ANTHROPOLOGICAL- RECORDS 3:4 SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY BY CATHARINE HOLT UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES 1946 SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY BY CATHARINE HOLT ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Vol. 3, No. 4 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Extras: A. L. KROEBER, E. W. GnFPoRo R. H. LowE, R. L. OLsoN Volume 3, No. 4, pp. 299-350, I illustration, I map Submitted by editors February 17,1942 Issued December 31, 1946 Price, 75 cents uNIVnsrrY oF CALdFORNIA PRa BERKELEY AND LOS ANGELES. CALIFORNIA rAMBRIDGE UNsErMY PRESS LONDON, ENGLAND The University of California pubications dealing with anthro- pological subjects are now issued in two sex The series in American Archaeology and Ethnology, which was established in x903, continues unchanged in format, but is restricted to papers in which the interpretative element outweighs the factual or which otherwise arc of general interest. The new series, known as Anthropological Recods, is issued in photolithography in a larger size. It consists of monographs which are documentary, of record nature, or devoted to the presentation primarily of new data. MANUWFACR IN TH UNTD STATES OF AMRCA CONTENTS Page Introduction .............. . . 299 Habitatanddivisions .3.0.1. . I 31 Naterialculture .. . , 303 Manufactures .... * 0 r . * * 303 Clothing and personal adornment 304 Dwellings and household utensils.305 Food and its preparation 308 Huntingandfishing ....... 309 Transportationand trade. ...... 312 Warfare . o ........ 0 O 312 Games and auseents .....a - 314 Social orgization and law .o . ..o ; 316 Socialorganization ...... 316 Crimes and'punishments . . * * * . * . . . . . *' * * * * * * * * *. 317 Birth ......318 Nams ....320 Puberty . e.......... 320 -Marriage.3 0-9-0000 0 000a00I00 l Death and burial.324 ligion .326 Beliefs regarding the soul .o a 326 Conceptions of the world.326 Miscellaneous beliefs .326 S ism. .. ... - . 327 Ceremonials ........... 0 335 Yaroune......:338 Storytelling . . * * a * a * * . * * * * * * a * * * .. *. * * * * * * * * * * , 338 3ducation, etiquette, . a. .... 0 : . 338 Pets . .- 4 0 :.0 339 Nonshaitic care of sickness and accident.a.a 339 Planting; namesofplant. 340 Counting ... ..O - * - 341 Time reckoning; directions ... 341 Status and kinship ter . 343 flicts and residual problems in the-data ... 344 Birth .- 345 Puberty. ... ... . , - 345 Marriage .346 Death '. 346 :Shamns.346 Relgious beliefs.. . . . ... 346 Food.W . 0 0 0 0 0 . 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 . . 0 0 0 0 0 347 Games- .O 347 nclusion -o . 348 bliographioal abbreviations used .'. . ..o. 349 ILLUSTRATION rgent Sambo ..... . facing 299 NAP Shasta territory . . . . . . . . . . o o o o 300 0 t~~~~~~~~~~~~iii] SARGENT SA:MBO SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY BY CATHARINE HOLT INTRODUCTrION 'The material for the following paper was ob- sented in the following pages, therefor, ifars ned in April and May of 1937 during a month's more particularly to the Klamath River Shita. .at Horse Creek, on the Klamath River in The present paper is written as a uppeet kiyou County, California. The source of infor- to Dixon's. Therefore his arragmnt ofma- ion was Sargent Sambo, Roland B. Dixon's terial has been followed, ana repetition avoided io1ipal informant when he collected tfhe mate- as much as possible. The source of material, 1 for his monograph, The Shasta, published in except when self-evident from coitext, ip in- Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural dicated by a preceding sugerior when from ory, volume 17, part 5 1907. As noted by Dixon alone, by superior when from both Dixon in his introduction (p. 383), Sargent Sambo and myself; new matgrial from Sargent by a a Shasta of the Klamath River and a hereditary preceding superior sf. His father and paternal grandfather were The inadequacy of an account based entirely, the Oregon group of Shasta, their home in the on data from one informant is offset to a oere X River Valley. Besides being headman of tain extent by the excellence of that informant, Oregon group, his grandfather, said Sargent his intelligence, and his constant effort at bo, was the principal chief of the four Shasta accuracy. ups, being succeeded by his son, Sargent's I wish to express my deep appreciation to hbr. Sargent's paternal grandmother was a Professor A. L. Kroeber for his ever-ready assiatP T sta of the Shasta Valley group and his mother ance and to thank Professor Robert H. Lowie for a Karok, the daughter of a "chief." Though his generous aid. Thanks are also due to Sargent, s father's original home was on the Rogue River Sambo for intelligent and helpful codperationand- Oregon, the major part of his adult life was to Mr. and Mrs. C. H. Barton of Horse Creek, Cal-- arently spent on the Klamath, and Sargent was ifornia, for many courtesies. Finally, the I rn and has lived all his life within a radius financial support of the Department of Anthropol.- ta few miles of his present home, with occa- ogy of the University of California is gratefully tonal interludes in Oregon. The material pre- acknowledged. A,~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~~29 Iw, 0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ 4:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~- 0'~~~~~~ +~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~j Ld ~ ~ ~ g~ (1)1~~~~~~~~~~> - I _____ ________ ________ ________ HABITAT AND DIVISIONS dThe Shasta territory was a mountainous re- gives Wiriihikwlaiirukla as one name for the gion in northern California including almost the Klamath River Shasta, though he says they were whole of Siskiyou County and extending across morp commonly known as Kammdtwa.7 the Siskiyous into Jackson and Klamath counties The Scott Valley people were known as of southern Oregon where it comprised that part Iruaitsu, Iruai being the name for Scott Valley; of the Rogue River Valley drained by Little though Dixon8 gives Ir-uai as the name for Indian Butte Creek and Stewart River. The territory in Creek and so referring more particularly to the California "divides itself topographically into northern end of Scott Valley. However, ac- three sections":i the Klamath River Valley for cording to Sargent, Iruaftsu refers to the a stretch of about seventy miles from near Fall people of the whole valley, Wikwahaiwagatsu to Creek to the confluence of the Klamath and Scott the people of the lower end of the valley rivers; Scott Valley; and Shasta Valley. "Cor- (wikwahaiwago, the lower end of anything, such responding roughly to these three topographical as a valley), and Wikwikwaiaga to the upper end divisions were, apparently, three sections or of Scott Valley (kwikwaiaga, the upper corner). groups of the Shasta. The three divisions were Curtis gives Iruwaitsu as the name for the whole distinguished by slight differences of language Scott Valley group.9 The Klamath River people and custom, and governmentally each formed more might also refer to both the Scott Valley and or less of a unit."2 The Oregon Shasta of the -the Shasta Valley people as Jwtt9ihtsu, the word Rogue River Valley formed a fourth such unit. meaning "from over the other side." hDixon and Sargent gave somewhat different in- CAhotireitsu wag the name for the Shasta terpretations of the Shasta's own names for their Valley division. Ahtira means "an open four divisions. Ka'hosadi, which Dixon applies place," and Ahotidd'e (an open flat country with to the Oregon group,3 includes all the Shasta, a rim around it) cis the name for Shasta Valley. and might be applied to any one of the four hIkirtk, the name for Rogue River Valley, groups. It comes from ka'hosa (to talk, talking), means "back behind," reference being to the high and signifies "plain speakers" or "true mountain between the Klamath and Rogue rivers over speakers." Gi'kats is also a term for all the which the old trail led. The Shasta of the Shasta, and one might refer to another as Gi'- Rogue River Valley were, accordingly, called katsAkitsu (he is Gi'kats). Ka'hosadi, however, Ikirtik'tsu. was much the more usual word. Dixon gives hThe Karok were known as fwapi and their Kikatsik, plainly a different form of Gifkats, as language as giwapi, iwapi'ki meaning "dow the one name for the Scott Valley people and Iraaitsu river." The Karok, like the Shasta, were "real as another; but he adds that sometimes the for- people," but between them and the Shasta on the mer term seemed also to include the Shasta Vlley Klamath River were two groups scornfully re- people.' Curtis says, "The Kikatsik (Kika'ts!) garded as mere trash. These were the Gamtitwa on were in Shasta Valley as far south as 2dgewood the Shasta side and allied to the Shasta, and and on upper Klamath river, extending into Ore- the Watido just below them and allied to the gon ,,6Karok. These people "didn't know how to talk 'Wiruwhi means "down the Klamath River," and right"; the Gamftwa spoke a broken Shasta and wiruwhikwa means "upstreamn with reference to the the Watido a broken Karok. My informant seeed Klamath River. Therefore the Klamath River group uncertain as to whether the two groups were bi- were known to the Shasta Valley people as Wit- lingual or whether the Watido, on the one hand, ruwhitsu, and WiruwhikwAtsu denoted the Klamath understood Karok, the Gamatwa on the other under- group to people in Scott Valley and to the stood Shasta, and their dialects were mutually Gamttwa (KammAtwa of Dixon?),6 the next people intelligible. However that may be, the Shasta below on the Klamath (see bekaw). The Oregon and Karok carried on communication through these Shasta referred to the Klamath division as two groups, so probably they were bilingual. Wasudigw~tsu, wasudi being the word for gulch and hThe iamftwa and Watido territory, was the WasudigwA the word for the Klamath River. Dixon narrow, rocky canyon from Scott River to Happy Camp. The Gamdtwa villages were scattered fram 1Roland B. Dixon, The Shasta, AMNH-B 17:381- Scott River to Seiad Valley. Some Gamfitwa were 498, 1907; esp. 387. Hereafter referred to as found among the Watido beyond Seiad and among Dixon. the Shasta proper from Scott River up to Horse 3Dixon, 388. Creek. Their settlements were also scattered 3 Ibid. along the Scott River through the canyon until it Ibid. 53dward S. Curtis, "The Shasta," in The North 7Ibid. American Indian, 13 :105-126, 1924; ep. 106. 8lbid . 8 Dixon, 388. 9Curtis , op. cit ., 106. - [~~~301] 302 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS spreads out into the valley among the true Shasta parently the same as that of the Gamfitwa to the a Miin. These Scott Canyon people were not called Shasta. Gamutwa, being spoken of as "up the creek people" Speculation concerning these two groups froa the [lamath and as "down the creek people" based on the foregoing scanty information is from Fort Jones in the upper end of Scott Valley. mere guesswork; but one wonders if further They were, however, Gamtwa. knowledge would not reveal an early connection What is here designated as Watido territory with one or more of the marginal Shastan Curtis gives as the territory of a Shasta group tribes, 12 perhaps the Kondmihu or the New River named Katiru.10 He places the "Kammatwa" where Shasta. Kroeber's description of Konomihu Sargent put the Gamfitwa, but mentions them as a culture suggests Gamitwa, and both may be an now extinct group "speaking a dialect unintelli- early, simplified form of Shasta culture. gible to the other Shasta."11 Possibly originally they were one people who nThe term Gamfitwa refers to the broken Shasta were crowded into their historically known these people spoke and means something like position by the advancing Shasta. Perhaps as "half sound," indicating that these people, from the Konomihu retreated to their location on the the Shasta point of view, could not speak Salmon River some may have remained in the plainly. The Gamdtwa were apparently poor, un- canyon territory, becoming the Gam~twa and couth relations of the Shasta. Theirs was the staying there undisturbed by the Shasta, who most undesirable part of Shasta territory, and took the more desirable territory for them- their culture seems to have been a feeble re- selves. This small group, thus isolated from flection of Shasta culture. In speaking of them their closer kindred, may have become satel- my informant's manner was one of tolerant lites of the more powerful Shasta, a "minority amusement and condescension: "Oh, they were group" within Shasta territory, and their lan- jolly fellows; they were free and laughing and guage may have gradually modified toward the talking and you could have a good time with Shasta or may have been a sort of patois re- thea, but they had no ways about them at all. suiting from an imperfect taking over of Shasta You know, it's just like you see two children at speech. While there are io philological data, school and you can tell what kind of homes they Sargent's description of the differences of come from." They had no headman of their own Gamtltwa from Shasta speech gave the impression but came to the Shasta--to the headman at of Shasta spoken with a heavy foreign accent either Horse Creek or Fort Jones--to settle rather than of a distinct, though related, dia- those difficulties they could not handle them- lect. The Watido also may be remnants of' the selves. Their house type was the same as the same group, who gradually modified toward the Shasta, only there was no storage space between Karok in the same way. Or the two (Gamfitwa and the head of the sleeping place and the wall, as Watido) may be the modified remnants of any two in the better Shasta houses, for "they had of the marginal tribes--Konomihu., New River nothing to store." They bought their wives, as Sha ta2 Chimariko. did the Shasta, but paid less for them. They .The Modoc were known to the Shasta as prepared hides in the same way as the Shasta and Ipaxanai, ipxana meaning "lake." They seem to wore similar clothing. "They liked to dress up have been the arch enemies of the Shasta (at a lot when they came to dances." "They tried to least of the Klamath and Shasta Valley groups). fix their dresses fancy with lots of beads, but Shasta relations with the Karok were friendly; they didn't know how to fix them. They wouldn't the latter were highly respected as people of get the shells on right, they would get them on substance with whom one could have dealings and backward, with the shells that should be on the with whom one could satisfactorily settle any bottom fringe up on the body of the skirt." In difficulties that might arise. Indeed, their short, their culture, both material and non- superiority in some ways was recognized: "They material, seems to have been a Shasta culture, had better-made things than anybody, they did but simplified and lacking what the Shasta con- everything fancy." But the Modoc were very sidered the refinements of life. There was different people; they had neither substance nor apparently some intermarriage: Gamfitwa girls principles, and were in no way to be relied sometimes married among the Shasta but Shasta upon. They killed women and took slaves and one girls never married among the Gamfitwa, and a could never conclude a peace with them; for, Shasta mag who went down there to marry would "How could you settle anything with them? They be one who "didn't amount to much." didn't have any money." The Watido relation to the KLrok was ap- "8See A. L. Kroeber's discussion of the Shastan groups in his Handbook of the In- ?0Ibid. dians of California, EkE-B 78:1-995, 1925; esp. 279-284. Hereafter referred to as XlIbid. Kroeber, Handbook. MATERIAL CULTURE Manufactures the hair of the hide had been removed and the skin grained by scraping, a cake was soaked iti afte Shasta made pipe tips, pestles, soap- enough water to cover the hide, vwioh was nor- stone vessels, axes, knives, arrow points, and mally left in thp mixture overnight Thedeerv scrapers of stone. Most of the knives, arrow skin took on a greenish cast, which turned to- ;points, and scrapers were of obsidian, of which brown or tan when it was smoked. >there was an abundant supply in Shasta territory, This deer-brain mixture was also used for ond of excellent quality. 1Ax blades had a softening beaver, otter, coyote, raocoon, and >b18 for insertion of the handle. fox skins. These were stretched and scraped, Aof Pipes and mush paddles were of wood, spoons soaked for about half a day in the brains dres"- both wood and horn, and all were similar in in then wrung out in the hands and rubbed. y to those of the Karok, Yurok, and Hupa. Both men and women -tanned skins. Shasta also made spoons of elk knee cap, hBearskins were stretched and staked out or the bone being boiled to keep it from breaking the ground in the sun. After all the fat possi- when out. Old women used a deer skull trimmed ble had been cut off, rotten pine wood wa bro- ~axound the top, the nose serving as handle, ken up and sprinkled thickly over it as an Yeomen also used a shell, dark blue, thin, rather absorbent. This was left until the oil could-be 'long and pointed, obtained from the lower Klamath seen coming through the pine powder, when this -,levidently mussel). These shells were very rare was cleaned off and more put in its place. This n the Oregon group and were preferred because was repeated until no more oil appeared. Ten F*hey came from elsewhere. They were used espe- the skin was washed with hot water and scraped bially in the menstrual hut, where bone or horn with a sharp-edged rock. This was exclusively wpoons might not be used. All spoons, except t?, men's work, and the hides were prized as bed- the deer skull, were made by men; so were mush covprs. paddles, for women did no carving. Mush paddles 'Smaller skins were sewn together as robes: .,were of laurel wood, because, this wood is smooth of these raccoon was commonest. ,"and fine grained. hString for fish nets was made from Apocynum, hThe digging stick was of mountain mahogany which grows by the river, but deer-snare rope of (because this is hard), about 3 feet long and iris from the hills. For- stripping the fibers pointed at both ends, sharpened on a rough rock, women tied a little piece of shell 'on the back Dentalium shells, procured from the tribes of the thumb,17 but men usually used the thumb- ,.of the lower Klama h and from the Rogue River nail. Cordage was rolled on the front of the ;people of Oregon, 41were strung and rated in the thigh, the worker dipping his fingers in a bas- Yurok manner,13 though the valuation was some- ket of water to keep the fibers damp. Cordage what higher. The larger shells were often dec- was manufactured chiefly by old men and women, ~~rated with incised lines and-tiny Eed feathers~ but only men made the deer-snare rope. Cord for """before coming into Shasta hands. Disk-bead fish nets was two-strand, for deer snares three- t~currency, obtained in trade from the Wintu, was strand also used to a certain extent, and woodpecker "Though the Shasta used baskets extensively, ~scalps were used as currency as well as prized and made baskets,18 they relied to a great ex- bfor their decorative value. hAs with the Karok tent on other tribes" for them, and the types hand Yurok,14 deerskins of unusual colors, espe- and fores were those of the Yurok, Karok, and Ycially white, and large blades of obsidian, were Hupa. They had storage baskets, cooking bas- tn the class of treasures and constituted wealth. kets, trays and trin t baskets, woen's bas- "nDeerskins were dressed and pie pared by the ketry caps, and the conical carrying basket. ,;shaqsta in the usual manner. The deer brains They also had a rawhide container with a wooden for softening were mixed with a fine, dry grass , rim, shaped much like the conical pack basket or more usually with "yellow moss from firs,' and used fr carrying grass seed and small Cafde into a cake, and baked by the fire. When roots.'9 "This was modeled on the Wintu carrying basket, which was more pointed than those of the Shasta. These Wintu baskets were sometimes given S13ee Kroeber, Handbook, 23. to them and the rawhide receptacle was made by 14 Ibd., 26. stretching the wet rawhide over one, sewing Dixon, 397. 1 Probably the lichen (Evernia vulpina), used 17Kroeber, Handbook, 85. Goddard, Hupa, 35. fby the Huia as a yellow dye for basketry material 18 IP. E. Goddard, Life and Culture of the Hupa, UC- iPAAE 1:1-88, 1903; esp. 40; hereafter referred to see Dixon, 398-403. *-as Goddard, Hupa). 19Dixon, 397. [303] 304 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS - it on and leaving it until dry. Only a few people with their wealth, and women wore them women owned these Wintu baskets and they would at a dance. lend them to other women as molds for the raw- bMen had close-fitting buckskin caps for or- hide receptacles. dinary and fur caps for better wear. A wealthy "As compared with the Maidu and the Indians man would have a cap of otter skin; others had of the Central California area, or even with the raccoon, gray squirrel, or any common skin Hupa, the Shasta use of feathers was undeveloped. except coyote, which was never worn. In place of the many varieties of feather orna- cSeams of clothes were frequently painted ments used in ceremonials by the majority of Cal- red. Shirts were fringed at the seams, leggings ifornian Indians, the Shasta had but few, and down the sides, the fringe of the better ones these were rather simple."20 eThey consisted of being decorated with beads. head, wrist, and shoulder bands, fringes and pend- cWomen wore moccasins similar to men's, and ants, and single feathers decorated and worn in the double buckskin skirt and basketry cap char- the hair or held in the hand.2' Feathers formed acteristic of the tribes of the lower Klamath.12 an indispensable part of the shaman's parapherna- To the double. skirt was added a narrow apron lia, but the types of ornaments were largely the consisting of long fringes covered with pine same as those worn by the layman, being distin- nuts, seeds, or braided grass.03 Women aiso guished from the latter by notched feathers. wore sometimes a shirt similar to men's, or a sort of brassiere of buckskin tied around under Clothing and Personal Adornment the arms and hanging to the waist. CFor special occasions this was beaded and painted. hA more cClothing was of skins and was similar to that elaborate apron was made of mussel shells and the of the lower Klamath tribes. The men wore moc- stems of a plant described as "a kind of wild casins with a single seam up the front and a seam bamboo," greenish yellow, "shiny and pretty." at the heel, the ends turned back and tied in These stems were cut when small into lengths front; long leggings reaching from the ankle to about the size of large dentalia and strung in the hip; breeoholout; and sometimes a shirt--all combination with the mussel shells. The result- these of buckskin, the moccasins with outer sole ing strands were woven together at the top rather of bear or elkhide. hDress moccasins were with- closely, a weft thread between each shell and the out soles and great care was lavished on the next, a little farther down a weft between each front seam, which was sewn with sinew by stitching two shells, and below the knees the strands were between the two edges as they were held together, left loose. "It was the prettiest thing you ever the sinew passing through only part of the thick- saw to see them at night when the women were ness of the skin. The stitches were very close so dancing." the effect was that of a line of sinew between the hIn the menstrual hut women wore fringed two raw edges of the skin. Ordinary moccasins were skirts of stripped willow. sewn with buckskin and were sometimes made by old hWhen carrying the burden basket, women padded men, but fine work was done by women. Both sexes the basket cap (constantly worn) with leaves of usually went barefoot except in winter or when the irah~traga (Achillea millefolium, vepr. lanu- going far into the hills. losa), which were used because they "smelled hThe buckskin shirt, made of two hides sewed swe t." up the sides and across the shoulders, hung to qChildren of both sexes wore a breechclout of the knees. A similar winter garment, of several buckskin until the age of twelve or thirteen, and fox or raccoon skins, fur side in, was worn not when going away from home a shirt reaching to the for hunting but, for instance, on a visiting trip. knees. This shirt was worn in winter, as also, If bedcovers were lacking at the place visited, frequently, were a fur robe and moccasins. one would sleep in this garment. For extra warmth Woments moccasins and pack straps were oiled in hunting two foxskins were worn, one across the with fish oil to make them waterproof and keep front, the other across the back, sewn together them soft. Men's moccasins, also their quivers at the left shoulder and tied together under each and the inside of fur garments, were oiled with arm, covering the left shoulder and leaving both bear, deer, or wildcat oil. In winter their moc- arms free. Raccoon-skin robes reaching from the casins were oiled with wildcat oil as a preven- neck to below the knees were worn in winter by tive of chilblains, for the wildcat lives in the both sexes. The skins were sewn together head snow. h end up, so the garment narrowed toward the top. Crude snowshoes2' were made of hazelwood, made The tails were left on and the robe was tied at pliable by fire, with cross lashing of deer hide the neck and a little down the front. Men wore such robes when visiting and wishing to impress 22 See Kroeber, Handbook, 76. 20flixon, 403. 2 3Dixon, 409. 21Yor details of technique see Dixon. 403-406. 24See Dixon, 412 and fig. 93. HOLT: SHASTA ETENOGRAPHY 305 wrapped on rope. During the tying on of snow- packed in a deer bladder for dressing the hair and shoeB the quail song was sung, for quails run on for chapped hands and face. Bear and otter oil top of the snow. were also used for the hair, the latter being bet-- cMen wore their hair in a knot on top of the ter for making it grow thick, long, and black, for head or at the neck, held with a bone pin. hOr, the otter is black. Oil obtained from the otter for security in hunting, they wrapped it in a or bear only during a single month, -about January, tight knot at each ear, below the cap, tying it must be used, for 'in this month their hair is "well around with buckskin. At home they might tie it set"; then it looseni8 and is not fully "set" again at the neck and let it hang loose. cWomen wore until it stops growing in January. If one used oil their hair in Yurok fashion,25 hanging in two obtained when the hair was loose, his own hair queues in front ff the shoulders and wrapped would fall out. Girls used also a certain root,' with buckskin. Wealthy women decorated this grated in a little warm water, to dress their hair wrapping with dentalia and haliotis, or sometimes and make it grow thick and long. with the red feathers from the woodpecker. hA hairbrush of porcupine quills or bunched pine hFor special occasions both sexes painted26 needles was used to smooth the hair. After swim- face and arms, each person with his own design. ming, the hair was switched dry against peeled Girls had three or four red stripes on oach cheek, sticks erected for the purpose near the bathing being painted in this manner until after the pu- place. Clothes were washed in the creek, being berty dance. cGirls were tattooed on the chin wetted, rubbed all over with the root of a certain at about the age of ten or twelve by an old woman plant,28 rolled and pounded with a stick on a flat who made it her regular trade, and tht instrument board. They were dried on the bushes and rubbed used was a sharp flake of obsidian. An untat- soft before quite dry. tooed woman was ridiculed and called names such as "leather face." Both boys and girls had ears and D a nose pierced at about the age of puberty. This was done with a bone awl or a porcupine quill, usually the latter because less painful, as it CThe Shasta dwelling house29 (imma) was rectaxi- wjust worked itself through." jular, dabout 16 by 19 to 22 feet, cand excavated cBoth men and women wore ornaments of beads, dto a depth of about 3 feet. cThe board roof came shells, and feathers. Necklaces were made of the to a single crest and sloped steeply frbm two white disk beads characteristic of central Cal- ridgepoles dabout 14 to 16 feet above the floor to ifornia, of small shells, and pine nuts. Shell side poles about 11 to 2 feet above the edge of 'ear pendants or long dentalia stuck in the ear the excavation. cRidgepoles and side poles rested and nose were sometimes worn. Belts and expen- on forked posts set just inside the excavation, sive dresses were decorated with dentalia and and between the two ridgepoles was an opening for -:strings of the dentalium currency were worn as the smoke hole in the center of the crest. Side 'ornaments. Women wore feathers at the sides of walls were formed by piling the excavated dirt 'the hair, men in fancy headbands, a very fine along the edge of the pit up to the roof, and ttese band being set solid with woodpecker scalps, the dirt walls were lined with slabs of cedar bark or :-bills left on. Woodpecker scalps used for pine boards bedded on pine needles with pine needles women's ornaments had the bills removed. cWomen packed between the bark or boards and the dirt walls. ,sometimes wore belts of hair intertwined with cThe end walls were formed of boards set on end, buckskin thongs ,2 ' or of heavy buckskin. hThese and at one end the boards between the two posts belts were often elaborately decorated with supporting the double ridgepole stopped short about beads or porcupine quillwork. The porcupine 3 feet aboveground and the door thus formed was quills, dyed with the moss (Evernia?) used in closed by a heavy rush mat. Frequently the ridge tanning hides, designed belts, women's basketry and side poles projected "from a metre to a metre Lcaps, and baskets. Porcupine quillwork had and a half beyond the end-wall of the house, at the 'always been done by the Shasta, but only in the end where the door was situated. On these the roof >upper Rogue River Valley, Shasta Valley, and on was extended and a second rough end-wall built, the upper Klamath about Hornbrook and beyond. forming in this way a sort of 'storm porch,' to Beadwork occurred in the same places. An occa- which the entrance was always at the extreme corner, sional woman of the lower Klamath Shasta did and unprovided with any mat or other means of clos- this quill-or beadwork, but she was one who had ing."30 hPosts were of oak and ridgepoles of pine visited. or, preferably, fir, both peeled. hDifferent oils were used as cosmetics. Deer hThe floor was smoothed with dirt sifted through marrow from the upper leg bone was saved and 28Probably bulbs of Chlorogalum pomeridianum. 25roeber, Handbook, 77. See Goddard, Hupa, 19. X6For colors and sources of paint see Dixon, 29te Dixon, 416-418, for detailed descrip- 412. tion of construction. 7 See Dixon,. 413.3 Dixon, 417 . 