery (i.e., sherd) disk 1 of dried mud for a body. Yaq: Some men juggled with small objects t melons). They juggled in a manner dif- from that of the women, using both hands than one. Pap: The informant thought that juggling t of the jacks game, but he may have used. Yav: The informant spoke of "small wild --perhaps he referred to wild gourds. . Pap: See note 1702 Pap. . See Culin, 758 ff. Dieg: The negative is probably in error. Smoking Valso data on tobacco growing (elements 39, 0. Coc: Gifford reports that tobacco was ghered, but obtained from the Akwa'ala 269). The present informant thought that Dple sometimes gathered it themselves. he informant believed that most of the to- ised was cultivated; the wild tobacco came he Akwa'ala via the Cocopa. Spier's in- as, however, stress the importance of the Dbacco (1933, 332 ff.). 4. The term "coyote's tobacco" was used to to wild species. It is not clear whether is a separate variety, or merely coarse pe plants (see Spier, 1933, 333). Mar: reports the term as a Maricopa usage (1933, Pim: Russell reports the designation for 'a (p. 119, note a). 5. Mar: Spier's informants reported clay as recent (1933, 333). 2. Moh: The informant said that this was a hot a Mohave, custom. F. Coc: Reported present by Gifford (1933, Mar: Reported present by Spier (1933, 333). bntioned in Underhill's account (p. 8). Dsitive entry may refer to a recent custom, than a truly aboriginal one. 4. Female shamans amoked, usually. The Lefers only to ordinary women, not "doc- Shiv: Old women sometimes smoked, it is 5. The caption refers to smoking as a or semiritual act, for example, at men's gs, before hunts, war, and such. The em- -on ceremonial use of tobacco was greater Pima and Papago than among the other groups, is, but everywhere in the region the plant garded as a proper adjunct to solemn or deliberations. 1727. Shiv: The pipe was usually passed around a circle and back the way it had come, that is, right then left. It was passed with the left hand--the one used in smoking. 1728. Dieg: One did not speak when passing the pipe, but touched the hot end against the bare leg of one's neighbor. (The Akwa'ala informant believed that this was done only when the neigh- bor had dozed off.) Wal: The term for man's male cross-cousin was used for nonrelatives (the prop- er term was used by kin). Pets 1729. Yav: The people to the west (the Mathau- papaya) had big dogs that they used for hunting, but the Verde Valley people had none. (Some of Gifford's informants denied existence of dogs in prehistoric times, [1936, 264].) Wal: Three in- formants, according to the published account, gave three different answers to the question of the occurrence of dogs (Walapai, 69-70). Shiv: The informant insisted that "in old times" the Shivwits had no dogs. Later it developed that he had in mind a tale according to which all dogs lived in a great cave up north somewhere. They were all wild; no one had any dogs in those days. Finally, some men decided that they wanted dogs. They burned some fat outside the cave, and when a dog or two smelled it and came out the men caught them. Thus the people first came to have dogs. The episode is said to have antedated the coming of the whites by quite a while. It is not impossible that this myth may be widely current in the region, and responsible for the assertions that dogs are "recent" ac- quisitions. Not being aware of this yarn, I failed to ask specifically whether dogs were ob- tained from Europeans in instances when they were reported absent. 1730. Coc: The negative is contradicted by Pattie's explicit account (p. 198). Yav: Gifford states (1936, 264), that young dogs were eaten (reported apparently by informants who did not deny occurrence of dogs; see 1729 Yav). 1732. Moh: The negative is probably erroneous; apparently the informant did not know the bird meant. Pim: Parrots also were kept by the Pima (Velarde, 310). 1735. Dieg, Moh: The negatives are probably in error. 1736. See Gifford, 1931, pl. 2, B. 1737. See Russell, fig. 17. 1739. Moh: Most of the young birds were ob- tained in trade from the Walapai. Coc: The young eagles were obtained by Mountain Cocopa and Akwa'ala, and traded to the River people. 1743. See under Ceremonials, 2564 ff. 1744. Hawks were commonly kept for their fea- thers, but were not so highly regarded as the eagles since they had little supernatural power compared with the latter. 193 194 ANTEROPOLOG: SOCIAL CULTURE The Structure of Society The entries under this head represent not re- plies by informants to direct questioning, but syntheses of (1) their comments on these topics and (2) material drawn from published sources (modern ethnographies and early accounts). Since my interpretations are not altogether in accord with those hitherto advanced, I shall present my evidence on the various points in the following. Political Organization 1745. For present purposes, the term "tribe" has been taken to mean a sociopolitical unit co- extensive with a dialectic division. (See Kroeber, 1925, 727; Spier, 1933, 154 ff.) The characteristic sociopolitical division of our present tribes was the local group (village) or band (elements 1749-1754)--fundamentally the only difference between these two terms relates to the type of economy and relative sessility of the groups. Only among the River Yumans did larger groupings prevail. Kroeber has discussed this unique feature of Lower Colorado and Lower Gila culture (Kroeber, 1925, 727). It seems at least possible that a combination of unique cir- cumstances may lie at the root of this peculiar social order; one might point to the very rich but restricted setting of River Yuman culture as a significant factor. The groups could in- crease, but could not disperse; the people were confined within the narrow gorge of the river. To leave it would mean a complete revision of food habits, industries, and all related activi- ties. This enforced density of population, plus relative isolation and marked cultural differ- ences from those alien neighbors whom they did meet now and again, might foster a group feel- ing--what Linton calls an "esprit de corps"-- transcending the limits of the local group. This is precisely what happened, as best as we can judge, among many Southwestern groups during the historic period. Following the "reducciones" of the aboriginal small and scattered settle- ments by the early missionaries, community of interest, particularly a common cause against a culturally and linguistically different foe, led to the formation of real tribal entities among Pima, Papago, and Yaqui. The recent disintegra- tion of these tribal units among the first two peoples was the result of the cessation of the need for concentration (in this instance, the Apache wars). The factor enforcing concentra- tion of population among the River Yuman--geo- graphical environment--was, however, a constant. From this point of view, then, the River tribes were anomalous. The areally typical division was the band or village--a condition not espe- cially distinctive for any one section of west- ern North America. ICAL RECORDS Moh, Mar: Of the political organization Lower Colorado peoples we have information back to 1540. The point to be noted is tha like so many Indian 'tribes," these people true national designations for themselves: khava, Haltcadom, Kaveltcadom, Kiwitcan, and others. Only the Maricopa (proper) seem to had no name but the term "man,?? or ??person.ff Kroeber has pointed out in his analysis of V early records, the greater number of these can be identified from the earliest reports, those of Alarcon and the O?iate expedition (1 793-803). It is true that these and other a counts mention some group names no longer id tifiable, and the Yuma cannot be recognized less they are the Bahacechas), but in the the stability of these national groupings si the sixteenth and early seventeenth century beyond question. In this regard the River Y are to be differentiated from their Pima-Pap neighbors, as will be brought out below. (A pos of these early accounts, a remark by M concerning the cotton-growing, hair-braiding Ocaras or Ozaras mentioned by Ofnate as at th Gila-Colorado confluence is of interest: ".. la nacion le los indios Osaras o Seulos.. [qu hablan en Tepehuan..." [p. 127].) Pim, Pap: The interpretation of Pima trib unity, and that of the Papago, as an historil phenomenon is based directly on the early so Besides, we have documentary evidence of a p ess of concentration of the early scattered lages into a few centers during the years of Apache wars, which might be presumed to have to the development of a national sense. First of all it should be noted that the nation "Pima" which the Spaniards applied sin the latter part of the seventeenth century is linguistic designation, not an adaptation of tribal name; cf. Velarde: "La nacion Pima cuy nombre han tomado los espanoles (en su nativo idioma se llama Otama y en plural Ootoma [ta is, "man,n "person"])de la palabra Pim, repet en ellos por ser su negacion" [p. 298]. All early sources use the word in a linguistic s without implying thereby that all "Pima" comp a political entity. To differentiate among t Kino, Mange, and their successors referred tod geographical divisions: Pimas Sobaipuris, Piu Gilenos, Pimas Papabotas, Pimas de Caborca.T is no hint of formal units larger than the vi lage. Finally we have Velarde's explicit stat ment (p. 314): "gobierno no tienen alguno, ni leyes; tradiciones costumbres con que gobermn y asi cada uno vive en su libertad, sin conoce en cada pueblo mas superior que algun indio, ' que mas habla, mas le incita a pelear con las naciones enemigas, o les senala tiempos de cam [here follows mention of several village chief who had large followings].... Otros capitanes habido y hay en otras partes de algun nombre e tre ellos, mas todo este reconocimiento se quo en lo dicho, sin mas feudo, obediencia y sujec CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN acer cada uno lo que quiere; a estos llamo D regulos o caciques y al del Poniente el 3oba, y asf lo publico y escribo a Europa con que razon, ues nada menos tienen que ,(underlining mine). One could scarcely Dr a more definite statement. aconcentration is recorded in eighteenth y accounts; Russell has sketched it brief- P. 20-23). The withdrawal on the eastern Ler is noted in 1762 in the Rudo Ensayo he Sobaipuri remnants abandoned their fer- ralley, Loving into Pima villages to the The same source states that the Gileino olhad villages on both sides of the river vt time, and Garces found villages on the ,bank in 1774 (p. 389); the retreat to the .bank may have occurred in the closing years century. Font recounts (p. 46) of the of Sutaquison (Casa Blanca, according to s identification): "The Indians were w they lived so far from the river, omerly they had their pueblo on the banks now they had moved it to a place apart. lied that they changed the site because river, with its trees and brush, they dly from the Apaches, but now being far y had open country through which to fol- kill the Apaches when they came to their Russell's informants reported eight ed villages in the early nineteenth cen- his time they had once more begun to ,out (he says principally because of water ). Russell's list of extant villages ) comes to eighteen (pp. 20-23). .present writer's Papago informants had same story to relate. Tnere were "in days" but seven or eight villages. The re afraid to live in small groups, as mOW, because of the Apacne. (Apparently illages" were centers of settlement, a permanent water supply and the great- ible amount of farm land.) Hoover' s in- is in the main corroborative: he lists t villages or centers (twelve including and Sand Papago divisions, of which st knew little) prior to 1860 "some n..no doubt sprang from a few of the st villages as Kaka, Achi (Santa Rosa), Tecolote and Gue Va (Quitovac)" (Hoover, all, it is clear that there was a concentration of population during the Apache raids. That the latter were e is apparent both from natives' state- the prompt reaction to cessation of B--dispersal to outlying sites. Dur- period of enforced concentration, when ive and offensive action campaigns by ps were found most effective, the epirit of the Pima, and as much as of it among the Papago, must have been Before, the village must have been the unit. 1748. Moh, Mar: The absence of tribal ceremony activity is an expression of lack of mass ritu- alism rather than lack of unity. Pim, Pap: Al- though there seems to be a trend, in the times of which informants tell, for rituals to be per- formed on a tribal scale (this is more true of Papago than of Pima) the function of the village as the primary ritual unit is easily perceived. Each major village had its own ceremonial house and bundle, and in the Viikita festival (q.v.) each participating village (not all participated) danced separately. The sahuaro-wine drinking was a village rite. 1754. Moh, Mar: Kroeber makes clear that among the Mohave nothing that could properly be called a village existed (1925, 727). Spier pictures the Maricopa settlements as straggling and con- tinually shifting (1933, 22). 1756. Pim, Pap: See note 1748 Pim, Pap. Clans and Moieties As regards other social groupings, our part of the Southwest appears to have been a region of unilateral descent groups (elements 175?, 1766, 1?22). Only Shivwits, the Upland Yumans, and the Yaqui lacked them entirely. If we consider the immediate neighbors: the Pueblos, the Athabascans, and the Shoshonean-speaking Southern Californians --the strength of this unilateral descent pattern is brought out more emphatically. At the same time we must note that to lump these social or- ders together under the term "clan" is to force a lot of very different institutions into the same pigeonhole. Even if we disregard particular line of descent, a Hopi or Zu?1i clan has little in common with a Pima-Papago "father-name group," or the so-called moieties among the same people; still less is it like a River Yuman clan. Dif- ferences are to be found in composition, struc- ture (i.e., localized or diffused) and function-- which about exhausts the possibilities for dif- ferences. The most important similarity is the one noted by Strong: the Pueblan-Southern Cali- fornian concept of the clan as the ceremonial unit, with specific associations such as the clan priest, clan-owned ceremonial structure, and clan-owned fetish bundle (Strong, 1927). In the intermediate province the significance of the clan appears to have been lost. It was the vil- lage which was the house- and bundle-owning unit among the Pima and Papago, and apparently among the Mexican tribes to the south; the Yumans lacked the priest-house-bundle complex entirely (Drucker, 1939). 1757. The clan organization of the River Yu- mans seems to have been fundamentally the same everywhere. Moh: See Kroeber, 1925, 741 ff. Coc: See Gifford, 1933. Mar: See Spier, 1933, 186 ff. See also Forde, 141 ff. Pim, Pap: See below, note 1766 Pim, Pap. 1759. Moh, Mar: Neither infcrmant was very sure of this. They may have had in mind recent 195 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS violations of the rule. The published sources are explicit on this point. 1760. Moh: Although Kroeber states that the clans were nameless (1925, 741), the present in- formant said it was customary to use the "women's name" to designate the whole group. Thus, he said his own group was hipa, that of the inter- preter, owitc. This resembles Yuma usage, which Forde describes (p. 143). 1761. See Kroeber, 1925, 741; Forde, 142 ff.; Spier, 1933, 187. 1766. See Parsons, 1928, 455. As Parsons makes clear, these father-names are the sole out- ward indication of the existence of the so-called Pima clans; the fact that they are determined patrilineally is the only excuse for comparing them with clans. Spier's suggestion strikes at the root of the whole matter: "This raises the question...whether the essential Pima unit is not the moiety rather than the sib" (1933, 194). My construction of the evidence is that for both Pima and Papago the moiety was the essential unit (so far as there was one other than the vil- lage), and that these father-name groups are not properly to be reckoned sibs at all. Pim, Pap: Spier (1936) has pointed out the evident con- fusion in the grouping of the father-name groups into moieties. The statements of my informants, as well as those of previous investigators, are not in agreement. They are as follows: Pim: Buzzard (Red) moiety, vafH, mamH; Coyote (White) moiety, apapH, apkiH, okulH. Russell (p. 197): A'kol, A'pap, A'puki, Ma'am, and Va'af. "The first three are known as the Vulture or Red People, the last two as the Coyote or White People." Parsons (1928, 456): Buzzard, vaaf, Ma'm, ikalt; Coyote, apkya, a'pap. Pap 1: Buz- zard, vaav, maam, okul; Coyote, apki, apap. Pap 2: Buzzard, mamH, vaav (?); Coyote, apap, apki. Lumholtz (p. 354): "Red ants" (= Buzzard), mam, vav; "White ants" (= Coyote), okul, apap, apki. Gifford (1918) gives a still different account of the Papago system, based on informa- tion from Mr. Juan Dolores, of the University of California Museum of Anthropology. Mr. Dolores gave me the same description in 1938. The mul- tiplicity of discrepancies is somewhat startling, to say the least. Yet it seems improbable that one of the five varying lists is right, all the rest wrong. Some comments by the Papago (2) in- formant and interpreter shed some light on the problem. First of all, it was stated very spe- cifically that there neither is nor ever was an okul group (6kulgam) among the people residing at or near Santa Rosa. Nor were there many vava- gam; the informant was not certain that the few individuals of this group now at Santa Rosa "really belong" there. The logical inference to be drawn from all the accounts is that the alignment of the groups varied from one locality to the next--there was no single Pima-Papago system. Little confusion would result from this in daily life for the reason that the name groups were of verv minimal consenuence. A word may be added in regard to Papago ui of the terms. No one but a man's children ui them in address. One could, however, ask at "Where is your [e.g.] mamHl?" (instead of the dinary term of reference, ookH). If one wero stranger, and did not know the word the chil used, he could use any of the designations. child would understand perfectly well, and w probably reply (e.g.), "Not my mamH, my apkHl 1772. The Pima-Papago "moieties" like the "clans" are but pallid counterparts of the t; of social order usually designated by that t Parsons' description (of the Pima institutioi once more brings out the salient facts concei their functional role. The "moieties" had m to do with either marriage or ceremonialism. Their chief service lay in providing a theme- joking and good-natured invective. One bragg about the noble qualities of his moiety anim and maligned that of the other group (see Pa sons, 1928, 456-457; also Herzog, 1936). 1776. Pap: Both Papago informants (1 and consistently denied the color associations o the moieties. Asked, in connection with sal pedition rites, whether red and white paint used according to moiety affiliation (as desc by Lumholtz, 1902, 270 or 354) they (and Pap also) emphatically stated nothing but white was permitted. (Lunholtz's data on the subj of clans and moieties may be Pima, therefore note that his alignment of the father-name g duplicates the Santan Pima one obtained by t present writer.) Chiefs and Headmen 1779. Moh: See Kroeber, 1925. The chief, was told, was always from the Northern (Upst Mohave (mathalyadom). He had two "captains" (itcakwaR) under him, one from the Upper and from the Lower divisions. Pim, Pap: The "R' the following entries are mine, not the info ants'. See note 1745 Pim, Pap (particularly quotation from Velarde). 1780. Pim: Russell, however, states (p. 1 "The office of head chief is not hereditary. He is elected by the village chiefs." 1782. Mar: Spier states that "the Maricop tribal chief was in reality the chief of the, strongest village" (1933, 155), but this sit tion differed from that among the Pima-Papa for this "strongest village" was the only o have a chief (loc. cit.). Among the latter, there was a chief in each major settlement element 1785). Pap: The chief at Achi was garded as the "head chief of all the Papago" (except the Sonora and Sand Papago). 