ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS 3:1' THE 1870 GHOST DANCE BY CORA DU BOIS UNIVERSITY: OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY, CALIFORNIA 1939 THE 1870 GHOST DANCE BY CORA DU BOIS ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Vol. 3, No. 1 ANTHROPOLOGICAL, RECORDS EDITORS: A. L. KROEBER, R. H. LOWIE, R. L. OLSON Volume 3, No. I, pp. I-I 5 1, plates 1-2, 24 figures in text, i map Transmitted December 14, 1938 Issued December 29# I1939 Price, $I.50 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY) CALIFORNIA CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON, ENGLAND The University of Californiia publicationis dealinig with anthro- pological sub'jects are now issued in two series. The series in American Archaeology anid Ethnology, which was established in 1903, cotntinues unchanged in format, but is restricted to papers in which the interpretative elemenit outweighs the factual or which otherwise are of general initerest.I The new series, known as Anthropological Records, is issued in photolithography in a larger size. It coInsists of monographs which are documenitary, of record nature, or devoted to the presell- tationi primarily of new data. MANUFACTURED IN THE LUNI I EL) ST'ATES OF AMERICA CONTENTS Page Ace ...... v roduction .1 Part 1. Nevada and the Klamath Drainage Lotso . . . . . . . . . . . .. 3 10........ nth Reservation.. ............ 9 Modoc ............. 9 Klamath ............. 11 Ita ..12 Ghost Dance ............. 12 Earth Lodge cult ............. . 13 .k ............. 15 awa. .... . 0 18 Ghost Dance . 18 Local dreamers ... ......... l19 * anl Hupa. .......... . 20 Part 2. Western Oregon st Dance ........... 25 th Lodge cult ........... 26 SSiletz Reservation ... .. 27 Grand Ronde .30 Ore4on City affair .. 31 pson s Warm House Dance o o '...... 32 s Dance . o o o o o o o . o.o ......... o 34 hinor affair ................................... 36 Part 3. North-central California atain and Hill Maidu ...... ...... . . ........ 39 mawi and Northern Yana ......... .......................... 40 Ghost Dance. ............... o ........ o o . 42 Earth Lodge cult ................................... 44 Local dreamers ..... ... .... o o . 47 Dreamers and shamanism ............. . 48 The 1890 Ghost Dance . 5 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . a . . . . . . . . . . .51 tral Yana. . o o o ........... 52 L .. 53 Earth Lodge cult ..... . ......................... 53 Bole-Maru importations ........ ............................ 55 Local Dream cult .... . 56 tan and Hill Patwin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59 'Norelputus .6 0. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60 Homalo .63 ,Lame Bill ....................... 66 Cortina sequence. .... o . 69 Subsequent Bole-Maru dreamers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .70 pr Patwin .. ... .. . 72 Introduction of Bole-Maru. ........ o o . 72 Subsequent dreamers . . . .74 co Maidu ................................... 74 *0.Hesi east of Coast Range. .. o .......................... . 75 River Patwin. . .................... o . 76 Chico Maidu ..76 Cortina ... o . 77 Long Valley. .. .............. . 77 Stonyford. .................................. 77 Grindstone. ........ o o o o o o o o o o o o . 78 D ....................... 79 t: Sulphur'Bank (Southeast'Pomo)' .............................Go... 79 Kelsey Creek (Eastern Pomo). ............ . 84 Upper Lake (Eastern Pomo). ..... .......... . 85 Potter Valley (Northern Pomo) ............................. . 88 Willits (Northern Pomo) and Coast Yuki ..... ... .. .. ... ........ o . 91 TUkiah (Central Pomo) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 92 iii iv ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Page Pomo (Continued) Hopland (Central Pomo) .94 Yorkville (Central Pormo) 95 Cloverdale (Southern Pomo) . . . . . . . . . . . . . 95 Point Arena (coast Central Pomo) . 96 Stewarts Point (Southwestern Pomo) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Bole-Maru ideology . 101 Bole-Maru and curing . 103 Kato . 104 Round Valley Reservation .105 Santiago McDaniel's dance 0105 Bole-Maru 107 Wappo 108 Earth Lodge cult . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . t************** 108 Bole4Maru . o . 109 Middletown Rancheria . 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111 Coast Miwok . 113 Delta region . 114 Part 4. Big Head Cult Pomo origin . 117 Kato .117 Round Valley Reservation and Wailaki .119 Western Wintu 121 Shasta . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . l.4 Jacksonville .125 Summary of Big Head cult .127 Summary of chronology .129 Summary of contents 130 Conclusions and speculations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .135 Bibliographical abbreviations used .139 Appendix: informants . 1 4 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Explanation of plates .* o oo .. .. .. .. o o .o o oo.-.. .. .146 FIGURES IN TEXT 1. Ghost Dance painting, Washo 8 2. Ghost Dance painting, Karok 17 3. Diffusion of modern cults through Achomawi territory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 4. Dream dance, Central Yana 52 5. Diffusion of modern cults in Wintu territory 53 6. Diffusion of modern cults among Wintun and Hill Patwin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 7. Bole-Maru flag 64 8. Toto dance, Long Valley Hill Patwin . 68 9. Bole-Maru regalia, Long Valley Hill Patwin 68 10. Bole-Maru flag, Hill Patwin .69 11. Bole-Maru dance, Hill Patwin . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 70 12. Bole-Maru regalia. .. . .71 13. Ghost Dance, Pomo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80 14. Bole-Maru costume, Southeastern Pomo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 83 15. Women's Dress dance forehead band, Eastern Pomo . @o @o * -o o.- . - 87 16. Bole-Maru regalia, Northern Pomo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91 17. Pectoral for Bole-Maru ceremonies, coast Central Pomo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97 18. Bole-Maru regalia, coast Central Pomo .98 19. Bole-Maru dance house, Southwestern Pomo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .101 20. Bole-Maru regalia, Coast Miwok. .112 21. Big Head cult route .118 22. Big Head dance, Wintu. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 121 23. Women's dance, Wintu .122 24. Big Head cult women's costume, Shasta .124 PLATES 1. Bole-Maru dance houses .147 2. Coquille Thompson; Point Arena Bole-Maru costume; Big Head headdresses. 148 MAP 1. Modern cults in northern California . ....... ............... facing 1 PREFACE This paper deals wi'th only one minor phase of a recurrent series of messianic or revivalistic movements which have arisen among the weaker peo- ples throughout the world as reactionary waves to the crushing impact of European culture. The sub- ject under consideration has a double signifi- cance. On the one hand it is allied with a cul- tural category of universal if sporadic distri- bution. On the other hand it is bound up in its specific aspects with the struggle of northern California and Oregon Indians to integrate their cultural life to the unavoidable demands of Euro- pean invasion. The modern cults on the Pacific Coast are more than a religious problem. They not only symbolize but also represent in part the whole struggle between two divergent social systems. Under their native leaders the Indians have sought sanction to reject or adopt the new concepts being forced upon them and have endeav- ored to preserve some modicum of their native values. The following study grew out of a desire to trace the introduction and course of the 1870 Ghost Dance in northern California. No prelim- inary piroblem was set beyond the accumulation of data bearing on this subject. It rapidly be- came apparent that any description which at- tempted even to approximate fullness would have to include, however superficially, many of the theoretic approaches now current in anthropol- ogy. History, acculturation, function, and psy- chology were all factors which could not be ig- nored even though their thoroughness and depth might be slighted in a report which is of neces- sity preliminary for each tribal group, at least. It became increasingly evident that all approaches were inherent in an adequate descrip- tion and interpretation. That all of these ap- proaches have not been adequately explored is due rather to frailties of the ethnographer and the material than to any preconceived bias of departure. Everywhere preliminary historical data were essential. It seemed necessary to know the course of events before it was possible to determine what role the 1870 Ghost Dance played in aboriginal Californian life, how it was ab- sorbed, what reactions developed toward it, and what part the individual took in shaping it. Per- haps one theoretic approach more than others has appeared to suffer neglect. This approach is gen- erally termed the dynamic or processual. When specifically envisaged in terms of the religious movements here considered, it seemed to resolve itself into the interplay between historical situation and personality. If the essence of the processual approach really lies in the'interplay of these two factors, it has not been entirely neglected in this paper. The following data have been obtained largely in biographical form. This was found to be both a necessity and a desideratum in tracing the spe- cific historical material with which this paper deals. Unfortunately, practically none of the in- formation is autobiographical, even in cases where survivors of the original movement were inter- viewed. There seems everywhere to be a deep-rooted fear of the risk incurred to one's health and well-being by speaking freely of one's personal dream experiences, although one may gossip freely about those of others. Four pronounced obstacles were met in gather- ing material. The first, just mentioned, is the reticence in speaking autobi"ographically. The sec- ond is temporal. Since the original Ghost Dance movement arose more than sixty years ago, to ob- tain firsthand material it is necessary to have an informant approximately'seventy or eighty years old whose memory for even evanescent reli- gious details is not impaired. Obviously this limited the number of serviceable informants. The third obstacle, particularly pronounced in certain groups, is the contempt in which earlier cult frenzy and credulity is held. Informants repeatedly derogated the whole movement and ex- pressed failure to understand how interest could be evinced in anything so patently "crazy." Sev- eral old men were impatient with descriptions of Ghost Dance details when "true religion might be discussed. Other informants were ashamed of revivalistic outbursts and, when they could be prevailed upon to discuss the matter at all, they inserted a note of skepticism which may often represent a later injection. The fourth obstacle is inherent in the topical approach. Although I am firmly convinced that the 1870 Ghost Dance and its elaborate outgrowths can be understood only by approaching the subject topically, yet there is forced upon the field worker an unsatis- factorily superficial contact with each local group. Subsequent workers with any one of the many groups considered in this paper will prob- ably find much amplificatory, and possibly cor- rective, material. Of necessity, therefore, the formulation of modern religious developments in northern Califor- nia is preliminary and tentative. For this reason, if for no other, it seems highly desirable to pre- sent as much as possible of the detailed raw ma- terial in the form of direct statements by in- formants. Some of this material will not be avail- able