306 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS an old openwork basket and this was wetted and carefully built. hWalls were of doubled pine trampled until hard and smooth. cIn the center bark with a little dirt thrown on the outside, was a sunken fireplace, circular and rimmed with and the floor was not so carefully smoothed stomes. The general living space, for sleeping, Several women together built it, on the "dark lounging, and other activities, extended-from the side" of the village, that is on the west, as fireplace to within about 1-1/2 feet of the walls. opposed to the "daylight side4 or east. d'fAt this point, a heavy board, about fifty cen- cBesides the 6mm (dwelling house), a second timetres in width, was set up on edge, and held important and substantial structure was the okwa'- Aii position by stakes. The space between this limma (big house), which accdrding -to Dixon, was ,beard and the wall formed thus a sort of 'manger' the sweat house and men's general lounging and at the head of the person lying feet to the fire; winter sleeping place,34 but according to Sargent, and in this place each person kept his or her was not a sweat house, but the place for general personal property in the way of clothing, food, assemblies of the whole group, men,women, and etc."31 eThis storage bin was lined with closely children, for dances (such as the winter ceremo- woven cmats of maple leaves, dLtmade by weaving nial of the shaman or merely for entertainment), -the long stems of the leaves through the leaves gambling, etc. CIt was similar in construction and tying them."nn hThese mats were waterproof to thed but larger and with a deeper excava- and would keep for years; they were used for cov- tion, being about 19 or 20 to 26 or 27 feet wide ering stored articles. Bedding consisted of two and from about 30 to 40 feet long with a depth of hides (deer, elk, or various animals) sewn about 6-l/2 feet. CInstead of the double ridge- together. It was rolled against the wall during pole of the 6mma with the pair of supporting posts the day, or kept the he storage bin. Bedcovers at the end, there was a single ridgepole with a were only large enough for two beople. Pillows heavy supporting post at each end and one in the i6onsisted of bundles of tules tied at each end middle, slightly nearer the door than the exact "and cut off square. cTwo parallel walls reaching center, the fireplace being on the farther side of *`from the ground to the roof extended from each this central post. 'Like the emma, the floor was side of the door for about 3 feet or more toward of packed earth. dCorner posts supporting the ithe center of the house. hRooking utensils were side poles for the roof were proportionally higher Waept in the two nooks thus formed beside the door than in the si, co that the roof was almo t flat a acornsa re pounded there, the woman usually and both roof and sides were earth covered. "Side ,turning her back to the fire. cAs noted by walls were never cedar bark, as in the fmma fre- Dixon, when the house was occupied by two fam- quently, but always split boards set on pine nee- t-iis, as was frequently the case, each occupied dles with a thick layer of pine needles between one side, aboth using the common fireplace. the boards and the dirt piled against them. OPine tSueh families were always closely related. needles also int rvened between the roof and its hBuilding was usually done in early summer dirt covering ."Te door was like that of the |hen the timber was peeling, thus facilitating ma, except for a passage leading to it dug lpeeing with the ax, and neighbors often coop- through the dirt against the wall. Thus, unlike rated. First, materials were prepared on the the fmna, earth was apparently heaped against the euutainside. Trees the proper size were end as well as the side walls. When this passage isleoted, felled with the stone ax, split into was not in use, boards were laid over it. A tule .boardo with the elkhon wedge, the posts and mat closed the door, as in the Qua. ridgepoles being peeled. This was men's work, hihe headman proposed the building of an okwd'- h thowgh women helped in the peeling. Then the imma and Che owned it. Or it might belong to two en carried the heavy poles down and began the or three of the leading men in the village. They excalation. Meanwhile the women were bringing planned it and asked the other men to help build dow the bark, pine needles, boards, and other it, but apparently had no more actual part than things. The construction of the house itself was the others, neither feeding the helpers nor going bhe work of the men; the packing of pine needles to any extra expense. Women did not help in the "d dirt, packing and smoothing the floor, building, but old women swept it. If one had more construction of the fireplace, etc., were the visitors than his own house would accommodate, the k of the women. headman without being asked would send word for ou~ees faced the water and were apparently the visitors to sleep in the okw4'tima. "The head- buikt in more or less of a row. man is always supposed to do the right thing'." It " ah~e menstrual hut (wapsahibitmma; wapsahu, wan not the sleeping, place for'the men of the vil- X~the ting woman) cwas on theisame general plan lage (contradicting Dixon),30 only visitors sleep- the dwelling house, but small (about 5 feet ing there, and not often they, for they could n the highest place) Oand not so strongly or usublly be accommodated in the A. ,- Shs ~~~~~~~~~~~brother, son1, or other male relative of the 1Dlzo~n, 418. '%?Ron, 422. 34Dixon, 413, 418-420. 3D1zon, 418. 35Dixon-, 4?O. HOLT: SHASTA ESTNOGRAPHY P headman inherited the okw!'bmma. If there were built near the stream. The 'usual fire in the only female heirs, it was burned. If no heirs wAkwu was of manzanita or chaparral, but for at all, it was left to collapse, for "there would sweating for some special luck a man would climb be nobody to burn it." a fir tree37 at night and get branches for his COnly large villages had an okwA'imma. hThere fire, splitting them and preparing them there were probably, for instance, only two or three on before bringing them to the sweat house. A good the whole Klamath River. fire maker built the fire so that the heat came hThe sweat house was the wf'kwu. Only a vil- gradually, not in waves. For the okwA'lmma fire lage of several families had a w6'kwu and the men any wood was used, each person bringing a little from neighboring villages used it. The wl'kwu. froX his house.,. was built like the okwA'imma, except that it was All four Shasta divisions had the okw6'Umms, small and the door and interior arrangement were but only the people of the Klamath River, the somewhat different. The door seems to have been lower Scott, and lower Shasta valleys had the like that described by Dixon for the okwf'tbmma.36 wiI'kwu. It was in the center of one side, a small hole The okwd'Utma seems to be essentially the dance cut in a plank, about waist high from the floor house of central California, influenced in form with a notched log leading to it and, just out- and construction by the house type of the Yurok side, a stake on either side by which to pull and Karok, whereas the wui'kwu is simply the sweat oneself out. It was closed by a sliding board. house of the Yurok and Karok retaining the earth- There was no smoke hole. The fireplace was in covered feature of central California. This dis- the center of the east end, a little out from tribution, if correct, suggests that the okw'ftmra the wall, with a draft hole back of it which is more fundamental to Shasta culture, whereas the could be closed by a board propped against it. men's sweat house was taken over from the tribes At the two ends, only the corner posts extended of the lower Klamath by the groups nearest them. all the way to the floor, the center post rest- Some corroboration for this point of view is, per- ing on a cross pole extending from corner to cor- haps, found in the mythology where frequently one ner. From this, two posts were slanted to the encounters a statement such as: "There were ten ridgepole and behind these green wood was stored. of them, all living in one big okw4'tlma." This The floor was always board,and wooden blocks were seems- reminiscent of the valley Maidu where, used for pillows. Kroeber states, the dance house, sweat house, and No women were allowed fin the wfi'kwu. It was dwelling all had the same name and were built alike, the men's general lounging and work place during differing only in size and function, the larger the day, and boys from the age of ten or twelve, dwellings housing several families. "Villages of unmarried men, and visiting men slept there at consequence had a dance house. Small settlements night. [Apparently married men slept there only may have danced in their most available dwelling." irregularly, though there is some doubt on this CSmall, individual sudatories were hemispherical point, for my informant remarked once that men in shape and constructed of bent willow poles with did not sleep in. the Amma in the winter.] Always pine bark slabs set up around the sides and the some men slept home, for if all slept in the remainder of the structure covered with skins The wl'kwu and a war party took them by surprise, all opening, just large enough to crawl through, Ilwas the men would be killed in a group. Each man had usually toward the east. In these, sweating was by his own sleeping place and pillow in the wA'kwu, steam, water thrown on hot rocks. The Shasta haed which was large enough to accommodate fifteen or "always had them." cThey were family property and twenty men lying close together in rows, heads hwere used by both sexes. toward the fire. It was open for the use of all cThe imma was occupied only in winter. It was the men but theoretically belonged to the headman, abandoned in the summer months for brush shelters, and if one wanted to use it for something special, 1which were roofed with poles and brush and built he spoke for it with the headman. It went right near the stream in the shade (described however by on in use, however, when the headman died, so Dixon as roofless and built in the mountains).39, apparently it was not so much a matter of own- Several families might live in one of these, all ership as that one of the functions of the headman cooking at a common fire in the center. There was was to regulate its individual use. an outlet for each family, making it unnecessary hIn villages with no wA'kwu men slept at hone, in going and coming to pass between anyone and the married men sleeping in the house, and boys, after fire, this being very ill-mannered. The winter the age of ten or twelve, sleeping in the corner house was near by, a little higher up, and could of the "storm porch" away frow the door. be resorted to in case of heavy showers. CTheT hThere seemed to be no special location for the X okwAtfAmma, though it was apt to e at about the oenter of the village, but the wti'kwu was always 378e YuoKobr adok 1 38KEroeber, Handbook, 407-408.8 38Dixon,. 419. 39Dizon . 421. 308 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS noved into these brush shelters in the spring CThere was apparently an abundant supply of %when the willows, or other growth along the berries and fruits, which were eaten either dried' stream, had leaved out and a certain species of or fresh. hWild currants (mU'kuru'ru) and berries yellow-breasted bird (long-tailed chat?) had of the spider bush (horaihihfi; Osmaronia cerasifor returned, and lived in them through the summer mis) were eaten raw. Blackberries, elderberries, salmon season. During the acorn season, they wild grapes, and chokecherries when dried were lived in single-family bark houses higher up on boiled and eaten with parched, powdered grass the hills. These houses were shaped like the seeds. Serviceberries were dried and eaten either umma but were not so high and had no excavation. dry or soaked in water. Blackberries were also Still later in the fall, when far in the Sis- eaten fresh, and elderberries were cooked fresh kiypus for the fall hunt, they camped in the open. and eaten. Berries of the madrolla (awashihfi; "uHouses were apparently not named, but simply awas, berry; hihu, a bush or small, brushy tree) referred to either descriptively, for example, were eaten fresh and sometimes dried. The latter' "the house lowest toward the river," "the house were soaked before eating. Thimbleberries and highest up," "the house in the center of the vil- gooseberries were eaten only fresh. The fruit of lage," or by the name of the people living in the sumac was dried and pounded, and sweetened thew. with the winnowed meal of manzanita berries. There were a few villages up from the river, CThis manzanita meal was also mixed w'th acorn on the high hills, among the oaks. These were meal to make a variety of acorn soup and was used. situated near large springs. The houses were for sweetening cooked elderberries and plums. similar to those of the river people, but built CManzanita cider was also made of the crushed ber- of heavier timbers and more deeply buried, in ries, as among the Maidu and others.'2 depth the excavation being about halfway between c1pos (Calochortus sp.; Dison, 424) seems to that of the ilmma and okwA'idma. These villages have been greatly relished. The bulbs were had no w?'kwu or okwa'llmma. husked by trampling in a shallow place in the creek, so the husks would float away. They were Food and Its Preparation then dried in the sun on hard, swept ground, winnowed, and packed away in baskets. Or they - might be eaten fresh. Usually eaten whole, they c Shasta seem to have had quite a varied were sometimes pounded and eaten dry as a powder diet, though they were typically Californian in with the manzanita cider. Or, pounded slightly, that the acorn fonmed the basic staple. dAcorns a thin, grainy sort of mush was made of them, from the various species of oaks in their terri- "something like rice cooked with a good deal of tory were eaten but not equally relished, "the water." A favorite method seems to have been to order of preference being black oak (Quercus cal- mix dried ipos with serviceberries; this was ifornica Cooper), white oak (Quercus garryana offered to a guest upon his arrival, so that he Dougl.), and live oak (Quercus chrysolepis Liebm.). might have something to eat at once while the The acorns of the tan oak (Quercus densiflora hoostess was cooking a meal for him. Or, if one Hook. and Arn.), growing only in quantity farther wished to visit a neighbor and to give him ipos, down the Klamath River than the section occupied one mixed it with serviceberries. In the spring by-the Shasta, were, however, by many considered and early summer the lower Klamath Shasta dug ipos superior to any of the local species. tt40 CThey in their own territory, but later in the summer were pounded on flat stones, a mortar basket being they went to the Shasta Valley or farther up the used, and the meal, after wimnnowing and leaching, river beyond Hornbrook. They would visit someone was made into the usual acorn mush or thinner there and then all went camping in the mountains, soup, or acorn bread was mde in the form of small the men hunting and the women digging ipos. Vis- cakes baked on flat rocks slanted in front of the itors from the upper Klamath or the Shasta Valley firs. to the lower Klamath Shasta brought ipos bulbs to rHazelnuts and "pine-nuts from the digper-pine their hosts. (Pinus Sabiniana Dougl.), the sugar pine (Pinus hRed bells (Fritillaria recurva) were called Lambertiana Dougl.), and the yellow pine (Pinus chwahi', and the bulbs, boiled or roasted in ponderosa Dougl.)," cwere also used extensively. ashes were eaten, as were also bulbs of the The pine nuts were dried and eaten whole or pow- Brodiaea and tiger lily. Another bulb, "the shape dered and made into small cakes which were eaten Of an onion," came from Oregon and from Scott Val- with a very thin mush made of grass seeds. The ley. These bulbs were buried with hot rocks andpe whole nuts were also often mixed with powdered cooked all night. They were then pounded and salmon." molded in a large block "like cheese." This "cut just like fruit cake" and was very sweet. s0Dixon, 423. 4mFor a description of the preparation of man- 41For detailed description of gathering aEjd zanita cider see Roland B. Dixon, TheNorthern preparation of acorns and. pine aidst see Dixon, Maidu, ANNE-B 17:119-346, 1905; esp. 189-190. 425-427. HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 309 hAmong the greens eaten by the Shasta, wild opened and eaten with a spoon. The small intes- parsley and a certain other plant were steamed tines were washed, turned inside out with a stick, and dried, then folded and packed away in this and roasted over coals. Deer heads were skinned form. When wanted for use these dried greens and placed on flat rocks around the fire, as were were pounded and eaten with acorns or soup made any other bones to which a little meat adhered. of deer hoofs, or were dissolved in hot water These cooked there and were left for anyone to pick and eaten with fish. The stems of "bear paws" up and eat at any time he wished. If, for instance, and of another plant were peeled and the inside a neighbor should drop in when the family were busy, eaten raw, and wild celery was also eaten raw. he would be told, "Just find yourself a seat and These were not eaten at meals, however. The help yourself to whatever is there." During the Gamitwa also had wild rhubarb, which they ate big fall deer hunt on the mountains, when they had with fish. a number of deer heads at the same time, a pit was "Neither were pine nuts eaten at meals, except dug, lined with rocks, and a fire kept up in it all when mixed with dried salmon. They were eaten at day. In the late afternoon the ashes were raked any time between meals, and were also, like the out, evergreen boughs placed on the hot rocks, and mixed ipos and serviceberries, offered a guest the deer heads (washed with the hair on) were put upon his arrival. I on these. More boughs were put on top, sprinkled cThe milkweed supplied a chewing gum. hThe with water, and the whole covered thickly with hot juice was drained, cooked to a gummy consistency ashes, coals, and dirt. A fire was built on top andhchewed. and kept up for several hours and the heads were LThe Shasta Valley and Rogue River groups ate left thus all night. Fish heads were prepared in one kind of grasshoppers, a very large form (lo- the same manner, in Small pits, as were also ground custs?). They set fire to the grass, thus cook- squirr6ls. Ground squirrels were also roasted in ing the grasshoppers, which were then dried, the ashes, after singeing off the hair, and gray pounded, and mixed with grass seeds for eating. squirrels and rabbits were skinned and boiled or hin spring, women and children dived for roasted in front of, the fire. CDeer bones and mussels. In fall, when the river was low, salmon bones were pounded up and stored for making mussels could be gathered without diving. They soup in the winter. were steamed by placing them on hot rocks, CSalwon was dried by smoking and stored in thin sprinkling them with water and covering with slabs or pulverized. For eating fresh it was weeds. They were opened and spread on tule mats roasted.4 to dry in the sun, then stored in baskets for tA visiting man and wife were not often given winter use. They were boiled for eating and fresh deermeat, for if the woman were menstruating served with salt, the only food served with salt. and she should eat the deermeat, the host's hunting Both dried and fresh ones were made into soup. luck would be spoiled for five years. Sargent emphatically denied that salt was obtained from the tribes of the lower Klamath, as H a Fsi Dixon asserts.43 hThere were two large salt Hunting and Fishi deposits in Shasta territory, one near the head of Horse Creek and the other near Montague in d"Salmon were caught by weirs, by nets, and by a Shasta Valley to which the people from the entire sort of driving."'46 Weirs were constructed in shal- territory came in the summer to obtain salt. low, gravelly spots and were few in number, only two cBear and deer meat were both boiled or roasted large ones being reported within Shasta territory on and eaten fresh or dried. For drying, venison the Klamath River. One of these was at the mouth of was hung up and smoked, but bear meat was f rst the Shasta River and the other at Scott River, the cut into strips and boiled, then dried. " Bear next such large weir being at Happy Camip in Karok feet were boiled and eaten fresh. Deer hoofs, territory. "Each belonged to one or two men. the gristle stripped from the lower leg bone left Anyone, however, could come and spear fish at such a on, were dried and boiled and eaten like pigs' dam, and the owners were obliged to give to anyone feet. The marrow from the deer's upper leg bone who asked for them as many fish as he could carry."47 was eaten, as were also the liver and lungs. A cThe net in most general use was similar to the sort of blood pudding was made by filling the one used by the Karok and Yurok. It was a long bag paunch or large intestine of the deer about half attached to a triangle of poles and manipulated by a full of blood, adding to this, fat from the out- fisherman sitting on a platform built out over an side of the paunch. It was then tied and buried eddy in the stream. These platforms washed away in in the ashes and when done the paunch would be winter; so new ones were built each year about the full. It was tested by piercing with a stick middle of April; the first time one was used "some and when no blood oozed out it was done and was ______ 45For detailed description see Dixon, 427. 4 3Dixon, 427. 4Dixon, 428. 44For details see Dixon, 427-428. "'Ibid. 310 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS ipos-root wts pounded fine and thrown into the to attend, he visited friends or relatives in a river."48 "Each platform location was named, near-by village. and on scattering the ipos root--some also being On the appointed day the people assembled and b. placed under the boards where they touched the noon all had their fires strung along the river., ground--one called the name of the place and The cooking (done by children) and eating took said something like this: "This is for you and I place at midday. Boys cooked the salmon, roasted am here just for good will. There is nothing whole on the coals, and girls the acorn mush. If wrong and I want you to be good to me. I came there were enough for each camp to have ten, each hero for salmon." boy cooked ten fish, never more. Any uncooked fish Dip-nets and spears were also used for fish- belonged to the owner of the fishing place. Nobo ing. The fish spear was rubbed with a certain ate or fished for salmon until after this ceremony. root for luck. hThe children did the cooking because they were summer salmon (gitar) came about the "perfectly clear." One could not depend on adults: middle of April, when the firs were budding, a cooking done by a menstruating woman or a man who little plant known as gitar itu'wi (summer salm- had had sexual intercourse would ruin the fishing on's eye; Ranunculus occidentalis) bloomed, and place. a certain other plant was about 6 or 7 inches cVarious methods were employed for hunting deer high. Next came the steelheads, caught any Two sorts of deer drives were made in th6 fall.5 time after August, and finally, in late fall, For one, brush fences, broken by a number of open- came the winter salmon. Steelheads could not be ings, were constructed. The deer were driven towar eaten while summer salmon were still in the these fences, where they were caught in nooses river; any caught at that time were thrown back. concealed in the openings and then were clubbed or The Klamath.River Shasta "thought that the shot. This was the method of the Scott Valley first fish to ascend the stream annually brought Shasta, the Gamitwa, and a few villages on the sou the 'salmon medicine' put on by the Indians at side of the lower (Shasta) part of the Klamath. the mouth of the river. This first fish must north side, where most of the villages were situate therefore be allowed to pass unmolested. As was too open for such a method, which was only fea- soon as it passed, fish might be caught; but the sible in the more rugged country on the south side first one taken from the water had to be split with its low brush which forced the deer to head in and hung up immediately to dry, and no salmon trails. These fences were set up after the mating might be eaten till this salmon was completely season, about November, and were left until spring. dried and a portion eaten by all who were fish- The second method was used on the more open hills o mug at that point."49 the north side of the river, where the oak trees The following simple ceremony inaugurated the cWhen the oak leaves began to fall fires were set - suminer salmon season: the hills. "The ends of the curved lines forming t nAt intervals along the sides of a rapids at circles of fire did not meet, and in this opening t *Hamburg, rocks were piled about small cleared women stood rattling deer-bones, while men conceale spaces, forming little pools, and fish running in the brush were ready to shoot the deer as they up the rapids paused in these quiet places to rushed out."51 rest. Each resting place was named, the names cDeer were also stalked, the hunter disguised in having come down over a long period of time. a deerskin and stuffed deer head with antlers The owner before starting to fish sprinkled attached. He kept several heads, with antlers in tobacco and a certain herb in each resting place, different stages of development, for use at differeu talking to it meanwhile. There seemed to be no times of year. In the fall when the deer were fat set formula, but he called the place by name and and their winter coats were coming in they were run said, "This is for you and I want so many salmon, down. hOnly men who were the best runners and had etc." He took the fish with a dip-net, fishing good "hunting medicine" employed this method. Suc4 at night, about ten or eleven o'clock, and in the a hunter gave a certain call, "pu6-," as he ran after early morning. From the time he began to fish, the deer, and people in the villages below heard and news of his luck came everyday to the neighboring were on the watch at places where detr were accus- villages. Then he sent word for the people to tomed to come to the river. The hunter had a track come on the final day set for the fishing. This measure which he used in his pursuit, just a willow invitation seems to have been in rather restrained or hazel stick.5 When the deer appeared in the terms. He told them not to expect much, it had _ been pretty hard fishing, but he wanted all to 50For details see Dixon, 431. come and get a taste of salmon, anyway. People 51Ibid. only came if they could come and return in one day. If someone from a greater distance wished 5"Apparently something of this sort was used _____________ ~~~~~~by the Wintu. In the tale of "Grosbeak and the A8 ~~~~~~~~~~~Deer" Grosbeak resumes pursuit of the magic 48For detailed description of the salmon drives deer after a night's sleep. "He got up and and the construction of the fish weirs and fish- measured tracks and came on tracking." Cora ing platforms and nets see Dixon, 428-430. Du Bois and Dorothy Demetracopoulou, Wintu 49Dixon, 430-431. Myths, UC-PAAE 28:279-404, 1931; esp. 351. HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 311 river it was shot by anyone who could, some young just bawl and cry. If you just hear one, it scares man swam out and dragged it in, and all helped you to death. You may not know you are shaking skin it. The man who shot it cut it up and until you light your pipe and your hand will just divided it, saving the head and hide for the run- be Rhaking. Nothing else has that power." ner, who got none of the meat unless it happened Another method of hunting black and brown bears to be killed by the people of his home village. was as follows. When people went gathering pine hAfter the first big snow of winter had set- nuts in the fall the bears were also feeding on the tled, everybody went on a deer hunt. Usually nuts. They treed the bears with dogs and shot them. a large bunch of deer wintered in the live oaks. If the bear was too high up to be shot, a man talked They worked paths through the snow, and the men to it, telling it to come closer. "A bear will do and women on snowshoes went along beside these what you tell him." One who came upon a previously paths and clubbed the deer, there being no need unknown bear den placed bark or branches before the to taste arrows. opening, telling the bear not to touch them. Then In spring, when the tassels appeared on the he told the village of his discovery and the bear maples, the deer began using the lick, and brush was still there when they went for it next morning. fences were built across the trails leading to Should the wife of one of a bear-hunting party be it, a noose concealed in the openings. Where near the menstrual period, the bear would not come there was no fence a deer-bone rattle with grape- out, but would have to be smoked out. Bear hunting vine rope attached was hung and shaken by the was dangerous for a man whose wife was menstruating, watching hunter when deer started that way, for the bear would surely attack him. frightening them toward the fence. The noose, hA man would crawl into a "sleeping" beaver's tied to a tree with sufficient spring to give hole, slip a rope around his feet and drag him out. rather than break, choked the struggling deer to The tail was eaten. It was put in a split stick death. Or instead of fence and noose, the hunter tied at the top, set in front of the fire and turned might conceal himself near and leeward of the round and round until cooked. lick in a small, bark-covered pit. "iinks were snared and otters shot. The otter hDogs were used very little in deer hunting meat was floated downriver to the coast on a big except for tracking wounded deer. They were used piece of bark. It was told, "You go back to your mainly to tree wildcats, panthers, fishers, bears, country now," and something further forgotten by etc. cThe Grizzly Song was sung to them to make informant. them brave and the Blowfly Song to make their Contrary to Dixon,55 hthe Shasta did not eat scent keen H"because the fly can smell anything; mountain lion and wildcat, those animals being used no matter what you have, the fly is the first one only for their fur. Such meat and that of other there." Their noses were rubbed in ashes to keep animals not eaten. such as mink and the body part them from getting "salmon sick," poisoned by eat- of the beaver, were never thrown on the ground, ing salmon. All this was done while they were how ver, but were put away somewhere in a tree. puppies. 