1783. Pim: Russell does not say so specif ly, but presumably the assembly of village c who elect the head chief constitute the "tri council" to which he refers (p. 195). Pap: chief at Achi would notify the chiefs of the other seven (major) villages to assemble to I II 196 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN ;ters of general import (e.g., a campaign the Apache). t_This term (Pim: osyagakam; Pap: oska- ibtless refers to the canes of office, knge tells us so frequently that he dis- 1. There is another word applied to a Wf tribe or village)--kovenal--which both md Pima informants thought was a more term, and a derivative of the "Spanish r 'governor"' ("Gobernador.t? I do not Ither or not "gobierno" could have been colloquial or pidgin Spanish; it sounds te the Piman form. The Yaqui say "kovo- kso deriving it from the Spanish). Dieg, Akwa: The chief is an elected L, whom informants were sure had no coun- `in former times. "There were no chiefs Pim, Pap: The village chief referred k,with his hereditary position and name imerl is a recent functionary, along ktribal chief. Underhill specifies the if the office (pp. 2-3), and her account typical activities, such as ordering w whipped and the like (pp. 8, 27, etc.). Pim: The civil chief had a messenger called The Leg (GH). (Cf. Underhill, Eerzog also recorded a term "Very High" for the civil chief, one who had such sad who also was said to have had some e1 functions at rituals. This combina- unction is probably late, or a con- .,older concepts.) Bee Kroeber, 1925, 745. Mar: Spier re- 33, 158) the "kwaxot" was simply a '(that is, good-natured, kindly), not of an official." However, see below, Mar: According to Spier (1933, 158-159), e functions of the Pima-Papago cere- ficial (clearing out the house, start- ire, calling the men, etc.) were per- .the chief. There was an old man, how- .tended the fire (once it was started, ). Note however that this could apply e strongest village" (the only one .chief, according to Spier's evidence ]). The present informant stated that of the kohota (kwaxot, in Maricopa) or the nightly meetings (see element 'was very certain of this; he regarded of a house large enough for assem- one of the distinguishing marks of * If his views are correct, and they ble enough, we have an instance of a of Lower Colorado and Piman concepts: rner, the kohota chief; and from the o formalized men's nightly assemblies ing-house. The title of this man was recorded tends the fire" (naatatciktcim), but an alternative designation, or in- * proper one. (This once important of- en overshadowed by the posthistoric "chiefs"; I must own that the fault was mine for not recognizing him until the real nature of his office came out in discussions with Papago in- formants.) Russell states, "In each village there is also a 'ceremony talker' or master of ceremonies..." (p. 196); in another context the present informant pointed out that the term for ceremonial or formal speaking contained the word for "smoking" (djiHanyigit, "speaking to me," literally, "smoking to me," was the form he gave), so Russell's "ceremony talker" may be "smoke keeper" (the Papago form is dji1fltcktcaktcim). (Russell states that a war leader was called "TcUnylm or TcY'ylnylim, Smoker, or War Speaker [p. 196]). Incidentally, there is an interesting series of terms formed of the root for "tobacco smoke": ceremonial (assembly) house, dj!Htcki (Pim), djuntcki (Pap); ceremonial chief, ceremonial speaking (see above); rain-making ceremony (the magical performances and singing sometimes ac- companying the sahuaro-wine drinking), djfuiitcki (Pim, Pap); war orator, (Pim, see above), djunylo- tam (Pap). 1801. It was as keeper of the bundle that he was the director of ceremonies. 1803. The position of "band headman" referred to is one of vaguely defined authority and mode of succession. A Yavapai or Walapai who distin- guished himself in one or more fields deemed im- portant by his people--war, oratory, and the like--came to be regarded as a leader. The son of a leader had certain advantages over his con- temporaries in regard to succession: people felt that he was likely to have inherited some of the qualities of leadership, and been taught the wis- dom, that had made his father prominent in group affairs. That is about all that "hereditary succession" means among these bands. The Yavapai informant denied heredity as a factor, meaning thereby a hard-and-fast rule of hereditary suc- cession; the Walapai informant affirmed it prob- ably because he happened to recall a few in- stances in which a son succeeded his father, and there was "a feeling that the position should be kept in the family" (Walapai, 154). 1804. Yav, Wal: See preceding note. 1805. See Gifford, 1936, 297-298. Wal: Brav- ery was less essential than some other qualities, but no doubt it played a part in raising a man to prominence, despite the denial by the present in- formant. See Walapai, 153 ff. 1815. Yav: The war leader and band headman was one and the same person. 1813. Wal: The owner of the rabbit net was the hunt master, in so far as there was one. Walapai (p. 63) mentions a "hunt leader" who had no per- manent status. Shiv: The person who owned a tract of land would initiate a drive and direct it. 1816. The proof of the pudding, of course, was the empiric record of the man's bravery and war success. The Lower Colorado native theory was 197 ANTPTROPOT.OC.TCAT. RECORDS that he must have dreamed his power. The Mohave informant stated that a war chief was such from the moment of his birth (i.e., he had already dreamed his power); subsequent dreaming served to reenforce, or somehow validate, the prenatal dreams. Shiv: The war leader dreamed, among other things, the songs sung by the outgoing war party. 1818. Pim: The instigator or organizer of a war party was one who had lost a kinsman to the Apache, who dreamed that he should avenge this loss. He was called "the Smoker." (GH.) 1819. Moh, Mar: The advice of the chiefs and prominent men was supposed to be (but was not always) sought. Pim, Pap: The chiefs referred to are the (historic) "stick owners," not the aboriginal ceremonial chiefs. Real Property, Law Legalistic principles were but little de- veloped among the present groups. Land owner- ship was at a minimum; criminal law unformalized. To this lack of formalization the apparent vague- ness of the data on criminal procedure (elements 1833-1839) is attributable, rather than to lack of knowledge on the part of informants. 1820-1821. Pim: See Hill, 1936. 1823. Mar: Spier states (1933, 60-61) that the field was usually left fallow six to twelve months (i.e., one or two cropping seasons). 1824-1825. See Kroeber, 1925, 744-745. 1824. Mar: The informant knew of the Mohave custom, and thought it most quaint; "we didn't ever do that." 1826. Shiv: To judge by the present inform- ant's account, the Shivwits differed vastly from the other groups of the present study in the way in which most of the areas producing foodstuffs-- vegetable or animal--were claimed by individuals. Other Shivwits might utilize these resources only with the consent of the owner. Apparently he usually took the initiative, announcing to the people that they should assemble to drive rabbits, dig mescal, gather piffons, or whatever was to be had. 1828. See Kroeber, 1925, 737. 1832. Dieg: Trait probably present (Spier, 1923, 307-308, reports eagle nests gens-owned among the northern groups). Coc: The informant meant that Mountain Cocopa owned eagle nests. The River people had none. Pap: Negative may be in error. 1833. The wergild concept was certainly at a minimum of elaboration, and indeed, its recorded presences may not refer to truly native times. Wal: Sometimes, the kin of a murderer if they were a strong numerous family, might try to buy off the family of the deceased with buckskins, and such. If they were a small group, they some- times sat back and did nothing while the dead man's relatives exacted their revenge on the killer. (Walapai, 157 ff., reports this latter procedure, but makes no mention of the poss of wergild.) 1836. See Kroeber, 1925, 779. The stick; seems to have been a common mechanism for s disputes among the Mohave and their congene Warfare Preparations Dieg, Akwa: Both informants stated that their knowledge their people never engaged wars, and consequently professed themselves' able to give any account of war customs. columns are therefore left blank. The info were probably correct in the general trend' their ideas, for undoubtedly warfare never even relatively, the interest and importanc them that it did among the Arizona tribes. the early mission reports speak of hostilit the natives (Meigs, 1935, 121. The stateme may refer chiefly to the Kiliwa and Cocopa, ever). The Akwa'ala informant's account of) 1840 rebellion suggests that there was a pattern available (in fact, her account real more like a relation of a feud between two groups than a revolt against the mission an ties): when the leader was finally caught slain, he was scalped. The one who scalped fasted and bathed for "a few days" while he "tanned" the scalp. The successful party d with the scalp when they first took it, and terward, before they sent it to the Mexican thorities. Gifford's description of Cocopa fare mentions a campaign in which Akwa'alai the Cocopa (1933, 302). 1841. See Spier, 1933, 164-165. Pim: Thi ganizing of a-war party came about as the r of someone's dream that vengeance should be on the foe (see note 1818 Pim) (GH). The n in the list reflects the absence of a war-c official who dreamed, not of dreaming itsel Yav, Wal: The war leader himself did not dr but shamans might be consulted about the ad ability of setting forth to war. 1842-1844. The writer's impression is t the concept that fasting and continence wer necessary was more common than appears from following entries, but was obscured by a p' lar set of circumstances. The journey to t enemy country occupied several days, and it. during this time that the fasting and such place. That it was conceived of as a four- ceremonial period by at least some groups a from the four ritual speeches of the Marico and Pima-Papago (see element 1854). 1845. Mar: Spier states a dance of the type as that of Mohave and Cocopa was used 166). Pim, Pap: Absence of an incitement or rite is explicitly confirmed for the Pi the Rudo Ensayo (p. 89), and indicated for Papago in Underhill's account (p. 12). Shil I 198 I-IL -vz vJL LvJ V.J CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUIJAN-PIMAN of incitement seem not to have been cus- but were sometimes danced, apparently e the people and bring out recruits. . Ordinary song cycles, used at any fes- thering, were sung. The performances Llly less incitement dances than farewell , "a last good time for those who were o be slain by the enemy," informants say. ms to have been the essential spirit of and Walapai "incitement dances" also. einfomant thought there were special but did not know what they were. He sug- they might be of the type used at the vic- nce. Gifford states ordinary song cycles Id (1933, 299-300). Mar: See Spier, 1933, 1852. These dances are the ones used by 'oups at any festival, that is, ordinary dnces. For descriptions, see Gifford, p1; also elements 2811-2855. . See Walapai, 174. See Russell, 201, 363 ff.; Spier, 1933, Coc: The positive entry is probably a standing. The informant may have been to exhortations by the war chiefs, but uld scarcely have been the highly for- speeches of the tribes to the east. 1856. Pap: Informant (1) believed it was er of the party who spoke, but (2), who he whole better informed, declared it cial speaker, the "smoker" (djunyiotam, smoke person). This seems more plausi- view of the absence of permanent war Apparently the warriors did not dance nightly camps among any group but the None other of the present informants d it, nor is it mentioned in the litera- the region. The Shivwits dance seems to a real incitement performance. The danced it the first night or two out, ill on the outskirts of enemy (usually territory and unlikely to be heard. Pap: Negative may be in error, although l's account suggests that most of the oking was done by the shamans who ac- the party (p. 13). Yav: Gifford states it was the novice only who used this device (1936, 303). Moh: The negative may be in error. Spier describes the manner in which done by Maricopa shamans in some detail 6); Underhill recounts the Papago meth- -Pap: See Underhill, 12. Armament and Regalia The trait refers to the division of into groups or "companies" according 'armament. See, for example, Spier, 1933, Underhill's account indicates a bow- carry and use a club as well (p. 13). Yav, Wal: Some men carried only clubs, these were the leaders and bravest. Others carried bows. The differently armed men were not separated how- ever. 1877. Coc: Reported present by Gifford, 1933, 299. 1878. Mar: Spier reports (1933, 165) that the feathered lance bearer had his bangs painted red. 1880-1884. Mar: Spier describes the feather bonnets as on a buckskin foundation, not netting (1933, 100, 163). 1881. Wal: This seems to be the mode described in Walapai, 177. 1884. Pim: Russell figures and describes a "war headdress" which appears to be a headband with pendent feathers and scalps (p. 166, fig. 40). If this were fastened around the edge of a buckskin cap, with four erect feathers on the front, it would fit exactly the description given by the present informant. 1888. The Pima "Ashes men" (mamt , or mamt ootam) were men of outstanding bravery and con- siderable war experience. One joined the order of his own initiative. It was quite informal; the men did not meet as a society or undergo any initiation, or such. Nor were these men the leaders of the expedition; they could be, but my informant believed that ordinarily "they just went along." To be an Ashes man, one was expected to show an indifference to pain at all times: if he stepped on a thorn he stamped it in, instead of removing it. These were the men who were like- ly to be dangerous during the sahuaro-wine drink- ing; they were the sort who became gun toters and hard cases in late times. In the days of war- fare, they seem to have been under a non-flight obligation (although this was not as clearly for- malized a concept as the non-flight duty of the Yuman feather lance bearers). The name, it was believed, referred to the fact that they expected to be killed on the warpath sooner or later and cremated. The Papago informants had heard vague- ly of men designated by this term, thought they were supposed to be brave in war time, but knew no more about them. 1890. See Forde, 167. Pap: There was a "spear" of ocotillo stalk with a stone blade, with feathers attached to the shaft, held by the one making the four formal speeches (see element 1854). It was not carried into battle, however. 1891. Mar: Spier states that usually only one feathered lance was carried to war (1933, 165). 1895. This refers to ordinary warriors who did not wear headdresses. 1896. Mar: Spier specifically denies presence of this trait (1933, 186) but the present in- formant gave a graphic account of Maricopa war- riors flaunting a Yuma scalp before the Yuma in the last disastrous battle in Yuma territory. Tactics, Trophies 1898. The present informants all felt, and 199 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Spier's and Gifford's statements confirm this attitude, that the open combats were not delib- erately planned. Surprise attacks were more ef- fective. If the enemy learned of the impending attack, and prepared for it, the attackers went through with their plan as best they could, pre- ferring to risk open battle to turning back without a blow. (See Spier, 1933, 168; Gifford, 1933, 300.) 1901. Shiv: No matter how many they killed, they took the scalp of one only. 1909. Forde states that this was an eighteenth century Spanish mode of scalping (p. 165, fn. 187). He also cites a mention by Alarcon of ceremonial cannibalism in the region. Nar: Spier denies that the ears were included (1933, 177). Pap: Positive entry is probably in error. Wal: Three informants denied, one affirmed that the ears were taken (Walapai, 174). 1910. This was done at the behest of the Mexican authorities, to whomL Apache ears were sent. 1912. Yav: Captives were taken sometimes, but their captors "usually killed them on the way home." 1914. This appears to have been done by way of insulting the foe. Coc: Reported practiced (Gifford, 1933, 302-303). Pim: Russell states "Somewhat rarely the [Apache] girls were married into the tribe" (p. 197). The custom may not have been the same as among the Yuraans. Among the Pima only old people, "who would soon die anyhow," would dare handle loot from the Apache. 1915-1916. Yav: Only one captive was kept, so far as the informant could recall: a Walapai boy, who was brought up by the family of his captor. Amusingly enough (to the informant) he was ambushed and killed by a party of Wlalapai raiders, after growing to manhood. (Gifford re- counts this incident, 1936, 330. Gifford men- tions the keeping of an occasional captive child, 1936, 304-332.) 1918. Pim: Russell cites a case of captive killing, however (p. 203). Return of War Party 1920. Coc: Reported present (Gifford, 1933, 300). 1921. Coc: Reported present (Gifford, 1933, 301). 1922. Shiv: Meat, salt, cold water were taboo. The same was true in the other cases reported present, but those informants made a positive rather than a negative statement: pinole only was eaten (and not much of that). 1926. Moh: Although there is no corroborative material, the fact that among the Yuma all re- turning warriors were subject to restrictions lends some support to the present Mohave data (Forde, 168). Coc: See note 1921 Coc. 1927. Yav: Negative is probably erroneous. 1934. Coc: The informant stated the enemy slayer stayed out in the bush all day. Thiu reported as the Yuma custom also. Pin: Rus4 states the slayer wandered around in the bui ing his seclusion. 1936-1938. Pim: The period of seclusion sixteen days, according to Russell (p. 204) 1937-1940. Mar: The informant stated that slayer bathed daily for four days, then agal the end of the second four. Spier states ti he bathed daily the whole time (1933, 181). 1940. Pim: Russell states that the slaye' bathed every fourth day. 1941-1944. Yav: Meat and salt were taboo the scratching-stick was used, according to ford (1936, 304). Why the present informa should have denied these taboos is not cleae less he misunderstood to whom the questions, ferred. 1946. Wal: A long splinter of yucca leaf poked down the throat. Shiv: A feather was to produce vomiting to remove the blood of slain foeman "which settled around one's he after the killing. 1950. Pap: Reported present by Underhill 14). 1951. Yav: Both the man rho did the scal' and his wife were subject to special restri4 (Gifford, 1936, 304). There was, of course- official scalper (with dream power) of the Yuman type. 1954. Pini: The enemy slayer's proctor per formed this task (GH). 1955. YNoh, Coc, Mar: Probably negative, least if the pattern was consistently adherE One would have his dreams for war and any o kind of power long before. Shiv: Sometime man got war-power dreams (i.e., from which came a war leader) during his fasting. 1956. See Underhill's account of this cu (p. 21). Pim: Russell reports this concept ent (p. 265). The informant stated singers these diseases (but presumably one would dr' songs of this type during the seclusion). ; Victory Celebration 1957. It is difficult to say in regard tc two sets of customs (elements 1957 and 1961 whether the meeting of the victorious war p by the "old people" is simply a typically 1 unformalized River Yuman version of the Pim Papago rite, or vwhether it represents a dis of uninhibited emotionalism which is so cha teristic of the River peoples. The details the formal type of meeting were entered in lists too late to be recorded for any River (the Haricopa informant volunteered the ite presented). Underhill gives a graphic desc" tion of the Papago usage (pp. 14-15). 1957-1960. Pim: In view of the similarit between Papago and Opata (Rudo Ensayo, 90). greeting ritual, the Pima negatives are opf question. Russell gives some songs used by, I I il I 200 CULTURE ELW2I. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUEAN-PIMAN Ithe warriors' return, but no mention of of performance (p. 338). Mar: The woman (one whose relatives had kin by Apache or Yavapai previously) met ty, naked, and ran in ahead of them. itext of the performance was an account iles with the Apache; it was not stated ,or not the same thing was done in the kh Mohave and Yuma. It may have been; I purifactory rites were used for those ted Mohave as for those who killed Apache jai, though the informant stated the Yu- we not quite so bad" [magically potent dn] as the Apache.) The Cocopa victory arformance recorded by Gifford (1933, 300), a naked woman danced carrying the ugests that these people may have had ir ritual of greeting the returning heroes, Iadopted the greeting rite into their ince. rSee note 1957. Shiv: The victorious war party danced bn the way home, and apparently the same that used after their return. F1967. Mar: Spier states that dancing was by the old (1933, 184), which is consist- k the Pima-Papago notion that the old are kject to "Apache sickness" than the young ,o&n to die anyhow). The present in- 4eaid age was less of a consideration; ose relatives had met death at the hands be danced. L.See Kroeber, 1925, 752. Coc: Gifford noted the name of the scalp gs as Shyahai (1933, 300). Mar: Spier Xht most of the songs were of the ordin- 8 but one or two may have been for this only (1933, 185). Pim: Russell gives a f songs used (pp. 335-338). Yav, Wal: dance song" is given in Walapai (p. 178). dance forms were those of ordinary aces, it is likely that there were spe- 38 used. Shiv: Probably there were spe- 38 for the occasion. Pim: Mange mentions bows and other 3 well as scalps, suspended from the pole. L971. Yav: Usually there was no scalp adrding to Gifford (1933, 304). 'Coc: Gifford states that a naked woman the scalp on a stick between the rows of k1933, 300). eYav: Old men are reported to have car- 'scalps (Gifford, 1936, 304). 'The indignities to which they were sub- the scalp dance seems to have been a the process of purifying the captives, River Yumans. Probably, to Pima and Apache was beyond all hope of purify- ptive was merely something to be tor- slain out of vindictiveness or else Rudo Ensayo relates that one Apache de to dance until she died of sheer and maltreatment (p. 90). Yav: The captives present were those "usually" killed and "sometimes" eaten. 1975. Mar: Spier describes abuse of captive children (1933, 184). Wal: According to the ac- count in Walapai, captive women were abused, raped, and killed; "the Walapai liked to take women prisoners" (p. 176). 1976-1977. Coc: Gifford describes a square dance form, with the scalp carrier between the two rows (1933, 300). Perhaps there was a vari- ety of dances used. 1979. Wal: Night-long speeches by the war leaders are mentioned in Walapai (p. 179). 1980. Mar: Spier reports warriors took no part in the performance (1933, 184). 1982. The performance sketched below was a part of the purificatory procedure for slayers. Underhill gives an excellent account of the Pa- pago rite (pp. 17 ff.). According to her it "!as the finale of the sixteen-day seclusion; accord- ing to my informant, it marked the halfway point in the slayer's vigil. Both accounts agree that the dance was held for an indefinite time both before and after this purification. The posture of the slayers was a ritual one. They sat erect, with legs crossed "Turk fashion" and arms folded across the chest. The present informant stated that the slayer had to,assume this posture whenever he heard the sound of the scalp songs during his seclusion (his hut was some distance from the village, usually). 1983. Pap: He faced the east, according to Underhill (p. 17). The present informant's statement is probably erroneous. 1985. Pap: The informant was not certain about the stake, but Underhill mentions it (p. 17). 1987. Pap: This is mentioned as a slayer's fashion by Underhill. 1988-1989. See Underhill, 17-18. 1993. The "brushing" was a curative and puri- ficatory act (accompanied by singing) done by a type of shaman or minor curer. 1994. Moh: A year later the dance might be re- peated, according to Kroeber (1925, 752). Coc: After a month, according to Gifford (1933, 301). Mar: Spier states that sometimes the dance was repeated (1933, 186). 1996. Among the Yavapai and Walapai, a scalp dance provided an occasion for a major social event. The first performance was that of the near-by camps to which the victorious heroes be- longed; after a month or so (depending in part on the quantity of food on hand or readily avail- able) people from far and near were invited to assemble for a dance. It was after the major dance that the scalp was discarded (element 2019). 1997. Wal: Scalps were sometimes preserved, according to Walapai (p. 174). 1999-2001. Mar: The Maricopa did the same as the other River tribes, according to Spier (1933, 186). 2003. Underhill's account describes quite realistic effigies made of the scalps (p. 18). 201 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Pim: Russell states that the scalp was wrapped with eagle down and cotton string, but does not suggest that it was made up in human form (p. 205). (Note that scalps were sometimes used on war headdresses, Russell, 116.) 2011. The scalps gave good fortune, but were potentially dangerous also. Cf. Underhill, 21. 2017. See Gifford, 1933, 301. 2018. Mar: Spier states that scalps were kept in the ceremonial house (consistent with his denial of the existence of the kohota chief) (1933, 186). 2022. Mar: Reported present by Spier (1933, 162). Yav: "When they heard calls of pumas, owls, or wolves, that they thought might be enemy sig- naling, they sent out men to see." 2023. Pim: Defensive walls of brush, cholla, and such were built around the villages at the height of the Apache campaigns (GH). 2023-2024. The informant denied fortifications, although some Papago made them (Hoover, 1935). Marriage 2025. Moh: A girl's parents would advise her to choose an industrious man, who would always provide for her, and would recommend one, but left the choice up to her. Pim: Sometimes a young man took the initiative, asking the girl's parents for their daughter. For this he took an elderly kinsman along to do the talking for him. This is apparently the "wooing by proxy" men- tioned by Russell (p. 183). Yav: Gifford states that parental arrangement was usual, though not invariable (1936, 296). 2026. See Underhill, 36, 54. It was not con- sidered good form for a man to refuse a proposal from a girl's parents, whether or not he wanted the girl. Dieg: The positive entry may be due to a misunderstanding. 2027. Pim: This was the usual procedure for older people. Pap: lWhile marriages of this sort doubtless occurred, the informant seems to have been correct, in that they were not considered proper. See Underhill's account, in which the informant's second marriage was arranged for her, more or less against her wishes (p. 54). 2029-2030. Pim: The groom or his parents some- times gave a cow or horse to the girl's family. The animal was usually butchered to provide a marriage feast. Both gift and feast were said to be recent. Yav: Buckskins, food, and the like were given. Gifford states that two buck- skins was the usual amount (1936, 296). Wal: Reported probably recent (Walapai, 140). 2031. See Underhill, 37. Forde describes a similar custom among the Yuma (p. 156). Mar: Spier (1933, 220) describes a wooing custom which may be an attenuated version of this complex: "The youth did not court the girl. Instead, he crept to her bed at night and lay beside it, but he refrained from touching her..." (In the morn- ing when her parents saw him, they forced the girl to marry him). Pim: Russell states (p. (after the acceptance of the suitor by the gir parents) "For four days they [the newly marr couple] remain at her home..."? The present i formant's version is more likely correct, cor responding as it does to the Papago pattern. 2034. Wal: The practice described by the i formant was less rigidly defined than that of' Pima and Papago. The groom visited his spous only by night for some time ("for a month or sometimes"), because "he was bashful, and as to be seen with her in daytime.?? ~Tne infor insisted that he was describing a marriage c tom, not philandering.) After awhile, when had adjusted himself to his married state, he.: took her to his camp, or stayed in hers. Thu the duration of the nightly visits was an indi vidual matter. 2037. The trait means no formal rite other than the nocturnal visiting described in ele 2031-2035, that is, no feasts, tests of house wifery, headwashing, and such. Mar: Spier de scribes bridal tests of grinding grain and c ing water (1933, 221). These customs the pre informant denied. Often, he said, the groom' kinsmen would straggle in to partake of the f* meal the bride prepared. It was all very inf al; they were not invited, but came at their time and pleasure. Nor was the occasion a te according to him. It made no difference whet they liked the bride's cooking or not. Pim: Russell describes (p. 184) a bridal test of ing wheat, but my informant did not know of practice. Pap: Underhill's account, which oi would expect to mention a marriage rite or te if it existed, makes no reference to anything the sort. Yav: Gifford reports a marriage fe attended by the two families (1936, 296). 2038. Yav: Statement confirmed by Gifford (1936, 296). Wal: Initial residence was "al matrilocal, according to Walapai (p. 141). haps this is a reference to the preliminary (nightly) visiting (elements 2031-2034, and Wal). Residence 2042. Mar, Pim, Pap: While both initial an final matrilocal residence sometimes occurred (see elements 2038-2040), patrilocality was d nitely considered proper. Matrilocal reside aside from occasional visiting, meant either the wife's parents needed caring for and had one else to look out for them, or else that t husband was not much account. Types of Marriages 2044. Wal: Marriages of cross cousins defi ly occurred, according to Walapai (p. 141). 2045. See Spier, 1933, 196 (the trait is tioned there in connection with a violation exogamic rules). The present Mohave and Mar I I A I I r 202 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PINAN tmants believed it would be done at any mar- f considered incestuous (e.g., marriage to imother's kinswoman). Kroeber states that father of the girl "would take a horse or thing from the boy's father, and the young 1e...(were) not considered relatives any sr" (1925, 747). His account refers to sec- balf-cousins (grandchildren of half-sisters); *ps in closer relationship the expression of pproval was more vehement. 046. Dieg: The negatives (for elements 2046- are probably in error. D47. Mar: Spier states these marriages oc- ad, but were not institutionalized (1933, . The present informant thought they "would be allowed," but had no idea of the method revention. Pap: The informant could recall Mtance of a union such as this, and did not k it proper, but was at a loss to know the d of preventing anyone marrying thus. Yav: b marriages were a known type, but were not i. Wal: These marriages, it is said, were common. p8-2049. Yav: Gifford reports just the op- e; polygyny, but only of the nonsororal was practiced (1933, 296). D49. Moh: The informant said polygynous ages were very rare. He could recall only of these unions, he said, adding that he real marriage and not casual promiscuity. 5S1. That is, polygyny was not confined to si classes or groups, such as chiefs, war prs, or other outstanding figures. D56. Mar: The sororate was customary though ompulsory, Spier reports (1933, 223). Yav: ad's data indicate the sororate may have ,optional (1936, 296). 9. Mar: The levirate Spier reports to have compulsory (1933, 223). Yav: Gifford re- the levirate optional (1936, 296). Kinship Usages 65. Yav: Gifford adds a weak man's father- iw taboo: speech taboo "unless he was old" , 294). 71. Yav: See Gifford, 1936, 294. INDIVIDUAL DEVELOPMENT Birth Customs data under this head are somewhat uneven. ief cause seems to have been that certain male informants either knew little detail Wtms connected with birth, or were reluc- discuss the subject. The least informed st cooperative) was the Diegueno inform- X'xt the Papago, next the Pima. The Mari- nformant tried to recall all he could, and air success, for his data tally fairly Wth Spier's material. The most glaring errors of all these men appear to be in connec- tion with restrictions such as food taboos; sev- eral simply made sweeping denials that there were any restrictions: see elements 2072-2083 Dieg, Pim, Pap; 2137-2147 Yav. An obvious pauc- ity of material relative to behavior during preg- nancy is probably attributable to similar lack of knowledge or of inclination to discuss the topic. Pregnancy Restrictions 2072. Pim: Russell states that food touched by an animal (e.g., corn that a mouse had nibbled on, etc.) was taboo (p. 185). Yav: Gifford lists some additional food taboos (1936, 298-299). Wal: A long list of taboos, chiefly specific cuts of meat, and such, is given in Walapai (pp. 129 ff.). 2075. Mar: Spier reports a taboo on eating fat (1933, 310). Wal: Fat is reported taboo in Wala- pai (p. 129). 2077. The underlying idea was that the baby would resemble the thing stared or laughed at. Deformities of human beings, dying animals (the infant would have "convulsions" like the death struggles of the animal), and rattlesnakes were the "ugly things" most often mentioned. See Underhill, 41. Dieg: The informant declared that Mexicans, not his people, had this belief. 2082. Akwa: The husband might hunt, but had to give his kill to other people; neither he nor his wife might eat it. Mar: Spier reports it was preferable that a man did not hunt (1933, 310). Pap: The husband might not hunt rabbits. Under- hill's account mentions the same rule (p. 41). Parturition 2084. Yav: Gifford states that delivery "usu- ally" occurred in the dwelling (1936, 299). Wal: According to one informant, parturition was in the dwelling in winter, outside, under a tree, in summer (Walapai, p. 132). This source does not mention a birth hut. 2088. Mar: Spier states that a shaman might be called in difficult delivery (1933, 311). 2089. Moh: There is no information on the Mohave custom, but among the Yuma the husband was excluded (although he was supposed to cut the umbilical cord)(Forde, 159). 2093. Pap: Underhill's informant mentions cut- ting the cord with the fingernail (p. 42). 2095. Pim: Russell states that the hole in which the placenta was buried was covered with ashes (p. 185). 2098. Yav: Gifford reports that this task was assigned to the child's father (1936, 299). Wal: The father is said to have disposed of the pla- centa (Walapai, 130). Postnatal Treatment 2099. Wal: The present informant stated that "in old times" it was customary for a woman to 203 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS get up as soon after delivery as she could, to go fetch a basket of water. When she returned she lay down in the warming pit. Walapai states that "after the first four days she did household tasks, returning to lie down every so often?? (p. 130). 2102. The "warming pit" was a long shallow hole in which hot stones or sand, ashes, and such were put, then covered with leaves and twigs. The patient lay in it, covered with a robe or whatever was at hand to conserve the heat. The device was similar to that used by some groups for girls at puberty, and on other occasions. Mar: The present informant knew only of a rude simulation of the ritual warming (see element 2107); Spier however reports a warming pit of characteristic Yuman type (1933, 312). 2103. Wal: Use of the warming pit was con- tinued, according to the account in Walapai (p. 130), for "about two weeks.?? 2105. Yav: Gifford states that the pit was used for one day (1936, 299). 2106. Shiv: This occurred in four to eight days, stated the informant. 2111. Shiv: Negative may be an error. There were ritual taboos on salt on other occasions (see, e.g., elements 2076 Shiv, 2139 Shiv). 2113. Akwa: The duration of the food taboos was said to be "a year," which sounds a bit ex- treme. Probably ten days would be a fair guess; that was the length of actual confinement. Pim: Detachment of the umbilical cord marked the con- clusion of food restrictions, Russell states (p. 185). Pap: Underhill's account states that the taboos lasted until the umbilical cord detached (p. 42). Yav: Gifford states that food taboos were in force for a month (1936, 299). 2116-2117. Moh: Kroeber makes no mention of differences in the duration of food restrictions, which he reports as about a month (1925, 747). 2119. Wal, Shiv: The restrictions for subse- quent births were said to be of briefer dura- tion, but of no fixed time. "They weren't so strict as for the first time.?? 2120-2121. Mar: Spier states that the par- turient bathed daily during confinement (1933, 312). Pim: The parturient, according to Rus- sell's account, bathed in the river immediately after delivery (p. 185). 2124. Mar: Spier gives the recipe of the con- coction used as a mixture of boiled mesquite bean syrup and red paint (1933, 312). 2127. A specially woven wide belt was cinched tightly about the woman's waist "so her belly would grow back in," as most informants put it. Apparently the belt was usually similar to that used by pubescent Walapai girls, figured in Walapai (p. 137). The Pima, however, used a folded strip of cotton cloth. 2130. The white pigment was a clay. Appar- ently it was used like soap, though whether it had any detergent value or was purely ritualis- tic can only be guessed at. The woman painted I her entire body with the clay, then bathed, ing it off. 2132. By "fumigation" is meant the applic of smoke of herbs and such to the body as a ficatory device. According to native concep the smoke had the effect of removing contagi just as our disinfectant fumigation does, ex that of course the contagion was of a superna al rather than organic variety. 2133-2141. Yav: Gifford reports that meat salt were taboo to the husband for four days (1936, 299). 2141. Akwa: If the informant is to be beli the Akwa'ala must have been an undernourished tion; she stated that the husband (as well as wife) had to observe the food taboos for a ye See note 2113 Akwa. 2145. Yav: Use of the scratching-stick is ported by Gifford (1936, 299). 2148-2150. Wal: The Walapai account states that some informants mentioned and some denie postnatal ceremony,"the main feature of which running toward the east" (p. 130). The perfo mance probably was absent in the remainder of region, for it is not described in the accon on any other group, nor did present informant mention it. Treatment of Child 2154. Mar: The ear-piercing was done eithe fourth or eighth day after birth. 2155. Dieg: Ear-piercing occurred "about a month" after birth. Pap: Ear-piercing occurr "six months" after birth. Yav: Ear-piercing curred "two or three months" after birth. 2156. Wal: Ear-piercing occurred at "two o three years." Shiv: Ear-piercing occurred at "five or six years." 2159. Yav: The umbilical cord was sometime discarded after the child could walk (Gifford 1936, 299). Wal: The cord was discarded when the child could walk. 2162. Mar: Spier reports head-flattening o this type occurred and was desired (1933, 312 2163. The purification rite described here that recounted by Russell (p. 187). As he fe it is undoubtedly aboriginal, for it is thoro ly in keeping with the native concepts of con tamination and disease. Underhill's informan refers briefly to the rite as used for an inf' (p. 42), stating that it was the same as that made over a pubescent girl, which she describe in some detail (p. 35). The administering of "medicinal" drink as a purificatory act has a striking parallel in a Tarahumara purificatory technique, found also in the "Aztec-Tepehuanol community described by Lumholtz (Bennett and Zingg, 238, 248; Lumholtz, 1902 1:481). A few comments by the present Pima and Papago infor ants may be of value: Pim: Every child, from time of its birth, had a malevolent contagion "evil spell" called sinyceutc (the word may r 204 I L CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN2 Lood," meaning literally something like mination from blood"). In this condition i dangerous, not just to itself but to its ives. Therefore the parents called on one Law (had dreamed) songs and procedure of the Lcation ritual. (These "singers" were a Ll class of shamans; see under "Shamanism.") he rite performed over the child was similar it for a pubescent girl, and for an enemy , except that the white-clay drink was not the last-named (see elements 1991-1993). W. Pap: Underhill's account (p. 35) of iberty purification speaks of the ritualist ing" on the girl, apparently with the breath not tobacco smoke. 1-2172. The two captions may refer to the ;hing: one its ritual name and the other icipe. I failed to learn whether or not La so. Underhill's account mentions ground bone as a secret ingredient (p. 35). M3. Apparently a few drops were put in the tt mouth. P4. Pim: Russell states that both child and ie drank the concoction (p. 187). 