in the near future. That which is will profit by reconsideration against the background of a single tribe. Certain liberties have been taken with in- formants' statements. The less comprehensible colloquialisms have been rendered in more formal English; circumlocutions have been replaced often with single words in the interest of brevity and clarity; for the same reasons repetitions have been eliminated and statements have been arranged% [v] ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS in more or less systematic order. Where passages deviate rather far from verbatim material, they are given without quotation marks. Informants' names are everywhere enclosed in brackets, so that they may be distinguished from persons about whom descriptive data are given. Comments of mi- nor importance on informants' statements are in- serted either in brackets or in footnotes. An Appendix gives a list of informants by tribes and a few details concerning them. Certain pure- ly descriptive passages are in telegraphic style. Diffusions are represented by diagrams rather than by formal maps. For the sake of simplicity place names are used which can be located on reasonably detailed maps. Thus, La Moine is used in the Wintu area instead of Portuguese Flat, three miles farther north, which is not anywhere listed. Corrections occur in the text. Text figures of costumes and other things fre- quently are based on verbal descriptions, which are obviously unsatisfactory. When this is so a note to that effect is appended. The material included here was collected in- termittently from the fall of 1932 through the summer of 1934. Acknowledgment is made to the Department of Anthropology at the University of California, which has made the research work pos- sible, and to Professor A. L. Kroeber, at whose suggestion this project was undertaken. A grant- in-aid from the Social Science Research Council in 1934 permitted the collection of data in western Oregon. A subvention of $500 toward the cost of printing this monograph was generously made by the American Council of Learned Soci- eties. Various persons have placed at my dis- posal unprinted material. I have attempted to make full acknowledgment of their assistance in the course of this paper, but it is a pleasure to thank them here for their generous interest and co-operation. vi U ILZTZ Yi r 11uRv1w ,8 SLETZ Io,0" 0o ~KLAMATH 'RESERVATION ~~~B PAIOS Map 1. Modern cults innothrCliori.oldrow.hsteLAM d a arh Lodge cult; thin-barred arrows, groupscongregatinginPomoEarthLodgece lie, Be*_*-ar inf_luences; dots*, problematic Ghost Dance among the M w e / 9 U S w L 18 -, X w XT3DLXI | | )<;-4iC Ee t:$~~~~Y ESKEA MODO UPPERINC LAKEt I~~~~~~W 14 TU PAVIOTSO .4 REDDINO 1 /< | ),/// __ s1~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~W N tt < > k OCO~~~~~SA VI Map~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~~ 1.MdrOut nnrhr aifri.Sldarw.GotDnce hr-adarw Zart Ldge cul; thin-arred arows, goups cogregatngTnPooEat Lodgecetr;bon line, Bole-Maru influences; dots, problematic Ghost Dance among the Maidu.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ t I WL -, / /IR I.. - . I THE 1 rader to clarify the mass of detail ttes the body of this paper, this has bean written to serve as a sl to the major cults described. The I *n presented by tribes or areas in the paper. This was done to give local developments and to show tl oking nature. Reduced-type materie the documentation for general stat( 8ists in the main of material quo 'nts. In the Summary of Contents, n tented in terms of cults in order e areal presentation. was soon evident in the course of : t a complicated series of intera( had developed as a consequence of u given by the 1870 Ghost Dance. developments covered in this pap( during a period of sixty years be} . It was a time of marked intra- E flux, during which Indian life un 8sive disintegration. As a result, .reactions which were resistive to bments were gradually transformed nce of European habits and attitu( 'Changes represent a closely integrt uum in time and space. However, foi ive purposes, it is convenient to I of categorical terms as points of n that continuum, if one bears in r Nte borders are blurred. In the tit] hs been used as a general term to of generically related religious but in the body of the paper the *lied only to the first phase of thE th. The early manifestations consist( adoctrinal stress on the return of We end of the world, which in some i atural manner would entail the elix * white people. The adherents belie) s were imminent. The Ghost Dance pi Win strands of diffusion. The cult ( tamong the Paviotso of Walker Lake - spread to the Washo, the Paviotso of K Klamath Reservation, and Surprise \ ie Modoc, Klamath, Shasta, and Karok to transmitted by the Shasta to Silel l Ronde reservations in Oregon. From 18 carried to the Tolowa and Yurok. C Df this first strand of diffusion waE 'd in the vicinity of Orleans on the r when the Yurok movement going upstr Larok movement progressing downstrean Mt contemporaneous strand of the Ghc ,r spread from the Paviotso to the ea 870 GHOST DANCE BY CORA DU BOIS INTRODUCTION ls which most Achomawi, across Achomawi territory to the intro- Northern Yana, the Wintun,1 and Hill Patwin. nmmary Among the Wintun and Hill Patwin the second naterial point of reference on the continuum was devel- the oped. It will be called the Earth Lodge cult, coher- from its most characteristic feature. This cult heir was similar to the Ghost Dance proper in excite- al con- ment over immediate supernatural phenomenon. But, ements whereas the Ghost Dance stressed the return of ted from the dead, the Earth Lodge cult stressed the end naterial of the world. The faithful were to be protected to bal- from the catastrophe by the subterranean houses which they built for that purpose. The Earth field Lodge cult, like the Ghost Dance, had two main cting strands of diffusion. One spread to the north the from the Wintun to the Wintu and then back over The re- Achomawi territory and to the Klamath Reser- er oc- vation, while simultaneously the Wintu trans- ginning mitted the Earth Lodge cult to the Shasta, from and inter- whom it was passed in turn to Siletz and Grand derwent Ronde reservations. There it was known locally as the the Warm House Dance. The Earth Lodge cult in its white northern manifestation also had an abortive in- into an troduction to Oregon City by Klamath Indians. des. Some years later a Siletz Reservation Indian car- ated ried a form of Earth Lodge cult southward among r de- the Oregon tribes as far as Coos Bay. This has set up a been called Thompson's Warm House Dance after refer- the principal proselytizer. nind Meanwhile the second strand of Earth Lodge cult le, Ghost diffusion spread southwestward to the Pomo area, cover a where seven earth lodges were built in which sur- develop- rounding tribes and tribelets congregated. term will Almost immediately after the Earth Lodge cult e whole was introduced to the Wintun and Hill Patwin, ed large- there grew up an elaboration of it called the the dead Bole-Maru. This is a compound term consisting re- vague spectively of the Patwin and Pomo words for the nination cult. The Bole-Maru abandoned gradually doctrines ved these of imminent world catastrophe and stressed instead roper had concepts of the afterlife and of the supreme being. origi- Ceremonially its highest development occurred among in Nevada the Patwin and Pomo. Each local dreamer had his own Pyramid revelations and supernatural authority, which de- falley, termined the particular form his cult activities tribes. should take. By and large, however, most dreamers tz and used the following devices: (1) flagpole, from Siletz which a flag was flowrn in front of the dance house Ihe cir- during the ceremony; (2) a secularized form of the s com- old Patwin Hesi dance, which has been called Bole- Klamath 1Wintun is used throughout this paper for the ream met group known in the older literature as Central n. A sec- Wintun or Nomlaki. The Northern Wintun are called )st Dance Wintu, and the Southern Wintun are designated as istern- Patwin. [ 1 ] ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Hesi; (3) cloth costumes, especially for women, which were often used in conjunction with a par- ticular dance known as Bole or Maru depending upon the language area; an.' (4) a Ball dance. The Bole-Maru probably originated with the Hill Patwin prophet, Lame Bill, who also sup- ported the Earth Lodge cult. In less than a year the Bole-Maru overlaid the Earth Lodge cult in Pomo and adjacent territories. It also spread to the River Patwin and Chico Maidu, who had not been touched by previous movements. The Bole- Maru in a somewhat attenuated form also spread northward to the Wintun, Wintu, Shasta, and Acho- mawi. The Wintan dreamers seem to have been par- ticularly active in repeatedly sending out groups of dancers to northern neighbors. From an early form of the Bole-Maru in Pomo territory still another cult detached itself, which has been called the Big Head cult. This traveled rapidly northward along the western slopes of the Coast Range to the Shasta, where its momentum was exhausted, but not before some knowledge of it had reached Siletz and Grand Ronde reservations. At this point a preliminary idea of dating will clarify matters. The Ghost Dance probably originated among the Paviotso of Walker Lake in about 1869. Its diffusion, however, did not be- gin until 1871. Once under way, it spread with great rapidity. By the end of 1871, or early in 1872, the Earth Lodge cult was already in exist- ence. In the spring of 1872 the Earth Lodge cult reached its climax among the Pomo. By the end of that same year it had diffused over most of northeastern California and the first forms of the Bole-Maru had already been created. The Bole- Maru, although constantly in flux, has persisted until the present, especially in the Patwin and Pomo areas. Characteristic of all these movements was the appearance of local dreamers or prophets when- ever an external impulse set a new religious form in motion. Each tribe had its own inter- preters of the new cults, so that in the descrip- tion of the religious developments of each tribe, a more or less complete list of local dreamers has been given in approximately chronological order. These local dreamers and interpreters rep- resent a constant recrudescence of local author- itarianism, but always beneath this local au- thority can be discovered an external stimulus. It is as though tap roots were constantly being sent down into the intense localism of the Cali- fornian tribelets. In most tribes, and for only the short period of the Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cults, dreaming was epidemic. It soon sub- sided and concentrated in the hands of particu- lar dreamers or "preachers." The influence of these leaders was everywhere different and individualized, yet on the whole they seem to have been instrumental in reshaping shamanism, in furthering the development of the Bole-Maru, or breaking ground for further Chris- tianization. Their influence has made possible t troduction and acceptance of the many marginal C tian sects which now flourish among the Indians this region. The Indian Shaker church has recent made marked progress in northwest California. Th Pentecostal church and Four Square Gospel have v real influence and are eliminating the last phas of the Bole-Maru among the Pomo. In Round Valley Reservation and Fall River (Achomawi), churches are being conducted by Indian ministers for Indii converts. Besides, everywhere in northern Calif nia are found flourishing churches whose members are both white and Indian. Thea revivalistic psy- chology of the Pentecostals, for instance, has made it peculiarly a well-fitted vehicle for the Christianization of those Indians who had had pri vious experience with the Ghost Dance and its pri liferations. At the moment it represents one of terminal points in a progressively Christianized ideology, for which the Ghost Dance and its subs quent cults were transitional factors. Lastly, attention should be drawn to Gayton's treatment of the Ghost Dance in south-central Ca fornia.2 This publication is necessary to a comp. picture of the 1870 Ghost Dance. The relation of Gayton's material to that in the present paper i discussed in Part 3 under the section on the Del region. Although I speak of two main avenues of troduction for the Ghost Dance, the statement ap plies only to northern California. There was a third and completely independent one into the southern part of the state, which Gayton has de- scribed. 