'Eagles were also shot, for their feathers, and cBoth black and grizzly bears were hunted in quails were snared in nooses set in openings in their dens. Hunters sweated for five days in little brush fences. preparation for the black-bear hunt, and upon CA hunter always shared his game, the chief arrival at the den they talked to the bear, beg- receiving no more than others. "The person who ging him to come out and be killed.53 "In the killed a deer always had the right to the hide and case of grizzlies, the hunters had to dance the legs. If two men shot at the same deer, he whose war dance before starting out, just as if they arrow hit first, whether it inflicted a mortal were to hunt a human enemy. Reaching the den, a wound or not, had the right to the carcass. If any number of short, sharp stakes were driven into other person than the slayer of the deer should get the ground in front of the opening, and then, as the legs or hide, he might put them in a woman's the bear came out and was engaged in tearing down menstrual hut, or otherwise so contaminate them that and clearing out of the way this obstruction, he the hunter would be unlucky ever after. No hunting was shot under the neck."5 These stakes were was ever done by a man in the time of his wife's held at the top by the men, this being. made pos- menstrual periods."56 "The man who killed the game sible by the fact that the grizzly pulls things cut it up and his wife distributed it. Each family toward himself rather than pushing them down. received something, the larger families receiving Sometimes a man to show bravery would grab the larger pieces. One took none to an unfriendly fam- dying grizzly by the ears and rub his head ily, however, for one could eat nothing from his en- against the bear's forehead. "The biggest man is emy. "That would be eating his own heart." The scared of a grizzly. He will cry and tremble. side meat was considered best, so a piece of it was Anyone who has had trouble with a grizzly will given away with every portion. Old people received 5 3Dixon, 431-432. *55Dixon, 424.5 54Ibid. 5Dixon, 432. 312 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS the best parts. Good people always gave away divided, everybody getting about the same amount. the best parts, though some "were the kind who If a man who had much did not divide with those who always go to the neighbors and take the best they had less, he was generally disliked and looked do have, but give away the poorest of their own." upon. After this hunt, the acorns, left stored wh Such a man would go on a hunt and hunt little but they had been gathered among the oaks, were brough "try to get the best of everything in a joking in by the people, who hurried to get them in before way." One gave him something "just for the honor the storm. This was a busy season for the women, of the house" but was not very particular what hulling and drying acorns, but the men did only a kind of piece he gave him. Sometimes a lazy man little fishing and hunting of small things such as would not hunt, but just took what he could get. squirrels, etc. At this season the deer were matin This was not usually a married man, though occa- and nobody hunted them. The people gathered wood, sionally such a one would "get by" because his shelled acorns, and generally prepared for winter. father-in-law was respected. Stingy people kept At the onset of the first snowstorm all prepared everything for themselves, but such would not be their snowshoes, which they took with them in winte asked to go hunting; they would either hunt alone wherever they went, even though just to the neighbo or go without invitation. Sometimes a hunter After the storm settled, there came the hunt in the allowed an old woman to clean his hide for the snow, as described above, 59 and in early spring meat and fat left on it. He was usually glad to came the hunting at the deer lick.60 Black and bro let her do this, for it was a tedious job. bears were hunted mainly in winter, when in their hiien a bear was killed all helped skin it, dens, though, as mentioned above,61 they were also but the man who saw it first cut it up and hunted to some extent in the fall while people were received the hide. The meat was divided among gathering pine nuts. Grizzlies were hunted in spri all present, each carrying his share home, where when they began coming out and sunning themselves i it was divided among all those in the village, it front of their dens. & having been decided beforehand which families Transportation and Trade would receive from each hunter respectively. If c it was an old den known to everyone, the most d The Shasta traveled almost entirely on foot. important man did the cutting up and gave the Their few canoes were mostly purchased from the hide to whoever needed it-most. This made "great Karok and Yurok, the occasional ones they made themn. news in the village," everybody went about tell- selves being rough imitations of these. ing that So-and-so had given So-and-so a bear GThey traded with the Karok, Yurok, and Hupa for hide. Bear paws were always saved for the old baskets, the favored variety of acorns, dentalia, people. They were boiled until tender and eaten. haliotis, and other shells, giving in exchange buck iWhen a boy killed his first game his father skin, pine 1uts, flaint blades, juniper beads, Wintu. removed the string from the boy's bow and severely beads, and salt. "With the Wintun they seem to whipped him with it all over his body. Dixon,57 have traded chiefly for acorns, giving buckskin and however, records this ceremonial whipping as obsidian in exchange, together with dentalia. The occurring at the time cwhen the boy first ate game was apparently little trade with the Klamath Lake of his own killing. Neither the boy nor any of people to the eastward, but quite a little with the his family ate the first game that he killed, nor various Atha ascan people of Rogue River and there- any that he killed within a year thereafter. abouts."62 From the Wintun they also apparently Should he do so, he would lose his hunting luck. received occasionally clamshell-disk beads. hThe type of activity changed with the season. nWhen visiting at a'distance the Shasta took food In summer the people lived in brush houses by the characteristic of their district to their host, river and almost their entire attention was turned bringing back food characteristic of the host's dis- to fishing and its attendant activities. In early trict. The Klamath River people usually took salmon fall when acorns were ripe, they moved up on the and pine nuts to Scott and shasta valleys and to hills among the oaks, leaving a few old people in Oregon. From Oregon and Scott Valley they brought the village, put up their bark houses, and set certain bulbs, and occasionally antelope meat from about gathering the year's supply of acorns. Shasta Valley. While the women gathered acorns the men hunted deer, singly at this time, with bow and arrow. Warfare Then they came down and late in the fall went high d up in the Siskiyous for the last big fall deer cThe bow was the chief weapon. dThere is uncer- hunt. It was at this time they had the big drive, tainty as to the original type of the Shasta bow, encircling the deer with fire.58 This was a busy since none of undoubted Shasta make survive.63 time, occupied entirely with hunting and cutting 59see preceding page. up and drying the meat. When the people were ready to return to the villages, the meat was 60IbidA 57Ibid. 62 Dix>on, 436. 58See above, p. 310. 631bid. HOLT: SHASTA ETHINOGRAPHY 313 hIt had a sinew backing coated with fish glue, capsu-ai, was used for one who had been taken cap- with a design in two or three colors painted on tive by another tribe and came back. (Probably this, another coat of glue being added to make the practice had begun to penetrate from the it waterproof. The arrow was painted to match Northwest Coast through the Modoc and Oregon somewhat and was sinew-wrapped at the end to tribes but was not well established.) Only Modoc prevent it from splitting when the point was were scalped and this was for revenge because the pushed in. This wrapping, like that which fas- Modoc scalped. There are some old stories of pris- tened the feathers on, was painted, and the whole oners and slaves, but none of scalping. There was length of the arrow might be painted. Neither no victory dance. yellow nor white was used on the bow and arrow. lThe nearest approach to organized warfare Flint arrow points were carried in the quiver, seemed to be raids against the Modoc, by the Shasta the better quivers being made of expensive Valley and Klamath River groups, which might be hides, such as otter, decorated with dentalia, undertaken by the group as a whole. Should a vis- haliotis, and other shells. cThese arrows with itor from another group be killed during a Modoc foreshafts and flint points were used for war and raid on the Klamath or Shasta Valley group, his large game. hFor small game the points were of people came and joined them when they retaliated. mountain mahogany, and a little back from the Such raids were made when the Modoc came toward point were two small croespieces which would side- the Shasta territory to gather ipos or to hunt swipe and wound the animal if the arrow missed its ducks. The Shasta camped a night or two on the mark. This arrow was also used for shooting moun- mountain which they had to cross, and held the tain trout. Sometimes bone points were used for war dance. Often they sent one or two women ahead the same purposes as the wooden points. The to visit some relative, perhaps a Shasta wo feathers used on arrows must be from birds that captured by the Modoc, and these came back and sail, so the arrow would be straight and even in reported. The Shasta often gathered ipos in that its flight. Therefore hawk feathers were used. vicinity, so these women would say, "We were over For toy arrows boys used grouse feathers. here gathering ipos, so we thought we would come cBoth stick64 and elkhide armor were used. over and visit." The raiding party descended on hThe latter seems to have been a combination the camp in the early morning, killing as many shield and semi-armor. It consisted of a whole men as possible. The Shasta killed no women and elk hide, the head part at the top. It was tied took no captives. Such raids gave Shasta women at the neck, with the tough part of the hide captives a chance to return. around the neck and shoulders, and protected the 'There was also some fighting with the Wintu, left side, leaving the right arm free. When wet, but apparently not to the same extent as with the the hide was shaped over a very large platter Modfc, at least not for the Klamath River group. basket. Two cords were crossed at right angles When the Shasta attacked a village of another inside the round part (called itdra) thus formed, tribe, such as the Modoc or the Wintu, they burned the left arm was slipped through these cords and it; but this was never done within their own tribe. the hide thus manipulated for the protection of hAside from raids against the Modoc or Wintu, the wearer.c A band of elkhide, painted, was warfare was entirely a matter of private feuds, and worn around the head. raids were never made in one's own district. Arriv- cFor three or four nights before setting out, ing just at daylight, the raiding party circled the the membars of a raiding party danced the war whole village. Then the leader of the party went dance. "The dancers stood in line, facing the to his victim's door and called him to come out, fire, and danced, stamping one foot only, and saying, "I am here for you." All the villagers holding bow and arrow as if ready to shoot."6" would rush out and the fighting continued until ei- Young women armed with knives sometimes went ther the raiding party killed the man they were along and tried to cut tJhe enemy's bowstrings and after or were driven off. If someone in the raid- slash their quivers." 'This last was possible ing party could do so without arousing suspicion, because "no man who was a man" would kill a woman: he went ahead, looked over the situation, and such a man would be very much despised. However, reported to his party. the taking of captives as slaves67 was exclu- hAfter a raid "the man who did the killing"-- sively a Modoc practice. But occasionally a Modoc I surmise the leader of the party--started the boy or girl was taken in war and kept for work peace negotiations. If he did not do s6, his until bought or given back; the word for captive, chief would persuade him to. At least a year must have elapsed, however, for one could not speak of the dead sooner. Two messengers were sent to 64For description of stick armor, see Dixon, carry on negotiations. These might be men or 438. women, but women seemed to be preferred because 5For details of the war dance, see Dixon, 439- "even if you get mad you can't hurt her, you can't 440. fight a woman." If men, they must be able to keep 66Ibid. their tempers. Women messengers were matu're and 67Dixon, 441. highly respected for their ability and judgment. 314 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Messengers must go unarmed and be unrelated to respects the grass game of the Maidu and other either party to the dispute. They were paid by Central Californian Indians) and the women's game,. both sides. One messenger was the principal or many stick game, known to the Hupa and to many talker, the other being there mainly to check on other tribes.6 cBoth were guessing games. The, the accuracy of her report and to prompt her, men's game was played with a set of fifteen or should she forget anything. They went back and twenty spindle-shaped sticks, two plain and the forth until matters were settled and sometimes others painted in bands of different colors, and negotiations continued over a period of several seven counters. The player rolled a decorated andj weeks, for old troubles of years back were an undecorated stick each in a bunch of grass and dragged in. "Those messengers had some hard shuffled them rapidly while singing his gambling arguments, they earned their money." The women song. His opponent attempted to. guess which bunch., messengers talked in the following vein: "I contained the undecorated stick, winning a counter. have nothing to do with either one side or the and the play if he guessed correctly losing a other, but if I were in that place and somebody counter if he guessed incorrectly. aThe counters offered to settle up, I would try to act like were usually merely seven of the decorated playing. somebody, I wouldn't have my husband or brother sticks: Sargent, however, asserted that the playi lying about in the dust, that is what it would sticks were never so used. be like." Men messengers talked in the same way: lThe counters were of oak and were made new eac "It is no man's way of doing to be always in time because everybody handled them. Few people trouble. You are going to get your money and handled a man's gambling sticks, though if he had the best way to do is to settle up." If the been playing long and luck was against him, he mi principals to the dispute were unduly slow-in hand them to someone and ask him to play. If the settling, village pressure was -brought to bear, new man won, his winnings went to the owner of the fellow villagers saying what they thought of such sticks. Material for gambling sticks WAS obtained actions, and all through the negotiations each only from certain places, places about which there chief was talking in his own village, trying to was something a little strange, unfrequented spots persuade his own people to settle. To a man. not noted for "doctoring" or as dwelling place of an inclined to listen to the messengers, his chief axaiki (p. 326). The manufacture of the sticks was would say, "That is no way to do. It is not just attended with ceremonial observances--continence, for yourself, but look ahead for the children. food taboos, song, end prayer. We don't want to have any trouble for the new, "When a man decided to gamble, he went shortly youRg generation when they grow up." before daylight to the site of a little riffle in As they began talking peace terms, the two the river, walked along the bank, and at ten dif-. parties began moving closer together and when the ferent spots picked up a handful of gravel and terms of settlement were finally agreed upon, a rubbed it on his hands and arms to the elbow, talk- meeting place, in some flat, open place between ing about the different kinds of money he wanted. the two villages, and a time for the meeting were He then went swimming and returned home. He did fixed. All dressed and painted as for war and this for five nights before he gambled. During carried their weapons. At the meeting place each there five days he made his counters. group lined up facing the other, the women at the One did not gamble with the home people. If ends of the line, the headman of each group, car- two neighboring groups, such as the Oregon and rying the money, in the middle and a little in Klamath River people, were going to play, one of advance of his line. The messengers, by the side them came to the other's village, but two more- of their headman, talked, telling everybody not distant groups met at a village of an intervening to get excited, that they were getting what they group. For instance, if the Oregon and Scott or had called for. The two lines approached each Shasta Valley groups were to play, they met on the other with drawn weapons. When they met, the Klamath River, or if the Shasta played with the headmen exchanged the money, all dropped their Karpk, they met at Seiad. weapons, shook hands, began to talk in friendly "While the men played the women carried wood terms, and some exchanged weapons. Often they and kept up the fires. dAll must observe food camped together for a night or so and had a dance. restrictions and continence during the playing. Occasionally, however, the fighting was started 'Playing continued for two or three days at most, again and the whole process had to be repeated. for they did not sleep while playing.. They played In that event the one who started the trouble outside, unless the weather was bad, when they again was blamed by his own side, who let him played in the okwa'fmma, If a rain came up while know that he was expected to pay for the set- they were playing outside, they stopped even if tlement. there was an okw'flmma to move into; to change in Games and Amusements 8For detailed description of the men's game d ~~~~~~~~~~~and the ceremonial observances connected with d"The most important games played by the Shasta the making of the sticks, see Dixon, 441-443. were the men's gambling game (resembling in many For the women's game, see Dixon, 443-444. HOLT: SHASTA ETHiNOGRAPHY 315 the midst of the play would break the luck. There lower Klamath Shasta with twelve salmon vertebrae, was the usual singing during the play by the back- each representing a moon, the last one being ers of each side. If luck was going against one called the "eye of the moon." The game was played side, it might employ a shaman, who would make the during the wane of the moon and chiefly in -winter, 4 other side so sleepy that it could not see what it in order to make the moon grow old more quickly was doing. and thus shorten the winter. hOn the upper The women's game was played with a set of Klamath it was played with a stick and a ball maded fifty or sixty sticks, slender, peeled twigs. of "soap grass" split fine and twisted. The ball Each player, as in the men's game, had her own was called the "moon" and the small hole left set. All but one stick were painted alike; the where the wrapping started was called "the eye of' odd one had a red or black ring around the center. the moon." The game was to catch this "eye* on'' The sticks were shuffled and finally divided into the stick and this "killed the moon." During the two bundles, the game being to guess which bundle waxing of the moon in winter, young people made contained the odd stick. If incorrect, the cat's-cradle figures in order to hasten its guesser lost a counter to her opponent; if she growth. guessed correctly no counters changed hands but cWomen played double-ball shinny with two she took up her set of sticks and her opponent small sticks of wood tied together near the ends.7 must now do the guessing. Boys played a variation of the hoop-and-dart game, " "The men's gambling game and the women's shooting arrows at a disk of yellow-pine bark guessing game were never "played commonly"; other rolled downhill. hThere were also shooting con- games were played "just for fun." tests, wrestling, and races for amusement. CThe ring-and-pin69 game was played by the 70For details, see Dixon, 444. 69For details, see Dixon, 446. SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND LAW Social Organization to him with their trouble, might feel himself inca.. pable of settling the difficulty. Then he would No suggestion of gentile or totemic grouping ask an older man to act in his place. This was is found among the Shasta. hThe bilateral family quite all right because the people felt he was tak- with patrilineal bias was apparently the basic ing an interest and doing his best. But if he made unit and cpeople lived in small village commu- no effort to settle the trouble and appointed no nities, "not infrequently . . . consisting of only one else to act for him, then the people felt he a single family."7l These communities were was failing in his duty. grouped into the four divisions mentioned above:72 lThere were no restrictions of rank in marriage. the Klamath River people, the people of Scott (Dixon's statement76 that sisters of a chief could Valley, of Shasta Valley, and the Oreggn group. not marry anyone in the tribe of sufficient rank too Each of the four groups had a headman,' the posi- be elected chief, Sargent considered a mistake.) tion being hereditary, "passing first to the next hThe chief's wife also seems to have enjoyed a oldest brother, and, in default of a brother, to good deal of prestige. "She has to know lots." the oldest son."73 The duties of such a chief When trouble arose in her husband's absence, though were to advise his people, to settle disputes both she did not act in his place, she did hold matters within and without his tribe, and "to advance, or at a standstill until his return. She also appar- pay out of his own property, the fines required entry occupied more or less the same position in as blood-money of the people of his group,"7' relation to the women as that of her husband in when the person involved was unable to pay. This relation to the men. last requirement necessitated wealth as one of cThere was some development of private ownership the requisites of chieftainship, of fishing and hunting grounds, both of which were .The headmen of the four divisions were not on inherited in the male line. Fishing places, espe- equal footing. The headman of the Oregon group cially fish weirs or dams, were private property was head chief of all four divisions, the others and only members of the family had the right to fish being more or less subchiefs. Ordinarily, there there, though fish must be given to anyone who was no distinction among the four, but when there asked for them, "and they generally allowed them to was "big trouble" the Oregon man was sent for. fish for themselves now and then."77 After the hThis head chieftainship was the only hered- death of a member of the family no ore could fish itary one contrary to Dixon, 75 the others becom- there for two years. hWhen the owner of a fishing ing chiefs by common consent in the following place had a brother and both had sons, his fishing manner. Someone having trouble would go to a place upon his death went to his brother, whose certain man for advice. This man might not feel own son inherited it but must allow the son of the capable of settling the difficulty and would send first brother to fish there. him to someone else upriver; this person, in turn, dttTo a less extent, each family seems to have had would send him to still another, and the latter its own hunting grounds, to which some regulations might send him back to one of those formerly applied, but more laxly than to the fishing appealed to. Thus gradually, by common consent, places."78 hA man usually hunted in about the same the headman of the group was fixed upon. One territory because one can only go over so much suspects that actually there was a rather loose ground. During his lifetime anyone could hunt hereditary succession in all four groups. Prob- there, but upon his death his parents actively ably,when a headman died, the tendency was to resented anyone hunting there within five years. turn to the next in succession if he had the Ieq- After a year, however, one could hunt there with the uisite qualifications; this tendency, however, father's permission. If the parents were not living was not strong enough to maintain him in that there would be little difficulty, though brothers position if he lacked the qualifications. The might object to others hunting there. The reason following were the necessary qualifications of a given for the custom was that parents would feel headman: he must be good natured; not a trouble- badly to see someone else hunting where they had maker; one who speaks well of everybody; honest; been accustomed to seeing their son. For the same "when he says anything people know he means what reason, when a girl died, no other girl of about her he says"; he is everybody's friend; doesn't think age visited that village for a year; and similarly he is better than other people; keeps his temper; for a boy. is a good talker, can get up and talk before hThere was apparently also, to a slight extent, everybody and not lose his temper. A chief might private property in oak trees. At the seasonal be young and inexperienced and, when people came camping place for gathering acorns, the tree near 71Dixon, 451. the cabin of a particular family was considered 78See p. 301 above, as belonging to that family, who would resent it 73DiSon, 451. 76 bid. 74 Ibid . 77 Dixon, 452 . 71 biad. 78 Ibid . [316] HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 317 should someone else come and pick there first. having him make things for their boys and giving From there, however, they spread out and picked him some slight recompense. Soon he would be mak- from any tree. There was no such individual ing things for everybody in the village. Then ownership of pine-nut trees, though the group people from neighboring villages began coming to picked in about the same place each season. him to have things made and as he got older and cWealth consisted of dentalia, other ornamen- more experienced he was paid more for his products. tal shells and beads, redheaded woodpecker He was paid in dancing knives (flints), dentalia, scalps, and valuable skins such as those of the valuable furs, etc. One might thus be especially silver-gray and black fox, otter, beaver, and good at making bows and arrows, at tanning hides deer. Deerskins varied in value, albino skins (doing it well and quickly), or at fixing hunting being the most expensive and black next. If a heads and hides for deer stalking. There was no married man killed a white deer he gave it to such specialization in netmaking; those were "just his wife, who in turn gave it to her people. common." Neither was there any similar specializa- This was "just like money in the bank," for it tion in women's industries, though, aside from all came back, since it counted in the value of shamanism, certain women were reputed for their the children. Often a father-in-law who had thus skill in caring for sickness and injuries, or in received a white deerskin saved it to be buried ear and nose piercing, and their services accord- in. An unmarried man killing a white deer gave ingly sought after. the skin to a married brother for the latter's hBerdaches (gitukuwahi) were recognized but father-in-law, or, lacking married brothers, he apparently occupied no special status. They wore gave it to his father. men's clothes but did women's work and, like hWhen a man died leaving young children his unmarried girls, they lived at home. They never property was kept for the children by his father, married. They did not hunt, but might go with the if living and not too old, otherwise by his wife. men to carry the meat. They were not looked down This was used to buy a wife for the first son who upon, but were considered a little queer and were married, though some was saved to purchase wives "not very bright." They were not shamans. for the others. If the sons were grown the prop- Crimes and Punishments erty was divided among them, the oldest getting no more than the others. Daughters received noth- c m a m d ing, for "they don't have any use for money." Both major and minor disputes were settled with But the property of a man having no sons but with money payments, which were not very difficult to a daughter married to a chief's son went not to fix as the value of each individual depended upon his brothers but to his wife, for "that is chief's the bride price of his or her mother. The chief money (my daughter had been bought with it) and acted as mediator in minor affairs, such as theft; nobody will touch it." But if there were sons it more serious crimes, such as murder, required went to them; his wife kept it for them, and the greater formality involving the hiring of go- son-in-law took care of them. [This statement betweens, though the chief was also active in must refer simply to the part of his property there negotiations. acquired through the marriage of his daughter. If one drew a gun but did not shoot, he, never- The property of a childless man was inherited by theless, must pay the full value of the threatened his brothers (or his father, if still living), individual, for had he shot he might have killed but my information is not clear as to whether the person. . But if he shot and missed, the in- they shared the inheritance if there were chil- significance of the outcome was apparent and after dren.] An individual might specify that certain some argument the difficulty was s ottled with a of his possessions should go to certain individ- small payment. If, however, the person was injured, uals-brother, sister, or someone else; or, if his full value was demanded, with no expectation of uals--brother, sister, or of his er or receiving it the negotiations with the headman as he were unfriendly with one of his brothers or I hsiter hemgtlaeao r n . mediator, continuing until some price was agreed * sisters, he might "leave an order for him to stay away from the funeral, so he doesn't get upo1. anything.." There seems to have been an effort to fix ul- haesides the conventional sexual division of timate as well as direct individual responsibility hBesides the conventional sexual division of for injuries received. If a member of a group vis- labor there was apparently some specialization. iting in another village started a quarrel and one "Everybody was supposed to know how to do every- of his own party was hurt, the instigator was held thing, but some did it better than others." An responsible and payment for the injury required of especially good bow and arrow maker would, of him as well as of the one who inflicted it. The course, teach his boy, who would consequently latter apologized, saying he did