8. Pap: The restrictions were from one to Ly, it was said, depending on the particu- 2es that the singer had dreamed. Twins . Yav: Twins of opposite sex were killed -', 1936, 299). p. Pap: "People brought presents to a pair 8 in order that they themselves might not ins." -2182. Mar: Spier states that twins and d children were thought to be reborn, .to this world from their village to the 8t of Maricopa territory. . Shiv: "There were never any malformed n born in the old days. It is only within times that births such as these have oc- I~(!). Names Pap: This entry refers to the children r the singer at the purification rite ts 2163-2178). Yav: Gifford reports children were t four or five years (1936, 299). The parents went to a maker (dreamer) usually an elderly relative. He se- name from the words of some song, tak- to choose one that no one had had be- Russell gives [p. 189] a list of Pima those of the Papago seem to have been of type.) Herzog's informant stressed that giver should be a relative who had at about the time of the child's birth Liely the two statements are nearly t, differing in mode of phrasing rather sense. Anyone who dreamed significant (from the Pima viewpoint) dreams was doubtless a song-maker. 2190. See Gifford, 1933, 289. The Diegueno affirmative actually may refer to a family con- ference to select a previously unused name. Pim: The baptismal rite described by Russell (p. 188) was averred to be modern, not native. 2191. See Walapai, 128. Mar: Spier states that the name was casually bestowed (1933, 196); the present informant said that it was chosen after a consultation with an old man (a kinsman if possi- ble) whose memory was relied on to avoid picking the name of some one who had died. 2193-2195. Moh, Mar, Pim, Pap: It is difficult to distinguish between new names and nicknames. The Maricopa informant was referring to the nick- name given a man at marriage (the name which people maintained had been sel'ected by his mother- in-law) when he spoke of new names. As the Pima informant put it, "vwhen a man has a really amus- ing (nick-) name, people come to forget he ever had any other." 2193. Wal: One informant (in Walapai, pp. 128- 129) states that a new name was taken at puberty, another denied it, as did the present informant. 2196. Moh: Kroeber speaks of the typical ob- scene names (or nicknames) of the Mohave (1925, 749). 2197. See Spier, 1933, 197. The claim that the mother-in-law gave the name was part of the joke, thought the present informant. Pim: The Pima counterpart of this saying was that men's nicknames were invented by women (presumably their mistresses). This was said especially of nicknames of sexual reference. 2198. No trace could be found of a limitation of this principle to children, as described by Russell (p. 188). Moh: Kroeber states that the Mohave disliked mentioning their names before strangers (1925, 749). Mar: Spier states thaL there was no name-shyness among the Maricopa; the only custom of the sort was in using names in reference (1933, 197). 2199. Shiv: The informant's statement was as follows: "Some people were bashful about mention- ing a spouse's name in public; one showed respect by not using it. Common people didn't bother, but spoke of each other by name continually. When a married couple separated,it no longer mat- tered. They could refer to each other by name." Girls' Puberty Shiv: The informant balked at discussing this topic, apparently because the fear of contamina- tion was still strong. Stewart tells me that he had a similar experience, and had to find a fe- male informant to obtain the data. Restrictions 2202. Moh: Kroeber's account states that the girl was not confined, lest she be lazy the rest 205 206 ANTHROPOLOGII of her life (1925, 748). Yav: Gifford's account confirms the minimal observances of the Yavapai, including lack of confinement. 2204. Pap: The informant stated that the girl stayed with her proctor (a widow was chosen if possible). Underhill's account states that she stayed in the menstrual hut at night, and when not going about with the proctor (p. 31). 2207-2209. Pim, Pap: See Russell, 182; Under- hill, 31. 2210. The girl was not proctored; it was said she went around by herself from dawn till dark. She was not supposed to be seen. 2211. Mar: Spier speaks of an eight-day con- finement consisting of two four-day periods, the first in the hut continuously, the second in the warming pit part of the day (1933, 324). My in- formant simply described the two separately (see elements 2241-2243). There is no real dif- ference on this point in the two accounts. 2217. Yav: Gifford notes the taboo present (1933, 301). 2218. Moh: Kroeber states that the taboos were in force for forty days (1925, 748). Mar: "Four" is doubtless an error; it should be eight days. See Spier, 1933, 324. 2220. Wal: In Walapai (p. 139), one informant gave the duration of food taboos as the entire time of the first four menses; another reported "ten days or two weeks." 2222. Pim: This negative was independently checked by the interpreter with another old man, who verified it; use of the scratching-stick at puberty and later menstruations was said to be a Papago, not Pima, custom. Russell however re- ports the trait present for the Pima (p. 182). 2224. See Walapai, fig. 15. 2226. Moh: Kroeber states that the girl had to be silent (1925, 748). Pim: According to Russell, the girl was not allowed to talk (p. 182). Pap: Underhill's account indicates the rule was lacking (p. 32). 2229. Moh: Kroeber states that the girl spent her time picking arrowweed leaves so she would not be lazy (1925, 748). Pim, Pap: The amount of work done by the girl, except for working on a basket, was relatively slight. She seems to have simply gone along with her proctor who did a normal day's work. Underhill's informant seems to have emphasized the hardships undergone and work performed; perhaps she was more conscien- tious than most girls at puberty. 2233. Mar: Spier reports two different pat- terns of daily running, one from the Halchidhoma and one from a Maricopa informant (1933, 325-326). 2233-2234. Yav: Children (both male and female) were made to run toward the east every morning, not just at puberty. 2234. Wal: The running might be in any direc- tion, according to the informants in Walapai (p. 138). 2236. Dieg: The negatives are somewhat unex- pected, and may be in error, though the informant consistently denied the pit-roasting. CAL RECORDS 2237. This caption is meant to differe the pit-roasting custom of the present grou tribes from that of the Shoshonean Souther fornians. There was no public rite or sin over the girls. Wal: The informant denied singing such as is suggested to have been I (in Walapai, p. 138). 2241-2243. Mar: See 221[ Mar, and note. 2247. Wal: The informant thought that t pose of this "stepping" was to express the W). Public Rite at Girls' Puberty 2248. The caption indicates that the rit performed for each girl as part of her riti rather than for a group who have passed the physiological puberty. Mar: Spier describf girl's puberty dance (nearly identical witb of the Pima) as one ritual form used and dq mines it as a Maricopa (proper) performanc4 326). The present informant was quite posi that this dance, which he had seen, was a I innovation, borrowed from the Pima. Nearly of the songs, he maintained, were in the Pi rather than the Maricopa tongue. The infet to be drawn from Spier's account is of cou same, that the dance was derived from the I the disagreement boils down to a matter of; tive date of the transfer. 2249-2250. Pap: Sometimes, if enough pea were present and there was much food on h they began to dance before the four-day pre ing period was over. The girl could be pre even then, according to the informant, for was not really "dangerous" (to others) unti had had her first four menstruations (i.e.' she was a mature woman, by Papago standard9 2256. Pim: Sometimes a few men danced in women's row, but it was not the regular cus 2266. Pap: The dance might last any lens time, up to a month--depending, probably, Ca well the food held out. Conclusion of Ritual Period 2267. Mar: Spier reports that the bathin] a daily, not a terminal, practice (1933, 32 Wal: One informant described daily bathing, bathing at the end of the pit-roasting (Wali 139). 2268. Wal: Warmed water is reported used, pai, 138). 2270. Moh: In summer the girl might bath the river, it was said. 2273. Pim: The negative may be erroneous judge by the distribution of the trait. 2274. Mar: The application of a mud plas stated to be a daily custom (Spier, 1933, 3 2278. Pim: From the general distribution, negative may be suspect. 2280. See elements 2163-2178, and notes. name-giving, and the painting of the girl d by Underhill's informant (p. 36) was denied CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN .s of each singer may have been varied lat. Subsequent Puberty Rites 16-2287. Moh: According to Kroeber, for the six periods the restrictions were applied, r varying numbers of days, as follows: the two, forty days each; the next, ten; then six, and four (1925, 748). V6-2290. Mar: Spier states that the entire mance was repeated at each menstruation the girl married--four, five, six, or more Pap: Underhill's account mentions but mees. Perhaps that was because her in- Lt was already married by the time of the ). The purpose of this was to keep the sun id from striking the newly made tattoo. Individual Tattooing Not as puberty rite) L. Mar: Spier reports that the girl was 9d immediately after the first eight-day L933, 326); the present informant said at is thereafter. Pim, Pap: Sometimes a woman tattooed till after marriage (Underhill, 5. Moh: The informant maintained that for igle line no special observances were iry (actually the forty-day period of re- Ions mentioned by Kroeber may have been in when this was done). Later, when the en- lin was tattooed, one had to diet, refrain Lughing, and the like, or one's skin irack. 3 Pap: Underhill's informant relates that i nothing but cactus joints (cholla ) until the tattoo healed, "to make it Slenstrual Customs (Postpubescents) :iSee note under Girls'I Puberty, p. 205. '2342. Pap: The negatives may be errone- Yav: Gifford reports the trait present .,Pap: The negatives may be erroneous. Boys' Puberty "-Mar: Spier reports that no boys' puberty ler than a bee-stinging ordeal which was. fically a puberty rite) occurred among pa (1933, 322). The present informant, volunteered the information on the -piercing. If the informant was cor- I see little reason to doubt his ver- less so since his description tallies the rite of the Cocopa and Yuma), we -er link between Maricopa and Lower Colorado culture, which at the same time sets the former off from their Piman neighbors. Wal: A puberty rite for boys is denied in Walapai, 133. The set of observances recorded here is classed as a puberty rite only because of its function of marking the change from youth to man. It had no physiological associations (voice changing, etc.), but was given when the boy had proved himself a good hunter; he was usually nearing manhood by that time. The application of the ritual pat- tern (running toward east, fasting, confinement) gives it a definite resemblance to the puberty rites of other Yumans, but its historical rela- tionship to these--whether it was an incipient or a vestigial rite, or an accidental parallel-- is far from clear. 2366. Coc: Gifford describes the dances used by the Cocopa (1933, 291). He makes no mention of a circle dance. 2397. Mar: Spier describes the two types of tests: one for small boys, informal, the other more ritualized (with singing, etc.) for youths. First-Game Usages 2403. Pap: A lad gave his first four kills to a good hunter (not of his immediate family), that he might be as successful as the older man. 2405. Pim: Russell states that the first deer was given away (p. 191). Boys, however, did not hunt deer (this was true among most of the pres- ent groups); one began to hunt deer when a young man. 2406. Mar: Spier states that all game was given away, until maturity (1933, 66). Mortuary Customs 2408. See Kroeber, 1925, 749. Moh: The inform- ant said that this was sometimes done, and added, callously, that in former times if a singer could not be obtained, or if the sick person took too long to die (and the supplies would not suffice for the assembled crowd) "sometimes they picked the [dying] man up and stood him on his feet to see what he was going to do. Then he usually died." Mar: Spier describes (1933, 301) mortu- ary speeches before death, but no singing (except for the death songs of the shaman). Wal: The recency of this custom is confirmed in Walapai, 147. 2409. "Dressing" refers mostly to the putting on of a few feathers or bead ornaments, in times before European dress was adopted. Mar: Spier reports the trait present (1933, 301). 2411. Mar: A war chief's face was painted black. Pap: The face of one who had killed an enemy was painted white with a black stripe across the upper half. 2415. Mar: Spier reports that the corpse might be kept overnight (1933, 301). 2417. Mar: Four pallbearers were customary; for a large person six were used, said the in- -- -- -- - - - - - - -- - - - - Ao -- - - - - - - - - I 207 208 ANTHROPOLOG] formant. Spier reports six the regular number (1933, 302). Wal: "Three or four" men went to- gether, taking turns carrying the body. (See element 2419.) 2419. Wal: This custom, if custom it was, seems most unusual for the present region, but recalls southern California, in wvhich region corpses were carried in carrying nets. 2420. See Spier, 1933, 302. 2423. Pim, Pap: This was done, as the Pima in- formant put it, "so the Apache would not be able to dig up the bones of the dead and dance over them." Apparently these cremations were hasty and with little formality. The (negative) en- tries following in the Pima and Papago columns do not refer to the procedure on these occasions, but to the nonparticipation in the "regularly practiced" cremation complex of their Yuman neighbors. 2429. Yav: There was no particular orienta- tion of the corpse. 2432-2433. The reason usually assigned for laying the corpse on its face or side is to keep it from writhing so much (or to make these move- ments less visible). It seems that the burning causes muscular contractions that are not pleas- ant to see. There is a gruesome theme current in the region (told, of course, for true) of half-burned corpses that rose to a sitting pos- ture in the midst of the cremation, frightening spectators out of their wits. Yav: There was said to be no fixed position for the corpse. 2435. Dieg, Akwa: All (Dieg), or most (Akwa), of the personal effects of any value were given to nonrelatives, not destroyed. 2436. Yav: Gifford states that no one watched the burning (1936, 302). See element 2444. 2439-2441. Moh: "Long ago" there was no speak- ing, singing, or wailing at the pyre, stated the informant. The flame was put to the pyre and everyone went away, not wanting to see the body burn. However the informant did not make clear whether his "long ago" referred to the rude cus- toms of the mythical beginnings of culture, or some later date. 2439. Wal: A short speech was made at the time the pyre was lighted. This may be a modern feature, like the singing. 2441. W4al: According to the Walapai account (p. 147), "there was wailing but no singing at cremations." 2442. Spier intimates that this was as much an act of purification as an offering (1933, 304). 2443. Pim, Pap: The informants suggested that the custom (of both groups) of scattering a bas- ketful of grain over the spot on which the body had lain was an equivalent. 2445. Wal: Only the "three or four" men who carried the body to the pyre stayed to see that it burned properly. 2446. Mar: Spier states that four pits were dug for the ashes (1933, 303). [CAL RECORDS 2447a. Dieg, Akwa: The firetender was s be a relative, usually, but he acted in hi pacity as firetender in this instance. 2448. Yav: War leaders and shamans were times accorded the distinction of rock-cre burial, it was said. See elements 2458-2 2467-2468 Yav. Wal: Burial in rock shelte such had a brief vogue for awhile, "about years ago," when the whites banned cremati 2450. See Russell, 193. 2453. Pim: These burials were used for slain on war parties if the survivors tho they could conceal the body well enough so foe would not find it. Yav: See note 2448 Wal: See note 2448 Wal. 2457. Russell mentions that this custom sulted from the shallowness of the graves Presumably he means that the material serv keep coyotes and foxes from digging up the 2460. The posture is with legs crossed fashion," and folded arms (see Underhill, The Pima informant added a few points: the was raised up and put in this position befo died, then "propped up" until rigor mortis after which he was covered with wrappings buried. The four withe arches (element 24 about the grave were "doors." Were a sham treated thus, his grave swept, and offerin on it from time to time, he would give good rain, and other blessings to his living kin Russell mentions places of this sort that c be widely known shrines (p. 193). 2469. See note 2460. 2474. See Underhill, 50-51. 2475. Dieg, Akwa: See note 2435 Dieg, 2478. A common procedure in recent times to ask neighbors to turn their stock into th Mourning 2479. Hair cutting was the chief symbol mourning in the region. An attempt was made define different patterns in amount of cutti (see elements 2480-2488). Probably positive tries should appear in every column, except.i haps following "close cropped." Most info; themselves recognize the three factors regu 1 amount of cutting: nearness of kin, sex, and Close relatives, women, and old people cut t hair shortest in their respective classes. three factors plus personal sentiment entere to the determination of style of cutting in particular case. 2480. Pim: Russell states that old women cropped their hair close (p. 195). 2488. Moh: Distant male relatives cut the, hair thus sometimes, according to Kroeber (1- 729). 2498. Shiv: The informant commented that u was too scarce in Shivwits country at most se to be wasted in such frivolities. 2501. Dieg, Yav: The bathing was vaguely v to be a "few" days, two or three or so. CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 1502. Wal: The informant stated that if Xone "died of some disease" the mourners he and wash their hair. In Walapai, both traits are reported customary for handled the body only (p. 147). lMoh: Mourners fumigated themselves ily. Souls and Ghosts ~516. Mar: Spier has pointed out that kopa "west" is the same as Mohave "south," Odownstream. Yav: Gifford states that dion of the land of the dead was knowm ihamans (1936, 318). rPim: This is because Elder Brother de- Xthis direction (GH). lIar: According to Spier, the land to v*hich twins go was believed to be the (1933, 299). Moh: Kroeber records this belief as ap- m untattooed people. Coc: The soul of h an unpierced nose (or of an untattooed kts lost," said the informant, but did ,fy where it went. Mar: The same fate omen whose chins were not tattooed. TPim: There was some confusion in the 's mind on this subject. He stated ras well known that owls were supernatu- tures and sometimes people referred to Lead relatives. This last "must be just t" however, for as everyone knows, the the dead go to a land somewhere in the tat there was a clear association of Ieznd owls is suggested by the use of "owl , remove sickness caused by dreaming of (Selement 2525). ("Ghost songs" are dif- they are used for another disease.) itates, "Some declared that... the soul pto the body of an owl" (p. 252). Dieg: Whether the whirlwind contains a tan evil spirit was not made clear: "El aes como un diablo," it was stated. A iruck by a whirlwind was doomed; the !Parried off his spirit, or breath. no known cure for this illness. Mar: Pifies that it was the shadow that 0o the "ghost" in the whirlwind (1933, i: The informant pointed out, in sup- de contention, that, although sickness honsequence of being struck by a whirl- Wther "ghost songs" nor "owl songs" were Fthe patient. There was a special class songs" to cure this disease. The trait refers to offerings other than 0 at the mourning ceremonial--specifi- Xrefers to offerings of food and water igraves, as reported by Russell (p. 194). Papago informants agreed that this was ly recent, for it was done chiefly on Wz Day. Mar: The informant remarked ~be understood, the property burned at i intended not for the deceased alone is previously deceased kin. "He was supposed to take it along to distribute among them." CEREIONIAIS Mourning Ceremony 2528. Moh: Kroeber gives the names Hitpachk ("running"), Nyimich ("mourning") and Nyimi- chivauk ("cry-put") (1925, 750). Mar: Spier gives the name hlcpask ("showing") for the Mari- copa rite. Wal: The rite has been borrowed in quite recent times ("50 or 60 years") from the Mohave. The name of the rite, said also to be a borrowed one, is kidu'uk. See Walapai, 151 ff. Shiv: The ceremony was adopted "about forty years ago." It came from the Moapa, who in turn are supposed to have learned it from the Chemehuevi. The name was given as yahap'. 