2A. H. Gayton, The Ghost Dance of 1870 in South-Central California, UC-PAAE 28:57-82, 1930 2 PART 1. NEVADA AND THE KLAMATH DRAINAGE a the first part of this paper will be dis- ka the genesis of the 1870 Ghost Dance among Faviotso, and its course along the Klamath sage among tribes of southeastern Oregon and hernmost California. This region represents Lf-contained area in respect to the Ghost m. The cult did not pass from the Klamath hage into central California. Furthermore, ,area is characterized by only a brief per- once of the doctrine. An exception must be .for the Shasta and Klamath, whose cultures more disintegrated than those of other is in the region. The Shasta proved to be a idor for the transmission of cult movements (the Sacramento Valley to coastal Oregon. PAVIOTSO #formation concerning the earlier Ghost Dance ted from the Paviotso in the vicinity of Lake, Reno, and Pyramid Lake was almost of ity couched in terms of the 1890 Ghost This was due to the death of Jack Wilson ober 1932, only some ten days before field was begun, and to the more vivid impression iby the later prophet. Whether or not in- ts were adherents of Jack Wilson, they were greed that his doctrine was neither new nor , but that it was simply one expression of trring native pattern. The impression was that in almost every generation shamans who preached the imminent return of the a in addition were capable of performing as, among which weather control was a fa- , Actually, however, no specific biograph- terial antedating approximately 1870 was d. Dr. Willard Park, on the other hand, wed the impression in the course of recent phic field work among the Paviotso that trine of the return of the dead in large a was new with the 1870 and the 1890 ts. He believes that the old element in a was the resurrection of particular in- is by certain rare and outstanding sha- had the power to bring back the souls of a as they lingered on the flowery path to rit land. Some shamans were able actually r the spirit land and return the soul to y. Jack Wilson was the last of these pow- abhamans. For a full description of this f view, as well as for the genieral back- of Paviotso shamanism against which the Dnces should be discussed, we must await 1 account of Park's data.3 ormants made the following statements about who had communicated with the dead before ison's time. the Paviotso of Owens Valley, Steward Ghosts of the dead, appearing and talking people, at night, *were the only clearly da spirits" (The Ethnography of the Owens fPaiute, UC-PAAE 33:307, 1933). [Blind Bob], of Smith Valley, south and west of Mason Valley, remembered a man, called Winawitu, who preached rejuvenation by dancing. He had been to the spirit land in the course of a four-hour trance and had seen spirits generally enjoying themselves. Winawitu preached amity toward the white people and pointed out the benefits which they had brought with them. He added to his powers of clairvoyance and prophecy those of curer and rain bringer. His doctrine and powers were said to be known to the Shoshoni, Bannock, Washo, and neighboring Paviotso, who attended the round dances at which he spoke. It is barely possible that Wina- witu may be identified as Weneyuga (see below), or it is possible that he was simply an outstanding shaman with no truly adventist doctrine but only the power of communicating with the dead. [Henry Williams], of Walker Lake, said that prior to Jack Wilson (1870's?) he could barely remember a local prophet who preached a doctrine similar to Jack Wllson's. His name was Wodziwob (Gray Hair); he predicted that the dead would re- turn in three or four years and that everyone would be badly frightened when the event occurred. Large crowds, which included Washo and eastern Mono, assembled to hear him preach. Wodziwob had as an adherent and assistant in the Walker Lake region a man called Numataivo (Indian W^hite Man), who was undoubtedly Jack Wilson's father, and apparently the same person as the Tavivo mentioned by Mooney4 who translated his name as White Man. It seems pertinent at this point to digress momentarily from informants' statements to dis- cuss Jack Wilson's father, to whom the origin of the 1870 Ghost Dance has been erroneously attrib- uted. Mooney5 quotes Jack Wilson as saying that his father was "no prophet or preacher, although he used to have visions and was invulnerable." Mooney then goes on to say: "From concurrent testimony of Indians and white men, however, there seems to be no doubt that he [the father] did preach and prophesy and introduce a new reli- gious dance among his people, and that the doc- trine which he promulgated....twenty years ago [was] the foundation on which his son [Jack Wil- son] has built the structure of the present messiah religion. He was visited by Indians from Oregon and Idaho, and his teachings made their influence felt among the Bannock and Shoshoni, as well as among all the scattered bands of the Paiute, to whom he continued to preach until his death a year or two later" (i.e., ca. 1870)." Apparently Mooney has confused Wodziwob with Tavivo (or Numataivo), who was Jack Wilson's real 4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ James Mooney, The Ghost Dance Religion...., BAE-R 14: 701-704, 1896. 5Ibid., 701. 6This date given by Mooney, op. cit., 764. N. P. Phister, The Indian Messiah, AA, o.s., 4: 105, 106, 1891, also identifies the earlier prophet as Jack Wilson's father, but he gives no name. He dates the first preaching in 1869. [31 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS father. This confusion is apparent from a letter 'ihich Mooney quotes on pages 702 and 703. It was written by Mr. Campbell, an official on the Walker River Indian Reservation. In the letter the prophet at Walker Lake in 1872 is called "Waugh-zee-waugn-ber," who is to be identified as the Wodziwob of my accounts. Mooney was in- clined to consider "Waugh-zee-waugh-ber" as an alternate name for Tavivo. In a subsequent pas- sage on page 765 he admitted that they might be different persons. His position is not consist- ent. Recent field information definitely estab- lishes that Wodziwob and Tavivo (Numataivo) were different persons, that Wodziwob was the true originator of the 1870 Ghost Dance, and that it was Wodziwob's death which occurred in approximately 1872, whereas Tavivo died in ap- proximately 1912. Tavivo was a shaman, as Jack Wilson told Mooney, but he was not also a proph- et in his own right. Now that the originator of the 1870 Ghost Dance has been definitely established, we may return to statements describing his beliefs and activities, and those of his most outstanding proselytizer, Frank Spencer (CNDeneyuga). Mr. Campbell, quoted by Mooney, says that Wod- ziwob went into a trance, during which he learned that the "Supreme Ruler... .was then on his way with all the spirits of the departed dead to again-re- side upon this earth and change it into a paradise. Life was to be eternal and no distinction was to exist between races." [Gilbert Natchez and Jackson Overton], of Pyra- mid Lake, recalled two predecessors of Jack Wil- son. The earlier was Wodziwob. Jackson Overton, who must have been born in approximately 1873 or 1874, dated him as "before my time." Gilbert Natchez then added that his aunt,Sara Winnemucca, dated Wodziwob as her contemporary, born, like herself, in about 1844. Wodziwob went from Walker Lake to Pyramid Lake to inculcate his doctrine of the return of the dead, which he was to hasten through the exercise of his supernat- ural powers. After he had failed to substantiate his prophecies, the informants said that he aban- doned his pretensions. Shortly thereafter another prophet, called Weneyuga7 appeared, who preached the same doctrine. For approximately five years he spoke at dances. During this five-year period he also attempted to convert other Paviotso bands and the Washo. "Nobody believed him much, that is why he stopped. Whenever there was a dance called in summer, or in the fall for Vine nuts, he was there and preached. There wasn t anything new or special about the way Weneyuga and Wodziwob had the people paint themselves or wash themselves when they were through dancing. Indians always wash themselves when they get through dancing. Wodziwob, Weneyuga, and Jack Wilson didn't start 7Park reports that his Paviotso name was Pongi, and that Weneyuga was bestowed on him by the Washo from the last word in his song, wunu'ga puniu ("sound of the wind"). However, Frank Spencer is known throughout the area of his proselytizing efforts as Weneyuga or some variant thereof. anything new. They just learned from the old peG. ple. This whole story about the dead coming back passed along for five hundred years or more mayb2. Only the Walker River, Fallon, and Mason Valley people were always talking about the dead coming back. The Winnemucca and Lovelock Indians never said anything about it." [Rawhide Henry], also of Pyramid Lake, claime to have seen both Wodziwob and Weneyuga on the Pyramid Lake Reservation. He said that their ac- tivities were approximately contemporaneous, and that Weneyuga was indebted to Wodziwob for his doctrine. Wodziwob preached at Pyramid Lake that "Our fathers are coming, our mothers are coming, they are coming pretty soon. You had better danei Never stop for a long time. Swim. Paint in white and black and red paint. Every morning wash and paint. Everybody be happy." "Every old man be- lieved him. He talked pretty good, but I got tired. I said, 'I bet your fathers don't come.' The old-timers who believed him are all dead, but I am still alive."8 The same informant went on to say that Weneyuga was a curer and rain bringer as well as a prophet. He converted the Washo and tried to convince the Paviotso of Pyra mid Lake of his supernatural powers by performin a miracle. He sang over a patch of ground, from which he subsequently dug up potatoes which his song was supposed miraculously to have produced. He promised that whole crops of even larger pota. toes might be so produced after the advent. Precise dating of these activities is almost impossible from purely Paviotso sources. We know, however, from Mooney and Phister, that 1869 is probable date of Wodziwob's first teachings. It will be shoan later that Weneyuga converted the Washo in about 1871. Probably Paviotso activitie centering around the doctrine of these two prop ets at most did not survive the decade. The matter of dating is of some importance in relation to data from the Surprise Valley Paviot of northeastern California. Wunayiga, mentioned Kelly'sg account of the Ghost Dance in that regi is the same man as the Weneyuga of the Nevada Paviotso. This was definitely confirmed by a Was who said that the Weneyuga who converted them wa called Frank Spencer in English. Furthermore, ce tain Nevada Paviotso knew of Weneyuga's journey Fort Bidwell in the Surprise Valley country. The can be no doubt of the man's identity. Yet one o Kelly's informants said that Frank Spencer came Fort Bidwell from Nixon (Pyramid Lake) in about 1900. Kelly states that the account is garbled a she is inclined to associate Frank Spencer with 1890 Ghost Dance. Information from the Nevada Pa, otso, however, definitely indicates that Frank Spencer's activities antedated those of Jack Wil son. Of course, it is possible that Frank Spence 8This idea that believers in the adventist doctrine died sooner than skeptics is widespread in California. The Ghost Dance is thought to be somehow responsible for the decrease in Indian population. 