not want to hurt have more experience than the others. It did not anyone but that others started the quarrel and he necessarily follow, however, that he became the and his friends had to defend themselves, that he best maker; some other boy might surpass him, would pay so much but the one who started it must The older people encouraged a boy who was a good pay too. The original aggressor made the bulk of worker and made good bows and arrows, etc., by the payment in the final settlement. If the 318 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS injured boy was of good family and known not to are sorry it happened and they didn't know anythi be quarrelsome or a troublemaker, that all about it." But such assurances of innocence were counted in settling the amount of the payment. valueless unless accompanied by money. hThere was no fistfighting. Cutting and shooting characterized men's fights and women fought by hair pulling and scratching, or "an Birth old woman would take a stick to you." These wom- en's fights were not "settled and paid for. They cFrom the beginning of pregnancy both husband just wore it out and after while they were talk- and wife were subject to many regulations, all for inghtogether again." the good of the child. The husband hunted very nIf a woman was killed, either in a war raid little, killing nothing but deer, and toward the or otherwise, the man who killed her must be close of the period gave up hunting entirely. The killed before negotiations could be begun. For, wife ate lightly, especially near the time for 'if a man kills a woman it is one sided, so there delivery, when both parents ate very sparingly and. is nothing to start on for settling up the trou- ?"she eats hardly any." Both were subject to a ble. He has to be killed to make it two sided. number of food taboos and other restrictions. Then they ask for the pay for the woman who was Though the prospective mother might eat deermeat killed and that starts \things." The man was also until the beginning of labor ("because deermeat is paid for, but not his full value, for "a man who a perfectly clear meat, even sick people can eat kills a woman is no man." Though the value of it"),79 she must eat only that which had been the woman, as of a man, was based on the mother's "killed the natural way," that is, shot; for a bride price, it was less than the value of a man. deer caught in a snare "thrashes around, gets into However, "a respectable, capable woman would all sorts of shape, and chokes to death" and should bripg almost as much as a man." the mother eat such meat the child might be subject. RIn actual practice there was apparently some to similar attacks. Neither she nor the father variation in the above principles. If a man took must look at or eat grouse, else the child would his wife in adultery and killed her, "he must have a "red, raw neck like the neck and eye of the settle up right away with her people, or he will grouse." Both must be very careful to eat nothing get killed. He has to pay what her brother is crippled or deformed. Should either parent be worth." cIf he killed the man, the latter must frightened by a snake, there would be something be paid for also; this payment waited for the about the child like a snake, for instance, a scaly regular processes of negotiation. skin; or if the snake struck at them the child will "Such negotiation (see "Warfare") could not always be striking at everything." The mother must begin until long after the death of the individ- avoid being frightened. She must not make baskets, ual (at least a year). "If somebody killed your for that would cause the child to be "weak in the brother, you wouldn't feel like seeing that per- are and his mind won't be right, because she keeps son for a long time." However, if someone was her eye on the work and is working tight with her killed "right there before everybody" and it was fingers and keeping her eyes on one place all the obviously an accident, the relatives "would let time and that strains the strength of the baby." it die down" and the one who killed him paid them She could do all other work, however, such as car- something at once so that the payment might be rying wood, etc., "and that is where lots of times used for the funeral. trouble begins, because she runs into things she hRelatives as well as others seemed to settle shouldn't see." From the time a woman became preg- difficulties among themselves by means of pay- nant she must not roll over in bed, but must rise ments, but apparently on a less formal basis. and turn before lying down. This to make an easy Within the immediate family no payment took place, birth and to insure that no injury be done the for "if one brother kills another, there is nobody child, which might otherwise "be tangled up in the to pay." But other relatives apparently expected side." If a pregnant woman saw the fetus of any some recompense for injuries received. "If you animal, the baby would never mature; if she saw a killed your cousin, maybe your father had bought corpse, the child would be an albino; "it can't his wife, then his folks couldn't put a price on smile and has funny eyes and face." him, because it was all your father's money. So hDuring the last month or so of pregnancy the you would have to settle with them and pay some- father wore a tiny bow and arrow and a tiny fiber thing, but they couldn't put a price on him." apron tied to something he wore--his quiver, pos- In the case of injury received while trespassing sibly. If the child was a boy he kept the bow and on another's property, the owner would be arrow, if a girl, the apron, until his return to suspected of causing the injury through his ill normal life. Similarly the mother wore such an wishes. Therefore, "if I was fishing some place apron and bow and arrow tied to her belt.80 that belonged to someone else, it would be my rel- atives and I might think it was all right. I get 79Thia apparently means free of any evil ef- hurt and, if they are the right kind of people, fects, magical or otherwise. they come over and bring a little money to my 80For other prenatal taboos and regulations, mother so as to clear themselves. They say they see Dixon, 454. HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 319 CThe mother gave birth to the child in her men- CAt the end of her month of.seclusion, the strual hut, aided by an old woman, usually a rel- mother put the baby in a new and larger cradle ative.8' She remained in the hut for a month, frame, also changing all its wrappings. Bundling subject to strict food taboos, and fhr the first up the old wrappings and the first cradle, the five days used a scratching stick. After deliv- mother hung this bundle on a tree some distance ery she went out for wood. "She swings around on from the village. ilThe tree must be a young, trees and tries to break off branches. She does growing one so the child would grow. Each out- that to get rid of the blood 'and to keep it from grown cradle was thus hung in a growing tree, clogging." This she did for the first five days. just as when a child lost a tooth he himself took From the beginning of labor and continuing it out and put it in a bunch of grass, "only the through her month of seclusion she could eat no kind that grows in j bunch," to ensure the next meat, only fish. At the end of the month she tooth's immediate growth, sweated all day. On the following morning she CStillbirth (or its apparent equivalent: death sweated, bathed, and returned to her regular of the child within five days after birth) was a life. great calamity requiring rigorous ceremonial cThe father shared the first five days of observance to remove its ill effects. ,"Both man seclusion after the birth of the child. dle h and wife must fast rigorously, and sweat and bathe remained by himself, away from the village;82 hhe frequently, for ten days. After this time, they went off alone at his wife's first labor pains must secure the services of someone to perform a but returned to her menstrual hut upon the birth ceremony for them, the ceremony involving chiefly of the baby and stayed there with her. He ate the singing of certain songs. The man cuts his only dried fish and acorns, and he sweated each arms with a flint knife in several places, rubs in morning at dawn in the small, individual sudatory some sort of powdered root, and drinks an infusion with steam. After sweating at dawn of the fifth of several herbs. After this, both man and wife day, he bathed and returned to his house in the resume their usual life. A parallel ceremony for village, and the next day went hunting. If that the woman was also necessary; kut the details of day's hunting was unsuccessful, his luck would neither could be secured."85 Both parents re- be bad for a long time unless he hired a man with mained away from the village, fasting and sweating, proper knowledge to "make medicine" for him. for a month, for "this is the worst trouble there .While he sweated the medicine maker went into the is." During the last five days the man "is sweat- hills and collected certain plants or roots, ing and swimming all the time and wishing for luck, always a little fir bough mixed with them, and wishing for all the things he wants -to happen and "made medicine" over them. He then brought them talking about lots of things.". The ceremony, with to the father, who put them on the hot rocks in the cutting of the shoulders and arms, took place his sweat house, poured a little water on them, on the last day, and the man sweated all day, "so and inhaled the steam. He might also give the there will be no soreness." father "a feather of some kind" to carry., hA newborn child was never killed. When the After severance of the umbilical cord, which mother died, if possible some relative nursed it, ,was tied with a strand of the mother's hair, the otherwise some other woman was hired. She took the "baby was "washed in cold water, nursed immediately, baby with her, bringing it home when old enough to 'and then laid on a tray-basket, which is set on wean. Babies were weaned when the first teeth came. la cooking-basket full of boiling water. Here, in They were given gruel of acorns, or meat broth. A ,the warm vapor, the child is kept for five days, baby just beginning to eat was given a piece of at the end of which period the umbilical cord is meat to chew, large, so it could not swallow it, supposed to drop off."83 The baby was then and tough, so it could not bite off pieces. laced in a cradle frame, "wrapped first in a hThere was, apparently, no adoption. If the Xaall f'oxskin."84 The baby was not thus kep~t in mother died, her mother or sister raised the childL vapor for the first five days: "It couldn't however, the child belonged to the father and re- Jtand inhaling anything that young." For the turned to him when old enough. ast five days of the mother's seclusion, once a hBabies were bathed twice a day, evenings and 4ay the baby was "steamed" over hot water con- mornings, with cold water. They were not fondled taining certain herbs. This was "not for any- or played with, lest it spoil them and they would thing in particular," they simply wanted it to want to be held constantly. The father never come accustomed to such steaming, for should touched the baby, for "they are not supposed to be it get sick it would be treatediiby steaming over touched when they are so little that you can't cor- rbs. rect them. After the baby is out of the basket and crawling, the father will piok him up and play with 817or further detail, see ibid. him and talk to him some, but not much. The mother 2ixron, 45.will say, 'Put him down, you will have himn so we as On~~~~~~~~~~wll have to pick him up all the time. "' 8Dixon, 456. 84Ibid. 85Ibid. 320 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS lThe baby's forehead was flattened with a pad Puberty -of buckskin made heavier with beadwork. This was true for both sexes. [My notes are not clear cThe puberty ceremony was the only public cer- how the pad was fastened on or how general was emonial of the Shasta, aside from the war dance ,the practice.] Were the fdae too narrow and the and the shaman's winter dance, both of which were jaw not properly shaped, a pad of buckskin was more local in character. It was held only for a placed on the throat above the lacing of the girl and began on the night after her attainment cradle so the chin would rest on it and the face of puberty, continuing for ten days. During these be made more broad and square. The child must be ten days the girl stayed in the menstrual hut with tied straight in the cradle to ensure a nice, her mother or one or more old women acting as straight body. There seemed to be no special be- attendants and doing everything for her. She must liefs connected with twins, and abnormalities, speak to no one except these attendants, and then such as hunchback, bowlegs, etc., were merely con- only in a whisper, must use a scratching stick, sidered due to improper care. The lacing of boys' was subject to strict food regulations, and must cradles was from the bottom up, that of the girls sleep very little and that just before dawn. She fro; the top down. must tell her mother anything she dreamed during "Sometimes after the birth of a baby the woman the period. Such dreams were sure to come true and was not conscious of a new conception, but the were evidently expected to be of evil portent, for child began crying a great deal and became cross every effort was made to keep her from dreaming. and this was considered a sign that a new baby As she sat in the menstrual hut through the day she was coming. There seem to have been no methods shook a deer-hoof rattle from time to time to keep or formulas for producing pregnancy, but to her awake and to frighten things away so she would prevent further pregnancies the afterbirth was not dream. CHer eyes were kept covered with a wide placed in an ant hill for the ants to destroy. visor of bluejay feathers, for she might dream Another method of contraception was the drinking about something she saws. CShe must not become of some liquid, the nature of which my informant excited or hurried or she "would be a nervous had forgotten. To aid a delayed delivery, a woman wreck," nor must she be frightened lest she be a knowing the proper formula was hired to sing spe- coward all her life. cEach day she brought wood cial songs. from the mountains for the fire for the dance to be hThe midwife was subject to no special observ- held in the evening, and a little for each house in ances. the village. On these excursions she was accom- panied by two or three young girls "who were to Names help her arrange the load, for she could not look around in order to gather it. hChildren were named on the same day of the OA dance was held on each night of the ten-day moon on which they were born and cabout a year period."7 Many relatives and friends were invited later. Boys were named by their father or pater- and, since only near-by ones could arrive for the nal grandfather, and girls by their mother or beginning of the qeremony, newcomers were contin- maternal grandmother. No ceremony was involved; ually arriving. aWhen the girl grew tired with the they simply began calling the child by name. dancing she was supported by one or two men who CNames referred to some characteristic of the danced with her. "These helpers, except on the child; or a boy might be named for a characteris- last day of the dance, were usually women. cToward tic of his father or father's kinsman, ca girl the end of the ten days she often needed almost for a characteristic of her mother hor a kins- constant support. On the tenth night the dance woman on either side. Thus Sargent's name was continued until dawn, then after a pause for break- I'iawik, because his father's sister was good at fast several songs were sung and the dance began fancy beadwork. His grandmother's name was some- again. At noon the feather visor was ceremonially thing like "look-up-into-the-sky," because she removed, dancing stopped at once and the girl and carried herself so straight. her mother went to the river, bathed and put on new hEveryone in the tribe had a different name. clothes. Upon their return another dance took A name was never used again; there was always a pla e and the ceremony ended in a feast. little variation. nThe end in view was the good of the girl. cThere was no greater insult than to mention "They were trying to save her life." CThe entire the-name of the dead person in the presence of ceremony was repeated at her next two menstrual his relatives for at least a year after the death. periods and not until then was she considered mar- uch an insult called for the payment of the full riageable. valuation of the deceased. Gradually, in the nThe girls' puberty dance was very popular; course of time, the restriction on mentioning a more people came to it than to any other. No dead person's name died away. 87For detailed description of the dance and all, the observances surrounding the ceremony, 868ee Dixon, 454. see Dixon, 457-461. HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 321 4special message was sent out; word passed from husband's parents. But usually they built a ,'neighbor to neighbor and everybody came. The house for themselves fairly soon. Occasionally wealth of the parents made no difference in the the young couple went to live in the bride's'vil- size of the dance, for the people liked to dance lage, if her father was old and had no son and and did not have to be invited. All relatives the husband's father was younger or had another helped and relatives and friends attending, espe- son to help him. In such instances, "the father- ,cially if the parents were poor, came loaded with in-law is always talking about his son-in-law; he (food. People vied with each other to see who thinks he is fine." could dance longest and who knew the most songs. CSome time after marriage, usually three or WLike myself; when I was young nobody could sing four months, the young couple with some of their more songs than I, I knew all of them." People relatives went to the bride's home for a visit of were constantly practicing to compose new songs one or two weeks. They took gifts for the wife's 'for the puberty dance, but anyone could sing family, making as rich a display as the wealth of another's song. A person upon arrival started to the husband's family permitted, and returned with ing, then if somebody else took it up he did not gifts for the husband's parents. 'The bride came se the song again during that dance. Should a to her new home accompanied by a bridal party ew group arrive on the last morning of the dance arrayed in their best clothing and ornaments, which bfore the feather headdress had been removed, they left as a present to the grooL's family. A he dance was continued for another night. reciprocal display and presentation of clothes and Whlhen a girl's first menses occurred in winter ornaments tpck place on the visit to the bride's he large dance could not be held. In the event family.89 "This gift-bearing visit of the bride's f a clear evening, a few people came from neigh- relatives did not occur until after the couple had oring villages and sang for her, then returned visited the bride's people. [Dixon's account ome; but if stormy, she merely danced in the seems more probable, but either way this exchange nstrual hut with the few women who could crowd of gifts did take placej After five days she was moved into somebody's Th ugh a man might negotiate directly90 for his ouse (a grandmother, perhaps, or "some old person wife, apparently the most approved procedure was o was not so particular about his luck"), all through an intermediary, this applying as well to a o could crowded in, and the dance continued father buying a wife for his son. A man wishing to here. buy a wife for his son asked a male friend or rel- hBoth the puberty dance (with some young girl ative to take the money to the girl's father. Plac- aking the part of the pubescent girl) and the ing it before the girl's father, the messenger said, dance frequently were danced of a summer "This is the money for your daughter." If that fa- vening merely for entertainment. ther merely pushed it aside, the messenger returned to the boy's father saying, "He wouldn't even look at it," and was sent back with a larger amount. Marriage If the proper procedures were observed and an ad- equate price offered, it was apparently rather dan- CMarriage was by purchase and both sides were gerous to refuse, for a rejected suitor had several er to set as good a price as possible, since methods of revenge. Some of the girl's relatives e value of offspring was determined by the pur- might be killed, in which event her father was se price of the mother and blood-money to that blamed and had to pay for the death; or, through ount could be demanded for a killing or injury. magic, the suitor, one of his relatives, or a man wealthy man bought a wife for his son, but he hired might cause her to die, to lose her mind, orer men were aided by their brothers and other or become a trollop. For such magic one went into latives. There was considerable variety in the the hills alone for five days and "talked to nature" thods of obtaining a wife. about what was to befall the girl. To refuse a cIn wealthy families chil ren were often shaman or the brother of a shaman seems to have been trothed when very young. In such a case, the especially dangerous. "Any man, no matter what his ther of the boy paid the full purchase price of family is, can marry anyone he wants to if he can girl at the time of betrothal;88 %sy informant raise the money to buy her. They think he is a man sagreed, stating that only part was paid at: that trying to get along." e, the remainder at the time of marriage. [In spite of repeated assertions that a man must haps the young couple might not see each other accept an adequate offer for his daughter, even from 'til marriage, when the boy's parents simply one unacceptable as son-in-law, there was probably ught the girl home immediately following her at least some selection]: "A lazy man doesn't get a rty ceremony. wife, because anyone, who has a daughter worth buying *~cResidence was patrilocal and as a rule the doesn't want a man of that kind around." "If a man bung couple lived temporarily in the house of the ______ . ~~~~~~~~~~~~89Dixon, 462. 88Dixon, 461. 90 Ibid. 322 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS was lazy and not much account he would get turned bride price. Or perhaps a couple lived together in dow4." spite of parental objections and refusal of the 4If a man is known to be a good hunter and a boy's father to buy the girl as a wife for his son. good man, he is often gladly accepted by the But when a child was expected many fathers would girl's parents as a son-in-law, even if he is relent and pay the bride price. unable to pay in full at once. Under such condi- In the more approved, formally arranged mar- tions, he pays the remainder of the price later, riages the girl's wishes were not consulted. Some- as he is able."91 A man might be accepted, even times a boy was given a wife he had never seen, but though unable to pay for his wife, "on condition more often his wishes were consulted, the father that he live with his father-in-law, and hunt and saying, "You are old enough, you ought to get mar- work for him, till an equivalent of the purchase ried. Your mother is getting old and needs help," money has been paid."9' nThis was a lifelong and asking his opinion of a certain girl. Or the arrangement, the couple living with the wife's son might take the initiative 'and ask his father to parents, or at least in the same village. The buy a certain girl for him. children's value was then based on that of the hMarriage requisites for a girl were that she be mother's people, this being the only time a woman a good worker and have good parents. Quite puritan-" could "bring her name out for the full value of ical ideals of conduct for a respectable girl pre- what her mother was bought for." There was a vailed. She conducted herself in a grave and dig- form of marriage [mentioned contemptuously] in nified fashion; if there were men guests she sat which the man went to live with his wife and with her back to the fire. "A girl who respected "made a slave of himself," doing his wife's work herself didn't laugh and she didn't talk before men. while she did practically nothing. (Berdaches? That was the kind of a girl worth lots of money. But see above, p. 317.) "It would be just some That kind of girl you could see was all right--she man who had no respect for himself that would do was like anybody else, not bashful and she would this, he would just go to some Gamitwa family. take part in a dance and answer you if you went up The GamAtwa did this among themselves, they had no and talked to her, but she didn't talk herself. wayt about them." Those Gamutwa were different. They were jolly and A fatherless boy whose father's People could would laugh and talk. The girls dressed up and not aid sufficiently in buying a wife was helped looked pretty, but they didn't act like these girls by his mother's people. If he had'no paternal rel- here, they didn't know how to act." A man who chose atiyes, his mother's brother might buy him a wife. a wife on the basis of beauty was considered fool- a"Occasionally a girl is sent by her parents ish and shallow. "They said he didn't marry the to a man known to be of good character and a good woman, he just married her looks." The following hunter. She is sent free, as it were, and no were marks of feminine beauty: manner of dress-- money payment is asked. The man is not obliged to "If anybody can dress in fancy beads, they look bet- accept the girl; but to be refused ii such cases ter than what they are"; a fair, rosy complexion; is considered a great disgrace. "9 "The sending black, shiny hair that is long and heavy; a body of a girl to a man by her parents was a matter of plump and firm but not fat--"If they saw a girl as deferred payment rather than a free gift. If thin as they are now they would think she was not accepted, the girl remained there without payment, going to live long; that kind of a girl would never but the usual return visit to her home must be get married." Masculine requisites for marriage made and it was then that the bride price was were industry and ability to produce the bride paid, she wearing the money home. "That boy would price. A handsome man was "not too tall and leggy, have parents pretty well-to-do, or he wouldn't get not too small, heavy set." a chance to be married like that." CBut the bride hchildren of a woman who has not been duly bought price must be paid because of the children; mar- were illegitimate and both they and their parents riage without payment was apparently unthinkable. were scorned. Such children were called xatsid hSuch a girl usually had a widowed mother or a (grass). "They weren't raised right, they didnrt father old and helpless and in need of a son-in- know what they ought to know, you couldn't trust law. She was dressed in her best, wearing beads them. Children that are children are talked to all and money, and taken to the man's door, where his the time by their grandparents and their own parents, mother received and took her in. and told what to do and what not to do. Those others Sometimes marriage took place without the just grew up like grass. They never had any chance usual formalities, a young couple "just picked to make anything of themselves." Though such a each other up." The boy took the girl home with family had no standing in the community, the treat- him and no objections were made, but within six ment they received naturally varied in accordance months they must visit her people and take the with the self-righteousness or greater generosity of their neighbors. They were not considered, for in- stance, in the division of the game after a hunt. "But thie better people will take thiem some; but 91Ibid. there are some people who always know more about 921bid. other people's business than anything else and that 93Dixon, 463. kind won't take them anything." HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 323 hRelationship was counted in both maternal and years. If a man's brother or other male relative paternal- lines and marriage of relatives was not did not claim his widow within five years, she was approved. "Some people did marry cousins, but free to marry whom she pleased, the bride price those kind of people were not much." A man was being paid to her own family. Or it might be that permitted to marry his "pseudo-cousin": the daugh- a widow who did not like her husband's family and ter of his paternal aunt's or uncle's sibling in- regretted having married into it (perhaps her hus- law [presumably also the daughter of his maternal band had not treated her father and brothers very aunt's or uncle's sibling-in-law, though my notes well) would marry someone else. If the husband's are not specific on this point]. This was called family were less wealthy than her own they might do "marrying in the family" and these 'were the clos- nothing overt about it but would "give her five est "relatives" whose marriage received social years to live," and if she did not die within that sanction. Sometimes people of the same or neigh- time she was safe. boring villages married, but more often one mar- iA widower could not marry outside his deceased ried someone from a distance, probably because wife's family without their consent;95 but Sargent fellow villagers were likely to be related. Thus denied this, stating that it was no concern of Sargent's grandmother was from the Shasta Valley theirs for they were "losing nothing by it." [Some division, his grandfather from Rogue River, and doubt of this is raised, however, by another remark his mother was a Karok, a "chief's" daughter. that] "If he is any good, a husband takes care of Since his grandfather and father were both head- his wife's father and mother even when she dies. men of the Shasta, they may have gone farther Those are the kind of boys the old folks want to afield than the common run of men to obtain a keep in the family." A widower waited a year and a suitable wife. Sargent himself never married, half or two years, if outside her family. "If he as his parents did not find a girl whom they married before a year it would show he didn't have considered suitable, any respect for his wife." hAlso Sargent's father, being of a wealthy fai- dA man might complain to his wife's family if ily and a chief's son, was betrothed in childhood she bore no children and they sent, free, an unmar- and had two wives. Since he was older than his ried sister or cousin as a second wife; or he might childhood fiancee, his father bought another wife merely return the wife to her family and they were for him when he reached marriageable age. She was obliged to refund her purchase money, which they a relative (a cousin) of his betrothed wife. The were also obliged to do if he divorced her for younger wife was Sargent's mother, but I neglected adultery.9 "In case of barrenness the wife's fam- to inquire which was the mother of his two sisters. ily were merely obliged to provide another wife; a The older woman assumed much of the care of Sar- man divorcing his wife for adultery reclaimed the gent, however, and relations were always amicable purchase money only if there were no children, for between the two women. There seems to have been a the children would be worth nothing if this money feeling that a man should not have children by two were reclaimed. wives: "the children run down, those children's A woman might also leave her husband for unfaith- children will not be healthy." fulness and no return of bride price was required. cOnly wealthy men had more than one wife, The husband might ask for it, but his own people except through the levirate, and my impression would not support his claim. "If she was a good wom- both from Sargent and from the tales is that even an, she didn't usually marry again." If a man beat they seldom, if ever, had more than two, though my his wife "that was their own trouble" and her father notes are not specific on this point. d had no claim against him. If she left him for abuse, cThe levirate was practiced, for since 'tamong her family, as Diion states also,97 sent her back, all but the wealthy,a man's brothers and relatives but it was a different matter if he did not fulfill always contribute to aid him in buying a wife, it is his obligations toward her family.