2530. Mar: The performance was held for a kwoxot, noted war chief, or a similarly outstand- ing individual. 2531. Moh: The informant set the time at about "a year after the death," although it turned out that he really meant after the following harvest season. "They have to have lots of food to give it, for there are many people to feed." Kroeber, however, states that it was customarily given shortly after cremation (1925, 750). 2532. Mar: The present informant's statement was that the rite occurred at the time that the body was burned, the runners with the feathered staves circling the cremation fire itself. He may have been slightly confused on this point. Spier's statement is that it took place "within a few days after the death" (1933, 308). Some time would probably have to be allowed for pre- paring the staves and other things. The inform- ant's confusion points to the lack of formaliza- tion and simple nature of the whole affair. Equipment 2541. Akwa: There were four posts in the cen- ter row (from front to rear), with a row of three on each side. 2542. Akwa: The side walls were not vertical, but sloped inward. Wal: Enclosed walls (on three sides) are a late addition, along with bunting, flags, and other things. The first ramadas used were unwalled. 2545. Moh: The informant was not very definite about the orientation. Kroeber indicates however that the south side of the shade was considered the front--the running took place there (1925, 750). 2553. Mar: The Halchidhoma are reported to have used images (but not the Maricopa), accord- ing to Spier (1933, 305). Wal: The last time the rite was held, a year or so ago (from 1938) some- one made some images, but the directors of the rite would not let him use them. There seems to 209 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS have been a definite feeling that images did not "belong" to the Walapai performance. It is in- teresting to note that the ritual should crystal- lize so quickly. Other changes have been made in recent years--they are known to be changes but apparently are in keeping with what the Walapai consider the fundamental pattern of the ritual: side walls have been added to the ramada; flags, bunting and similar Caucasian decorations are used; the amount of running with the staves has been reduced; and so on. 2558. Moh: Probably this piece of apparatus was not used. I was told the "shields" used by the Yuma had no place in the Mohave ceremony (the feathered shields seem very like this feathered frame, the main difference being in the hide covering. See Forde, 239-240, fig. 16). Ritual Procedure 2611. Moh: Kroeber states that there were twelve runners: one a director, one with a war club who was the leader, two with bows and ar- rows, four with sticks with beads, and four with feathered staves (1925, 750). 2615. Mar: Spier describes reenactment of some battle in which the deceased took part (1933, 308). 2624. Wal: In recent years the runners make 8 circuits in the afternoon, 8 before midnight, and 8 just before the ramada is burned. 2627. Mar: The runners ran to the east side of the fire and stopped. Their leader gave a long loud shout, they replied in kind, then ran around again. 2628. Mar: I am not certain whether the in- formant meant four circuits, or four times four, as the Mohave count theirs. Conclusion of Rite 2629. Mar: Spier states (1933, 308) an imita- tion pyre was made and burned (there was no ramada built). Shiv: A pile of wood was set afire in the dawn to signal that the mourning was over, and time might be spent in games and amusements. The ramada was never burned. Vikita Harvest Festival A brief outline of the procedure of the Vikita (vilkita) festival may serve to make the element-list outline intelligible. The rites of the Pima and Papago were alike up to a cer- tain point--at that point the Pima rite stopped, but the Papago rite went on to its climax. The Pima Vikita was a one-night affair, that of the Papago lasted one night and the following day. Previous to the rite proper, there was a semiritualistic period of ten days, during which preparations were made, songs practiced, and one group of performers, the Navitco, were much in evidence, clowning and performing their charac- teristic antics. When the night of the cerem came, the singers and dancers repaired to the ritual enclosure; there they sang over "image or representations of wild and domestic food plants, and game. (Underhill's account [p. 2 suggests that sometimes a man made an image b cause he dreamed a song about the object repri sented. I failed to determine if this was in variably so.) The songs, to an accompaniment notched-stick rasps, were of rain and bountif crops both cultivated and wild, for the avowe purpose of the ceremony was to bring plenty t the land. In the songs were mentioned all th food products represented by the images. Thi night of singing was the climax of the Pima V kita. In the morning they stopped, the dance bathed, and the rite was ended. The Papago, ever, seem to have regarded the night's singi to be little more than a practicing, a sort o dress rehearsal for the events of the day to low. Just before dawn four children were led' out from the enclosure to a shade a short dis- away. They represented the children who acco ing to legend were sacrificed to stop the gre flood. (The "dramatization" was really most stract, being the merest allusion rather than reenactment.) (See elements 2700 ff.) The r mainder of the day was spent in making a proc sion around the outside of the enclosure, bea' ing the multitudinous images of edibles that been made. (See element 2720.) Each dancer ried a different object with each song, makin one round to a song. The climax, if there was4 one, seems to have been when the Cloud image brought out, when some of the dancers ran abo with bull-roarers and the Navitco with many a grotesquery pretended to cultivate the tiny rr resentations of fields made near the enclosur After the procession,people went home. 4 Other differences, less patent but quite a" significant as the disparate procedures, occ Among both groups the ritual was essentially village affair, but among the Papago the cere monial was strictly localized. In fact it wa given in one village only (by Arizona Papago; people to the southwest, at Quitovac in Sonor have their own Vikita). Certain near-by vill took part also, as villages, with their own s of singers and dancers; no one else had any in the ritual. People came from miles around watch, but did not participate. Mar: Spier suggested that the Maricopa Mountain Killdeer dance may be identified with the Pima-Papago Navitco-Vikita complex (1933, 233, note 4). ever, the Pima had another dance, a purely so one, which is much more like the Mountain il deer performance (see under Social Dances). Maricopa did not have a true Vikita. 2647-2649. Pap: The rite was held only at The other participating villages were: Anegam Akchin, kaitcmak, Iron Pipe (with whom those ka- kmatkoe:k combined). There were thus five groups, representing six villages, who took I i A i I 210 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN 656. Pap: At least, there was no public a performance, though the ceremonial chief kept the bundle and his aides may have ob- id some rites in opening it. The bundle was publicly displayed such as in the Vikita at DvaC in Sonora (see Davis, 1920). Dramatis Personae he attributes, regalia, and such of these kl figures are listed in a later section. lasked Dancers. Ritual Procedure 684. Pim: No mention was made of a ceremoni- rntry. I understood the informant to say the images were all placed in the center of enclosure beforehand, which implies there ho procession. 690. The singers of each village had eight ongs for the procession to follow. Mason ;) reports that the Vipinyim were supposed ipose them for the occasion. 10. The dancing was little more than a jig- up and down in one place. L11. At rests, bystanders took the objects the children's hands, and the baskets of Prom the attendants, and lowered children ittendants to the ground. WThen the singing esumed, all six were lifted up. They were osed to be unable to sit down or rise un- 1. 48. Pim: The Navitco used notched rasps ier than feathers) (GH). (This statement epresent variation of custom rather than practice.) Ceremonial Drinking for Rain, Crops 1: While the main portion of the Yaqui rite ibed below is of Catholic origin most ob- Ly, and has little or nothing to do with performances such as the Pima-Papago the association of drinking with a ceremony in makes it comparable. The informant id out that this was the only occasion on drinking was permitted during a ritual. I others fasting was mandatory till the con- Dn of the ceremony. (Tllhen, to be sure, one drink, "por el descanso.") We probably to do with an association strong enough to Dr the change from native to Christian re- b forms. 51 Mar: The informant, in dating the per- ace as "recent," specified that he meant it blething learned during the years after the kl from Gila Bend to the vicinity of Casa . The lower time level is probably about kginning of the nineteenth century, which of course particularly recent. The point kt he felt definitely that the rite was not Loopa one, but a borrowing from the Pima. 2752. Mlar: The drinking was for health's sake: the voriiting induced was supposed to have a salu- brious effect. 2756. Mar: Spier reports June-July to have been the time for the drinking (1933, 56). Ac- cording to the present informant they sometimes had a wine-drinking then, but fall was the main season. Most of the wine was made of syrup traded from the Papago, rather than from fruit gathered by the Maricopa themselves, and the Papago brought it in the fall after the harvest season. The in- formant may have been describing practices of times somewhat more recent than those of which Spier's informants told. 2767. The "rain-making" (djuutcki) was not an invariable accompaniment of the drinking. The drinking itself brought rain, but this perform- ance was something special. Russell has recorded one of the ceremonial opening speeches (pp. 347 ff.). 2768. The dance ground was always a little distance from the ceremonial house. It was speci- fied that the rain-making might not be held too near the structure. 2770. This is similar to the ordinary social dance (see Lumholtz, 1912, 50). 2777. The tricks usually represented the fall- ing of rain, growth of crops, and such. Russell describes some characteristic Pima magic (pp. 258- 259). Pap: According to the informant, the sha- mans sat in the circle but did nothing whatever so far as the eye of the layman could perceive. (Of course they were "using their power" to bring rain.) Their display occurred at a later time, at the beginning of the drinking, when they worked magic, "found" the rain, and so on. Wheth- er this was true at all Papago drinkings, or only the more formal ones at the ritual center of Achi, I do not know. 2780. Among the Pima this performance wias op- tional, performed only when there was a great deal of wine. A small jarful was taken from each person's olla and put in the common stock. The Papago always had this preliminary round of drinks, at least at the drinkings at Achi. As I understood, it is optional elsewhere. Some in- formants maintained that long ago Achi was the only place at which wine-drinkings were held. They were somewhat vague on how long ago this was. The custom may date back to the period of concentration of population during the Apache raids, or it may be a transposition of the. idea of localization of the Vikita. 2787. Pap: See element 2777 Pap. 2788. See Lumholtz, 1912, 48. Informants de- nied the ritual procession with the basket; Lum- holtz's description apparently refers only to the Quitovac custom. One informant (Pap 2) would have it that there was one basket (i.e., bundle) for the Achi wine-drinking, and another for the Vikita. Both were stowed in the ceremonial house. 2789. This apparently was a length of rope to which eagle feathers were attached (see Lumholtz, I 211 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 1912, 48). The shamans shook it, and water fell from the plumes. 2790. Mar: Spier reports shamans' sleight-of- hand displays at the wine-drinking (1933, 290- 291). 2794. The invocation was a short prayer for rain. According to the Papago informants each singer also dipped his fingers in the wine and flicked the drops of wine into the air, making a ceremonial sound, "hm+." 2799. Mar: This was the only kind of drinking the Maricopa had, according to the informant. Asked about the "xatca" singing reported by Spier (1933, 58), he said they sang what they pleased when they were drunk, "just like nowa- days." 2801. Yaq: Another rain rite may be noted here for lack of a better place. On San Juan's Day (San Juan is patron of wild products, and of "las lluvias de las sierras" as the informant put it) a procession was made to the riverbank, led by the Maestro, Sacristan, and one pascola dancer. The three entered the river, and the Sacristan raised a cross which he bore and said a benediction. The pascola dancer repeated the benediction, splashing water high in the air with his hands, thoroughly wetting all three. Then the people entered the river and bathed. "Thus they call the rain." Drinking was not tolerated until the conclusion of the rite. Social Dances The dances described under this head were those used socially, and do not include the dance forms incorporated into rituals for other pur- poses, for example, puberty ceremonials. "Mountain Killdeer Dance" This name, used by Spier (1933, 231 ff.), has been retained to distinguish the performance from the "Bird dances" (a song cycle) of other groups. The Pima name is oeetaewop (Pap, ceetaevohpo'otam, which is said to refer to the girls who danced). 2811. Mar: Unfortunately data were not ob- tained on the Maricopa dance. Spier's account (1933, 231 ff.) checks point for point with the Pima-Papago form. 2821. Pap: Negative may be erroneous. "Deer Dance" 2831. Mar: The dance was used at the harvest feasts, not as a preliminary to hunting. Pim, Pap: The negatives were given in response to questions of dances in which deer were repre- sented, in connection with preliminaries to the hunt. It may be, although it does not seem likely, that both Pima and Papago had a similar performance as a part of a social dance which the informants did not recall out of context. Yaq: This form of Deer dance was used in cc tion with other ceremonials, not as a hunti preliminary (there was a hunting ritual in w the Deer dancer performed, however). It sho be noted that Densmore describes a Yuma "Dee dance" (Densmore, 1932, 130 ff.) in which "t men are painted and usually wear an animal's or the head of a deer." Her account of the formance, however, sounds like an ordinary cycle; there is no mention of the characteri Yaqui dramatization of the hunt, nor the obs ity. 2836-2838. Spier describes this part oft performance as a hunting rite (1933, 69), bu only does his description fit the Yaqui patt too well to be anything else, but Maricopa manism did not provide for the "hunting sh who normally would conduct this rite. Round Dance 2839. Moh: Kroeber states that the Mohave a dance of this type in connection with a so called Alysa, said to have been borrowed fr Kamia (1925, 766). Mar: The informant belie that his people had some kind of a dance in "they went around and around in a circle," b could recall no details. Spier gives a ful count of a dance, in which men and women li up alternately (element 2840), clasping hand (element 2841), singer was in the center (el 2842), dance movement was counterclockwise ment 2843) (1933, 230). Yaq: The informant not sure whether his people ever had a round dance, but thought not. Square Dance 2844-2846. Moh: Kroeber describes a dance of this sort as used in connection with the Pleiades songs (which appear to have been p marily social, not used at funerals, etc.) 765). Mar: This dance form was used "with zard singing" according to Spier (1933, 235 well as in the girls' puberty dance (of re acquisition?). The present informant stat that it was sometimes used in the Victory d Pim, Pap: Besides the use of the form in t girls' puberty dance, one of the routines o "Mountain Killdeer singing" was declared to this type. Wal, Shiv: This was the type of ing accompanying the "Bird songs." "Dog Dance" See Gifford, 1936, 291. This dance was at intervals at nearly all Northeastern Ya dances, to vary the monotony of the round square dances. Wal: The informant consist denied this dance form. He suggested that.. the same, or nearly so as the "Bear dance". Paiute and Navaho, which he had seen at v times. 212 CILTURE ELET4. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIJAN ). This dance is doubtless absent among iups for whom no entry has been made. It e well to remark that at the conclusion t of entries on any topic, for example, Dances," inquiry was made on whether ere any other dances (besides those pre- r specifically asked for). Various items lunteered in response on some topics, in- g the method was effective. When general ms were given, the subject presumably was ;ed. Begging Dance :Russell, 171. t. Mar: The informant stated that "only ,ago do this," but may have been in error. ;ives a description of such visits to the ;hougl no mention is made of the charac- ic "name songs." . Russell speaks of the name song as it were a fixed framework: "the song... o places for the names in each stanza. wre seventy stanzas in the song and if kre more than twice that number of visitors be repeated and other names substituted" j. The present informants said that the re improvised for the occasion. Promi- inwere named, and their virtues mentioned ,ingly. "They sang of So-and-so and how 'a great warrior or hunter." Other songs Lich were new and amusing, were sung. Masked Dancers following section is the result of an at- io bring out some interesting parallels in ifigures of three groups, Pima, Papago, ii. It should be noted that the present a synthetic one, that is to say, the ,dancers were described in connection with *monies in which they functioned (the ago dancers in the Vikita, those of the L the Easter rites). Both Papago and &terial, moreover, are from free accounts, afterward with the list entries, rather direct list questioning. The Papago ma- L8 from informant 3. Mar: A description of the clown in the IKilldeer dance (q.v.) was not obtained. Its of similarity mentioned in Spier's tion (1933, 232) have been marked with b. Pim, Pap: The dancer described in slUnns is the navitco of the Vikita ritu- T: The dancer is called "Long-narrow- lbapaiyakam); in Spanish he is designated Yav: Gifford reports (1936, 308) that Valley people alone of the Northeastern timpersonated the akaka spirits in curing. bat informant, although readily describ- mmoning of these spirits for curing, ghing of their performance, peculiarly fused to admit that the performers were masked dancers, not real spirits. Thus it was impossible to obtain details of regalia, and such. Whether he did not know, himself, that these were impersonators, I could not make out; more likely he feared bad luck might come from talking about them (a belief recorded by Gifford for the Southeastern Yavapai). Similarities to the other masked dancers, marked by an asterisk in the Yavapai columnn, have been taken from Gif- ford's account of the Southeastern Yavapai (1932, 236) (except for the mention of "horns'" attached to the mask, which is from Gifford, 1936, 308). 2864. Lumholtz noted the hornlike appearance of these plumes (1912, 93), as do modern inform- ants. Yaq: The horns were not of feathers, but their material was not specified. Beals states that they were tubes or long cones of buckskin (perhaps with twigs for a foundation) (Parsons and Beals, 1934). 