9I. T. Kelly, Ethnography of the Surprise Val. ley Paiute, UC-PAAE 31:179-180, 1932. 4 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE proselytized for both Wodziwob and his successor, Jack Wilson. On the other hand, no confirmation of this supposition was received among other groups who came under Frank Spencer's influence. For in- "Stance, among the Achomawi living in the vicinity ;of Likely, he was known simply as a shaman who visited them in a friendly fashion during the 1890's. Later he removed to Fort McDermitt, where 'he died in the second decade of this century. The same Frank Spencer (Weneyuga) also car- ried the adventist doctrine of Wodziwob to those Paviotso who had been allotted the eastern portion -of Klamath Indian Reservation after the treaty of 1864. Originally they had lived in the vicinities of Silver, Summer, and Goose lakes. On the reser- vation the Paviotso were settled with a group of P-Uodoc. According to Kelly's-data, Frank Spencer (locally known as Wenega, or Tcaawenega) went (first to Yainax, which is some ten miles east of ethe present town of Beatty on the Klamath Reser- vation. On his way south he converted the Sur- ;prise Valley Paviotso. Perhaps one of the most ooherent Paviotso versions of this early movement was obtained from Doctor Sam, a Paviotso shaman who lives near Beatty. He brings out clearly the relation between Wodziwob and Frank Spencer, as -Well as revealing the consistently skeptical at- titude of the Paviotso toward the doctrine. The tclarity and detailed content of Doctor Sam's ac- count can be attributed to the fact that three years ago he was host to George Thompson for one ,year preceding the latter's death. George Thomp- son was one of the four Paviotso messengers from .Surprise Valley who traveled to Walker Lake to investigate the new doctrine. Shortly before 'his death he recounted the whole episode to the informant, whose account is given in full below. [Doctor Sam.] "Wodziwob was the real starter of all this. We never saw him, just heard about him. Four Paiute men from Fort Bidwell [Surprise -Valley territory] went to where Wodziwob lived. Be was somewhere south in Nevada around Reno [actually Walker River Indian Reservation]. They ,went to find out if Wenega [Frank Spencer] was .telling the truth. George Thompson was one of "these men. I don't know who the other three were. hen they got to where Wodziwob lived, George hompson said they had come to learn the truth bf what Wenega was telling. A man spoke up and eaid he was Wodziwob. Wodziwob said, 'There are ta lot of people telling this news but they aren't Stelling it right. What I said was that a train was coming from the east. My real dream was l?Apparently Wodziwob, like the later prophet, J4ack Wilson, suffered under the distortion of his original doctrine and attempted to correct mis- onstruction without at the same time losing pres- tige. From the statements in this account, I as- ,eme that Wodziwob claimed power to conjure up a few dead and then quite independently prophecied the influx of white people. The latter was a fa- rvorite subject for prophecy among shamans at the time. Weneyuga probably confused the two elements, or else dreamed the mass return of the dead in his own right. It will be recalled that the transcon- about that train, but people made it out differ- ent.i" They were going to dance that night. Be- fore the dance, Wodziwob fell over and lay there a long time. When he got up he said, 'Tonight there will be a dance and four dead women viill come to watch us dance."' At the dance Wodziwob told the people to leave an opening to the south in the circle. The four men from Fort Bidwell watched closely. While they were dancing four w;omen, all dressed in ahite like white aomen, came and stood quite a while watching the people dance. Then they went off. The four men from Fort Bidwell followed these women. They saw them go in a house. They changed their clothes and came out in their old dresses. Those four men who were watching ;ent back to dance too. They saw the women join in. "It was that Wodziwob who was the real one to give the news of the dead coming. After the dance was over he went to 2leep and pretended to be dead. The next afternoun he got up. A crowd gath- ered. He said he had died to go to meet the dead who were on their way. They were to come in four years.'2 He said he would let them know from time to time how far they had come on their way. 13 When he sat up he gave orders for the people to stay away from a certain piece of ground. He said there would be a signal there which the dead were to give. After a while there was a big explosion like Giant powder [a brand of dynamitel. A big puff of diust went uD in the air. That was why he told the people to stay away. People found out that he had buried Giant pow- der with a fuse running to it from ahere he was sit- tinr-. While he was talking he must have set fire to the fuse. People would not have anything to do with hih after they found out his trick. They left him alone. "These four men from Fort Bidwell came back and told what they had found out in Nevada. "Before those four men went down there, Wenega came up here to Beatty with four men--Jo [Tumaras], Shorty [Tecna' ], Senatsi, and one other. He stayed here about one year and then went down to Fort Bid-wvell. He left there after a couple of years. Wenega added a little to what Wodziwob said. He was keeping up the dances. Wodziwob was just hav- ing a dance for the train coming and Wenega added more about the dead people. He said the dead vwere on their way from the south. They were already at Pachena [?; supposed to be an English place name]. All who were coming had cups in their hands to drink from on their way.'4 Wenega's head man was called Zonchen. He had sent those men out to spread tinental railroad was completed in May 1869, the year in which Wodziwob is supposed to have begun his prophecies. "For comparable performance see section, "Achomawi and N Yana, 1890 Ghost Dance" (p. 51). '2This delayed advent was also reported above by Henry Williams (q.v.). The farther the doctrine was removed in time and space from its Paviotso source, the more immediate became the expected ad- vent. '3This indicates either that the informant was confused and contradictory, or that Wodziwob ac- cepted the idea which Weneyuga had attributed to him. '4Informant denied that Paviotso ever buried drinking utensils with their dead. I a 5 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS the word. Zonchen had seen the dead coming him- self. I saw Zonchen when I was down at Reno about fifty years ago. I don't know whether he was just a chief or whether he had dreamed about these things himself. "Wenega told the people there were to be earthquakes, that the earth was to be flooded with water, and that it was to dry up. That didn't tie in with the dead coming back. He just men- tioned those thingSI 5 He told *the people not to pick up anything that was lost durinn the dance; if they found money, just to let it lie there. [Probably a moralistic injunction against steal- ing.] I picked up things and nothing happened to me. Another man and I told the people no dead would come back. Wenega had a short willow cane painted with red spirals and a bunch of feathers on the end. He stuck it in the ground near the middle of the dance circle. I don't know if it had any meaning. It was just an old-fashioned round dance. [No bells, sign of cross, etc.] I never heard of anyone getting power from that dance. It did not affect anyone. People did not really belieVe very much in it. "The Williamson River people [Klamath] came over here to dance at Beatty. Wenega never went over there to give a dance. Another younger informant at Beatty gave the following data, which supplement certain aspects of Doctor Sam's account. In minor points some of the material is contradictory. [Pete Polina.] This word started around Reno, Nevada, more than sixty years ago. News was brought here by Wenega, but he was not the per- son who started it. He came alone in the autumn of two successive years. He gave a dance at Spring Creek near Beatty. He told the people to dance all night and in the morning to take a cold bath. That would cause their dead ones to come; it would give them better luck. They danced five nights using the round dance (negaba). Both sexes and even children danced, fingers interlocked; circled toward left with stamping side step. Fire in center; no center pole; no bells. Dancers might fall over in faint; revived by fanning with sagebrush twig. Was not a trance so far as in- formant knew; fainted simply from dancing too hard. Knev of no threat against skeptics; no antiwhite doctrine. Dance given only by Paviotso, but was attended by some neighboring Modoc.18 From the foregoing we may make the following summary concerning the historical figures in the 1870 Ghost Dance among the Paviotso. Prior to 15Terrestrial catastrophies are also favorite topics in shamans' discourses, at least in north- ern California. Apparently this element was amal- gamated and maximized in the Ghost Dance doctrine of north-central California. The various 'worlds" in the mythology of the area provides a native pattern which could easily be dovetailed with Christian ideas concerning the end of the world and the resurrection. 