- A man should be regarded as only proper and just -that, should he interested in his wife's family and help them when 1die, the wife whom the brother has helped to pay in trouble. If, for instance, a woman's only brother for should be given to him in return for his aid."94 was killed, leaving only old people in her family, UIf the brothers and cousins were all married, it and her husband took no interest in the difficulty, ;was seldom that oneB of-them married the widow. she would leave him, and her family were not required They were, however, supposed to care for her. "If to return the bride price, "because he is no man or ~they took everything, that would show they didn't he would do as he should and his father is no man or ~have any respect for her. It would be as good as he would tell him to do as he should." Even should .saying she didn't amount to anything; so she would she remarry, which she would not unless childless, kgo haome and she wouldn't have to 'marry them." the money need not be returned, though it might be ' A widow could not marry in her husband's fam- merely to avoid trouble. Should the husband and his ily for a year. "It took that long for the pitch to wear out of her hair." Remarriage outside her 95hxn,44 ,husband's, family could not take place within five DIixo, 64 94Ibid . 97Ibid . 324 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS family "make trouble" and demand the return of the something in the general distribution of prope money, public sympathy was not with them and the only being anxious to help. When the grave was wife would say "she guessed he was with those ready all ate, though not at the same time, for people who killed her brother and that way put him some were dancing constantly. Next, dancing - on the enemy's side." If she remarried, the for- carrying fir branches, they followed the body as mer marriage did not affect the price the second it was carried and placed beside the grave, abo husband paid "if she was known to be a good wom- which they danced with the fir branches. Then e an." general distribution of property took place. hChildren of divorced parents belonged to the CBurial occurred at noon. The body, head towardl father and were cared for by his mother. But a the east, was placed on its back in the grave i wife who left her husband for recognized cause which had been lined with the fir branches. took the children and kept them until her death, the grave was filled in, a fence of small fir po though if both grandmothers were living the chil- that had been carried in the dance was built abo dren usually visited back and forth. it and baskets impaled on the poles. cEveryone then bathed and returned to the vil. lage. The house of the deceased was thoroughly Death and Burial swept and cleaned, the sweepings and much of the old paraphernalia being burned, hIt may have be cImmediately afthr death the body was removed at this time that the root mentioned above was through an opening made either in the wall of the burned in the house to kill any lingering axaiki. house or at the joining of the roof and wall, on dnA five-day's fast, with sweating, is the east side because "all Indian people travel obligatory upon the grave-diggers and all near re toward the daylight when they are dead." If the atives . . . At the end of this period, all as body were taken through the door all in the house ble again, and hold a 'cry,' and then disperse to would die, for "that was where people were travel- their own homes. At intervals, for a year, near ing back and forth." cIt was washed hin cold relatives 'cry' for the dead; but this is purely water with a handful of leaves of wesa (wormwood; an individual matter."'00 Both men and women cut Artemisia vulgaris, var. discolor), and Cdressed their hair short for mourning, the woman also put4, in its best clothes hby a near relative, a woman. ting pitch and charcoal on her head and face. After removal of the body from the house, the root hThe shell money and other property brought to of garawih(O (Helianthus cusickii) was burned in the funeral were placed before a near relative of the house to kill any axaiki (see below under the deceased and distributed at the grave by the "Conceptions of the World") that might be left. headman, who had come for that purpose. "If I CThe body, dressed for burial, lay outside the have lots of money, my friends will have lots of house and relatives and friends danced about it money too, so lots of money will be brought to the: weeping and "speaking to the dead, and telling him funeral." Everyone who came "brought a little that he is going to another world, and begging him money." Those bringing most received most in the to take with him all their pains and troubles, and general distribution, some being saved for the carry them far away."98 cThe dancing continued children of the deceased. The headman knew what until burial, one party of dancers changing with each had brought, or he held something up and another. If death followed long illness, burial asked to whom it belonged. One might say, "This was usually immediate, since relatives and friends is mine, this is to be wasted," whereupon the dis- were likely to be near, but if sudden, the body tributor said, "I take this much to keep it on was kept four or five days until they had had time top," and the rest was broken and put on the face to gather. All brought a little shell money and of the deceased. A wealthy man's grave would be placed it on the body, with which part of it was entirely covered by the finely pounded beads and buried, the money, according to Dixon, "being shell money mixed with earth or sand, and after a pounded up fine, and mixed with earth or sand, and rain "it just shines." Close relatives and friends . sprinkled over the top of the grave after it is received most in the distribution [I surmise it filled in." They usually brought other property was at this time that the deceased's property was also, of which part was buried and part returned distributed]. Some people gave directions for to them. their own funeral, where and how they wished to be CTwo relatives usually dug the grave, hthough buried, and might specify what should be buried they were not close relatives, such as brothers, with them and to whom various of their belongings and might be merely friends. cThere is some doubt should go. Bs to whether they were paid for their services;99 cA man dying fur from home might be buried in'the' probably they were not paid, merely receiving local cemetery, hbut the more usual method was to burn the body and take the ashes home for burial. cf a man was buried away from home, the headman of. 98Dixon, 4F65. For details of the funeral ________ ceremony, see pp. 4#65-467. 99Dixon, 466. l?Dixon, 467. HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 325 the village buried him and the bones somatimes where certain old men or women could gather twigs, were removed later to his own village. "The eating alone meanwhile, and abstaining from meat. local residents pay for having the bones exhumed A basket made of these twigs was put away to be and carried away.'""' CThe person who thus cared used when they desired to pettle dust on a grave. for the bones must undergo a five-day sweat and They placed the basket on the grave; this caused fast. hFor an outsider buried in their cemetery rain until it was removed. Or mierely a stick the local residents "put up lots of money at the might be used. It, like the basket, was placed on funeral to show that they wanted him to be buried the grave, or it-might be put by the river, caus- there. Whoever is buried there has to be buried ing rain until the river rose to that point. The like one of themselves." Should there be trouble stick must be carefully watched and removed at the later with the relatives, the local residents proper time, for if it was washed away the rain mentioned this money destroyed and buried with would continue and the river wash things away and him and demanded its return. do puch harm. kin summer, rain was made to settle the dirt LThe year's mourners must be compensated before over a new grave. If somebody of importance died, any dance was held,102 with the exception of the a storm was made so that everybody would remember shaman's dance. "They paid pretty good money, up he died at the time of that big storm. Not every- tc the second or third village away." Even after one could do this. There were certain places, paying these mourners, the dance would not be held always by a little pond or in some swampy place, in their village. 101Dixon, 467. 102Yurok, Kroeber, Handbook, 37-38. RELIGION Beliefs Regarding the Soul there were certain people who could see the dep ing soul.105 hFirst the "pain" left the body, fo' d"To the Shasta, apparently, 'ghost,' 'soul,' lowed by the soul or "life." The "pain" gone, t and 'life' are practically synonymous terms. body lay breathing quietly and people thought the Ghosts are much feared, and are seen in the form patient better, when in fact the "life" had alrea of flickering flames or vague lights, chiefly in departed. There were no beliefs concerning the the vicinity of graveyards. To see them brings travels and destination of the soul. It was "jus bad luck, or even death."103 hGhosts did not fig- going some place. Nobody had ever seen the land ure in Shasta belief. The flickering lights were the dead, so they didn't know where it was or wha living people, "Indian devils from down the river." it was like." They were endowed with magic power by virtue of a "medicine" or "poison" which could be bought from Conceptions of the World those able to make it.104 The Shasta did not pos- cThe Shasta apparently had no clear idea of a sess this power and all such "devils" were Karok or Yurok. They were invisible, except for the creation or a creator. They thought of the world light, which was the poison, and were noiseless, as having always existed and were quite vague in One might faint at mere sight of one of these theirideas of its originand shape. Coyote took lights. Certain brave men would watch for these on somewhat the character of culture hero, hand wizards along the trail and try to catch them. things in the world were named by a certain blind Such a wizard would send five apparitions ahead, man who traveled about giving names to everything so a watcher by the trail, thinking it a man pass- he ran against. He would, for instance, bump int ing, would seize it and the wizard, warned by a tree and would say, "Oh, this is a fir tree," another of the apparitions, did not pass that way. and so on until everything had received its name, But a wise watcher allowed the five apparitions to At one time Mount Shasta, another mountain near pass, then seized the real man as he came along. Happy Camp called Cld Man Mountain, and another A fierce struggle ensued, neither contendermalong, at the head of Rogue River were "all that was A fircestrggl ensedneihercontender making st icking up out of the ocean." any sound. If the captor succeeded in holding cFive was the sacred number and it or one of wizard until daylight, the latter gave up, his cap- tor would see his identity and was well paid for its multiples, especially ten, appeared constantly. not disclosing it. in the tales and in the various phases of Shasta hOr at night one might feel himself watched, or lifd. hear rocks thrown on the roof, or be just missed "The entire area occupied by the Shasta is by a rock invisibly thrown. Again, it would be one thought of as thronged with spiritual, mysterious of these wizards and the victim tried to shoot him, powers, spoken of as Axeki, or 'pains.' These though unable to see him. Unless shot in the fore- are conceived of in human form (rather shorter head he was not killed, but his victim might, by a than the ordinary stature), and as inhabiting lucky shot, hit and wound him and thus be enabled rocks, cliffs, lakes, and mountain summits, and by the blood to trail him the next morning to some rapids and eddies in streams. Many animals are hiding place where he had crawled to die. If the also regarded as Axn ki. They are the cause of captor then spared the wizard's life and aided him all disease, death, and trouble, and become the to recovery, he was, again, well paid for his mag- guardians of the shamans, and are often inherited nanimity by them."106 However, lakes, rapids, and eddies hThese wizards could also assume the form of a in streams should not be included in the various dog or other animal, always some common animal dwelling places of the axaiki, for the axaiki were though seldom a deer. They traveled in daytime in people and lived only on land. There were certain. the animal disguise and when appearing in this form water creatures, but they were not axaiki. were always bent on killing. 1Activities of wizards varied from mere annoyance Miscellaneous Beliefs of victims to killing, but with emphasis on the more S sinister end of the yale. Mere sight of them, or a Sargent added a nu.ber of beliefs to those rock thrown by an invisible hand, though missing the l 107 The creatures just men-* victim, might cause death. Were death intended for tioned lived in certain places along the river and the victim, he became sick for no apparent reason people dared not swim there. Boys swimming near and turned black and "shiny." Such illness was such a place might see a freshly dead or just- practically incurable; only the axaiki who lived dying fish under water. One might dive for it but at the head of Horse Creek could treat it. gor CThe soul of ahdying person departed from the and beliefs concerning its travels and destination body some hours ( twenty-four) cbefore death and see Dixon, 469-470. o05Dixon, 468. 106 Dixon, 470.: 104ee Yurok, Ktoeber, Handbook, 67. 107Dixon, 470-471. re326] HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 327 it wduld prove to be the hand of e water creature, hDifferent villages had their own omens. In cer- whicl would grab the boy and drag him down. This tain villages, if crows were heard along the. river *rarejy happened to girls, for they only swam in and swooped over the village in the night, squawking, shallow places and did not dive. The water would the people must depart before daylight, for somebody then rise in foam and the other boys knew what had was coming to kill them. In the vicinity of Horse happened and went home to tell their people. Next Creek, if a rock was heard but not seen rolling down morning the lost boy's body would be found where a certain mountain, it meant news of a death. In he had undressed. Or one of these creatures might other places, if a robin was heard after dark, some- reach up and grab a swimmer. Always foam appeared, body would be shot with an arrow. for the creature raised the water in foam when it 'After handling deer or bear meat, cooked or raw, moved. Each creature had a different name. One, one must do no hing else until all blood was washed xaseyauwat, was shaped.like a dog, but longer, had from the hands This was "to keep up the luck." black and white stripes running round it, and many One ate no fish just before or during a hunt, nor people in that vicinity now call it a sea dog. should one eatimeat while fishing. When camping Another resembled a snake. Another, hika (lived out to hunt, men took along only acorn mush for only in the river), had long hair, but its shape making soup, or little cooked cakes, not deermeat, is unknown, for that would mean bad luck. When hunting deer, iThere were also large snakes which similarly a man must kill the first he saw, be it little or pulled people under. They did not return the body, big, or his luck would be spoiled. If a blowfly however, as did the water creatures mentioned in came by, someone would kill a big buck. Should the preceding paragraph, but swallowed it. These men or women eat fresh meat during a funeral cer- snakes lived in lakes as well as the river, as did emony, the men would carry the sound of the fu- also the xaseyauwat. When one of these snakes neral when they went hunting and fail to get traveled, he pushed the water ahead of him, causing within shooting distance of the deer. Nor could a "big splash" at the outlet of the lake, and the one get within shooting distance of the deer if water moved along much like the sudden rising of a he- was not quiet while making bows and arrows. mountain stream caused by a cloudburst, pushing No one must step over anything connected with the rocks, brush, and everything ahead of it. deer hunt, else the man would always overshoot hlf certain places on the Siskiyous we!e dis- his mark. Separate pokers, frames, etc., must be turbed in any way, such as by weeds being pulled, use4 for cooking fish and meat. children playing, etc., it would storm. If chil- "If sparks flew from the fire, a rattlesnake dren played with lizards and dropped them in water, had been under the log. this always made a little rain. A circle around NWhoever came to mind as one sneezed was talk- the sun indicated that he was painting his face all inghabout one. over, which caused a little rain and meant that When the flicker gave a throaty call in the something was wrong with the people. In the event morning, the afternoon would be windy. If he of an unusually long snow and freeze, the weather whistled (a clear call) on to; of the house in would turn warmer, cloud up and rain if one who had the morning, there would be company during the been born in the rain buried a block of ice under day. the ashes. hOrdinarily a woman must never step over a man, hThere were different ways of stopping ordinary but, if wounded, his wife or some other woman rain. To stop thunder showers in summer, old men jumped back and forth over him several times. This or women shouted at the thunder. A raccoon hide killed the poison and he would not die. If it did was put on a pole, and people talked to the thunder, not cure, it at least eased him until a shaman saying, "Go that-way, it is no good place this way, could be procured. This treatment was especially you might step on a rattlesnake here." Thunder was effective if done by a menstruating woman. afrgid of a raccoon hide. For stomachache, a man (not a shaman) who knew- - under and Dove gambled all winter. Thunder the grizzly-bear song sang it over a cup of water bet the salmon, his food, and Dove bet all the grass and the sufferer drank the water. This song was seeds, which was his food. If the dove called effective because "when the grizzly bear eats he before it thundered, Dove had lost; then, the seeds just eats everything down, brush and all, if he is being his no more, everybody oould have them and eating berries." they would be plentiful. But if it thundered before After painting, the sun sometimes threw out the dove called, Thunder had lost; then salmon would his wash water, which made the rainbow. Should be plentiful. Therefore, abundant grass seeds meant one point at it, his finger would be crooked like not many salmon, perhaps-just a few late ones. the rainbow. hif water dropped from one's nose before he knew it, news of a death would be heard. A black and Shamanism white king snake seen in camp must be killed, else- it meant death. One must not- look at the full moon, cShasta shamans were chief'ly women. Hale sha- for a man seen walking across its face meant death mans were less numerous and bless proficient. to the whole village. * 0They received their powrer from the azaki (p. 326) 328 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS with which the Shasta territory fairly teemed, and mother died before the daughter became a shaman, which the shaman could see and hear singing about her axaiki returned to their abode, coming to tb4 her all the time. Though all the axaiki could be daughter when she became a shaman. Or the dauh seen by any shaman, a given one was the friend and of a shaman too old to practice might become a guardian of only one shaman and. was hereditary in man; or one who was aging or thought she was to d< the family. Occasionally, buwever, one deserted a might make a shaman of one of her close relatives, family, going over to another shaman, and there Sisters could be shamans at the same time but two were also numerous unpledged axaiki, one or more men in the same family could not, nor could a man of which a shaman might attract to herself and become one while a shaman sister lived. Sargent's which night be more powerful than her inherited paternal grandmother was a shaman, as were his fo guardians. paternal aunts, the eldest being a very powerful Shaanans were persons of great importance "and one. Were more than one member of a family a sh in them and their ceremonials almost the whole the eldest was the most powerful. A shaman had an ritual of the people is included."108 hIn spite assistant to care for her paraphernalia, a woman of their importance, however, they appear to have relative. This service was performed for Sargent, been unpopular. "A doctor is no friend to anybody, who was a shaman, by his mother. When not in Use,, except her own family." Few people wanted to be the paraphernalia were hidden in the woods. They shamans, for nobody liked them and they were likely received no special attention other than being to be killed at any time, such death requiring no carefully wrapped and placed in a tree, under payment. [Another statement however:] "People which red paint was kept in ten spots on a board, wanted to be shamans and always liked to have one The paraphernalia must be away from the odor of in the family. Some doctors are better hearted anything burning, or the shaman would die. Noth- than others, and try to do what is right. Lots of ing a shaman used in her professional capacity people like this kind of doctor. But then some must be underground. Upon her death her parapher- people always get jealous of her, they don't think nalia were hung away on a tree where they would a doctor should be liked and they get tired hearing be blown away or naturally destroyed. For a year peojle talk about her and bragging her up." A sha- or more after a shaman's death her assistant man could take no part in any general dance, except daily put out paint for her different axaiki, the puberty, and could not gamble; for were someone telling them she was putting out this paint for hurt, any shaman taking part would be blamed. Only them and asking them to care for the children. relatives attended a shaman's funeral, and she Sometimes she also put out other things, such as attended none outside her own family, and then only feathers, in the nature of small offerings to them, in-her own-village. She apparently took no active CDreams of various sorts recurring over a more part in any funeral, she was "not supposed to be or less protracted period first indicated to a, right there crying like other folks." If a member person that he or she was to become a shaman.110 of her family had died, a child or husband perhaps, These were usually of nightmare nature and the "she can cry by herself in the house, that can't be person finally dreamed of swarms of yellow jackets, helped, but she mustn't cry before people, that which were supposed to be axaiki and were there- would cause trouble. If a doctor is out with the fore conclusive proof of the nature of the dreams. others and takes care of the body and cries, it During this period the dreamer must observe cer- means lots of sickness and trouble." tain food taboos; she must eat no meat nor even 'The prevailingly hereditary nature of shamanism smell it cooking.. She must begin to paint as sha- hwas apparently coupled with a certain selection. mans did and begin collecting things a sh aan must 4-shaman usually selected one of her own children have. In general these were as follows: "ten or a brother's or sister's child. She cared for it buckskins, ten silver-gray foxskins, ten wolfgkins, while small, keeping it much with her and wishing ten coyote skins, ten fisher skins, ten otter it to become a shaman. She painted it like herself skins, ten small dish baskets, ten small bowl bas- and told it certain things to do and not to do. It kets the tail and wing feathers of the eagle (ten was these "who started young" who became powerful each5, and the tails of ten yellowhammers and of shamans, who "could do things without dancing and ten large woodpeckers. Other things (not nec- who could make other people doctors, could clear essarily in tens) are a supply of red, blue, and their ears." Or the shaman might instruct all her yellow paint and a buckskin pierced full of holes, children alike, but "it didn't all take alike. It to be thrown over the head while sleeping." CTo is the children that believe what their doctor collect these often took several years, but the motber or aunt tells them that get to be doctors." novice could not attempt to cure the sick or take aA Shaman's child could not become a shaman dur- the part of a real shaman until the list was com- ig her lifetime.109 bThey might practice at the plete. same time, but did not use the same axaiki. Then cFinally, late some afternoon, the dreamer would at the mother's death, the daughter took over her suddenly hear a voice directly above her head, and paraphernalia and received her azaiki. If the ~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~~110 For detailed description of' how one became 108Dixon, 471. a shaman, see Dixgn, 471-477. 109 Ibid. 111Dixon, 472. HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 329 turning at once would see her axalki standing be- for many months. Meanwhile, her family collected 1kind her with a drawn bow and arrow pointed at her the articles enumerated above. heart. Falling in a swoon, she lay rigid until 0The next winter the novice danced again, friends evening. Her family, meanwhile, began to wail and and relatives assembling for the occasion. If sin call in all the neighbors. While she was in this did not yet have all the things needed, the ceremony [trance the axaiki taught her his song, which told was delayed another year. When everything was his name and where he lived but otherwise had no ready the father of the novice) unless he were him- .words. Each axaiki had one song. After sunset self a shaman, cut and set up outside the house a the novice began slowly to revive, faintly repeat- tall pole, decorated with paint and a few feathers, ing the song. At lqngth she called out the axai- hand set up in a circle around the base of the pole .ki's name and then "~blood oozes from her mouth, ten straight elderberry sticks of last year's - usually ten times in succession.""2 "This was growth, peeled and painted with alternate stripes not really blood, but a substance "a little of black and red. blacker than chocolate which settles on your heart -cAbout sundown, the novice went to the pole when you do something you shouldn't do and you with a male assistant whom she asked to call her keep it secret. This black stuff covers your - axaiki, telling him what words to use. She then haeart so people can't see what you don't want them returned to the house and went to sleep. hmhis to. It all settles on the heart; so the system helper not only called the axaiki, but repeated must be cleared of this." 0As she gradually came to the audience the words of the novice (or the to herself the novice rose and began dancing and shaman, if a full-fledged shaman's dance) as tuin carried out various commands of her axaiki. detailed to him the axaiki's movements and what cShe slept most of .the next day and the next he was telling her. Only certain men could thus night danced again, continuing this routine five assist a shaman. When requested to call the days and nights. On the third night her axaiki axaiki, the helper gave two loud calls, then the appeared again and shot a "pain" into her to test name of the axaiki. At the first call the axaiki her strength. These pains were also called axaiki raised his head and looked about to see who was and were described as looking like tiny icicles. calling. Presently he got out his pipe and They were the cause of sickness in ordinary people. smoked, saying to himself, "Well, guess I will Upon being shot with the pain the novice fell, have to go." Then he dusted his moccasins and "stiffening again in a sort of cataleptic seizure. got up to go. At this point Cthe novice, who had They must catch her before she falls, or she will previously begun to roll about and whine and moan, die."'13 Revived, she sang and danced again, per- rose and danced aid sang until midnight, When the forming various feats with the pain, making it axaiki arrived. Each time she stopped dancing disappear in various parts of her body and reappear the axaiki stopped, this continuing until his again from other parts. On this and on the fourth arrival. A small dog must be put out as food for and fifth nights other axaiki came and each might the. axaiki before his arrival, else be would kill give her a pain. "All shamans seem to have three the novice's (or shaman's) dearest relative. Sin pains at least, and to carry these about in their announced that he had arrived, was about to Shoot, body all the time, one being in each shoulder, and and was looking about for something to eat. One in the back of the head. For this reason it Everybody's face must be in the light, for Should is very dangerous to touch or strike a shaman at one sit back in the dark where his face could not these points, as to do so angers the pain, and be seen, it angered the axaiki, who might kill death is likely to be the result Xor the person who him, thinking him a stranger. Upon his arrival has touched or struck them.""14 "These pains in the axaiki shot the puppy which, with a little each shoulder and one in each heel or ankle enabled yelp, dropped dead. The novice then lay down and the shaman to dance for five nights without tiring, slept again while her helper smoked and all tin while one in each temple enabled her to "see guests ate and talked in low tones. 