2872. Pap: LTumholtz mentions a "wooden ma- chete" as one of the typical implements of the navitco (1912, 93). 2875. Mar: Spier states that the Mountain Killdeer clown had reverse speech, but not be- havior (1933, 232). Pim, Pap: While it is some- times difficult to draw the line between ludi- crous and reverse behavior, it seems certain that the navitco have no attributes of the latter type. The concept of opposite behavior occurs in Pima-Papago culture in another connection; see element 3189. Yaq: Reverse behavior is mani- fested in things such as use of left instead of right hand, turning about and extending the hand backward to receive a gift, and so forth. 2878. Pim: Speaking in any mask was taboo (GH). 2879. Pap: Certain of the navitco, apparently the leaders of the (village) groups, could speak and sing. They used a high-pitched squeaky voice. 2880. Pim: The selection of the singers, ritu- ally indicated by sprinkling corn meal on them, suggests directorial functions. Pap: Direction of the rite was in the hands of the ceremonial chief (medicine-bundle keeper). 2882. Pim: This act occurred at various times during the preparatory period and the rite. Any,- one hit (on the legs) stopped, sat down, and was "healed" (exorcised) by the navitco (see elements 2883-2884). Pap: The vipinyim chased each other with bull-roarers during the display of the cloud image. 2883. Pim, Pap: An abbreviated version of the Vikita singing was sometimes performed over those who became ill because of a breach of a taboo of the Vikita (cf. Parsons, 1928, 462). Yav: Curing was the principal function of the akaka dancers. 2890. The following section (elements 2890- 2900) describes the vipinyim of the Pima and Pa- pago. Lumholtz figures masks of this dancer (1912, pl. opp. 96). 2901. The following section (elements 2901- 2914) describes the kokshpakam dancer. 2915. The following section describes the Yaqui pascola dancer. Russell figures a pascola 213 1NTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS mask (fig. 26) bought from the Pima, though he notes it is probably from the south. 2922. See Russell, fig. 83. 2924. This type of dancer did not use a mask, but is described here for lack of a better place. The performance (which occurred during Easter and other processions) seems to have been origi- nally a warrior society dance. 2927. The arrows were held loosely and tapped against the bowstring to produce a rattling sound. SHAMANISM Dieg: Owing to the peculiar circumstance that informants consistently denied the existence of shamans at La Huerta until quite recent times, data were not collected on this topic. Inform- ants w,ere disinclined to discuss the topic at any length. Just wJhat has happened to the sha- manistic coriplex here--what factors could have extirpated it not only from the functioning cul- ture but from memory too, is an interesting prob- lerm. Shamanism has been suppressed in many re- gions but at least persists in memory, even ac- quiring a certain grandeur as informants relate the mighty feats of magic of long-dead heroes. I can scarcely believe that the two informants deliberately misinformed me, especially since both admitted shamanism existed within their own lifetimes, and that some magic (mostly malignant) is still practiced. According to the bits of information given, sharmanistic practices were learned from the Diegueiio living to the north. There was one La Huerta man (Xatiniyl) who lived there awhile (perhaps fifty years ago)', then returned, claim- ing shamanistic power. He was the first shaman at La Huerta [!]. WIhen people sickened (from his machinations, as a matter of fact), he sang, smoked, and blew over them, and sucked the af- flicted part. He seemed to remove something, which he spat or blew away but never showed. For curing, he was given a horse, cow, or burro. Finally his own relatives killed him [there was, it seems, a pattern for dealing with these indi- viduals]. During his spectacular if brief career he taught another man, J.A. (the father of one of the present informants). People believed that he gave J.A. "some kind of medicine" to make him dream--no one knew what it was. [Perhaps it was toloache.] J.A. "doctored many people but never cured a one," but for some reason he was never accused of witchcraft, and died of old age. There was another man, a contemporary of these two, wiho learned how to cure snake bite in a dream. He dreamed that he went up north across the International Boundary and learned from the people there [!]. When someone was bitten, this man came, sang four times, making four circuits about the patient. Then he told the kin of the patient that they were to bathe and fumigaI selves with chamiso brush daily for four d They paid him in food, horses, and such. ] end of the four days some of his patients well and some died. "This was the only sne bite doctor ever to live at La Huerta." Types of Shamans For purposes of bringing out intraregio1 differences, shamans have been classifieda "general practitioners" (element 2932) and cialists" (element 2938). The essentiai d' ence between the two types is one of funct In the specialist complex one shaman diagna the ailment, another did the curing. (Amoz Pima, one diagnosed, one removed the intru object, and another exorcised if necessary., Papago combined the first two tasks, the d nostician removing the disease object when- was one, and the singing shaman exorcising,& it seems was nearly always necessary.) The nostician functioned in illness chiefly bec of his power of clairvoyance, which served as well in other capacities: weather contrc war, hunting rites; that is, he "saw" where rain clouds were, or where the foe were ca or where the antelope grazed. The disease tractor and the singer (exorciser) had powe a different sort, and less power, at that. among the general practitioners of other ti there were those who specialized in curing ticular ills, and others had clairvoyant poi and so on, this kind of specialization was tirely unsystematic, not strictly classifie, 2932. The typical Lower Colorado shamani complex is set forth in Kroeber, 1925, 775-' and Spier, 1933, ch. 9. 2933-2934. Wal: The "real" shamans could any ill, but there was a class of minor curi vwho dealt with diseases sent by Mountain Li or Buzzard (element 3023). This latter var resembled in a fashion the exorcising shama the Pima and Papago, although in the presen of the lists they have not been included in section on the latter, on the grounds that were not an important class--not typical of Walapai shamanistic complex--and furthermori not use the homeopathic treatment so charai tic of Pima-Papago exorcising. 2937. Akwa: Hunting shamans were not con ered to be real shamans by the informant. power came not from dreams, but "from God, gave them the power to make their songs." 2938. See Russell, 256 ff: Parsons, 1928 2940. The principal occasion for this wel finding or making was at the rain ceremoniei sometimes held in connection with sahuaro-wv drinking. 2946. The singer was called wusiw, which Pima and Papago informants declared referre "blowing" (such as, to blow a fire, etc.). the Pima informant explained, "The vmsiw di I] 7 i 214 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN ay power, himself. All his power was in ogs." This apparently refers to the fact he singer had none cf the crystals or I objects in his body that gave the other 8 their great power. Anyone could dream that could be usel for exorcising; ap- ly the number of singing shamans was le- The blood purification rituals (with the clay) were slightly more elaborate forms roising. 0-2951. Wal: Some women nowadays make of power, but the informant was inclined ik that they do not have much power, if Anciently, only men were shamans. Accord- Walapai (p. 185), however, there were emale doctors formerly. Source of Power B. Moh, Mar: Many people dreamed; shamans' 0g differed in pattern only in minor re- from the pattern for other gifts: for r success in war, and such. See Kroeber, 754; Spier, 1933, 236 ff. L Moh: Dreams in childhood (and later ere considered to be repetitions of the d dreaming and served to jog the dreamer's They were usual but not essential. Pap: reamed in childhood (see Underhill, 19). hiv: Some dreamed in childhood, but it was I common thing. 7-2958. Mar: Spier reports deliberate 3of dreams occurred, though rarely (1933, R Mar: Spier cites one account of a experience, but makes clear it was an )us case (1933, 245). ~. Yav: See Gifford, 1936, 310. The method truction, use of sand painting, and such, id by Gifford, were unknown to the present mt. The difference in the accounts may oxpression of difference of knowledge ied by shamans and laity. Also, Yavapai am has been confused by acquisition of lits and concepts during the years of resi- rith the Apache at San Carlos Reservation. 1-2970. Pim: Both Russell (p. 257) and I(1928, 458) report transmission of power iinspiration (throwing of object) by an haman. The informant knew nothing of rocedure. In fact it was his opinion that eman "threw" some of his power into a the latter would die at the same time i old shaman died. He felt that only the ~f the exorciser could be taught, though by were usually dreamed individually. It is difficult to make sure whether a was really hereditary, or whether in- B simply had in mind the common tendency manism to run in certain family lines. iier reports that heredity was not a fac- Bhamanistic dreaming (1933, 241), although Oers' sons seem to have dreamed, as their fathers had. Wal: In practice, shamanism seems to have been hereditary, according to Walapai, 185. 2978-2978a. See Underhill, 19-20. Pim: Rus- sell's account indicates that the same set of shamanistic concepts prevailed as among the Pa- pago (p. 257), despite the present informant's denials. 2978b. Pap: The informant told a story of a shaman, who was found, on being killed and cut open, to have a live horned toad in his heart. Whether this variety of power object was common is not clear. 2978c. See Russell, 259-260; Underhill, 19- 20. Wdal: The object is said to be a small stone given by the shaman's spirit (Walapai, 191). The present informant described it as a small white object, of varying size and shape, animate or semianimate. It seems to have been a material embodiment of his spirit. The shaman could cough it up to display it before his admiring public. 2979. See Kroeber, 1925, 759; Spier, 1933, 252. Wal: The informant was not certain of this, but thought it true. Walapai (p. 186) confirms his surmise. 2981. Pim: In native theory, dreams (and thus power) came from Earth Magician and/or Elder Brother (GH). Pap: Some few men dreamed of Elder Brother and received power from him. Yav: See Gifford, 1936, 310. 2982. Yaq: The gigantic serpents inhabiting the cave where the seeker got his power may be classed as monsters rather than animals. 2983. Mar: The informant's hesitant affirma- tive is corroborated by Spier (1933, 249 ff.). 2985. Mar: Spier states that the number of power-giving animals was apparently restricted (1933, 249). 2990. Mar: Gourd rattles were used only by Pima shamans or recent Maricopa practitioners who learned their craft from the Pima. Yav: Gifford states that a flute was used by the older (pre-San Carlos) type of shaman (1933, 311). 2993. See Gifford, 1932. According to the present informant, these "spirits" were called in for a special disease sent by Bear. 2998. Pim: The shamans were mentioned as lo- cating disease objects causing epidemics (i.e., when the whole village was sick; see elements 3102-3106). Russell states that they used canes at all kinds of cures (element 260). Disease and Curing 2999-001. Mar: This concept was associated with the recent Pima-type shamans, not the old Maricopa ones. 3000. Yav: Jealous women were responsible for witchcraft. 3006. Wal: Sometimes the disease object, when about to be extracted, would "jump out" and travel about the house, or try to hide in the fire. (It should be mentioned that these disease 215 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS objects were the same objects [material forms of the spirits] that the shamans carried about in- side of them.) The shaman would put his elbow in the fire, sucking on his hand to draw the ob- ject from the flames. 3008. This is said to be a common Southern Paiute curing position (Kelly, 1936, 131). 3009-3010. Akwa: See elements 3013-3014 Akwa. 3010. Yav: Gifford states that no object, but blood only, was sucked out (1936, 311). 3012. Forde discusses this type of sucking in Yuma curing (pp. 200-201). 3013-3014. Akwa: No one but the shamans knew the form of the disease objects, because, after extracting, the shaman put the object on his own head or swallowed it. The procedure may have been an approximation of the Lower Colorado prac- tices (see element 3012). Wal: The shaman swal- lowed the object, after displaying it. Appar- ently he added to his own power thus. 3019. The type of dream-poisoning or "bad dreaming" characteristic of Lower Colorado be- liefs is discussed by Forde, 187. It is clear enough among the River tribes, but elsewhere is hard to distinguish by brief questioning; one must get full accounts of disease and cures to make sure whether the informants mean that bad dreams really cause the sickness, or whether the dreams are a symptom of a disease from some other cause, or omens of ill to come. Thus in- formants of all groups stated that to dream of dead was "bad," but so far as I could make out, most of them meant these dreams were omens of disaster rather than causes. 3020. See Russell, 262 ff. Mar: A few animals only caused disease; not a great host of them, as among the Pima. Eagle, "chickenhawk," and owl all were malignant. Even touching them caused sickness (a specific ill came from each, as among the Pima). Turtle caused lameness, and jack rabbit was very dangerous--its blood was deadly poison, the Maricopa believed. 3021. The concept underlying the belief in animal disease was that there was a breach of taboo involved. Should one needlessly harm any animal he became sick therefrom. Just what con- stituted needless harming differed according to species. Thus if one stepped on a horned toad, one became ill; stepping over a rattlesnake caused sickness. The extension of the concept to the Vikita ceremony neatly illustrates the principles involved--the sickness from breaking a ritual taboo is no different in essence from that resulting from stepping over a snake (though symptoms were of course different), and the cur- ing procedure was the same. In a few cases only does this concept not fit, for instance there was a variety of "deer disease" which was sent by an evil shaman, not by maltreated deer. 3024. Pap, Yaq: Both informants declared soul- loss sickness occurred, but that it could not be cured. Wal, Shiv: Soul loss seems to have been thought of as a complication attendant on serious illness from some other cause. "When a pers sickens, becomes very weak, his soul may le him" (Shiv). Curing Methods, 3036. Pap: The combining of the functions diagnosticians and extractors is one of the points of difference between Pima and Papago manism. Yet the specialization persisted ev in the Papago complex in the differentiationi diagnostician-extractors and exorcisers. 3041. The exorcising was to remove the ev essence causing the disease, or which accomp disease caused by an intrusive object, or ev active poison. It seems that one was "sung after the cure when one was bitten by a ratt and similarly after a bite from a Gila monst The venom of the Gila monster was not consid to be fatal, but unless one was sung over OI would get sick "maybe years later" from the 3051. Moh: Kroeber reports singing as par the Mohave cure (1925, 775). Mar: Singing practice of the Pima shamans only. This ace with Spier's account (1933, 283). 3052. Wal: The informant denied sleight-o hand displays as such, but the pursuit of a ing disease object and extracting it from th fire (element 3006 Wal, and note) should pro be so classed. 3059. Mar: Reported present by Spier (193 3061. Yav: This was said to be a custom o shamans since San Carlos. 3062. Moh: Reported present by Kroeber (1 775). 3071. Possession is a concept not always ily defined by brief direct questioning. It undoubtedly absent among the River Yumans; published ethnographic accounts make this c But Pima-Papago shamanistic beliefs suggest session, though of a specialized form. The common form of this concept appears clearly among the Walapai and Shivwits, however. W See Walapai, 186. Special Cures 3073. Pim: Reported present by Russell, 3073a. Pim: This may have been a misunder standing. The informant may have been refe to the purification after the bite. 3074. Pap: Underhill's account mentions a split buzzard feather ligature (p. 62). A buzzard feather was split and bound about bitten member. Shiv: This entry refers to a rudimentary ligature, if it is to be consid to be one at all. The shaman seized the bit limb in his hands and held it tightly "to,p the swelling from going any farther." 3075. A ring was painted above the bite t halt the swelling. 3076. Pim: Russell reports sucking of a bite (p. 264). I 216 CUIlTlRE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMIAN-PIMAN 077. Wal: Reported present in Walapai, 187. : The "snake" was drawn out with the shaman's 1, in a manner not clear. The shaman did not on the cane, it was said. 082. Akwa: A very crude sand painting, simply e little mounds of earth heaped up in each at Dardinal points constituted the sand paint- t(Gifford describes a very similar one made B Cocopa in curing club wounds [1933, 311]). ding to the informant the four dirt piles ot represent mountains or anything else; 8as just a custom." Pap: The only other sand ing reported by any of the present inform- as one made not for snake bite but in cur- ind sickness." Four circles were drawn on ound, one at each cardinal point, and in s8ticks were placed to represent trees, and images of animals as well. The sticks and were painted (just how was not known; the ant had heard of but not seen the rite). the songs all the things were knocked down, e patient brushed with creosote-bush eS. . Mar: The wound doctor was the only Mari- shaman who sang, in former times. This ac- with Spier's information (1933, 287). 1. The smoke itself brought the soul of ead" person back, or drove off the ghosts ting it (see Spier, 1933, 287; also Forde, 4. Mar: Spier describes this procedure in oyant demonstrations (in war time, to fore- tcome of a race, etc.) (1933, 292). The ry of the soul by means of tobacco smoke te 3091) was the principal method, ac- to the same writer. Yav: Gifford de- s this procedure in connection with clair- o (1936, 310). 7a-3097b. Moh: Ashes were rubbed on the sron "to cure chickenpox" (!). Yav: Ashes rinkled about in curing "ghost sickness." 't certain whether they were rubbed on the t's body. -3099. Pap: The pay, and manner of giving >ended on whether the shaman was a rela- an outsider. A relative would not speci- amount he wanted, nor even ask for pay at ough it was usually given him). An out- ould have no such compunctions. The ex- it could be added, were given food, pay for their services. -3100. Yaq: "It was customary to give a the shaman for curing." The informant though this was a fixed rate, but un- there was more variation in amount. Shiv: The shaman posted their guardian to protect the village against epidemics, ently without displays. .. Wal: Shamans sometimes sang, "and went out in the dark" doing something to ward ilences. The informant believed that forts did little good, if any. * Disease objects were sometimes sent or placed near a house or in the middle of the vil- lage, thus making all the people sick. The pro- cedure then consisted in a search for the object. 3107. "Deer sickness" of the epidemic type came from just a source such as that described in the preceding note. There was an individual form of the disease also, however, which came from deer. Black Magic 3118. Moh: See Kroeber's account of Mohave be- witching and treatment of witches (1925, 778-779). 3120. See Gifford, 1936, 317. MISCELLANEOUS CUSTOMS AND BELIEFS Toloache 3123. Dieg, Akwa: The Toloache dance was once brought down by some Diegueno from the north. They danced it at Santa Catalina, but the local people watched only, did not take part. The La Huerta "capitan" forbade any of his people to at- tend, though they had been invited. This seems to have taken place sixty to seventy years ago. 3124. In recent years, at least, many people throughout the region have taken toloache once or twice simply for the experience. 