18Further descriptions of the Beatty affair are given by Modoc informants in the section on Klamath Reservation. Jack Wilson and the 1890 Ghost Dance there were least two individuals who actively preached the return of the dead, namely, Wodziwob and Weneyug (Frank Spencer). Of Winawitu and Zonchen very li tle could be learned and their status must remali problematic. Wodziwob was the original prophet a Walker River Indian Reservation in 1869. He died some three or four years after inaugurating his doctrine. Weneyuga was his disciple and a prophe in his own right, who sponsored dances and carri the doctrine to the Paviotso of Klamath Reserva- tion, Surprise Valley, Reno, and Pyramid Lake, a well as to the Washo. At Surprise Valley and on Klamath Reservation, at least, he was avowedly a mere messenger, probably self-appointed, for Wod wob. Weneyuga died at Fort McDermitt in the seco: decade of this century. In later life he was kno primarily as a curer of ability. Lastly, Jack Wi son s father, Tavivo or Numataivo, was a shaman follower of Wodziwob, but he does not seem to ha been a proselytizer. Informants in the region of Carson Valley and Walker Lake did not know eithe by name or reputation the Paviotso called Moman, whom Gayton17 reports to have been the instructo of the Western Mono proselytizer, Joijoi. *Wodziwob, Weneyuga, and Jack Wilson were indi viduals whose unusual supernatural powers permit them to communicate with the dead residing in th spirit land to the south. They preached the retu of the dead after they had visited the spirit la1 in a trance of several hours, which was consider a temporary death. They predicted the return of dead in the specific terms of "seeing your dead father, your dead mother," and so on. Undoubtedli the specificity of terminology played upon the sense of bereavement among certain members of th audience and heightened the emotional tension. Often specific messages were brought back from deceased persons to living relatives. It was sub sequent to these experiences that Weneyuga and Jack Wilson, at least, took on other shamanistic functions, like curing and rain making, and it w in these latter powers that their true and perma nent reputation resided. It is my impression tha the Paviotso, among whom the Ghost Dance doctrin! originated, were the very ones whose attitude wai most critical and skeptical. They primarily re- spected its leaders, not as prophets but as cure In the minds of the Paviotso there seems to hi been no very specific and Vnique ceremonial accoi paniments of the Ghost Dance doctrine. The proph4 announced his vision at gatherings which might have been called for a pine-nut dance or a commu nal rabbit hunt. However, he might also call a gathering in his own right if he had sufficient prestige. The Paviotso round dance (negaba), em- ployed upon all occasions, was used at such timei It is held outdoors, often in a brush enclosure. In it men and women join hands without formal sei alternation, and circle to the left with a shuf- fling side step. Songs, however, were generally new and were said to have been learned in the G7Gayton, op. cit., 60. I I I I I I I I I 6 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE irit land while the shaman was in a trance. rk reports that a center pole was used in the d dances, but that it was without signifi- ce except as a point of orientation for the rge circles which were formed. Many informants ied entirely the presence of a center staff pole. Bathing in the morning after a dance B not unique to occasions when adventism was eached. At these times face painting seems to ve been merely of the usual types. Rain making B a shamanistic power not necessarily associ- ead with a prophetic doctrine. It might be used a prophet of adventism simply as one of a ries of supernatural manifestations by which proved his power. On the whole, the impression was gotten that e 1870 and 1890 Ghost Dances were not radical partures from Paviotso shamanistic concepts. ,though no individual prophets were reported o antedated Wodziwob, still there is the defi- te statement by one informant that the pattern B old. Further confirmation comes from oneyt S statement on the Shoshoni t"that the st Dance itself as performed by them was a vival of an old dance they had had fully fifty ars before" (i.e., ca. 1840's). In strict ac- w rcy, I feel that it is misleading to speak f Paviotso Ghost Dances with the connotation ttached to them due to the Californian (1870) d Plains (1890) manifestations. The behavior tterns which became attached to these cults, s side of western Nevada, were not necessary rrelates of an adventist doctrine among the viotso. Foreign tribes in accepting the proph- pies, not only placed them in a new context, at also attached to them Paviotso traits which re merely in solution among the originators. the process of doctrinal borrowing they made ese common Paviotso traits necessary concom- tants of the cult. In fact, they may almost be kid to have created the cult as a dynamic and Iecific movement. WASHO The Washo manifestations of the 1870 Ghost cne may be considered an integral part of viotso activities. The Washo are by their own ssion a small and unenterprising group, which been under the somewhat arrogant domination y the Paviotso for as long as any living in- bimant can remember. They said that Paviotso almans had long been coming to them to cure, to imonstrate their supernatural powers, and to Wmmunicate with the spirit land. Apparently, Fong the Washo as well as among the Paviotso was a common pattern for shamans to speak Kth the dead. In the words of one informant, $ ie Jo: "There were Washo doctors who spoke dth the dead before the Paiute miracle men. sey still do. Doctors who told about the dead oming back were believed because doctors were ways talking with the dead." 18looney, op. cit., 809. The first prophet whom the Washo recall was the same Weneyuga mentioned in the preceding section. He is also known among them as Frank Spencer and Doctor Frank. He converted the Washo in approximately 1871 to 1872. This date was es- tablished by the statement that he came after the state capitol building in Carson City was completed (1871) and before the surrounding fence was erected. It is not absolutely certain whether Weneyuga first visited the Washo at Carson City or at Reno, but it seems probable that he went from Carson City to Reno after he had obtained the doctrine from Wod- ziwob at Walker Lake. Park reports that he gave dances also at Black Springs, about eight miles north of Reno, some two years after he first intro- duced the doctrine at Reno. At approximately the same time he gave another dance at Winnemucca Val- ley, just east of Reno. The Reno, Black Springs, and Winnemucca Valley affairs were attended chiefly by Washo, although there was undoubtedly a liberal sprinkling of Paviotso present. The later gather- ings at Black Springs and Winnemucca Valley must have occurred in approximately 1874 to 1875, and after Weneyuga's return from Klamath Reservation and Surprise Valley. The Washo all admitted having supported Weneyuga s doctrine wholeheartedly for a year or two, but they emphatically denied hav- ing developed prophets of their own; or being in- strumental in disseminating the doctrine to any Californian tribe. It may be confidently stated that the Washo are debarred as transmitters of the cult to the west. Weneyuga alone was the ac- tive instrument in the diffusion of the cult east of the Sierras, and his efforts were directed chiefly to the northwest. The doctrine brought the Washo entailed the re- turn of dead relatives from the south. Weneyuga claimed that he had talked with them. Believers were to see the dead as they drew near by rais- ing their hands, palms turned outward, and gazing through their spread fingers. Among the Washo, Weneyuga predicted that the white people would disappear from the country when the Indian dead arrived. Either he advocated that all half-breed children should be killed, or else he predicted that they too would die at the time of the advent. The Washo were promised great increase in wealth at this time. The prophet emphasized that all must believe his message and follow his instructions if they expected to see their dead relatives. Skeptics were threatened the same fate as the white people and half-breeds. I could not discover that the threat of being turned to rock was used against skeptics, although this was prevalent in northern California. Weneyuga laid claim to miraculous powers in or- der to substantiate his power as a prophet. Among them was the ability to dip his hands in streams and roil the water, so that it would be poisonous to white people. However, he said that it was a power he had never exercised. He is reputed to have made red pigment form on certain stones of the state capitol building in Carson City, which he then used for painting his converts. Also, he I . s: 7 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS procured military buttons and insignia from troops in the vicinity of Carson City and through leger- demain made them appear as he passed his hands over the ground at the Indian encampment. Wene- yuga also carried a willowv staff about 4 feet long, painted with four alternating bands of red and white, beginning with red at the bottom. At the top an eagle feather was fastened. This seems to describe the shamanistic staffs of the Pavi- otso.'9 When he slept, he thrust the staff in the ground above the crown of his head. "He didn't tell what that stick was for, but he believed in it." His staff is reminiscent of that stuck in the ground above a patient's head in the ordinary cur- ing seances of Paviotso shamans, but which was for- eign to Washo usages. Another informant said that Weneyuga dug up gold watches and silver chains from the ground around his staff. This device is reminis- cent of his potato-growing miracle performed at Pyramid Lake. The dance emFloyed was the round dance (she- shishi), which the Washo considered an ancient Paviotso introduction. It seems to be identical with the Paviotso round dance. As with their neighbors, the Washo considered this "the only real dance" they have and it is employed on all occasions. In connection with face and body painting, Weneyuga seems to have been responsible for cer- tain innovations among the Washo, or at least he seems to have standardized the painting of the participants. White paint was used for men and red for women. W'Veneyuga himself painted all the participants at Reno. He held a lump of pigment in the left hand and applied the paint with the other. If lines down the body were not drawn per- fectly straight the dancer would develop a twisted limb. Figure 1 indicates the method of painting. Lines were drawn in sets of four "be- cause the dance lasted four nigfhts. "120 Each dancer also had a lump of pigment pressed on the crown of his head. This tendency to formalize face painting among the Washo appears to be unique. The detailed description was given by only one informant and is open to substantiation. On the other hand, it may represent the Paviotso custom of painting according to the instructions of a shaman during a curing seance.21 A Washo informant, who was present at the time, gave an account of the Reno dance held dur- ing the same year as the one in Carson City. His statement, abbreviated and paraphrased, follows: [Dick Bender.] There were about a hundred there. They all washed in the morning and in the evening. In the evening Weneyuga painted every- body. Then they danced. WXeneyuga asked for '9W. Z. Park, Paviotso Shamanism, AA 36:104, 1934. 20 Cf. five-night dance among Klamath Reserva- tion Paviotso and subsequent account of Reno dance by Dick Dowington. 21Park, op. cit., 105. tvwo girls with whom to dance. They formed a large circle with sexes alternating [not a necl sary arrangement]. Fingers were interlocked wi those of neighbors. Women danced with babies o their backs. The dance ground was a cleared sp enclosed by a circle of encampments. There wer a b c d Fig. 1. Ghost Dance painting among Washo, introduced by Frank Spencer. a, men's face painting, white; b, women's face painting, red; c and d, men's body painting, white. fires all around the outside of the dance gro where people had camped. There was no center or pole. Weneyuga told them to stop dancing. stood looking at a small bare hill to the sou from where the dead were coming. He said, "No everyone stop. I am going to talk to the Indi who are coming back. Facing south, he talked Paiute to the dead who were coming back and a young fellox-, who was half Paiute and half Wa interpreted. Then they danced a few steps mor and talked some more. They danced four nights Weneyuga drew a line on the ground. Everybody came to him. He stood singing. When children young people came, he lifted them over t;e 1i When heavy grown people came, they stepped ov it themselves. All people who crossed the lin would see their dead relatives. Those who did cross the line would not see them. Park kindly placed at my disposal another count of the Reno dance obtained from a Pavio informant. It follows in condensed form. I I II I 8 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE [Dick Dowington.] Weneyuga promised to make the dead come back. There were many Washo there (Reno). It lasted five nights. Every morning all "bathed in the Truckee River. Two horizontal bars ,were painted in white clay on each cheek of every vparticipant. They danced the regular circle idance, but no "fun" dances were used. It was 8erious. There was a pole to one side of the .