0The axaiki straight ahead and never have a headache." After was supposed to leavehbefore daylight, as he nust the first night's dance the woman who was to be the be home before dawn, and the same process of shaman's helper and care for her paraphernalia took dancing must be repeated for his homeward trip three small boards, putting spots of yellow paint else he would not get back and this would c~ause on one, red on another, and indigo blue on the terrible sickness, perhaps the death of the Whiole third, and placed them back of the house. tehi village. was for the axaiki to paint with, and was after- cIf the novice had more than one ahxaiki for a ward put away with the rest of the paraphernalia. guardian a pole was set up for each of them and on the end of this five-day and -night ceremo- othe objects listed above "must apparently be nial the novice, after a ten-day fast, resumed provided" for each one."5 "All the things WIe normal life, living quietly and not dancing again not provided for each axaiki. Different ones called for different things: one for featinrs tat 12 pDixon, 473. were notched, another for eagle feathers, anotinr - 3Dixon, 474. 14Dixon,- 475. . 115Dixorl, 476. 330 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS for different kinds of baskets, etc. There must usual seizure some afternoon, lying rigid in a be no less than ten of each thing demanded. The swoon until evening. Then the axaiki began to a old people knew the various things the axaiki hand "they knew it was true and the family and wanted, therefore everything was prepared so the neighbors rushed 'around and got the things." TW novice would have whatever her particular axaiki might happen to one who had no shamans in the f requested. Whatever was called for was tied to ily. "These are the ones that don't believe in ? the pole and must reach to the ground. Some axaiki that doesn't belong to another famil cAfter the third night of this second winter's that has no friends, may pick them up." A shaman, dance, and not until then, the novice became a who no longer wished to practice could have her completely qualified shaman. hShe repeated the power removed by another shaman. This was also a dance every winter until she had had five dances. one-night dance, "a regular doctoring dance," and Some, indeed, repeated it for ten winters. Though the axaiki thus removed now belonged to the the first two winter dances must continue for five officiating shaman. nights, after that they need only be held for two CA powerful shaman could also confer the sha- or three nights, and sometimes only one. This manistic power on others, for which she received regular winter dance of the shaman came about a large fee. The power of hearing and seeing thb January or February. It was for her own benefit, axaiki she ceremonially conferred upon the can- to increase her power, "to build herself up," and didgte,117 who then proceeded as any other novice to get more axaiki friends. During this dance she "Sometimes the daughter, or other successor, could also "look around and see what was going to of a very powerful shaman need not go through happen," if sickness was coming to the village, this elaborate process of the winter dance, "the etc. Sometimes if an epidemic seemed to be coming, power just came on them gradually." Thus Sargent. a powerful shaman held such a dance to "look around" became a shaman because his oldest aunt, the pow; and see if it was coming toward that village and to erful shaman mentioned above, carried him about:> stop it if possible. If a home shaman, she was not when he- was a baby, talked to him, wished for hi paid for this;.but if there was no home shaman, an to become a shaman, and told his father how to outsider was hired for the purpose. A young shaman care for him. "Father always told me if I "had to dance for everything she did," but as she dreamed certain things what it would mean. Fath got older and more experienced she became more pow- was talking to the sun all the time to keep trou4 erful and could do things of her own power, without ble away from himself. So it just came on me the formality of a dance. The first four or five gradually. I dreamed and heard songs in the air.. years a shaman had to be very careful to observe They were axaiki songs, but I didn't see them. every detail of the shamanistic requirements, but Once I saw an old woman dancing and singing, she as she became older and attained more power, she used the Gam.twa language. She wasn't partic- could relax her vigilance somewhat. Men, women, and ularly talking to me. I never had to dance.118 children attended a shamanistic dance, and as she When I got to seeing things, some of them gave me sang what the axaiki told her, the spectators a song. I got a song and remembered it and used repeated the song "that was helping her doctor." it. After while I got to doctoring--some of the- cIf a dreamer ignored preshamanistic dreams and family was not very sick and no doctor was there failed to observe the proper food restrictions, etc., and I would sing and wave the sickbess away, but she (or he) would fall ill and a shaman called in to I couldn't touch the body. I waved it away with Xreat her would discover the cause of illness, feathers; there are certain feathers you should' ."Continued refusal to accept the position of sh8aman have. Then I got to dancing and the more I often results in the death of the person."1186 1But danced the more I saw, and the more songs I heard. if the dreamer's mother considered her unfit to be a After I had been doctoring quite a while, my aunt shaman, thinking she would not care for herself prop- came to me and told me what to do--I had to have erly and rightly perform her duties, the effects certain fir tips mixed with feathers. She gave could be removed by the officiating shaman, and the me a song and told me to doctor, what to use for girl dreamed no more. This was a one-night dance, any kind of sickness. Mother and father told me the shaman waving away the dreams with eagle wings. that all the songs I was singing were all the Apparently this was not a common practice, however; four do9ors' songs. [The four shaman aunts.]. for, though one need not unwillingly accept the That is why they thought I could doctor, because.. shamanistic call because another shaman "could take they knew I had never heard them, they were not the dreams away," one usually was afraid "to have songs I had learned from anybody. I never had another doctor take it away." Sometimes, appar- the winter dances and didn't call for the axaki. ently, in spite of the dreamer's disbelief and her While mother was living I used to have her look family's ignoring the dreams and consequent failure around just for one night." Sargent owned a to- collect the required articles, "the aaiki chooses her anyhow," and cshe was taken with the 117Fo deal ofti eeonseDxn 477. 11The novice's and shaman's winter dance 116Di~von, 472. described above (pp. 328-32.9), and Dixon, 475-4~76.a HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 331 remarkable pipe that belonged to the oldest baiman in the lower end of Scott Yle Es could treat aunt. "Some white people up at Jacksonville were people bitten by a grizzly be ometimes h killed and some of that other tribe told that it could change form and- look like 4 .lhunch of dead was some Shasta-boys that did it; so four innocent limbs stuck together; he did this diving the five- boys were hung. One of them was father's cousin night winter dance, but never during a "doctoring and someone at the funeral said to my aunt, dance." "All the other axaSki just looked like 'Can't you do something about it?' So she put her people." The axaiki of the next "real people" down pipe in her mouth and drew fire without lighting the river (the Karok) looked like a small bat. it; she sent an axaiki to the village of those cDisease and death were caused by pains shot people and in a month's time all their young into people by axaiki, or by shamans "When a people were dead." When she died she gave the shaman comes to a patient, her songs mak bthe pain pipe to Sargent's father, telling him that he weak, and draw it to the surface, so that it can could'curehimself or anyone in the family by lay- easily be extracted. When taken out,'blood ing it on the place that hurt when they were sick, oozes from it, this blood being that -q the but he never used it. Upon his death he gave it person on whom it has been preying as. srt to Sargent. When Sargent 's mother died she told of Earasite."199 him to destroy it, for there was no one to take When summoned to treat a patientt he;shaman care of it for him. set out 4t once with the messenger.-.....en o for her cThe axaiki were scattered about everywhere and probably two or three people fr M Q Own. and were constantly trying to shoot people with village. About half a mile from theowezqt's their pains. They varied in power, and the more home the shaman stopped and smoked 06 4*ut ,.an powerful a shaman's axaiki, the greater the feats hour, her axa'ki meanwhile telling bw L .out she could perform. A shaman could see all over the case and the messenger being,-''&d the country, discover the axaiki everywhere, and to announce her coming and to asa t Cn g hear them singing all the time.. They lived in was in readiness for her. Most *ivo. houses like those of human beings, and argued among these preparations was the provisi , Cot themselves as to their respective powers, just as of water with a cover on it.- Sa O X did the shamans; but neither they nor the shamans drops of red paint were put by tho i had contests. "When human beings'die that is the the shaman's helper might, instead' axaiki's living,,just like deer for us, we are their of paint into the air while the s game." cThe axaiki were very subject to colds and This was for the axaiki, to keep hid4p likely to get a bad cold when they came out from humar. The neighbors, meantime, gpSt home. hThat was the only sickness they were subject sing, and the more singers theren Hir to, and shamans were not very effective in treating pleased were both the shaman and the a cold. cTrai s, if possible, avoided places where They could crowd in at this time in Ant axalki lived; but if necessary to pass such a since it was not necessary that every place, some old woman who knew the proper formula the light; for at an ordinary curing ,t said a few words as they went by, telling the axaiki shaman did not call the axaiki to cme ;.:to let the people passing there alone, that they ter merely "talked from where he was."' were all right and meant no harm, etc. She then CArriving at the patient's house, ther# left a little paint, or put up a yellowhammer tail danced and sang,120 the songs being re, or some such article, "saying, 'This is to paint of what her axalki .was saying. h s ysJour feathers, this is for you.'' The axaiki likes she kept seizing "little broken pieces ,.that and he says, 'This 'is my friend.'," They could from the patient's body. These she did: Mnot injure white people "because white people have to show, she just threw them away or pitr ,,a different-scent and the axaiki can't stand i't-." the basket of water. "They are like, if' One axalki who lived in the mountain beyond Rogue a man coming to help you and he had a Itiver called himself a laurel tree; a laurel tree children with him, they are around in ti| tgrew close beside his house., Another lived in the bothering you and.you just push them asi mountain back of Applegate toward Grants Pass. He shaman not wishing to cure a patient miht called himself by the name of the rawhide'basket, tend that one of these small, only sl |tauxikwitsAgwaiwdyda (the rawhide basket up on, troublesome pains was the real pain. something). His coming brought rain and lightning d cAt a certain point in the ceremony t r and he had power to treat, people struck bylight- "begins to suck at the seat of pain, anz Aing. Another, who looked like an eagle, lived far out some red, blackor yellow clotted up the Klamath River near Klamath Lake. eK was This is not the pain, but is done merely tOL 4tI * effective in treating anyone choked by a fishbor1- 'clear the system.' After removing this front tb; Sin his throat. In some rockyr cliffs at the head of patient, the shaman -dances anewr, approaching + Horse Creek canyon lived an axaiki who called Shim- toward and receding-from the patient, till sud. *;- self "wild pigeon," though he-looked like a man. denly, making a rush, she seizes the pain, and "Hte said, 'This is what I sing, there is nothing 1.1.9 ~that you cannot do,'" meaning that one could treat 1lDixon, 478.'' ' anything with him. The grizzly bear axaiki lived . 20For further details, see Dixon, 478-479. h 332 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS pulls it out in her hands."12' Tlhereupon she member of the patient's family would set out the. stiffened and would fall if not caught. But this paints and the little basket of water for the s must not be allowed, for if she fell with the man "and that meant it was time for her to get pain she would die; so two young, strong men were again and start doctoring." At frequent inter watching to catch her when she stiffened. One during her dancing the shaman waved her feathers'. held her while the other tried to straighten her over the patient and all around the house; this arms until he could get her hands in the basket "clearing the sickness away." of water, Then she began to relax and they put hIf the patient died the shaman must return t her down, After holding her hands in the water whole fee (not half, as Dixon states). The same for a little while she relaxed completely and let or identical articles must be returned. This go of the pain. occurred if the patient did not get up; but if he hShe then danced again while disposing of the recovered sufficiently to get up and walk about, pain in whatever manner was decided upon. cIt the fee need not be returned. (Perhaps it was in might be thrown violently in the direction of the the latter case that half the fee was returned.) axaiki supposed to have sent it; or after being If the patient had to call the shaman again thopoughly softened by soaking in water, it might within a month, the latter had to go as many be "taken out and placed in a half mussel shell, timts as called, with no additional fee. with a small quantity of various herbs and roots in If after dancing in the regular manner the powdered form. Some pitch is put over the whole, shaman could not handle the case with her own the other half of the mussel shell put over it as a axaiki, she said, "I can't do anything, you had cover, and then the whole thing put in a hole in better call another axaiki," meaning a stronger the embers, the fire being quickly raked over one. Then a man, a friend of the patient, set all";l'2 cor a pain supposed to have been sent by up a pole back of the house and the axaiki was another shaman might be broken, causing the imme- called in the manner described for the novice's diate death of the guilty person, the broken pain and shaman's winter dance. The shaman direeted departing to its owner's grave. 'hlhe shaman then this male helper to paint his face according to ended the performance by again sucking at the seat the axaiki she wished to call. His body was of the pain. Each performance, that is, each pe- painted red, and his legs and arms in alternate niod of "doctoring" (lasting an hour or two) during black and red stripes like the pole and the ten the Whole time the shaman was there as well as the elderberry sticks set up around its base. The final performance when the cure was supposed to be shaman also directed the helper to put certain complete, was ended by sucking, articles on the pole as payment to the axaiki, gThe pain extracted might be almost as large as who sometimes smiled at the sight of it, if it the "main axaiki" and might look as though it were bore what he considered a goodly amount, for he the main one, and yet it was not. Such pains were would be pleased and think, "People must think I called "the covering" because they were put there am gomebody." "to cover up the main axaiki." There might be five tBut apparently when a shaman saw a pain she of these but the shama could see that none was the could not touch; possibly sent by a more powerful real one. As she took one of these out, she put it shaman, the more usual procedure was to advise in her teeth and broke it and sent it away. "These calling another shaman. "That is another thing broken pains are the ones that are all, about and they have against doctors. If the sick person just help along the main pain. They are what makes dies his people say the doctor ought to have said you feel bad when you get sick, what people call she couldn't help him and told them to send for nerves now." Only one of these could be extracted another doctor." A rich and important man might at pach performance. hire three or four shamans if the first was not 11ioen a shaman arrived she danced, then was getting results. As each arrived she proceeded given food, anything but meat, and after sunset with her performance as the others had, until she datced again. The dancing might be repeated at effected a cure or gave up. Three or four might intervals until midnight. The next morning she had thus assemble and finally the last might say, "It an early breakfast in order to be. ready to begin looks like something could be done yet," and they dauping at daylight; or if the patient was very bad would decide to have a pole set up and call an she began before daylight so she Aod be dancing at axaiki, as described above. One was the principal the break of day. The chief Yties tor "doctoring" performer who did the singin, to whom the axaiki were at sunrise, just before dark, and after dark sang, and who told what he was saying, but the until. midnight. T~his was because "up till midnight others danced with her to help, Howr this prin- the3 sickness8 is the same; the difference comes cipal performer was fixed upon is not clear. All after midnight, and the main change comes at sun- those called were paid, even though the last rise." If the patient was very bad, howvrer, the effected a cure without the procedure of setting shaman might dance again shortly after midnight. A up the pole and calling the axaiki. Hao matter for what a shaman was hired, she r Ib id . 128 Dixon, 479. * 238ee above, p.D 329.* HOLT: SHASTA ET!POGRAPHY 333 never said that she could do it. "They just say grizzly bear. The dancing shaman growled and acted they will try and see what they can do, that is like a bear, finally ru-Bhing at the patient uan as near as they say yes." Similarly, the first seizing whatheas suppoted Ut be the tonV of the response of an axaiki was always that he could do beae that had bitten him. 4at onc he at-iffened nothing. "Why didn't you call somebody else?" and. fell, just as did the shaman upoh the extrad- Nevertheless, it was believed "that a shaman can tion of the pain in other cases, 'and wta similarly always cure a patient if she only wishes to,"14 caught by two men and his hands put info the basket and one who lost too many patients was killed. of water.'29 0Among a shaman's paraphernalia'2" was a head- cA shaman or axaiki might put a pain under the band of yellowhammer tail feathers. hiellowhamer doorsill of a house, to kill those within, or was a shaman, so his feathers were used by shamans. place pains centrally in a village to kill all Eagle and woodpecker were never shamans, but the the inhabitants. Were this suspected, because of axaiki called for their feathers, so they were much illness in the village', a powerful shaman also used. Any bird tail that "is clipped at the gas called to remove the source of the trouble. end," like the yellowhammer tail, was used by sha- 'The decision to call a shaman was reached by mans. Only they could wear notched feathers; the assembled residents, the oldest and most "that was the mark of a doctor." important men doing most of the talking, and she There were special shamans to treat rattle- was hired by the wealthy men of the rillage. snake or grizzly-bear bites. Though it was not The ceremony'30 was held in the okwV'1fmma, if the essential to have a shaman with the rattlesnake village possessed one, otherwise in the largest axaiki to treat a rattlesnake bite, it was consid- house. RThe shaman had a pole set up and called ered better to do so. 'There seemed, however, to her ax4iki, as described above'3' for the nov- te a differenee, not quite clear, between the ice's and shaman's winter dance. She and her rattlesnake axaiki, who conferred the power of axaiki dislodged the pain, pushing it into the treating rattlesnake bites, and rattlesnake him- river and drowning it, and the ceremony ended in self. Rattlesnake (in contradiction to Dixon)'26 a feast of celebration. was not an axaiki, for he was always silent. UBut the shaman need not always summon the "You can never get a word out of rattlesnake. If axaiki to relieve the village of such a buried you see rattlesnake while you are doctoring you pain. Sometimes she could see it and she danced can tell by looking at him what he is thinking. and sang all night, telling where it was buried. He never looks at you. If you are a doctor you Just before daylight she said, "Now get ready, can tell what rattlesnake is going to do and you we will go," and went quietly out of the house, tell your relatives' children to look out next all the others following her. She slipped up on ?pring, because rattlesnake is going to do this." the pain and seized it, the others shook their The rattlesnake axaiki,- when called by the sha- things so all sickness would be sent back with man, demanded for himself "pine bark ten earth's the pain, and the shaman shot it away, returning pollen," that is "a piece of pine-bark on which it to the village of the shaman who had sent it. are placed ten small heaps of puff-ball stores, The latter knew nothing of what had happened Which are called 'pollen of the earth..'"' until someone in her village got sick and, she "However, there were a number of axaiki who called being unable to help them, another shaman was for this and it was these who could treat rattle- called and told her it was her own pain causing snake bites. But, "if I am using those rattle- the sickness. snake feathers [feathers tipped with rattlesnake cThere was no such tl ng as a purely acciden- rattles, listed in the rattlesnake shaman's par- tal sickness or injury, 1unless, perhaps, it was aphernalia'ls8 for doctoring, rattlesnake is a cold. "That is just in the air, even an axaiki. supposed to be my friend and I tell my boys, 'Don't gets a bad cold." cAll sicknes l or injury was kill rattlesnake." No doctor should kill a rattle- caused by an axaiki, a shaman, or somebody's ill snake, because if he did anything to a rattlesnake wishes. Sickness might be caused not only by an he couldu4t cure a rattlesnake bite." Should a axaiki, or pains sent by a shaman, but also by relative of a shaman who had the rattlesnake for a the ill wishing of an ordinary person. "Maybe friend kill a rattlesnake, this relative explained you have some neighbors, nice, quiet people, and to it that it was nobody from around here doing everybody likes them. Maybe your children are this, but somebody from So-and-so. around making trouble for everybody and you get cThe grizzly amaiki *as a guardian of male sha- jealous of those people because everybody likes mans and must be called to cure the bite of a them and people are always picking on your chil- '1241)ixon, 479. dren. You hate them and after while your bad, thoughts get to working and one of their children See Dixon, 481-484, for enumeration of par- gets sick." Or one might actively set about 128Diton, 481. g29see Dixon, 484-486f or description of the 1278ee Dixofi, 484, for description of rattle- grizzly shaman's dance.. snake hama~n' s ceremony. 130See Dixon, 487-488. for details. 128Diron, 481. 131See above, p. 329. 334 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS sending an evil wish against -another person. The be a aong time after, you may have gone off and - best time to send such evil wishes was early in haveia home of your own and have a child. The the morning, before daylight. "This is the time child gets sick and a doctor comes and sees what , to get him, like killing, when he is asleep." the matter. She says, 'You'ought to know what is -i Were the evil wisher a woman, she arose thus the matter,' but you still don't tell. Then the early in the morning and stirred the fire, poking doctor takes handfuls of this black stuff from y the two backlogs put there for the night, talking heart and says, 'That is what your heart looks to the fire and saying it was the person's heart like, all covered with-this because you keep it that she was poking. Children were not allowed to secret.' If you admit it, then the doctor can play in ashes "because ashes are not good for any- cure your child and that is over, as long as you body"; for Cit was there the shaman put an have told what you did." Or, "maybe I am your extracted pain to kill it, and the ashes were thus brother and you are my sister and you have chil- stirred while dispatching evil wishes. If the dren. I don't-have any' enemies or any reason to wishing was by a mpn, he went out alone in the very kill anybody, but I just get to thinking I would early morning, while still dark, and smoked and like to kill that person, just for meanness. I talked "just to the air," about all the bad luck talk it before you. I don't have any business he wished for that particular individual. If his to because you are a married woman with children village had a sweat house, he gathered wood while and it will come back on them. You don't tell thus smoking and talking in the dark, and with this anybody, because I am your brother and you don't wood he sweated in the morning. This wishing must want to. The folks of the person I killed hire be repeated each night for quite an extended period, a doctor to send a pain. If they are women they a month or more. It was done when one could not always send too many, they are the ones that afford or, for some reason, did not wish to hire a send a pain to kill a whole village. One of shaman to send a pain against someone. Hiring a your children gets sick and you send for a doctor. shaan, however, was quicker and surer. She says, 'It looks like you had something to do But this hatred and ill wishing had another with this, looks like something you had better do side. It might react against the person who had something about.' You don't tell, you don't want harbored the evil thoughts, and cause his sickness to or maybe you don't think about that being it. or that of some of his relatives. "Anything you Maybe the doctor is a friend of yours and she hide in your heart covers it with blackness. You takes you aside and tells you what it is and get away with that and do something else and hide tells you you had better do something about it, it. It keeps piling up till it gets too much and you may lose all your children. So you say, 'I gets you down." Then the only cure was confession did hear somebody saying something about this.' of what one had done. You put it out in the open and then the doctor hWhen one was sick from somebody's ill wishes, can cure it. If I was doing it to revenge some the shaman saw it as a kind of white fog covering trouble I had it wouldn't act that way, only if the patient and could trace it as a white streak I wanted to pick up some innocent person." Or to its source. If the guilty party then confessed one might be sick from something his mother or what he or she had done, the shaman could cure the father, or great-grandfather, or some other rel-, patient. Thus a shaman might have been called for ative had done long ago. In that event, "every a girl who was ill from the wishes of a rejected word the axaiki tells about this is curing it suitor. "The man may be there when the doctor is and when it is cured that is settled and you doctoring and the father and mother 'of the girl will not be sick from that again." keep asking the doctor what is the matter. The hA shaman's sins were thus visited upon her doctor says it doesn't seem to be much of anything, children also. Perhaps she had sent her axaiki but she points at the man and says it is some of to kill some children in the next village and his wishes. If he doesn',t tell, the doctor rushes later did something to anger her axaiki, who over and takes some of this black stuff from his thereupon made her own child sick. Sickness heart and says, 'This is what your heart looks caused by her own axaiki a shaman was unable to like.'" If he persisted in not admitting his guilt, see or treat effectively. So after treating the girl died. This was one of the most difficult her child to no avail, she would send for another illnesses to cure. As a cold does not "pain you shaman who, seeing the difficulty, would say, in a certain place, it is just in the air," so from "No use to send for me, you know what is the mat- wishes there was no pain, one was "just weak and ter. Looks like you might have been doing some- sic in the bed." thing around here, you might say a few words." The proceeding was similar when-one's own evil So the guilty shaman would take a pipe and smoke, deeds had reacted upon him or his relatives, the having a little basket of water by her side. She most usual target for such reaction apparently admitted what she had done and told why she did being one's children. "Maybe you are where your it, apologizing and saying she "must have been brothers or someone are planning to kill somebody out of her mind or something." She then took a for revenge and you hear it and think it is all little of the water in her mouth, what she could right. If that isn't paid for and settled, it may dip up with her fingers, and- blew it over the HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 335 This "cleared it up" so the other shaman "he says he is not sure if he hit him, you can look are the child. around for yourself in the morning and see. Then shaman who extracted a pain sent by another you will hear maybe somebody away over the moun- n, killed it by breaking it, thus causing tains some place just died while he was asleep. death of its sender, or returnedhit to the People call it heart trouble now." The sun was the -lage of the shaman who sent it. In the event best source for finding the whereabouts of lost the latter, the people in the village began articles or persons, or what had happened to them, o die, one dying every now and then. If this for "he can look around any place." When thus ontinued the villagers sent for an outside shaman, appealed to "the sun says, 'There is a place here Nho proceeded as just described. If the home sha- where I can't see very good and you might go and man did not admit what she had done she was likely look around there,' but it isn't so, because he to be killed. Then the other shaman could remove can see every place." Any