3125. IWhatever one did under the influence of the drug would be his forte in years to come. (Usually young men took toloache.) Some went through the motions of planting or cultivating; they would be good farmers. Others "thought they were gambling," going through all the motions of playing some game; they would be lucky or skil- ful at the pursuit. 3126. Akwa: To prove her assertion, the in- formant pointed eut that card players were the only ones to use the drug. Those who gambled at native games did not. It is interesting to note the fusion of native and European traits here: card gambling with toloache taking, with the di- rection associations of the plant's use preserved (see elements 3129-3130). Moh: Kroeber states that gamblers took toloache for luck (1925, 779). 3127. Yav: Gifford corroborates the present informant's statement of this usage (1936, 261). 3128. Shiv: Some got power thus, though it was not an avowed aim when taking the drug. 3129-3133. Moh: Kroeber states that leaves from the west side were used, not the root (1925, 779). 3135. Pap: Toloache was deadly poison. Only one who had dreams (or visions) would even dare to carry it. Ritual Expedition for Salt 3136. LuTmholtz gives a fairly good account of these expeditions (1912, 270 ff.). Pim: Occa- sionally a Pima accompanied some Papago friends, but the expeditions were considered by the in- 217 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS formant to be properly a Papago custom, not Pima. 3141. Each man carried a small coiled bas- ketry "cup," which was his only eating and drink- ing vessel. The bit of pinole he took was food and drink combined. 3155. "The salt that they bring is clouds from the ocean; the bull-roarers represent thun- der." 3161. The singers are men noted for excel- lence in any activity: good cultivators, skilful hunters, bold warriors, and such were chosen to act in this capacity. 3162. Each singer went down the row of salt- gatherers. Each one he brushed (with his hands) and sang over (just as in all purifying and ex- orcising), then made a speech, in which he ex- pressed the wish that the salt-gatherer would have the quality (see note 3161) for which he himself was renowned. 3169. Another informant stated that eight days was the duration of the seclusion (Lumholtz makes it still longer: ten to sixteen days). 3171. Apparently the chief reason for going on the expedition was to obtain a vision. Berdaches, Etc. 3172. Yav: Gifford also reports denial of berdaches (1936, 296). Wal: The informant seems to have had in mind a recent example. Walapai records consistent denial of berdaches (p. 141). 3173. Pap: Transformation as the result of a dream may have been true only of those who be- came berdaches after maturity (such a one is said to be living in Sonora at present). 3176. See Underhill, 1936, 39. 3179. See Kroeber, 1925, 748. Coc: The in- formant believed that there was a rite but knew no details. Mar: This negative accords with Spier's informant (1933, 243). 3183. Pap: This must have been most rare. Berdaches seem to have been scorned by Pima and Papago, and, among the latter, a man who con- sorted with them was singled out for ridicule (see element 3191). 3185. Mar: Reported present by Spier (1933, 243). 3186. See Underhill, 1936, 27. 3189. There seems to have been little of formal group organization among the Pima, none among the Papago. Among the former, a young man might go about offering tobacco to his friends. If they accepted, he told them that they were now "Backwards," and must do and say things by opposites (see element 3192). When others heard of it, they would tease the "initiates," and the latter, in response to the teasing, would begin to act in the characteristic manner. "After awhile," opined the Pima informant, "it seems to become a habit to talk and act like that." The term for these men was applied jocularly by both Pima and Papago to each other. 3190. This refers to the myth of origin "Backwards." 3192. See note 3189. Time, Directions, Beliefs 3194. Mar: The "moon names," as Spier mO clear, are not really descriptive, but refe agricultural and other products, and also l clans (1933, 144 ff.). Pim: Russell gives sets of moon names (p. 36), indicating, per local differences. Pap: Lumholtz gives a I calendar (1912, 76). Wal: The moon names to seasons and stars, according to Walapai, 3195. Pim: The informant stated with cor tion that there were twelve names (though k not know them), because Elder Brother count of f on the twelve tail feathers of a certal bird. 3196. Mar: Spier's data are corroboratii gives a series of six names, repeated each 3197. Yav: Gifford corroborates this nut moon count (1936, 320). 3198. Pim: Russell states that the ripe the sahuaro fruit marked the new year (p. the present informant thought that the mail vest was the beginning. 3199. See Russell, 34 ff.; Spier, 1933, Coc: The informant said that there were tw endric annals among his people, one kept o stick and one on a knotted string. The fi thought had been burned with its owner not, ago; the other was still about somewhere, the people on the Sonora side. This may, true, represent a late addition to the cull derived perhaps from the Maricopa. Pap: mentions a Papago calendar stick (1912, 73 does Underhill's account (1936, 58). 3200. Mar: SpOier states that there were directions, the usual four, plus "?sky"? (me zenith) and "earth" (nadir) (1933, 150). as the present writer could learn there w ritualistic use of "sky" and "earth" as di tions, nor did the informant consider them 3201-3202. Moh: Kroeber states that the no color-direction symbolism. Coc: The i ant's account does not correspond to that corded by Gifford: N, white; S, yellow; B, W, black (1933, 287). 3204. Pim-Pap: The color associations by the Papago informant are the same as t the Pima given in a rain-ceremony speech_ by Russell (p. 347 ff.). Herzog's notes yellow rather than red for north (GH). 3208. Mar: General misfortune is an al tive interpretation, according to Spier 149). 3209. Coc: Many shooting stars presage fortune. 3210. This is a common belief in South fornia (see Drucker, CED:V, element 963).:. 3211. Yav: Both celestial bodies were according to Gifford (1936, 317). 218 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN TPim: Coyote was the child of Sun and e markings on the moon represent "Dark- over after Earth Magician extracted r from the moon (GH). 'Coc: Gifford records the belief that a Its the moon, causing an eclipse (1933, loon dies" seems to be a translation of for an eclipse in most of the idioms of tar: Spier reports that nothing was the time of an eclipse (1933, 149). "Dieg: Negative entry may be in error. In Walapai mythology, Coyote is left- The "esteem" and "good marksmanship" for other groups may mean that inform- Fand based their opinions on the same ic trait. Pim: They teased a left-handed man; 'hrew something, he made it rain. Par- td to prevent their children from being [ed. Shiv: A left-handed man was said he cold more than a right-handed one. Shrines and Offerings See Lumholtz, 1912, 103 ff. There are ese springs, one near Santa Rosa, the other in Sonora, the center of the Sonoran vil- lages (see Davis, 1920). 3230. Pim: See Russell, 254. 3235. The Pima-Papago prayer sticks resembled, but were not identical with those used by Pueblo groups. They were seldom used for offerings (only on special occasions, such as the salt ex- pedition). Informants (Pim, Pap) were unani- mously agreed that the sticks were not placed in fields and the like, as offerings; the nearest approach to this was the marking off of the rep- resentations of fields with them in the Papago Vikita, and afterward the sticks were put back in the medicine basket. For the type, see Rus- sell, 106-107. Pima prayer sticks were often of cane, with tobacco in them (GH) (i.e., really cane cigarettes used ritually?). 3237. It was unlucky to name the number of days before the scheduled departure of a war party, so the leader made a bundle of prayer sticks, one for each day, as a mnemonic. These sticks were carefully preserved in the scalp basket afterward, to be used in purificatory rites (both of enemy slayers and sickness caused by the scalps). Russell mentions their use in the treatment of Apache disease (which he desig- nates simply Tcunyim) (pp. 106, 265). 219 CULTURAL RELATIONSHIPS OF THE YUMAN-PIMAN TRIBES Fegoing element list is a comparative of the cultures of a series of South- ribes. Linguistically the groups are The Diegueno, Akwa'ala, Mohave, Cocopa, Yavapai, and Walapai are Yuman in ie Pima-Papago represent the Sonoran Uto-Aztekan, the Yaqui the Cahita, and lts Paiute the Shoshonean branch of the k. Culturally as well these tribes pogeneous. Although all but the Shiv- icipated in cultures of Southwestern ring areally distinctive patterns and with Puebloan, Athabascan, and Southern I Shoshonean neighbors, there was con- iariation of custom among them. These ranged in scope from unique many- lexes to minute differences of detail Ly common traits. That this regional .sted within the broad outlines of of the Southwest is of course no new ; However, the assembling of a full le set of data from the previously ncheria" groups makes it possible to etent of similarities and differ- egree hitherto impossible. It will of the present chapter to determine .of the cultural relationships of these an tribes to each other and to the ations of adjacent regions. ferences in the civilizations of Ly contiguous peoples indicate varied cultural development. Certain of 1s can be attributed to differences It, physical or social. Many others re obscure processual factors, be reconstructed on the basis of the ethnographic horizon alone. ?on no attempt will be made to inter- in terms of development or sequence. ese paragraphs is taxonomic, not vous writers have contributed to ion of the cultural relationships in i. Strong's demonstration of the ity of Puebloan, Gileno, and South- an Shoshonean social organizations, primary societal groupings built us of a priest, ceremonial house, paved the way to an understanding one containing a number of types co8rdinate rank linked by a series and specific concepts. That is 'Southwest" should be viewed as com- er of related provinces, not loan center ringed by hordes of 929) has suggested a Great Basin f Walapai-Havasupai and Yavapai 4a problem will be dealt with o present discussion. savages of amorphous and progressively ruder cul- tures. Recent archaeological determinations of a number of co6rdinate Southwestern centers dem- onstrate the historical validity of this inter- pretation.8 Building upon this theme, Kroeber set up a Gila-Yuman-Sonoran province of equal rank with the Puebloan and Southern Californian ones.9 Gifford, in treating the Yuman tribes, has classified them into three divisions: those of Upland Arizona (Walapai, Havasupai, and Yava- pai), those of the Lower-Colorado and Gila riv- ers (Mohave, Yuma, Cocopa, Maricopa, Halchidhoma, etc.), and those of southern and peninsular Cali- fornia.10 More recently Spier has sought to unite the Pima-Papago along with the Lower Colo- rado and Gila Yumans into a single province, some- what along the lines of Kroeber's earlier Gila- Yuman-Sonoran division." Gifford's analysis of Spier's material, however, indicates that while the latter's determination of the Gileno Yuman (Maricopa, et al.) culture as fundamentally linked to that of the Lower Colorado groups is not open to question, the conclusion of River Yuman and Pima-Papago similarity is not tenable.12 Relationships in another direction, with the Great Basin, have been considered by Spier. From data available at that time he determined Upland Yuman cultures (as typified by the Havasupai) to be essentially Basin rather than Southwestern in type.13 Although final judgment must await pub- lication of recently collected data (Kelly's and Stewart's Southern Paiute material, particularly), the present lists cast some light on the question. The problems relating to the tribes of immedi- ate concern will be taken up in the following or- der: (1) the relationships of Yuman cultures,14 (2) relationships of those of the Pima and Papago, (3) affiliations-of the various cultures to those of northwestern Mexico. The mode of attack on these questions will be to summarize and roughly weigh the major distinctive features of each block of cultures. To list the regional differ- ential minutely would be repetitious, since the items are contained in the preceding lists. Com- parisons can be made best and most succinctly by means of statistical counts. For present pur- poses the nature rather than mere number of paral- lel and dissimilar traits or complexes will be 8See various publications of Gila Pueblo, especially Snaketown, and Haury, 1936. 9Kroeber, 1928. 10Gifford, 1936, 321 ff. "Spier, 1936. 12Gifford, 1936a. '3Spier, 1929. 4Excepting the Seri, the final placing of whom depehds on further research. Kroeber's analysis of their cultural position is in no way modified by present data (Kroeber, 1931). [221] ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS evaluated--a procedure impossible in purely statistical analysis. The Yuman tribes.--Amply substantiated by the element lists is Gifford's threefold classifica- tion of the Yuman-speaking peoples into Southern (and Lower) Californian, River, and Upland di- visions. Each of these blocks is distinguished by a series of traits which are lacking among the other two, and by the absence of a number of features shared by the others. It is note- worthy that there seem to have been no distinc- tively Yuman patterns, that is to say, traits or complexes common to all the Yumans and to them alone (save language, of course). Even generalized complexes such as regular practice of cremation, mourning ceremonies (the last named is a post-European introduction among the Upland groups), and "pit-roasting" at life crises rites, which seem peculiarly Yuman in the pres- ent lists, are widespread in Shoshonean southern California and even across the Tehachapis. These, therefore, cannot be considered to be any- thing but general Southern Californian or Cali- fornian. The Yumans of southern and peninsular Cali- fornia belonged beyond any shadow of doubt to the Southern Californian culture province. Posi- tive traits such as acorn-leaching in sand basins, adjustable carrying nets, tubular wooden pipes, localized nontotemic clans, joint puberty rites, image type of mourning ceremony, eagle-killing rite, and the like are manifestly Californian, as are distinctive absences, such as that of ag- riculture and of emphasis on warfare. The re- corded postcontact spread of the toloache cult and the use of images in the mourning ritual suggest that most of the elaborate ceremonialism was borrowed from Shoshonean neighbors. But few complexes of any considerable dis- tinctiveness from the areal point of view were shared by these westernmost of the Yumans with their River or Upland kin. Features such as the boys' rite with nose-piercing, mourning cere- monials, and others among the River tribes appear to be dilute or;,specialized variants of widely distributed Californian patterns. With the Up- land Yumans, common traits seem to be mostly simple and very widespread elements. Rude domed- to-conical brush huts, women's basketry caps, cradles carried vertically with tumplines, woven fiber sandals, and tubular clay pipes, which about exhaust the list, have little diagnostic value. The Upland and Southern Californian dis- tribution of the woman's basketry cap is in point. The more remote of the Upland Yumans lacked it. It seems more reasonable to infer that the Diegueno, Akwa'ala, and the rest bor- rowed the trait from Luiseno and Cahuilla neigh- bors, and that the Walapai borrowed it from Southern Paiute, than to interpret the distribu- tion as indicative of a direct cultural connec- tion between Diegueno and Walapai. The paucity of specific and distinctive similarities i} two regions is the more surprising in view" very high dialectic similarity of two of t separated tongues, Akwa'ala and Walapai.15 The salient aspects of Lower Colorado c have been summarized by both Kroeber and Both in specific detail and in tenor River culture appears highly distinctive. Howe, many of the diagnostic complexes--overflow farming, fishing (both in relative import techniques), modes of dress, carrying meth the head and with the coolie yoke), the war plex, and the mourning ceremony with sham to mention a few--represent specialization practices common throughout near-by regione brief topical summary will make this clear. Yuman agriculture was based on the same cr plants, was carried on with the same impi as was that of other Southwestern farmers. utilization of overflow basins may be cons as an advantageous and easy modification o typical floodwater farming of the area. present Yaqui informant's account of agric methods, corroborated by Perez,'7 describe similar mode of use of flood lands for fie Fundamentally there is little difference be this method and the temporale methods of t southern Arizona desert, of the Opata, and Hopi and Navaho.18 Even the Pima ditches pended on floodwater, not the regular flow., Briefly, River Yuman farming was simply a adaptation of an areal complex to local ge not a radical specialization. Again, fish' important and nearly everywhere in the are fish could be obtained in worth-while quan Even specific methods--shooting with feath arrows, catching with the hands (or in a hand-held basket or net)--were very nearlyi tinuous down into Mexico to the Rio Sinalo the coast and Cora territory inland.19 Pr fuller data would show the common forms of nets, drags, and such to have had essenti same distribution. In dress,too,River Y were unique in minor respects only, resemb those of most native Californians, the Mex' coast tribes as far south as Petatlan, and of the Sierran divisions.20 The practice carrying burdens on the head was widespread the present lists show; the distribution o coolie yoke was southward along the coast.8' 5Kroeber, 1925, 797; also Drucker, Akwa 16Kroeber, 1925, 726-803; 1931, 39 ff.; Spier, 1936. Perez, 284. 18Bandelier, 1892, 503-504, 508, 512, 51 Forde, 1937, 222 ff., 225; Hill, 1938, 20 B9Beals, 1932, table 26; Lumholtz, 1902, 400, 504. Fish-shooting is reported from Basin also (Steward, 1933, 251). 20Kroeber, 1925, 804 ff.; Obregon, 71, 71 231; Beals, 1933, 7-8. Beals, 1932, table 67; Nordenskibld,19 222 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PDMAN er Colorado warfare, so often mentioned IMinctive, was distinctive only in the em- s put upon it. The complex was character- y: armament of bows, short wooden bludgeons, metimes pikes; round hide shields; pres- nd religious associations of warfare, re- B in large-scale operations; the singling individuals for special duties (nonflight tions, etc.); the taking of trophies s or heads) to be preserved for magico- ous purposes; torture or maltreatment of ~Yes in connection with the victory celebra- cannibalistic practices; and an emphasis strictions and purification of warriors wing a battle. Most of the groups repre- d in the present lists participated in this ix. Even the Upland Yumans, who had little ght about, were conscious of the pattern trove to emulate their River kin, and the Californians at least had the equipage of Southward into Mexico we find a great many e elements continuously distributed, despite ncolTplete nature of our source material. al uniformity of armament, massing of large 9 of troops, ceremonial use of trophies, 'annibalism in connection with war through- he region22 suggest that the River Yuman omplex was but a heavily accented phase of ea-wide pattern. The probable Californian ionship of the River Yuman mourning cere- has been referred to above. Its chief modi- ions seem to have been the incorporation e of the major interests--warfare. Even iver social organization fits a broader rn, resembling that of Lower Californian s. As Steward suggests,2 3 the tribal sense e attributed to the dense populations con- -in the relatively small habitable valleys; onlocalization of the clans may be attribu- irhaps to the capacity of the valleys for o distribution of population so different the conditions enforced by the scattered t watering-places. I this is not meant to demolish the picture Itural separateness of the River tribes. Ed much that was peculiarly their own-- Dng cycles and religious concepts in general Dod examples--but a considerable part of distinctiveness lay in degree of emphasis lespread complexes. The linkages suggested Bse basic patterns point in several direc- : many toward California, others south down -nora coast. 