&ance ground. Sagebrush was piled around it. At night, when the dancing was going on, children who were playing in the vicinity fell down un- Conscious. Weneyuga carried them to the pole and sprinkled them with water from the tip of a -green sagebrush twig to restore them to con- 8ciousness. Adults did not have trances, but there was so much power immanent in the affair that children who were not so strong as adults ,Were overcome by it. Weneyaga, however, did have .trances. He instructed participants to place him -in the center of the circle and dance around him -while he was unconscious. When he revived he Ktold them about the dead. After the dance otarted, Weneyuga rubbed his body with phos- pos (?) from "old Chinese matches" to make is body shine in the dark. The song which he eamed and sang on this occasion was: numa na ti gu aitu wunu' ga puniu, "Indian father sit- ing place sound of the wind." A few years after is dance at Reno, Weneyuga became a curer. W i Weneyuga had come to the Carson Valley Washo accompanied. When his prophecies failed to terialize, the local Washo shamans met in con- lave and denounced him as an impostor. Discour- ed, Weneyuga started northward with a Washo nvert called Waduksoyo. He promised to return when he did they were to greet him with the rds, "Oh father, we are glad to see you." Ac- ally, Weneyuga never came back, but when his sho disciple returned he was greeted in the sscribed fashion by those who still believed. spite this reception, Waduksoyo made no attempt continue the cult or to assume the role cf phet. The whole furor lasted only one summer the vicinity of Carson Valley. Near Reno it ms to have lasted approximately five years. left in its wake a few persons who continued .believe in a deferred advent but who main- med no active cult practices. Today the Washo, the whole, are inclined to censure Weneyuga his attempt to dupe them. In recent years ho attended Jack Wilson's meetings out of iosity and gregariousness, but very few be- *ed his prophecies. KLAMATH RESERVATION Spier22 has described the Ghost Dance among Klamath Indians on Klamath Reservation. The ervation, however, is occupied by three tribes Paviotso discussed in the first section and closely related 'Modoc and Klamath groups. It .been ascertained that the Klamath Reservation 2Leslie Spier, Ghost Dance of 1870 among the th of Oregon, UW-PA 2:39-56, 1927. Cited eafter: Ghost Dance. Paviotso in the vicinity of Beatty received the Ghost Dance doctrine from Frank Spencer. The Pavi- otso dance was attended by a number of Modoc who were also living in the neighborhood of Beatty, and by a sprinkling of Klamath. These individuals carried the doctrine to other groups of their tribesmen who had not attended the Beatty affair. Spier gives the date of introduction as 1871, or possibly 1870. He is inclined to favor the earlier date in order to allow time for the diffusion of the cult to the Karok, who are known to have re- ceived it in 1871. From what vie have learned of Frank Spencer's movements and the rapidity with which the Ghost Dance spread, it becomes fairly certain that 1871 is the probable date. As the message radiated outward from Beatty, centers of dancing developed among the Klamath, most impor- tant of which was the one on Williamson River. Simultaneously, the band of Modoc who were to be involved the following year in the Modoc War re- ceived the doctrine from a fellow tribesman, called Doctor George (xelespiames), who had par- ticipated in the Paviotso dance at Beatty. These Modoc, under the leadership of the famous Captain Jack, danced at the mouth of Lost River where it empties into Tule Lake. From the Tule Lake band word was carried to the Shasta. Map 1 (facing p. 1) indicates the diffusion. Modoc The details of the Beatty dance, which was the first contact of the Modoc with the Ghost Dance doctrine, were related by an informant of that tribe who has always lived on the eastern portion of the Klamath Reservation. This is the same dance described by Doctor Sam and Pete Polina in the section on the Paviotso. It will be recalled that Frank Spencer is known on Klamath Reservation as Weinega. [Harrison Brown.] "Wenega was a Paiute who gave a dance near Beatty. Everyone came and camped by the creek about one mile east of the Beatty stores. There were a lot of willows growing there at that time. Wenega told everyone to get in the water and swim before they listened to his preaching. He told that all the dead were coming back, even the wild animals, like bear, deer, wolf [etc.]. Everyone who was dead was marching back in rows. All were to rise. He told them if they didn't bathe, if they didn't believe, they would turn to stone. [The Paviotso and Washo reported no such threat.] People threw even little children into the water. They thought he was wonderful. lie never said he dreamed these things himself. He was just carrying the mes- sage. He told people to dance five nights. They used the circle dance. He brought songs with him. Wenega lay in the middle of the circle. It was his bed and he asked for bearskins to sleep on. When they were through dancing at Beatty, the Klamaths on Willian- son River started dancing. Their dance lasted five nights too. "After Wenega had been among them, four men from the reservation went to see Wenega in his country down in Nevada. They wanted to see if his word was 9 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS true.23 These four meg were Mose Brown [Mosen- kaske], the informant s father and a Modoc, Long John and Whiskey John, two Klamaths, and Tcaktut, a Paviotso chief from Beatty. They were gone about one month. I don't know exactly where they went in Nevada. They were sent farther and farther south, until finally they got discouraged. Some of Wenega's own people didn't seem to know about his preachings. So they came home. From then on people up here gave up the dance." Besides Modoc participation in Paviotso dances near Beatty, the Tule Lake band held its own ceremony. An account of the Tule Lake affair was given by the son of old Schonchin, who was hanged after the Modoc War. The informant was a grown man at the time that the Ghost Dance was intro- duced to Captain Jack's band on Tule Lake. [Peter Schonchin.] "Two Paiutes,called Tcaabu- wenega [Weneyuga] and Guja [in reality a Paviotso shaman on Klamath Reservation],came up to Klamath Reservation and gave the people this message. They said all were to believe that the dead were coming back. Doctor George [Modoc] brought the word to Tule Lake at the mouth of Lost River where Cap- tain Jack's people were. He came in the winter before the grass began to grow. He said the dead would come from the east when the grass was about 8 inches high [i.e., probably in spring of 1871]. The deer and the animals were all coming back, too. George said the white people would die out and only Indians would be on earth. The culture hero [Kemukumps] was to come back with the dead. The whites were to burn up and disappear with- out even leaving ashes.24 The rules of the dance Doctor George brought were that you must dance or you would turn to rock. They danced in a cir- cle with a fire in the middle and camps around the outside. There were no bells, sign of the cross, or center pole [in answer to questions]. They danced all night and in the morning they jumped in the river and swam. Some of the men would come out with ice on their hair it was so cold. Some Indians fell down dead and began sing- ing and telling what the coming-back people wanted them to do. Every time Doctor George lay down he would go to meet them, so after a while they called those people dreamers [tutexas]. They told the people, 'Whenever you dream, paint your face red and white, do what your dream tells you. If you don't obey your dream, you will turn to rock.' "Doctor George stretched a rope of twisted tule all around the dance ground. He said that anyone who came to bother him would turn to stone if he crossed that rope. The superintend- ent of the agency came to arrest him and he never turned to rock when he crossed the rope.25 The 23Cf. Paviotso delegation from Surprise Val- ley and the various delegations which visited Jack WilBon in the 1890 Ghost Dance. 24Refers doubtless to Modoc custom of crema- tion. The Klamath believed that the ashes of the dead revivified the soil. See L. Spier, Klamath Ethnography, UC-PAAE 30:101, 1930. 2"This same device was used on the lava beds during the Modoc War (1872-1873) at the recom- mendation of Curly Haired Doctor to prevent the white troops from surprising them. superintendent arrested Doctor George because he made all the people crazy. They just camped around and listened to him instead of working. After Doctor George was arrested the people stopped dancing and never started up again. It lasted maybe two years just before the Modoc War [i.e., summer of 1871 and 1872? Modoc War began in Nov. 1872]. "Doctor George never fooled me or my wife. My wife was'a young girl then and was living with her aunt who was married to a white man. Her father and mother came to take her to the dance but her aunt wouldn't let her go. Peter Schonchin's account was substantiated on the whole by another informant, who was also a member of Captain Jack's band. This second in- formant is a younger person whose memory is less reliable; nevertheless her additional and contra- dictory material follows in abbreviated form. [Jennie Clifton.] In circle dance no fixed al- ternation of sexes. Dancers held hands, circled to left. Pole and fire in center. Pole always used in Modoc round dance as point of orientation. Seems to have had no other significance. Aspersion with sagebrush twig. Red and black stripes painted on cheeks. White paint used in war dance. No set date for return of dead. No antiwhite doctrine. "There were hardly any whites around then." No hostility toward half-breeds. "There weren't any." "At the dance everyone dreamed of the dead and they gave the people songs. Whenever they got together in private houses they sang these songs, but never danced with them. This same informant, Jennie Clifton, gave an account of the opposition which grew up toward the new doctrine among shamans. She was much more interested in this aspect than in the dance proper. "All the doctors said this was the wrong way to worship. They said it was bad for the dead to come back. They told the people there was no such thing. One man who was part Modoc and part Klamath came and told them it wasn't true. His name was John Smilie [Psimdadamnui, i.e., night traveler; also Sasaktes]. He was not a doctor but he went all around the reservation talking to the Indians. He had traveled all around the United States four or five times in a boat. He said this country was a big island and there was another one far to the south. He said the dead were not coming back. He interpreted the message as meaning that the whites were coming from the east.28 He told all about the whites, their churches and houses;' how they were coming,like beavers mowing down the timber, like badgers and moles in turning up the earth for their mining, like grasshoppers in cutting down the grass. He said the whites were all around us and we were a little island of Indians, but the whites would come and we should see the truth of what he said. It was the whites and not the dead who were coming from the east. He didn't know how to de- scribe the whites. He said they had eyes like panthers, necks like cranes, and were white like 26This approximates Wodziwob's vision concern- ing the coming of the white people in trains. See section on Paviotso. 