shaman could call upon the pain and the matter was cleared up. the sun "to look around for her," for the sun hNegotiations for hiring a shaman to kill an axalki did not "belong to anyone." Perhaps a enemy by shooting a pain into him were carried out shaman was called to find what had happened to in a very careful and indirect manner. One visited someone lost. She might first dance and "try to a friend or relative in the chosen shaman's village look around for herself," but failing to get and confided his trouble, saying,-"What do you results would say, "Nobody but that headman up think about this doctor?". The friend replied, "I above can tell." This her axaiki said to her think maybe she will do, you might try." Then rnd she repeated it. Then she had a male helper when a group was sitting talking together, the call upon the sun, telling him what they wished friend went and told the shaman this person wished and saying, "We think you are strong and the only to ask her some questions, or to talk about some- man that can help us." The sun, like the other - thing, "I don't know what about." Soon the shaman axalki and the shaman, did not commit himself wandered toward. the group, as though she was "just too definitely. "He doesn't come right out and out to visit folks there." She sat down, the tell them. He says, 'Look around in that place others soon left and the two talked. Very little over there, it doesn't look just right to me I others soonilef and thatlittle twontalked. Vee ldon't see any place else to look around, no other was said and that little indirect. As she left, place looks like that, it may be and it 1 might not the shaman said, "Well, I would like to see you b"'Te sun did nth cl hmself and atmig before you leave," and that was all. When making (though at other times Sargent referred to the his farewells before leaving for home, the visitor sun at other talk an d to the managed to meet the shaman as though to tell her sun axaiki), but he could talk and was the only goodbye, and it was then the arrangements were one who could be asked anything one wished. made. The shaman would inquire, "How do you want to take your meal?" meaning, "How do you want your Ceremonials enemy killed?" and enumerated the various possibil- ch ities from which one made a choice. The shaman The Shasta apparently had practic y nothing never committed herself but merely said that if she in the way of ritual except the girls' puberty were to do it, it would be in such andsuch a way. dance, the war dance, and the shaman ceremonials, She was not paid then, but when the victim died in though they sometimes attended the Karok and the manner agreed'upon she remarked to the friend Yuro8k dances. who had helped in the negotiations, "Well, the mes- There were, however, some very simple, per- sage came, I guess it turned out the way he wanted.' sonalceremonials for acquiring luck. During a The friend understood her meaning and took the word certain moon each year (about February) boys and to his friend, who replied, "Well, you will see me Iyoungmen went alone on dark, stormy nights to a up there some time soon, I am getting tired of stay-4 certain rocky point and piled stones. They heard upg theresomed time," soon, Iery amortly g ett oing strange things walking beside or behind them and mug around here," and very shortly he would bring heard strange voices; they could almost hear the the shaman her reward.wod.Solthyloarud oev, r hThe shaman was also called upon to find lost or words Should they look around, however, or stolen articlea, persons lost or killed, and to become frightened, they would be lifelong cowards. stole artileb, erson lostor kiled, nd to Only one boy could go on any one n ight, andal find and punish the culprit. For instance, a knew o was going, on the night, and wealthy man's grave might be robbed and a shaman knew who was going. Even the Gamttwa came up and called to find and punish the robber. She danced did this." This was to make them brave and one at night, calling upon her axaiki and describing to might do it once in his life, or several times; but the audience what he did and said. The axaiki one who never did it "didn't amount to much." dnf(r described the thief's. thoughts as he came to the cn very cold nights in the middle of winter, a grave, dug up the body, took the things, etc., then m~an will go out just before dawn, and, after pray- said he would go to the sleeping culprit and try to ing for luck, will plunge into the river, and shoot him. He described how the thief was lying there, then he would shoot at him and run away, stopping to look back and saying he was not sure 19See Dixon, 486-487, for other powers and that he shot him, he would shoot again. Finally characteristic s of the Sun and several stars. 336 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS swiM."133 hThese things were done chiefly when saying, "This is for you to paint. I am young, for "if he doesn't make his luck when he for you." He called to the sun, saying, ' is yo0ng, he won't have it." when you come over that place, here I am wa. '"There is also another method of acquiring you." He then offered the paint and asked t. luck, of which, however, only confused accounts to care for them, keep sickness from them, pr have been secured. It may be practised by one them from their enemies, etc. This finished, man, or by several men at once, and consists, washed his hands and ate his breakfast. A war apparently, in scarifying the arms, thighs, and just as they were leaving, might hire this man knees, rubbing some sort of powdered herb into the to Bake the prayer recorded by Dixon.136 cuts, and then lying on the back in the sweat- U~any old women at sunset threw a little red house, and pounding the floor with one heel, sing- paint toward the sun, saying, "I want you to be ing meanwhile. This is done only in winter, and good and look at us in the right way." This was at night. 134 hThis was for luck when hunting in "just to keep on the good side of the sun so he the mountains "or they may do it in the sweat won't look back and think anything wrong about house just to be doing it." One man danced by the them." fire while the others lay on their beds singing Dixon alsp records137 a prayer for the grizzly- and pounding the heel in time to the dancing. They bear hunt. RThis was "making medicine," and only did not scarify themselves. a few people knew the prayer. One could, however, cThere were a few simple songs or prayers for hire someone who knew the prayer, or medAcine, to use when indanger from a grizzly bear. Were the make it for him or to teach it to him. When bear actually upon one, he called on the ground for hunting grizzly bears the hunter built a fire help, saying, "Jerk your child off me." If he said and, after making a small offering of food, this at once the bear would let him go and run leaves, etc., prayed, first stamping on the ground away. Another form was a certain sound one made twice. He said, "Now I ask you for aid, this when he saw a grizzly bear. Soon the bear would earth your child. Drag off from mre the darkness hear this, stop quite still for a moment, stand up going down, your child, drag it away." This and look around, then turn and run away. Or at darkness was said to be "the darkness which dis- sight of a grizzly one stamped on the ground and appears in the west at dawn." Then lighting the said, "Drive your child away from me," and the bear fire and making the offerings, the hunter contin- turned and went away. A grizzly-bear song was also ued, "Now there is a fire. I throw it down for used at the war dance. This made one strong so he you a white cloud. Good it is. Now look at me. cculd overpower the enemy, for "everybody is afraid Now kick off hither the fleas, lice, etc., from of a grizzly bear." your body. I hope you will kick off to me five Dixon records a prayer to the sun for help in mats. Now here I break sticks for the fire, war. 13 This, according to Sargent, was offered over the leg of a deer." The reference to the only by a certain man who always "talked to the sun" earth's fleas and lice is a mistake in this as it rose each morning. Just who this man was and grizzly-bear prayer, for "the grizzly bear is not the exact nature of his simple ceremonial was not the earth's fleas or lice, it is the earth's quite clear. There was some confusion in Sargent's child, it is partly human." accounts of him. At times he seemed to be a semi- many men, when they went deer hunting, put official character who prayed to the sun each morn- cedar boughs on the fire to make it smoke. They ing for the benefit of the whole village, one who rubbed the boughs, when smoking and wilting down, knew the proper formula which he had learned from over their gun "to rub off all the bad things," "the old people." Then again Sargent insisted that meanwhile.naming the kind of deer they wanted he performed this ceremony only for his own and his and the place where they wished to find it, ask- relatives' benefit, that he was always a close ing the mountain where they intended to hunt to relative of a shaman who had the sun for an axaiki, give them his fleas or lice (the deer), and they and who had taught him the correct formula, and he sprinkled a little tobacco about for the mountain. only performed this ceremony after her death. For bear, one smoked himself with fir boughs. hBe that as it may, there were, apparently, cer- When deer hunting, the man, even though his wife tain men, only a few in the whole tribe, who was along, built the fire and as he broke up the possessed the requisite knowledge and performed a wood mentioned with each piece he broke a certain simple ceremonial, "talking to the sun" each morn- joint in the deer, saying this was what he was ing at sunrise. This man painted in a prescribed breaking. Then he might put some fir or cedar manner; he had paints of all the colors they boughs on top and pass his quiver through the possessed in a row before him and threw a pinch of smolce. each in turn toward the sun as he made his requests, There was no "medicine" for hunting other * ~~~~~~~~~~~animals, but one used their "medicine" for hunt- 133Dixon, 489; for other simple ceremonials, ing deer, "because they all hunt the deer." see pp . 4l89-490 . 134Dixon, 489.* 1 361bid . 135Dixon, 490. 137Ibid . HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY The wildcat song was best for this. One did not while hunting, this medicine would w o on! Mn use the timber-wolf song until he crippled a children or, had he no children, ot - 3f, ; deer and was on its track, "because the timber makes them sick, decays the bfxob. IS wolf, when it starts after a deer, doesn't run you right away, but wears you out, 1*a'u; 7 very far till he catches it." The wildcat song ning spot that never heals." One a mkU k;- eorsited in calling the deer's name, arointi chase such a bundle for killing sbo bod, 0 over and over again in a low, musical song. When case one went to his bundle before dsy34n'4 one killed a timber wolf he took the little piece talked to it, asking for the person's d .0*h of gristle at the base of the tongue and carried nThough the same people made medioii9 Vp * it in his quiver for hunting luck. When on the ing luck, this was not a bundle. One too't- track of a deerthe hunter put this bit of gristle article, the gig or spear or some parteo: G4 in his mouth as he sang the timber-wolf song, to the medicine man or woman, who rubbed4 i th which consisted of a certain sound, inliti intiti, sung the "medicine" and told one how to care for it1 softly over and over again. None but the owner could then use this I d m 'While hunting deer one might see a small, two- else his (the owner's) luck would be spol J*4. headed snake (one head on each end) lying in front Glen could also purchase "love medicd # t of him. Sometimes one end was in a hole. This medicine man. Certain plants were used by wv l was good luck and one pointed his gun across the and a different song went with each of tlihse- t snake, mentioning the name of the place, thanking suitor rubbed the plant designated by the MS44, J it for good luck and saying that one wanted a buck man between his hands and blew it toward thes- 4 of so many points, or a white deer, etc. Whatever saying what he was wishing and singing the aong 4 kind of deer one mentioned he was sure to get; if medicine man had given him. not at once, then the next day. One could also hire a medicine woman to Alke hThere were certain people, not shamans but rain, negotiating with her directly for this "medicine men" or "medicine women," who could "make Reasons for asking for rain might be to sett]*1 medicine" and "whatever he wants, it happens just the dust on a grave, or before a hunt. For the the way he wants it when the time comes." These latter, one would say to her, "Don't you think,- men or women made medicine bundles consisting of we had better have a little rain before the hwnt?. some sort of dried herbs or other things, wrapped It hasn't rained for a long time and all the ol4d X in grass ad the whole wrapped in buckskin. One deer tracks will look just like fresh ones. If who bought a bundle did not know its contents, for it rains the new tracks will show." For makin if he looked inside certain of them would kill him, rain she used a certain herb procured in the whlile others merely lost their power. The medicine mountains. She burned this and when it reached man, or Woman, went off alone and talked, while the sky it rained. She called for so many days making the bundle, about what he wanted to happen. of rain. He was not talking to an axaiki, but "just to hThese medicine men and women were not very. nature." One could purchase one of these bundles numerous. The knowledge went down in the family. for any soirt of luck. If purchasing from a man, and only one in the family practiced at a tug.. one negotiated directly with him, if from an A woman, apparently, did not usually make such unrelated Voan, one gave the articles in payment medicine when she had small children. She did to her don or some male relative, asking m to it more as she grew older, and she grew more get tha bundle. He, in turn, gave the articles to expert with age. her and shb made the bundle. The oiner of such a h~f one came upon one of the small, two-headed bundle. was careful always to keep it- dry. It was snakes mentioned above, he could kill and cook kept away frm the house when not in use. A bundle and make a bundle of it. Only if wanting some- for hunting luck was carried in the bottom of the thing very badly the owner went to such a bundle quiver when hunting, so the points of the arrows where it was hidden, talked to it, and told it rested on it. If the owner aid any tatooed thing what he wanted, which he was sure to get. VARIOUS Storytelling Education, Etiquette hStories were told only in winter and in the Children were taught to be industrious.139 evening. If told in summer, rattlesnake would "Anybody lazy is no good, nobody wants to have you be offended just as would a person were the name around. We had lots of money but father always of the dead mentioned. . talked to his children and told them they must hSun stories were told by the first people, learn to work." They were told always to be good "when animals were people." Nobody could cross to old people, to feed them when they came, etc., Sun's path. Spider was the messenger to Sun and "and they will think good thoughts of you. They one called upon him for a favor. For instance, will not be here long and when they die you will be, should the man who talked to the sun each morn- the last ones they think good thoughts of and you ing138 become sick, his mother or sister inter- will live long and happy." Grandparents were con- ceded for him, saying, "Spider, I am calling on stantly advising and instructing the children and you, take pity on me and go and find out what young people. "Everything you are supposed to know' that Sun has to say." When the messenger arrived the old folks told you." The following is an eiam- Sun would say, "Get out of my way, you smell.bad, ple of the "preaching" to boys: "They tell them to I will shoot you with my bow and arrow." But keep away from the neighbors' houses, don't bother Spider would say, "No, I am hired by the people." around. They teach them the manly way: 'Never "Where is that paint?" Sun would ask. "There it take anything that doesn't belong to you. Don't go is," Spider would reply. Each thing Sun asked to the neighbors' houses and be fooling around with for was provided, then he told what the trouble girls; if you want to go around where the girls ares was and the shaman told the people what he said. you get married. Don't be lazy. Be hunting all the hUsually a certain old woman in the village time; when you get married you will have children toi told stories and the children gathered at her feed and your.wife to feed. Don't let any girls house every evening in the winter to listen. The make a fool of you. Get married to the woman you storytelling seemed to be primarily for the chil- want, not just any woman that likes you. Any woman dren's benefit, though adults might also be in that likes you, it will be just a little while and the audience, and those bringing children usually she will be off and leave you. When you have chil- stayed with them. Adults never told stories dren after you get married, keep them home, don't merely for their own entertainment, but only to let them run around in front of people's houses. illustrate a point in conversation, and this might Tell them what could happen to children when they be done at any time of year because the whole bother in other people's houses. Teach them not story was not told. The children repeated the to take anything to eat from other people's story, sentence by sentence, after the storyteller, houses, teach them to come home when they get each word being repeated until they got it right. hungry. [This last was practical advice, not Some children disliked the storytelling but were merely "what the well-bred child should do": compelled to go, being told their backs would be someone might be there who did not like them and crushed if they did not go. Little girls, the might give them something to make them sick.] older ones, frequently practiced telling the sto- If you are running around and getting into trouble ries to a group of their little friends, who before you get married, you might marry a good watched for mistakes. This was done in daytime, girl that stays home and wants to do right and but only in winter. people would talk about what you used to do and hEvery evening when the storyteller finished think she wants to be a little better than you she took each child in turn and pressed on a ver- and children will hear their parents talking and tebra in its neck, saying, "This is the grizzly will talk too, and people will laugh at you. So bear and you~must be strong and brave like the when you have children, try to teach them what you grizzly bear." Then pressing on the vertebra just know and keep them out of trouble. Teach them to- below the shoulders she said, "This is the joint be good to the neighbors, and people always like of the panther's back and you should be stout like your children if they are good to the people.'" the panther, he takes any kind of deermeat and In the evening old men told the boys not to walks off with it." Then pressing each vertebra sleep with too much cover, lest they be taken by below this, she told with each one something that surprise. If thpy slept too warm and comfortably the panther did. As she pressed the little girls' they would not hear an enemy coming and might be vertebrae she told them they must be strong so killed in bed; such things had happened. On the they could carry a big basket of wood, and so on contrary, if they did not use too much cover and with everything that women were supposed to do. early in the morning went swimming in -the river, Before each child left he told her he would come again for the stories. 139The remainder of the material in this paper, % from Sargent, deals with aspe~cts of the culture] 3ZSSee above, p. 335. not included in Dixon's monograph. ]1 HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 339 they would "always have a good feeling," and their them to be satisfied, that the visit will be all luck would always be good. Each morning, just right, that we are not the kind of people that dig before daylight, one or more old women went about up something that happened a long time ago,"-etc. the village looking through the surrounding brush Such a visitor was expected, in turn, to make quite to see if any war party lay in ambush. They a speech also, but whether upon arrival or departure called to the boys to get up, not to be sleeping is not clear. Should he come and leave without say- this time of day, that once So-and-so, naming ing anything, people said, "Well I didn't see any- person and place, was killed, the enemy "just thing of him, he didn't act like much of a man." jumped right on him and killed him while he was There was no kissing of children or adults and no in bed." They told all that might happen and handshaking except at the formal peace settlement. said, "That is why I want to see you boys get up." Young people were not supposed to talk in the presence of their elders. At meals they should Pets eat daintily and slowly and say nothing. They were told they must eat slowly or "people will Dogs were kept in a sort of kennel built against say you don't know much, you don't have any feel- the back of the house and were fed through a hole in ing for yourself." the house wall. They were fed deermeat and squirrels, Men, women, and children ate together, the but must not eat what they killed themselves. They children sitting quietly at one side. They "ate were named but my informant did not know what kind of a long time," slowly, and "if you are an outsider names they had. An old woman might have a pet dog you are the last one eating." Men sat cross- which she kept with her in the house, but ordinarily legged or on one knee while eating, women with the people did not play with or pet a dog, for if it legs bent to ore side. There were three regular was "running around the people it would spoil him, he meals: soon after sunrise, "when the sun is right wouldn't be any good as a hunting dog." Dogs were square over us," and after dark. taught to follow treed game from tree to tree. Gray One never went visiting without taking gifts. squirrels were easiest to learn on because they bark To near-by places visited frequently, food was as they go from tree to tree. taken. To a distant place one took more substan- Sometimes children got little crows and blhejays tial gifts, a little money, something to wear; from the nests for pets. They built a little shelter a man might take a bag of Frrows or some flint for them and fed them. If there was only one, it knives, a wealthy woman might take a large basket stayed, if several, they left for the winter with the of cooking baskets. The visitors, in turn, others but would return. received gifts upon their departure. The woman Sometimes little foxes were kept for pets, but might receive a deerskin robe to sleep under, only stayed when they were small. the man some elkhide armor, etc. Sometimes men took young eagles from the nest. A Upon arrival of visitors the hostess prepared platform was built for them by the creek where they a meal for them at once. One need not eat all were tied. "They would rise right up when you came that was offered but should eat a little of every- to feed them and try to take it away from you."t thing, or, if not eating something, should make When half grown they were killed (clubbed) for some explanatory remark such as that he was not in the feathers. When the young ground squirrels the habit of eating that. One would be offered began to come out and the hawks, in the evening more by his hosts, but should not ask for more. before dark, swung and circled overhead and made A traveler wishing to stop at a village sat down a "funny noise," one knew that the young fawns somewhere in the village until noticed. Soon some- were out. The eagles feed the fawns to their one would come to him and say, "Are you here now? young before they fly, so oLe knew it was time Where are you going?" Learning where he was from, to get eagles. the villager would say, "This is far enough, you must be tired. Tomorrow you can go to a certain place up there and from there you can make it." If Nonshamanistic Care of Sickness and Accident a village had a sweat hou9e a traveler sat down outside its door, and soon one of the village men Broken bones were not set, but a splint was would come and talk to him. Lacking a sweat house, made for them with boards and they were wrapped the man sat any place. Were no men about, an old tight with buckskin until they knit. If the woman invited him in, but usually some men were patient progressed nicely nothing more was done; about, and the traveler talked to them. Soon one if not, the injury was believed caused by an would say, "Come in and have a drink of water with axaiki or someone's wishes and a shaman was me," which was an invitation to eat. called to find the source of trouble. Men and women, unless relatives, did not talk For a bruise, cut, or sore, white-oak freely together. (tchukariA) bark was burned on a rock until the If one met a stranger on the trail either might ashes were fine and white. The sore was washed speak first, but the stranger would explain himself. with clean water and these ashes, when cold, were Upon arrival of important visitors, the headman sprinkled on it. This burned a little but was of the village came out and talked. "He says for healing. 340 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Resin from a young fir was spread on a cut, was also taken as an emetic, "when you feel dizzy which was then wrapped. and bad." Sometimes for a out a poultice was made of the The powder from pounded manzanita berries was mixture of deerbrains and moss used for tanning used to stop diarrhea. hides. One of the small cakes was broken up and Trillium bulbs were grated, with a drop of wate? soaked in hot water and the poultice was applied if dry, without water if green, and put on a boil while quite hot. to bring it to a head. Sometimes a shaman was called for a out and she A certain little plant that looked like trilli 'took off something just like a knife blade," then except that it was very small, had tiny bulbs whioh one of the above treatments was applied. But were squeezed, the juice being used for eye trouble often a shaman-was not called at all unless the especially cataract. Occasionally one found a yel- patient was not doing well. lowhammer tail tipped with white'instead of the The root called garawihil' (Helianthus cusickii), usual black. This was always saved and used to which was burned in the house after a death,i40 clean anything out of the eye; a cataract was pick' was also used for treatment of a long, slow sick- with this before putting on the above juice. ness characterizedby chills and fever. A fire It was the women who knew about these herbs and was built in a pit lined with rocks, a large whQ did the nursing and caring for the sick and quantity of pounded garawihfi'roots spread on the injured; there were always some especially skillful hot rocks, and more rocks put on this. The juice whose services were continually in demand. "Some from the pounded roots and a little water made are so rough handed that they will put the same steam and the patient was laid on this and steamed. thing on and it will make it worse." This was This killed the pain inside the patient. This was especially true of boils; one got just certain worn the only poison against a pain and a shaman could to care for them. The woman caring for a wound, never handle or come in contact with garawihI, for broken bone, or sore of any kind must do nothing it would kill the pains inside her and thus kill until the patient recovered, for if she stirred her. Also, upon hearing of an epidemic elsewhere, about actively, chopping wood, working, etc., it these roots were burned to keep away disease. A hurt the sore. No charge was made for such service beverage made from these roots mashed and boiled "but when they got through you always gave them was a remedy for gas. "It will come right up and something, money or some nice thing you think they clear out the stomach." would like." Another treatment for chills and fever was a drink made from boiling 'the bark of the aspen. A poultice of garawih' roots might also be used Planting; Names of Plants at the same time,- The whole stem or just the bark of gwdtagatu- Tobacco was planted. Seeds were obtained from pu'kiras (Coyote's rope; Clematis lasiantha) was the Gamltwa, who got them from the Karok, who in pounded and boiled and the face steamed in it for turn got them from the Yurok. "The people here on a cold. The roots of iknish (wild celery) were the lower Klamath had the most tobacco, so if burned or chewed for a cold. This was also a food plant, the stems being eaten like celery. they gave them tobacco. That is why the besthe The root of a plant known as xama was roasted and strongest medicine was 'made down here." Men whole in the ashes and mashed while hot. This did the planting. They burned the brush, removed made an oily poultice for a bruise or a sprained the coals, and sowed the seeshi te ankle. If swollen badly, some of the garawihseeds n the root mentioned above was put on also, to kill the ashes. Apparently the planting was attended by axaki. The x~ma root was also pounded and soaked n pca eeoy axaiki. The x~za root was also pounded and soaked The following is a list of plants for which in water and the liquid used to wash dogs suffering names were obtained: from ticks. The inside of the stem was eaten as a Chwaha' (Fritillaria recurva). Bulbs eaten. For deer ticks on a person a poultice was made Awdshihu' (madroia). Berries eaten. Horaihih-d (horai, spider, hihu, bush; Osmaronia of dried venison mixed with a little water or cerasiformis). Berries eaten. chewed. This killed the poison, "because they M?'kururu (wild currant, black). Food plant. don't poison the deer." Garawih'' (Helianthus cusickii). Used medic- For poison oak (mitna) chewed alder bark was inally. rubbed on the place affected. Papfias (Oregon grape). Used medicinally. The root of the Oregon grape (papuias) was broken GwAtagatupakiras (coyote's rope; Clematis up by pounding and boiled. This made a deep green lasiantha). Used medicinally. tea to be drunk lukewarm as an emetic and cathar- Xama. Food and medicinal plant. tic. The sugar from the sugar pine was also eaten Iknish (wild celery). Food and medicinal as a cathartic. Tea from the root of gakiwak1~k plant. Wachwf (black fir). Used for fire sweating and. inhaling the smoke, particularly for some 14see above, p. 324. special luck. HOLT: SHASTA ETBN(0RAPHY 341 Itlayihfi (joining together; Ribes). Used for 9 irahaia watAha' foreshaft. A small piece was bound to the point 10 fchahAwi with sinew and the other end sharpened and stuck 11 dchah~wi tuk chia gtb~ha into the arrow socket. Used because "it was the 12 Achahbwi tuk hUliwa g~h~ha. Or 0ohlui ay be touest wood for its size." substituted fcr tuk, thus, Ira'tuqwa (a hook; Eriogonum). Children 15 4chahbAwi 'chimi -chl' ehdha; for brevity 'chbii played with it, each having a stick which he may be used and the final gh~ha depped, as hooked over the other's stick. The one whose 16 Xchah~wi 'chimi ch(awa t~ha', etc. stick was broken lost the game. 20 'chahis Irahitraga (Achillea millefolium, var. lan- 21 'chAhis 'chimi 'chia, or 'chAhis tuk 'chba ulosa). Leaves used to pad women's cap when gAhzha, etc. carrying burden basket, because of their sweet 30 'chAhis 'chimi Kchah4wi odor. 31 'chAhis 'chimi 4chahbwi chimi 'chka, etc. Wasa (Artemisia vulgaris, var. discolor). 