9 affiliations of Upland Yuman culture are Lily determined. Spier's interpretation D essentially Great Basin nature of the Ial cultural is not without some justifica- for there are a large number of similari- Many of these are however not Great Basin sals, 1932, 114 ff ., tables 78-97. teward, 1937, 93. determinants but elements common to most of the low-grade hunting-gathering cultures of western North America: Southern and Central California, the Seri, and the "nonagricultural nomads" of the north Mexican plateau as well as Upland Yuman and Great Basin.24 Moreover, the rather long series of differences, many of major rank, between the Upland Yumans and the Shivwits Paiute suggests that the common elements may represent an overlay rather than a substratum. Upland Yuman agricul- ture (sporadic), ramada and circular brush wind- break as adjuncts to dwelling, type of pottery, cradle type, weapons and the war complex (the latter a dilute form) are not Great Basin pat- terns at all but Southwestern. The basic sha- manistic concepts seem linked to River Yuman ideology more closely than to that of the Basin; cremation is certainly not a Great Basin custom, as both ethnographic and archaeologic data show. Upland Yuman dress styles, sweat houses, mother- daughter marriage, in-law avoidances and joking, matrilineal clans (Southeastern Yavapai only25) are probably to be attributed to Navaho-Western Apache sources, as is use of masks (though the masks were of a widespread Southwestern type). Shivwits traits (absent among Walapai and Yavapai) such as small-game deadfalls, mountain-sheep charming before hunt (= antelope charming), the triangular parching tray, cradle type, compound bow, rilled arrow foreshafts, individual owner- ship of hunting and gathering tracts, polyandry, interment, and the entire shamanistic complex, and lack of the throwing club, war club, shields and/or armor, stick dice, and other Upland (and common Southwestern) elements give southern Basin culture a distinctive stamp from the point of view of the Upland Yuman province. All in all, the present material indicates that the Upland Yuman cultures, though they manifest some spe- cific Great Basin influence, were basically Southwestern. The Pima-Papago.--The element lists substan- tiate Underhill's appraisal of Pima and Papago cultures as closely related.26 Differences there were, to be sure, but a good part of them can be accounted for in terms of effect of the differing environments--river and desert--on mode of life. The factors responsible for other differences are less easy to see, but nonetheless the same funda- mental patterns recur among both peoples. As the next step it should be brought out that in all probability Opata, Eudebe, and Pima Bajo cultures were a part of the same culture province 24See Spier, 1929, table 1; Kroeber, 1931, 40 ff., 49; Beals, 1932, table 2. 25Gifford, 1932, 189 ff. 26Underhill, 1936, 1-2. 223 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS as Pima-Papago.27 Our data on aboriginal life just south of the present International Boundary is extremely faulty, but what there is very definitely points to this grouping. Opata- Eudebe and Pima Bajo agricultural methods and crops, the considerable amount of cotton grown, cotton weaving on the horizontal loom, styles of dress, footcast ball race, facial tattooing, specific details of the war complex, the cere- monial house, and rain rituals (only a few de- tails of which are known) all seem to have du- plicated Pima-Papago practices.28 Strong's analysis of Southwestern societal patterns makes clear that Pima-Papago social and ritual life was based on patterns common to Pueblo and Shoshonean Southern Californians as well, but lacking among the Yumans.29 This cul- tural cleavage particularly between Pima-Papago and the River Yumans, which Spier has recently questioned,30 is clearly demonstrated in the element lists. Both provinces were Southwestern, and were subject to similar, though not identi- cal, environmental factors, so naturally there were a number of similarities. The differences, however, vastly outweigh the likenesses. The Pima-Papago house type, slipped pottery, coiled and checker basketry, cotton growing and weav- ing, dress styles, social organization (village units, moieties, and "father-name groups"), the priest-house-bundle complex, elaborate agricul- tural festivals (with ceremonial drunkenness; also masked dancing), completely different girls' puberty ritual, and the entire shamanistic pat- tern are among the many complexes setting these people off from the River Yumans. Even the Maricopa and their associated tribes, as Spier's account makes manifest, had but little in common with the Pima after several generations of resi- dence near and military alliance with them.3' The Pima and Papago, and with them their kindred south of the border, by virtue of their thorough- going differences must be considered to have con- stituted a province apart from the River Yuman one. A large series of Pima-Papago linkages paral- lel in whole or in part the distribution of the priest-house-bundle complex. That is to say, affiliations are with Pueblo, Southern Californian Shoshoneans, or both. For a detailed comparison 27Bennett and Zingg (391 ff.) have suggested a modification of Beals's "Old Sonora" province into two: a Pima-Papago one, and a Sonora-Sina- loa province including Opata-Yaqui-Mayo (no men- tion of Pima Bajo). This reclassification is extremely questionable, for it seems to stem, as Beals has pointed out (1936), from erroneous localization of traits in the coastal region. MBandelier, 1892, loc. cit.: Rudo Ensayo, cap. 4; pp. 95 ff., 84, 86-87, 79-80, et passim; Beals, 1932, table 76. 29Strong, 1927. 30Spier, 1936. 31Spier, 1933. of Pima-Papago and Puebloan culture, see Giffoi distributional study of the latter groups (C XII--Apache-Pueblo, pp. 1-207). However, a important parallels may be noted here. Thus, Piman modes of dress (cotton robe and breeche moccasins) approximated those of the Pueblo, did cotton-growing and weaving (although loom type differed), use of prayer sticks, hair w ing with yucca root, the ceremonial house, medicine bundle, and group priest, particularE types of masked dancers at harvest festivals, ceremonial salt-gathering trips, a reverse-be havior group, and a group resembling a warrio society. One cannot escape the conclusion t these numerous similarities (of course manyi dividual traits are subsumed under the compl cited) indicate potent influences in one or other direction. The fact that the greater n ber are in the field of nonmaterial culture be partly accounted for by the fact that geo- graphical settings differed appreciably. The Pima-Papago and Southern Californian parallels were less numerous, as one might E pect in advance in view of the different eco bases in the two regions. The most striking parallel, besides the priest-house-bundle co plex, was in the shamanistic patterns. Not ras the basic concept of source of power derx ing from an indwelling object--usually a cr similar, but a similar specialization of s into diagnosticians, healers, clairvoyants, others was found in both regions. There wer far too many specific identities in the two plexes, and too many shared differences from other Southwestern patterns, for Pima-Papago Southern Californian Shoshonean shamanistic plexes to be otherwise than related. In short, it seems apparent that the Pima Papago province (in which are included the 0 Eudebe, and Pima Bajo) formed a link between. eastern and westernmost phases of Southweste culture. Northwestern Mexican relationships.--The ing parallels, indeed virtual identities, in. Pima-Papago, Yaqui, and Pueblo masked danci complexes33 draws our attention to linkages another direction. The present Yaqui list i complete, but it is full enough to indicate general position of the culture. The generi Southwestern stamp of Yaqui civilization is fested in the agricultural complex, the war tern, and the masks (assuming that masks are Hispanic). In addition, the occurrences of erwork basketry, the horizontal loom, belief concerning mountain sheep, presence of a w society, and ritual drunkenness, clearly ali Yaqui culture with Pima-Papago. In other r 32See Parsons and Beals, 1934. The Pima- Papago navitco, vipinyim, and others check most point for point with certain masked pe formers found among both Pueblo and Yaqui- 33Parsons and Beals, op. cit. 224 CULTURE ELEM. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMAN Aty, and ritual drunkenness, clearly align iculture with Pima-Papago. In other re- ;s--dress styles, the simple ceramics, and ICt much of material culture--the Yaqui tie ,th the River Yumans instead. The Yaqui can assed as a Southwestern tribe whose affili- ., expectably enough in view of their geo- c position, were in part with Pima-Papago, t with the Lower Colorado tribes. The ary evidence which Sauer has marshaled ,that all the Cahita-speaking groups as far Rio Sinaloa participated in essentially type of culture.34 South of this boun- the coast lowlands sub-Mexican cultures ed.35 the Mexican Sierran region were a series ive civilizations which Beals has ranked provinces: Northern and Southern Sier- A critical check of available material Sierran tribes with the Pima-Papago data a further step in classification: there gh specific similarities as far south uichol to warrant linking all these cultures to Pima-Papago and thus ulti- to the Southwest. A resume of distribu- traits will show the validity of this ions of the characteristic Southwestern ral complex were chiefly along the line tions to environment: the milpa system iced rather than the desert floodwater 7 Crops similar to those in the South- ize, beans, squash, and cotton--were point of contrast here is with the to the south in Jalisco and along the th of the Rio Sinaloa.38 Catching fish hands was a Tarahumara practice; the a very similar method in which a small basket was used.39 Fish-poisoning, the Southwest among Opata, Pima Bajo, , is reported also for the Tarahumara e. 40 ara pottery, in presence of slip re- ima-Papago ware; in scraping instead of to join the coils, that of the Yaqui.41 of ware made farther south are not well cribed for classification. Certainly 1 vessels which Lumholtz figures do not tly, although the shapes are not quite , 932. 1932, 136 ff ., tables 1 , 2. ,139. t and Zingg, 26. t 1932, tables 11-16. tz, 1902, 1:400, 504. 1932, table 25; Obregon, 155. Envi- factors--occurrence of poisonous type of streams--undoubtedly affect bution of this trait. and Zingg, 83 ff. familiar, from the simpler of the northern cer- amics.42 Gourd vessels, used in the north chief- ly for ladles and canteens, were similar, al- though in more common use in the south.43 Checkerwork basketry had a nearly continuous distribution: Pima-Papago, Pima Bajo, Yaqui, Tarahumara, Tepehuano, and Huichol.44 Among other textile arts, Tarahumara weaving of cloth was done on a type of loom similar to that used by the Pima; the Huichol used a modified form of the Middle American belt loom, which was found as a subsidiary form among both Tarahumara and Pima.45 Among weapons, the ball-ended bludgeon or short club and the round hide shield were found throughout the Sierran region, the latter indeed well into southern Mexico.46 In Jalisco and in the Culiacan-Tepic region, obsidian-edged swords replaced the Southwestern type of club.47 The data on games are incomplete, but they show a few Sierran extensions of typically South- western complexes. The footcast ball race is re- ported for the Tarahumara (as well as from the Rio Sinaloa).48 Beals has discussed the distri- bution of the four-stick dice game, which he states was everywhere essentially the same as the game played in the Southwest.49 To cite an easily accessible account, the Tarahumara dice game which Bennett and Zingg describe tallies almost point for point with that of the Pima- Papago. 50 The data on social organization in aboriginal northwest Mexico are appallingly meager. The in- dications are that as in the Southwest, the characteristic social unit was the band or vil- lage. From Beals's summary, this condition pre- vailed down the west coast to the Culiac'an dis- trict, and down the Sierras to the borders of the petty kingdoms of Jalisco.51 As for social fea- tures such as clans and moieties, we have no in- formation at all. It would seem strange indeed if the Pima Bajo and 6pata lacked the sort of divisions found among Pima and Papago. The lack of notice of such institutions cannot of course be construed as evidence of their absence; the functionless Pima-Papago divisions are not men- tioned in any early source. Beals has inferred the former existence of moieties among the Opata and patrilineal groups among Yaqui and Mayo, but reconstructions of this sort offer unsafe footing 42Lumholtz, 1902, 2:73, 102, 183. 43Ibid., 2:77, 127, 220; Beals, 1932, table 66. 44Bennett and Zingg, 87. 45Bennett and Zingg, 91 ff.; Lumholtz, 1902, 2:218, fig. p. 217; Bennett and Zingg, 96. 46Beals, 1932, tables 91, 95. 47Ibid., table 92. 48Ibid., table 76. 49Ibid., 113, table 77. 50Bennett and Zingg, 343. 51Beals, 1932, 116 ff. 225 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS for comparisons.52 One suggestive distribution, however, can be traced. The occurrence of the ceremonial house, so fundamental to both society and ceremonialism in the Southwest, southward to Cora and Huichol territory indicates a similarity of societal organization and functioning that must be of significance. 53 The southward extension of the Southwestern war complex has been referred to in another connection. Certainly in the entire region the complex formed a well-defined unit, and one set off more sharply by com.parison with the southern Mexican war complex, which extended to the bor- ders of the Sierran and Old Sonoran regions. A few ceremonial parallels will be cited to close the case for the continuity of Southwest- ern culture dovm through the Sierras. Spier has pointed out the likely identity of the South- western prayer stick and the ceremonial arrows of Cora, Huichol, and Tepecano.54 The Huichol and Tarahumara "deer sacrifices" suggest compari- son with the performance described by the Papago informant as the procedure for curing "deer sickness.'55 The "sacrificial" aspect of the "deer sickness" rite did not occur to the present writer in the field, so he failed to inquire after similarities systematically. Besides the general nature of the ritual hunt, however, some close parallels appear: runners sent back with news of success; use of the deer tails mounted on sticks in the ceremony. Apropos of offerings, one may point out the legendary or semilegendary references to child-sacrifice among Pueblo groups and the Papago, which recurs among the Tarahu- mara.56 Whether the occurrences refer to actual former custom or to mythical concepts only is impossible to say. They seem to be of about the sam-e order. A distribution of slightly different sort from the preceding is ritual drunkenness, which as Beals's tabulation shows extended nearly continu- ously from southern Mexico north to Pima and Pa- pago. Despite its incidence in the Southwest, it can scarcely be considered a Southwestern trait, yet it is significant in indicating the presence of cultural contact and interchange of traits through the Sierran region. The last complex which we shall consider is that of masked dancing. Comparison of Yaqui- Pima-Papago-Pueblo masked-clown traits brings out the virtual identity of the complex; to these groups should be added Southeastern and North- eastern Yavapai, Havasupai, Western Apache, and 52Beals, 1932b. 53Drucker, 1939. 54Spier, 1928, 286. 55Lumnholtz, 1902, 1:334; 2:40 ff.; present elements 3107-3117. 56Bennett and Zingg, 288. Navaho. To the south, the Tarahumara and the Huichol had masks associated with clowning.57 Deer masks, of the same sort as those used by Yaqui, were found among the Tarahumara, and ii mixed Tepehuano-"Aztec" community which Lulhol describes.58 Dr. Parsons has stated the case for a Hispanic derivation of Southwestern mas but recent evidence has led her to modify her former stand.59 Certain parts of the pattern; if not the complex in its entirety, would see to carry back into prehistoric times. Whatev may be the ultimate source of these masks--wh or not they can be traced to a Middle America origin--it seems clear that specific details type have the closest parallels in the northw Mexican region. The net result of this hasty comparative s vey is to define a new boundary for the South western culture area. There can be little do in view of these distributions, that no areal boundary can be placed, on the coast, north of the Rio Sinaloa. It was at this point that a pronounced culture break occurred.60 Inland, Southwestern culture extended without much chb to the Southern Sierran region--the territory Cora, Huichol, and Tepecano. This is not to that there were differences between the Hopi the Cora; obviously there were many, but they were relatively unimportant compared with the fundamental culture patterns shared by all th tribes from northern Arizona to the Southern erran regions. Expectably we find indication of strong southern Mexican influence in the sd which do not extend all the way to the north, and northern specializations which run only p way down the Sierra, but the frequent wide ov lap of these distributions serves to add the pression of strong cultural affiliations thro out the Sierran region. The cultural area is: after all only a classificatory device which based on a high degree of similarity but whic cannot well refuse to admit local differences, Minor variations serve to set off areal sub- divisions; the northwest Mexican groupings whi Beals has outlined should be relegated to the order of provinces within the Southwest.61 To the south of the Southern Sierran regio there was a marked increase in cultural compl ity, definite enough to enable us to place ou boundary between the Southwestern and souther Mexican areas with some assurance.62 Many ta are shared in both areas, but in Jalisco a gre host of new elements appear. The agricultura 57Bennett and Zingg, 300-301; Beals, 1932, table 134. 58Lumholtz, 1902, 1:335, 478. 59 See Parsons and Beals, 1934, pp. 509 ff. 60 Sauer, 1932. 61Beals, 1932. 62Ibid., 136-139. I j II I I I I II I 226 CULTURE EIEt4. DISTRIB.: XVII--DRUCKER: YUMAN-PIMN2 a case in point. Maize, beans, and e common to the Southwest and Mexico, but, just over the boundaries of the a as just delineated, a number of new plants appear.63 Many other com- oh as metallurgy, litters, lip-pierc- bsidian-edged sword, the spear thrower, barrios, pyramids,64 to mention a few 'come into view for the first time he Rio Sinaloa, on the coast, and just ora-Huichol territory in the highlands, erve to mark the boundary between the res of southern Mexico and the simpler e of the Southwestern genre--to the tables 11-17. tables 61-63, 68, 43, 92, 93, 101, RASUME By way of concluding, it will be well to re- state the findings of our comparative reconnais- sance in Southwestern ethnology. First of all, the Yuman-speaking population of the area must be classified into three disparate blocks: Southern Californian, Colorado River, and Upland Arizonan. At the same time in each of the three culture types there were numerous patterns which were fundamentally Southwestern, that is, shared by several or all their non-Yuman neighbors. Pima-Papago (and Opata, Eudebe, Pima Bajo) pat- terns link strongly with Puebloan ones, show less numerous but striking Southern Californian Shoshonean ties, and reveal both numerous and very striking affiliations with the cultures of northwest Mexico as far south as the Rio Sinaloa on the coast and Cora-Huichol territory in the in- terior. In fine, we can define the Southwest culture area as comprising the desert and high- land regions of the present southwestern United States and northwest Mexico. 227 BIBLIOGRAPHY Abbreviations used: AA American Anthropologist. AAA-M American Anthropological Association, Memoirs. AAnt American Antiquity. AMNH-AP American Museum of Natural History, Anthropological Papers. BAE-B Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletins. -R (Annual) Reports. I-A Ibero-Americana. 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