10 EU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE pelicans. He traveled to all the Modoc and Klam- which did n ath and helped to put an end to that idea [i.e., part of the return of dead]. He died about 1905." Dance was n( but the bel A contemporary and local newspaper article27 wiped out 1b gives several relevant items of interest: (1) bravery of prophecies concerning the elimination of the white people were current; (2) a similar belief was held on Siletz Reservation; and (3) Modoc chiefs visited adjacent tribes during the summer The part of 1872. earlier Gho Spier in hi "During the last summer, the Modocs acted Klamath of ( strangely, and it-is firmly believed by many who marize his watched them closely that they have meditated a made on the fight against the authorities interfering with collected si their freedom of the country, including the set- As Spier tlers also. They pretended they had prophecies two waves o. that the 'whites' would be all killed off, just came to the as the Indians of Siletz Reservation believed and the or professed to believe, while the real fact is and the Kla that they wanted an opportunity for a general was brought uprising. The fact of the Modoc chiefs visiting Charlie. Ac other tribes last summer to gain their co-opera- Merritt, SO0 tion leads conclusively to the opinion that they River Charl are always treacherously plottinF against the new version whites, and especially those living in exposed and Tuba Ke settlements." willingly i] the Ghost Dt A. B. Meacham is credited with attributing cording to the Modoc War to the 1870 Ghost Dance."' Actually, painting a] no indication was procured from any informant on of central a the Klamath Reservation that the Ghost Dance was central Cal a direct incentive to the outbreak, although it be describe( was known that Captain Jack and his warriors all interest thE had been adherents of the new cult. Also I could Pit River C] obtain no direct evidence that the Ghost Dance formants in( was practiced by Captain Jack's band while it owed anythii was besieged on the lava beds. There are only two information hints that the situation may have been otherwise. participate One is that both Doctor George at Tule Lake and Dance (i.e. Curly Haired Doctor on the lava beds during the In Spier Modoc War believed in the supernatural efficacy of Dance, whic] a tule rope in debarring hostile intruders. The contained a other is that after his surrender "Capt. Jack rant to pra( said he was incited to his cruel warfare by Alan seem to hav David, chief of the Klamaths."29 Alan David, how- These are: ever, was not only chief of the Klamath, he was in the danCE also the "head dreamer" in the Williamson River and occasior district on Klamath Reservation.30 As one inform- head of a pE ant expressed it, "Alan David told the Indians according t to dream, to believe in God. Dreaming was God's introduced gift to the Indians. He was the leader of the Ghost Dance big dance at Williamson River (Goyemskregis)." new element It must be remembered also that the antiwhite ences. Unfoi doctrines of the Ghost Dance promised extermina- Smohalla ril tion of the white people by supernatural force, Mooney31 rel nection wit] 27Yreka Journal, vol. 20, no. 28, Feb. 12, religion prw 1873. rlgo r followers ei 28Stephen Powers, Tribes of California, CNAB every victor 3:260, 1877.- 29Sentinel, Red Bluff, Tehama Co., vol. 7, no. 16, June 14, 1873. 31Mooney 3?Other Klamath leaders of the Ghost Dance 32A. B. were Lobit and O'Toole. Boston, 187 11 ot entail active belligerence on the Indians. In all probability the Ghost ot a direct incentive to the Modoc War ief that the white people would soon b ent the rebellious Modoc the foolhardy their campaign. Klamath icipation of the Klamath tribe in the st Dance has been covered in detail by s The Ghost Dance of 1870 among the Oregon. No attempt will be made to sum data. However, certain comments may be basis of Spier's material and that ubsequently by the writer. has pointed out, there were definitel f the Ghost Dance religion. The earlie Klamath via Frank Spencer (Weneyuga) math Reservation Paviotso; the other by an Achomawi slave called Pit River cording to a Klamath informant, Anton me ten or twelve men accompanied Pit ie to Achomawi territory to learn the . In the group were Long John, Stubbs, lly who was one of the group which un- nstructed the Oregon City Indians in lance ceremonial. The second phase, ac- Spier, bore new styles in dancing, face nd singing, as well as the round house Californian type. It represents the ifornian Earth Lodge cult, which will d at length in Part 3. It is of some at the Klamath recognize their debt to harlie, whereas at least two Modoc in- dignantly rejected the idea that they ng to the despised Achomawi. Yet their clearly indicated that the Modoc also d in the second version of the Ghost Earth Lodge cult). s data the first wave of the Ghost h came to the Klamath from the Paviotso, t least three elements which are aber- ctices reported elsewhere and which e no foundation in aboriginal culture. tying a cow bell to a center pole placed e circle, making the sign of the cross, nal "baptism" by placing water on the articipant. Spier also informed me that o his field notes the Smohalla cult was to the Klamath simultaneously with the . It is tenable to suppose that these s are attributable to Smohalla influ- rtunately, information concerning the tual and its diffusion is minimal. ports the use of bells, but not in con- h a pole. Meacham"2 speaks of the "new oclaimed by 'Smoheller'....[which] found verywhere and was gaining strength by ry won by Captain Jack" (during the , ibid., 726,730-731. Meacham, Wigwam and War-path, 551. 75. i 1 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Modoc War). Furthermore, one of Spier's3 inform- ants "identified it [Ghost Dance], at least in part, with the Smohalla cult...." Unfortunately, however, my own field work does not corroborate the presence of these three puzzling elements in the Ghost Dance as per- formed by the Klamath, Modoc, or Klamath Reser- vation Paviotso--this despite specific question- ing. The introduction of the Smohalla or Pom pom religion was set by various informants both be- fore and after the Ghost Dance. However, opinion on the whole indicated that the Smohalla cult en- tered the Klamath Reservation in the decade 1875 and 1885. All informants distinguish clearly be- tween the two cults and I could obtain no indica- tion that they had been amalgamated. The whole subject of the interrelation of cult movements in Oregon awaits more intensive and extensive examination. Before such a study is -undertaken, it would be rash to assert a definite relationship between the Ghost Dance and the Smohalla cults on Klamath Reservation. However, the possibility must be borne in mind. Before leaving the subject of the Ghost Dance on Klamath Reservation,a few comments should be made concerning the aftermath of the doctrine under consideration. Spier ascribes the collapse of formal observances to the forcible interven- tion of the Indian agent. The failure of the Modoc War and the introduction of the Methodist church were probably contributing factors in undermining its energy. In addition, there was the internal opposition from the shamans and John Smilie, and lastly the Smohalla cult must have served also to divert religious concentra- tion on the Ghost Dance. "Dream songs," sung in private houses, persisted for a time, but the cult had lost its vigor. In all this, the Modoc who remained on the reservation must be consid- ered an entity with the Klamath. Of all the tribes which received the second and more per- sistent Earth Lodge cult, the Klamath seem to have been least deeply affected.33 SHASTA The Shasta received three distinct waves of the new religion. The first was the revivalistic doctrine or true Ghost Dance transmitted to them from the east by the Modoc. The second was chief- ly of the Earth Lodge cult diffused from the south via the McCloud Wintu. The third was the Big Head cult, a bastardized central Californian ceremony, which came to them from the southwest by way of the Western Wintu. 33Spier, Ghost Dance, 52. 33aBetween the time this monograph was completed and it appeared in print, a detailed study of the Ghost Dance in K3amath Reservation has been made. See Philleo Nash, The Place of Religious Revival- ism in the Formation of the Intercultural Commun- ity on Klamath Reservation, in Social Organization of North American Tribes (ed. by Fred Eggan), pp. 377-449. Ghost Dance The Shasta first heard of the new prophecy from the Modoc who lived in the vicinity of Tule Lake. A Shasta informant, Jake Smith, said he learned that the Modoc were expecting the return of the dead and that the "ghosts" had only one more creek to cross beyond Tule Lake before rejoin- ing the living. He and a friend went to the Modoc dance where they stayed four or five nights. At that time they were told that disbelievers would be turned into stones. The Modoc used a circle dance around a central fire for the event and had special songs for the cult. Jake could remember one song: henai a watci watci mai a. He did not know its meaning but it was the one which the Mo- doc believed the dead were singing as they approached. When Jake and his companion returned to the Shasta they made no attempt to convert their tribesmen, but shortly thereafter the Modoc themselves brought word to Bogus Creek in the northeastern portion of Shasta territory, saying that the Shasta must dance and sing to bring back the dead. This visit served to convert the Shasta and they began dancing day and night. The Modoc missionaries returned to their homes and the Shasta from Bogus Creek spread the news to the south and west in the vicinity of Yreka. At Yreka there seems to have been little en- thusiasm for the doctrine until there appeared from the Wintu to the south some rumors of the return of the dead. It seems highly probable that the Ghost Dance reached the Yreka Shasta from the northeast in 1871 and that the Earth Lodge cult was introduced from the south in 1872. The Shasta were responsible for transmitting the Ghost Dance doctrine down the Klamath River to the Karok. Sambo, the father of Dixon's inform- ant, was instrumental in spreading the word down- stream. The fact that his wife was a Karok from Orleans may partly explain his interest in con- verting the down-river" people. More than once intertribal marriages led to proselytizing ef- forts. Sambo's son, Sargent Sambo, knew that the Shasta danced in Karok territory at both Happy Camp and Cottage Grove (Ukonom Creek); while on the other hand, Karok attended dances at Seiad Valley on the Klamath in Shasta territory. The conversion of the Karok by the Shasta also took place in 1871. As an informant said, "The down-river people [Karok] got the word the same summer the Modoc did. Word spread fast because it was a hurry-up word about the dead coming back." The ceremonial behavior accompanying this first furor seems to have been simple and not very rigorously formalized. Belief in the return of the dead and songs are what informants feel to be characteristic and distinguishing. So large do songs bulk that informants more than once spoke of carrying the songs" to different places. The Shasta, like the Modoc, used a circle dance given outdoors, but the Shasta did not dance around a central fire, whereas Jake Smith said that the Modoc did. The round dance (kaprik) had long been used among the Shasta for girls' adoles- 12 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE cence ceremonies. The previous occurrence of the round dance in northern California makes it difficult to determine whether it may be consid- ered diagnostic of the Ghost Dance, or whether the