40 hAk'wahis Handful of the leaves used to wash body in prep- 41 hfik'wahis 'chimi 'chda, etc. aration for burial. Stem used for the fire 50 h-dk'wahis 'chimi Achahdwi, etc. drill, the hearth being of cedar. 60 hichkihis, etc. Icosusurd' (unidentified). Dry stems used for 70 hbchkihis 'chimi Achah~wi holding salmon in shape when hung up to dry. 80 irahaiahis Itsuwaid (Equisetum). Used for smoothing 90 irabaiahis 'chimi dchahAwi things, such as arrows, gambling sticks, and the 100 achAhis like. 200 huk'wait AchAhis Gitar itu'wi (summer salmon's eye; Ranunculus 300 hachkiu Ach6his occidentalis). When this bloomed, time to fish 400 irahaia aiirik KchAhis for summer salmon. 500 Kchirfik dchahis Tjas itu'wi (steelhead trout's eye; Ranunculus, 600 chfiwatirfik 4chAhis sp. unidentified). When this bloomed, time to 700 hfikwawatirfik AchAhis fish for steelheads. 800 hMchkiwatiruk AchAhis AnohAchcha (mountain lily). 900 irahaiawatirik 6chAhis MtitnA (poison oak). 1000 6chahzwihis Sa'ki' (maple). Arxi' (cottonwood tree). My informant knew no word for a million. The word Tchukarfi (white oak). Used medicinally. tdj~ahi means "whole"; isi, "middle"; isiditc, tup to Ugaha (tree). the middle," or "one-half." My informant knew no Utchasusi (any kind of dead tree standing). other fractional words. Counting Time Reckoning; Directions Counting was apparently developed in connection The Shasta year was counted by moons frau the with counting the dentalium shell money, and the two solstices, each of which was called "the bW form of the numerals reflects the method of the moon." Every village marked the north and Bouth dentalia count. In counting dentalia the first ten progress of the sun by a tree on. the ridge baok were laid aside, the next ten put with these, then of the village. They selected the tree struok by they were grouped by twenties and every five groups the first rays of the rising sun on the shortest of twenty each were kept separate as a unit of one day of the year and that struck on the longest hundred. Five seems to be the basis of the numerical day, also the two trees struck by the last rars system, the numbers one to five being primary numer- of the setting sun on the shortest and longest als, with fundamental form-changes at six, ten, and days. Many people also noted the north and the twenty. The count proceeds quinarily from one to south progress of the sun by marks on the floor [ten, decimally from ten to twenty, and vigesimally at the head of the fireplace, and in villager beyond twenty. Three nonnumeral words used in the having an okwA't mma (the large ceremonial howse) count are tuk (there), gahdha (that many more), and this was noted by notches on the central poit, 'chimi (more, or again). Following are the numer- the notches getting lower as the days grew 1ongar, Gals: the sun striking the post at the same place fot > 1 'chda about two days at the two turning points. The 2 hiak'wa marks on the floor by the fireplace were only 3 hAchki good for the summer months. The beginning of 4 irahaia fall was marked by the first appearance of the W.5 bchA' Pleiades (the seven stars) just over the hills at E6 chfiwa taha' (one after five) daylight, and their disappearance marked the 7 hOikwa wataha' (two after five), etc. beginning of summer. Various periods of tbe day \8 hachki wataha' were marked by the progress of the sun. 342 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDSA The following are terms for different periods mainly on their stored supplies and "whoever hasn't. of the day: got it has a hard time," for it was not easy to get" from place to place. They did not like to go to gfltauk, just between light and dark, but the other people's houses and ask for food in winter, beginning of light. though they thought nothing of it in summer. Howe tchuar gi'tsits, sunrise (tchu'ar, sun). if one knew someone was having good hunting luck g.fitcha katswa, shortly after sunrise, about getting plenty of meat, he might go there for some. from eight to nine o'clock. Relatives helped each others and were a family sho g~gahfxamu, middle of the morning, still look- of food, others, especially the headman, took them ing ahead. some, though they would not receive as much as in tchfiar gUnita'tsaha, the sun looking straight summer. down, noon. ganlyakid, mid-afternoon, looking backward. The word for sun is tchIdar. Atcheitsu tchfiar ditchuiwa, just before sunset, means getting is "day sun" (atchM, day, atch8itsu, today). Apaxi' close to sunset. tchfar is "moon," that is, "night sun." gitchuwAha, sunset, lying on a ridge almost The following are some of the designations for out of sight. the various moons: djapfi, just between light and dark, but begin- ning of dark. Tchdar ikntlk (big moon; ntlk, big), the moon in apax, night. which the solstice, winter or summer, fell. isi apax, middle of night. Tch1dar ikntk tuk gfituhi' (the next after the big moon; gfituhi', going next after something). The Seasons were marked by various natural phe- Tchuar xia (little moon; xia, little), the moon Aomena, as the appearance of certain flowers or before the big moon. birds, the falling of the leaves, etc. They were Wikwitsu tchfiar iknbk (the winter big moon). designated as follows: GUs atahftsu tchfiar iknik (the big moon in the summer). Gtis itnA' gwfhitk (now spring is here; gtis, now; ItnA'tsu tchfiar gus gditsdjei. (the spring moon is it ni', spring; gwfhitk, here). This was when the out now; gi.tsdjei, dropped into something [as one frogs began to croak. drops something into a pan of water], also: right Gtis atahi gwi hitk (now summer is here; atahi, now). This was said when the new moon was seen in summer). The beginning of this season was indi- the evening. This was the moon when the gooseberry cated by the arrival of a certain bird and the bushes leaved out. completed leaving-out of the trees. Gus tchimi itn4'tsu tchdar gttsdjei (another GMs wtl'kwtlhai gwihitk, or gtis wtI'kwllhai gwiki spring moon has come). (now fall is here; wfi'kwihai, fall). This was GUs atahi tuhu rfiyaga, or gbs tchimi tchfiar ata about the last of August or the first of September, tuhu ruiyaga (another spring moon going toward the when the summer birds left and the leaves began summer; tuhfi, toward, in the direction of something to turn. rfiyaga, going). This was the same moon as the GUs wtlkwi dihilk (it is going to be winter now; above, but the latter part of it. It was during wikwi winter). This was "not a real season," but this moon that the little bird designated by was used for any time before the first winter storm Sargent as the mockingbird (long-tailed chat?) when it was expected any day. Dihitk (it has not came. come yet but is expected at any time) might be used GUs atahiitsu tchfiar gltsdjei (the summer in connection with any of the seasonal terms. moon is now here). This was the first new moon Gwihitk (it is already here). after the above birds arrived. GUs wtlkwi gwihitlk (now winter is here). The GUs wi'kw1thaiitsu gfitdjejahak (the fall moon first rainstorm, which took the remaining is here, the first one). leaves from the trees, marked the beginning of this Tchimi tchiwar strutsdjei (the next moon after season. This was about November and the rain ended the first fall moon, or: the next moon is going with a little snow. This was the month during which to be a fall moon, too; gditsdjei, right now, they did not hunt deer because the deer were mating. strutsdjei, is going to be. Then came a heavy rain which "clears the deer all Wi'kwUhaiitsu tchfiar gtgs gdtsdjei (fall moon). up clean and they can do some more hunting." This, however, was only for a short time and during the The following are the phases of the moon: middle of the winter, the month of the "big moon," Tchfar gts gfitsdjei (the new moon). "no matter how much they hunt, they can't find any GUs reyahu gwaiyAga (now growing up [the moon and they say the deer are in their sweat houses a few days later]; g4s, now, r-yahu, growing, sweating." Then came a snow with big, soft flakes gwraiyaga, up). and they said, "Well, the deer are shedding their GUs dadtindtin (now is going to be a full moon), horns and these are to heal up the sores," and began GUs gwi tindtin (now is full moon; tintin, hunting again. During this winter season they lived anything round). One could use the same word forI HOLT:' SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 343 " a short, fat woman or man. Da and gwa apparently atsmu, paternal grandfather and his bro, rs mean nothing of themselves, only as affixes. m. or w. speaking Dadtinatin (just beginning to be round); gwadtin-, 4kwid, maternal grandfather and his b'ob dtin (already round). m. or w. speaking Gtis isiditchdidaxiswa (when the moon is about 6mu, paternal grandmother and her sisteis, half gone; isi, middle, isiditch, as much as the m. or w. speaking middle). The word gtlsdidaxiswa is used for any Achwit, maternal grandmother and her sistei, thing sliced off. m. or w. speaking Djapurlik (dark of the moon). The terms listed above are self-rcpoa. There seem to have been only two cardinal a . directions, "the daylight side" and "the dark a f . . a. . L ~~~~~~ata' father, m. or w* speaking -- side," that is, east and west respectively. , h, Gdiauk hiituhu' (on the side the daylight comes kariwA, brother, m. or w. speaking from). kw6.ku, sister, man speaking achi, sister, cousin, woman speaking Status and Kinship Terms ahuhi, older brother, child speaking achuna, older sister or older girl oousin, child speaking . umA, baby alch ki, younger brother, sister, or oousiii, omnxia, a little child just old enough to run adult speaking of child around, boy or girl ard'ts, paternal uncle, m. or w. speaking, , yulhar, child reciprocal term yilhuhiad, a group of children, girls and boys Ilptk, maternal uncle, m. or w. speaking, reip. giaxA', girl rocal term giaxa'hia, a little girl until about eight or Impa', paternal-aunt and her female oousins, nine years old m. or w. speaking, reciprocal term- wapaxo, a girl from eight or nine until puberty Afit, maternal aunt and her female cousins, e . wapxe, a pubescent girl or w. speaking, reciprocal term giaxa, from puberty until marriage yapu tari'chi, wife (my woman; yapu, my) . wapsah6a, a bride until the first visit home yapu awat?'kwa, husband (y man) waps6, a menstruating woman atari, wife's sister or cousins; brothera's wife giaxhApsi, an unmarried woman, after twenty or and her cousins so giraik, wife's brother and cousins; 8siser's tari'chi, woman husband and cousins sfi'kwahia, a little boy until about eight or aoxAna, wife's mother, not used by son-inlaw nine years old himself, but by other people su'kwa, a boy from eight or nine until about idigAxa' (old lady), term used by man to mother- fifteen years old in-law or any other old woman gimpisfi'kwa, from about fifteen until marriage wapsid, wife's father; daughter's husband, a. or. sfi'kwahapsi, an unmarried man, after twenty or w. speaking s0 awawi, son's wife, m. or w. speaking; husbandes awatlkwa, man mother; husband's father (?) CONFLICTS AND RESIDUAL PROBLEMS IN THE DATA 2 Those points on which Sargent disagreed with his description makes of the okwa'imma a less Dixon, most of them trivial, but a few more impor- anomalous institution. tant, I am equating in the following. Less important is the difference in regard ti In the Shasta's own names for their four divi- the summer brush shelter, which Dixon describeds sions,141 I am inclined to favor Sargent's inter- as roofless and back from the river in the hill pretation. The most important difference is in and Sargent described as roofed and by the rive regard to Gamitwa, which Dixon gives (iammatwa) As between the likelihood of either the roofedA as the name for the Klamath River Shasta; but roofless shelter there is no way to judge; but which Sargent applied to a separate group between Sargent's location by the river seems more likel the Shasta and Karok and which he regarded as since it fits better with the seasonal round of poor relations of the Shasta. Sargent is undoubt- activities145 with its salmon fishing in summer. edly right on this point, for it was not a matter There is also some difference of opinion in of hearsay with him, but a vivid, living memory regard to the hereditary nature of chieftainship, of association with them in his youth. Curtis though a difference of degree rather than kind. also supports this view.142 Another oint of Dixon speaks of a headman for each of the four disagreement was on the names Ka'hosa i, which divisions, the position being hereditary, wheres Dixon applies to the Oregon group, and GI 'kats, Sargent stated that only the chieftainship of th which Dixon applies (Kikatsik) to the Scott Valley Oregon group was hereditary and that the chiefs group, both of which Sargent said were general of the other three divisions were somewhat subor*., terms applying to any of the four groups. I think dinate to him and attained their position by a it very likely that Sargent is correct on this process of selection.148 Probably the truth lies point also; for he was very definite and detailed between the two. The hereditary nature of the in his statement and Dixon remarks that Kikatsik office was probably not quite so definite and seemed also to include sometimes the Shasta Valley fixed as it would seem from Dixon's description; people. Such a mistake could easily be uade, for but on the other hand it was doubtless active in if the terms were general, an informant might re- the selection of all headmen. One questions, too fer to a group by the general term which would the probability of quite so definite a political thus be recorded as the term for that group. The organization as a hereditary chieftainship for point seems of some importance, for if there were the group as a whole. It seems more likely that these terms of general application, it implies a if there was such an ascendancy for any one head- certain feeling of kinship or unity which might man, it was a matter of personality and ability underlie a vague tendency toward a tribal grouping rather than of office. Dixon and Sargent were also in disagreement on Related to this is Dixon's statement that a the matter of the sweat house. Dixon describes chief's sister could not marry anyone of sufficin the okwa'lmma, or "big house" as the sweat house rank to be elected chief, which Sargent considered and men's general lounging and winter sleeping a mistake. 47 Sargent seems more likely to be co place, whereas Sargent said that it was the place rect here, for Dixon's statement implies a more for general assemblies of the whole group and fixed stratification of society than a simple peony that the men's sweat house was a different struc- ple like the Shasta seem to have as yet attained. ture.'43 According to Sargent, Dixon's descrip- Sargent's denial of Dixon's statement that cap-; tion of the construction of the okwA'tmma also tives were taken in war and kept as slaves148 pro confuses it somewhat with the true sweat house, ably reflects a relative rather than an absolute If Sargent is correct, we have the central and truth. For Dixon says the custom was not.general northwestern Californian motives fitting into the practiced or favorably regarded, and Sargent at a culture side by side, rather than an intermingling one time made the passing remark that . odoc boys and confusion of the two, and his distribution and girls were sometimes taken and kept for work* would indicate the central Californian as the, older with an intrusion of the sweat house of utlbuh rgvnbc.I speual nolrthweten Calinfornian type. Again I believe case of a slight penetration of the northwest Cal' northwestern Californian type. Again I believe ifornian custom of slavery which had not obtained the evidence favors Sargent's statements: for the a very firm foothold. picture of the two as completely separate struc- tures and institutions was very clear and definite in his mind, also the name for each (okw'i.dmma and wKhakid) and the definite distribution-, Also, 144 See pp. 307-308 above; and Dixon, 421. 141See above, p. 301; and Dixon, 388-389. p. 312 above. 142ldward S. Curtis, "The Shasta," in The North 14see p. 316 above; and Dixon, 451-452. American Indian, 13:106. 147DIxou, 451; above, p. 316. 1438ee pp. 306-307 above; and Dixon, 413, 418-420, 148Dixon, 441; above, p. 313. "The Shasta," in TheNorth ] HOLT: SHASTA. flU(GRAPHY 345 I am more inclined, however, fully to credit his dance, he states that as she began to revive from denial of Dixon's statement that wives were some- her trance and called out her axaiki's name, blood times captured in war,149 for that does not fit in oozed from her mouth.156 This, according to Sar- the Shasta picture. If a bride price had not been gent, was not blood, but a certain dark substance paid for the mother, there would be nothing on which that settles -on one's heart when one does something to base the value of the children, and in the Shasta he shouldn't and keeps it secret, and this must be concept that was simply not to be considered. This removed "to clear the system." The chances are also lends weight to Sargent's statement that when that Sargent is right in his interpretation, since a girl was sent by her parents to a man whom they this black substance covering a wicked heart seemed considered a desirable husband for her, it was a to figure very prominently in their beliefs as re- matter of deferred payment rather than a free counted by Sargent. gift, as described by Dixon;150 and his limitation Sargent denied knowledge of the beliefs concern- on Dixon's statement that a man divorcing his wife ing the travels and destination of the soul recorded for recognized cause could demand the return of by Dixon,157 but this may have been merely a per- the bride price, Sargent saying that this would sonal lack of knowledge. be done only if there were no children.151 For the following disagreements between Dixon and In Dixon's account of the girls' puberty cer- Sargent there seems to be no way of judging which is emony Sargent made a number of minor corrections, more likely correct. Most are matters of detail in but only two of any importance. He laughed heart- which the contradictions seem to have no great sig- ily at the idea of the girl being burned alive to nificance. save the village from a calamity of which she had Birth dreamed."5 According to him, she merely ran through the fire, which burned off the evil For first five days of child's life, father re- effects of the dream. This does seem to accord. mained by himself away from village, brought wood better with Shasta culture, which did not seem each night to sweat house where he sweated each to tend to the spectacular or sensational, and morning at dawn. (Dixon, 455.) the idea seemed so utterly absurd to Sargent that Remained for this period with wife in menstrual one inclines to believe that Dixon's statement hut, sweated in individual sudatory by steam. was probably due to a misunderstanding. The other (Sargent, above, p. 319.) difference was in regard tc the last night of the When mother returned to normal life after month of ceremony, which Dixon describes as ore of general seclusion, changed baby to larger cradle. This cradle license;'53 but Mrs. Erminie Voegelin has noted saved until child no longer used a cradle, then both marginally in a copy of Dixon's work that Sargent, cradles taken and hung on oak tree. (Dixon, 455.) in 1936, vehemently denied this. I know of no . Each cradle hung on tree as it was outgrown. way to judge between the two statements. .(Sargent, above, p. 319.) A minor point of disagreement is in the matter In case of stillbirth, both parents fast and of salt, which Dixon lists as one of the articles sweat for ten days. (Dixon, 455-456.) the Shasta received in trade from the lower Kla- Period of seclusion is one month. (Sargent, math whereas Sargent denied this, listing it with above, p. 319.) the articles they gave in trade.'54 Sargent seems Puberty likely to be right, since he definitely located two large salt deposits in Shasta territory and Boy ceremonially whipped with bowstring when stated that in summer people from all over the first ate game of his own killing. (Dixon, 432.) territory came to these deposits for salt. This occurred when he killed his first gam. Another point which seems minor but may have more (Sargent, above, p. 312.) important religious implications is in regard to Girl's mother ar an old woman stayed with her the words of a prayer for luck in preparation for a in the menstrual hut doing everything for her, grizzly-bear hunt. Dixon records the prayer as in- including combing her hair. (Dixon, 457.) cluding the words, "Now kick off hither the fleas, Did not comb her hair. (Sargent.) lice, etc., from your body."155 Sargent said that When the girl tired in the dance, two men sup- this should not be in the grizzly-bear prayer, for ported her. (Dixon, 459, 460.) "the grizzly bear is not the earth's fleas or lice These helpers wre women, rarely men, though it is the earth's child, it is partly human." n 'occasionally upon the arrival of visitors two men In Dixon's description of the novice shaman's of the newcomers would Beize and support her wile dancing. It was on the last day of the- dance that 149Dixon, 463. she was supported by men. (Sargent.) 150 Ibid.; and above, p. 322. A party of new arrivals at the puberty dance 151 _. . .an cut bunches of brush and approached slowly, the 15Dixon, 464; and above, P. 323. men holding their bows and arrows. (Dixon, 459.) 15Dixon, 4v58. Dlid not carry bows and arrows, for nothing 153Dixzon, 4,61. 15Dixon, 4,27; and above, p . 312 . 156Dixon, 473; and above, p . 328 . 155Dixon, 490; and above , p . 336. 15Dixon , 469-470. 346 AN[HROPOLOGICAL 3BCORDS pertaining to hunting was permitted in the puberty but could not use the same axaiki. (Sargent, ceremony. (Sargent.) above, p. 327.) The girl's feather visor was finally removed When the novice was ready for her winter dance, and thrown into the air toward the east, where it after the first dance, at which she received the was caught by a man sent out for the purpose. shamanistic call, she was assisted by an older (Dixon, 460.) shaman whom she asked to call her axaiki for her. It was caught by the girl's mother or grand- (Dixon, 475.) mother. (Sargent.) This helper was a man, but not a shaman. (Sargent.) Marriage Apparently all the objects listed for the novice's collection must be provided for each In case of child betrothal, the full bride axaiki. (Dixon, 476.) price was paid at the time of betrothal. (Dixon, All were not provided for each axaiki. Dif- 461.) ferent axaiki called for different things and the Part paid at time of betrothal, the remainder novice must be prepared to meet his demands, not till marriage. (Sargent, abo-ve, p. 321.) whatever of the conventional list he asked for. When the bride was brought home, she was (Sargent, above, p. 329.) accompanied by a bridal party of her relatives, One method of disposing of a pain she had re- decked in gala attire which was left as a gift to moved was for the shaman to chew it up and swallow the groom's family. (Dixon, 462.) it. (Dixon, 479.) This gift-bearing visit of the bride's rel-A It was the Karok, not the Shasta, who did this. *atives did not occur until after the young (Sargent.) couple's visit to her home. (Sargent, above, Sometimes, instead of sucking directly at the p. 321.) seat of the pain, the shaman sucked through eagle A man unable to pay for his wife lived with feathers. (Dixon, 479.) his father-in-law and hunted and worked for him Sucking with feathers was "not our way some- until an equivalent of the bride price had been body else might have done it." (Sargent.3 paid. (Dixon, 462.) The rattlesnake shaman had the rattlesnake for This was a lifelong arrangement. (Sargent, ani axaiki. (Dixon, 481, 484.) above, p. 322.) Rattlesnake is not an axaiki. (Sargent., See A widower could not marry outside his wife's above, p. 332, for discussion of difference family without their consent. (Dimn, 464.) between rattlesnake and a rattlesnake axaiki.) Sargent denied this. (Sargent, above, p. 323.) The grizzly-bear shaman wore a feather collar in his curing dance, and he would bite and scratch Death people who were not out in plain sight. (Dixon, 486. ) Whei a person dies the body is taken out at Sargent denied both these statements. once through a hole made in the roof. (Dixon, When a shaman had been called to rid a village 465.) of a pain suspected of being buried in the village, This opening is made either in the wall or at she called her axaiki and when he arrived the the junction of the roof and wall. (Sargent, shamian said to him, "Push with your shoulder," above, p. 324.) meaning for him to try to dislodge the buried One or more of a man's best hunting dogs was pain. (Dixon, 488.) buried with him. (Dixon, 466.) It was the axaiki who said this to the shaman, The dog was killed but was not buried with his and she repeated his words. (Sargent.) master, he was hung up somewhere in the woods. Having dislodged the pain, the axaiki returned "It would make trouble if you buried anything with to the pole and ate what had been placed there for ; him that was not natural. A dog is a dog and him. Meanwhile the people had a feast to celebrate! doesn't have anything to do with a human body, their release from the pain, then the shaman danced that would not be right." (Sargent.) again for the axaiki's return trip home. (Dixon, If a child died within five days after birth, 488.) the father buried it and remained for a period of The people did not have their feast of celebra- ten days with his wife in her menstrual hut, tion until after the axaiki had safely reached sweating and seeking the renewal of his luck. home. (Sargent.) The mother remained in seclusion for a month. If she failed to cure a patient, the shaman (Dixon, 468.) must return half the fee. (Dixon, 479.) Both parents remained in seclusion for a month. She must return the whole fee. (Sargent, above, (Sargent.) pp. 331-332.) Shamans Religious Beliefs The child of a shaman could not practice in The axaiki inhabited rocks, cliffs, lakes and her shaman parent's lifetime. (Dixon, 471.) mountain summits, rapids, and eddies in streams. She could practice in her parent's lifetime, (Dixon, 470.) HOLT: SHASTA ETHNOGRAPHY 347 Axaiki are people and live only on dry land. (Dixon, 424.) (Sargent, above, p. 326.) Sargent denied this. (See above, p. 311.) Ghosts were much feared and were seen in the form of flickering flames and vague lights. Games (Dixon, 468.)Gae Ghosts did not figure in Shasta belief. These lights were "Indian devils," wizards. (Sargent, The counters used in the men's gambling game above, p. 325.) No doubt these flickering flames were usually merely seven of the decorated play- and vague lights were connected with a belief in ing sticks. (Dixon, 442.) wizards, but perhaps ghosts also were believed in. The playing sticks were never so used. The counters were made new each time because every- Food body handled them. Few people handled a man's gambling sticks. (Sargent, above, p. 314.) The Shasta ate mountain lion and wildcat. CONCLUSION Shasta culture is transitional, as both like north-central Californians, show rudiments Dixon158 and Kroeber159have pointed out, between of a tribal organization with a chief or headman central and northwestern California. It gives of considerable influence and lesser headmen of the impression, however, of being fundamentally the local groups. But northwestern Californian a central Californian culture (or Californian, ideas of social stratification based on wealth following Kroeber's more recent classification)160 underlay these chieftainships. Again, the shaman, which has taken over and thus had the direction like the central Californian shaman, received her of its development focused by northwestern Cal- power from and performed her feats by the aid of ifornian valuess Coming into this region, guardian spirits; but these guardian spirits shot perhaps, with the Californian basic culture, the "pains" -into her and her power was bound up with poorer Shasta *ere bedazzled by their wealthier her ability to manipulate these "pains," just as neighbors-on the lower Klamath and were largely was that of the Yurok shaman. influenced by them. There seems to be nothing A number of Plains influences seem also to have in Shasta culture which is not easy to understand reached the Shasta, probably through the Modoc and from this point of view. Given the money basis the Klamath, and these fit well into the northwest- of northwestern California with its emphasis upon ern Californian bias of the culture. The influence wealth as the source of prestige, the Shasta on dress, for instance, with greater use of buckskin culture would easily develop as it did. and somewhat more ample clothing, and the bead and It is not surprising, therefore, to find porcupine quillwork would be features which might material culture so strongly influenced by the well impress a people preoccupied with the individ- northwestern Californian tribes, since it was ual display of wealth; while the small steam su- their superior material possessions that so datory was well suited to the simple, individual impressed the Shasta. Thus the house type seems nature of most Shasta ceremonials for luck. a poorer copy of the Yurok house, retaining cen- Even the germ for taking over this northwestern tral Californian features. Whereas the okwa'lnmma; Californian ideology that shaped the subsequent or "big house," which seems to be essentially the development of the culture is to be found in the central Californian dance house influenced in basic Californian culture, for "money is prized structure by the house type of the lower Klamath, and establishes influence everywhere in Califor- would easily fit into the wealth and display nia.n161 So it is understandable that the Shasta orientation of the culture and so be retained. with a generic Californian culture might be Or turning to social structure: the Shasta, impressed by their wealthier neighbors and strongly influenced by them; and the impetus having been given for the elaboration of this phase of their culture, development along other channels was i58Dixon, 494. inhibited. 159Kroeber, Handbook, 288. X 160A. L. Kroeber, Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America, UC-PAAE,38:1-242, 1939. 181Kroeber, Handbook, 2. 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