recipients simply used one of the old and well-established dances in connection with the new doctrine. Probably the use of the round dance by the Paviotso influenced the Californian tribes in selecting their similar form as an ac- companiment of the new doctrine. Earth Lodge Cult The second phase of the religious ferment which reached the Shasta came from the McCloud Wintu in 1871 or 1872, but probably in 1872. An Upper Sacramento chief from Portuguese Flat near La Moine, who was called Alexander (Sunusa), sent a message and an invitation to the Shasta. Jake Smith (Shasta), who had visited the Modoc Ghost Dance, also attended the Wintu affair, which was held on the McCloud River near Baird, about seventeen miles north of Redding. Bogus Tom (Shasta) and some women were in the party which traveled southward to Wintu territory. At Baird they found that the chief figure was a man called Chico Frank (Paitla), who came from a place still farther south in the Sacramento Val- ley. Chico Frank wished to lead the whole group of Wintu and Shasta south to some place which Jake could not recall and at which the dead were to appear. Chico Frank made no pretenses of be- ing a prophet but presented himself simply as a messenger. The Shasta were impressed by the num- ber of people who had assembled at Baird for the dance, but they were irritated by being unable to obtain definite information concerning the exact time and place of the advent. Jake Smith gave as his reason for particular concern in the matter the recent loss of a sister-in-law (his potential wife under the levirate), for whom he grieved. This statement is of interest in dem- onstrating the manner in which the Ghost Dance doctrine made adherents and the strongly emo- tional specificity of the appeal. Among the Wintu, the Shasta learned that the dead were on their way to the living from some- where to the south."? One song used by the Wintu was x-emembered by Jake Smith: homa makeo. -He did not know the meaning of the words. The music was reminiscent of Wintu dream songs, that is, near the end there were two repetitions of the e4R. B. Dixon, The Shasta, AJNH-B 17: 459, 1907: ".... a large ring is made by the whole audience, on the east side of the fire, or two concentric rings, if the number is large. All hold hands .i.., the ring dances round them [the adolescent girl and two or more helpers] first in one direction, and then in the other, singing the while." "5This was also the direction from which the Paviotso dead were to come. The Wintu ordinarily believe that the dead travel north and then turn south on the Milky Way. The Shasta believe that spirits first go west and then return eastward also by the Milky Way. line in a raised key and then a return to the original key for the last two repetitions. It is possible that this song does not belong to the period of the Shasta's first visit to the Wintu, for there appears to have followed an inter- change of visits and ceremonials over a period of three or four years. During those years Norelputus (Yana-Wintu) and Paitla (7vintun) both visited Shasta territory and "brought new songs about the dead and wanted them to believe.." The details of the Dream cult,which were imported by the Wintu.are included in the section on that tribe. Shortly after the message concerning the re- turn of the dead had been substantiated from two sources the Shasta carried the doctrine to the north. This must have occurred in approximately 1872, or about one year after the Shasta had sent the word to the Karok. At Grand Ronde Reser- vation in Oregon there were some fifty-one Shasta in 1871, and there seem also to have been some on the Siletz Reservation at this time.36 The Shasta who remained in their original territory carried the message of the advent to their tribesmen in the north under the leadership of Bogus Tom. An account of this affair is given below. [Jake Smith.] "Bogus Tom took the soIngs about the dead up to Grand Ronde Reservation. The mes- sage was to carry the song as far as the Indians reached. [Note introduction of proselytizing doc- trine in California, which was absent as an ex- plicit aim in Nevada.] The white people in Oregon said they would arrest them if they gave that dance. They arrested a singer, called Peter, from Delta [Wintu territory]. They wouldn't allow the singing because they said it would take all the men away from their work. Bogus Tom had papers from a lawyer in Jacksonville [southern Oregon]. When he showed them,the whites allowed him to dance. They gave it, but it was just like church. They didn't allow any drunken people in there. They stayed up there two or three weeks. He went up there to preach that the dead Indians were com- ing back, to carry songs and tell them what was going to happen. He took the word up to Grand Ronde about one year after word came from the Sacramento Indians [Wintu]. It was about four or five years after that that the Sacramento Indians brought the Big Head feathers [see section on Big Head]. Those feathers were never taken to Grand Ronde. They just took the old-time yellow- hammer headbands and hip skirts of turkey [sic] feathers up there." The introduction of the Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cult to Siletz and Grand Ronde will be dis- cussed in more detail in Part 2. This is an im- portant link because we find subsequently that the Tolowa and Yurok claim to hdve derived the dance from Siletz. The religious upheaval among the Shasta lasted longer than the excitement attendant upon an ex- pectation of an imminent advent. The Modoc Ghost Dance or first phase undoubtedly was character- ized psychologically by a great feeling of ex- 36F. F. Victor, Oregon Indians, Overland Monthly, 7:346, 1871. 13 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS pectance for the immediate return of dead rela- tives. After the journey into Wintu territory and the return visits of Wintu adherents, the whole question of the advent seems to have been delayed, although it was still believed that the dead would some day return. Sufficient faith and widespread adherence was needed to hasten that time. As the obverse of the necessity for faith, went the threat that skeptics would be "turned into some- thing--rocks, trees, anything," when the dead finally arrived. The first message does not seem to have called for a predetermined number of nights of,dancing, but rather for continuous dancing until the advent. When the first expec- tations failed to materialize, dancing took place whenever possible. Obviously, a whole tribe could not dance indefinitely to the exclu- sion of all other activities for a long period. When the advent no longer seemed imminent, the Shasta danced as often as possible, but for no fixed number of days. The first persons who brought the doctrine were acting simply as messengers. As time elapsed, these messengers or their converts began commu- nicating with the dead in dreams,during which they were given songs and instructed in dance procedure. This procedure on the one hand pro- longed the existence of the Earth Lodge cult, and on the other hand gave it localized form. Many tribes developed their Own dream prophets and ceremonials, but intertribal communication was so extensive from 1870 onward that traits were rapidly interchanged. Undoubtedly, aspects of the Bole-Meru also reached the Shasta from the Wintu in the decade 1875-1855 'when Norelputus and Paitla (Chico Frank) journeyed to Shasta ter- ritory to give dances. The McCloud Wintu were ar- dent dreamers, had a fairly well developed local form of the Earth Lodge cult, and had been hosts to Wintun proselytizers of an attenuated Bole- Maru. Very few of the Shasta, however, dreamed songs or gave their own dances. This may be ex- plained by the fact that they received the Bole- Big Head four or five years after the Ghost Dance and most of their post-Ghost Dance ener- gies were diverted into this channel. The Mc- Cloud Wintu, who had a developed Earth Lodge cult, never showed much interest in the Bole-Big Head; whereas the Trinity Wintu, who were merely cognizant of the Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cult without being participators in them, were wholehearted adherents of the short-lived Bole- Big Head episode and it was they who trans- mnitted this dance to the Shasta, among whom the cult terminated. (See p. 124.) Concerning the development of the Earth Lodge cult among the Shasta, it must be borne in mind that they received it from Wintu sources and that in addition they developed their own inter- pretations under the leadership of at least two Shasta dreamers. General statements and bio- graphical data concerning these two men, Sambo and Jake Smith, are given herewith. The material is far from full. This is probably due to two interacting causes--a depleted group and a meager, though not unoriginal, development of the cult. Sambo [Sargent Sambo (son of the dreamer).] "They were dancing for the dead. It was so strong it started the people dreaming on their own and they got songs and dances of their own. In these dream dances [kihai, dream; kostambik, dance] there must be no loud talking, no talking while the dance is going on, no leaving the house during the dance. My father dreamed. Before that he had believed in the old way of getting up every morning and preach- ing to the sun. When dreaming came in, he dreamed of dead people. Souls come to you, usually a rela- tive who has died. They give you a song, tell you what to do with sick people, how to stay well, how to be happy. When someone is sick, you can doctor him. You take a bunch of fir tips and eagle wing feathers. You make them into a wand. When you dance and sing, you wave this all around and over the person and it draws the sickness away. You don't drink ordinary water during the doctoring and singing, only water that has wild celery root [iknish in it. When a person has a fever you can pound celery root with a little water and put it on the forehead or chest or any part of the body. That is the way to doctor by dreaming. It can be done at any time. Dream doctors are called kihai kwani aswehi; old-time sucking doctors are kwihindahi or idiwo. There aren't any Indian doctors left aemong the Shasta." Jake Smith [Emma Snelling.] "People dreamed songs and danced by them. Jake Smith and his wife believed in this. Jake doctored by rubbing you all over with his hands and singing and sprinkling you with water from his mouth. Susan Jake, his wife, never be- lieved in the BiS Head on account of this." [Autobiographical.]a7"Jake is the only dreamer left now, but there used to be many, men and women. Spirits of the dead came into their dreams. They all got together in a dance house. Whoever got a dream told the head man and he called a meeting. The one who dreamed sang his song and the others joined in. Then the others who had dreamed before, sang their songs. They kept it up two or three nights, maybe a week. They all brought food and feasted. "Jake dreamed one must not be buried among the whites and not to feel badly when a person dies, but to sing. In the early days when parents lost a child, they cried. Now the dead come and.talk to them, tell them what to do. He dreamed that the world was to end five years after two years ago [i.e., in 1931 he dreamed the world was to end in 1936]. Jake dreamed many songs. One is: taka taka um aka, "friend friend up above." He built a dance house on Moffett Creek [near Fort Jones, Scott Valley]. It was round with one center post and bigger than old-time houses. Many Sacramento Indians [Wintu] came there to dance. They used to dream, too. He called in people to help him sing. He danced every time he dreamed. He kept it up as long as he had his eyesight. That was for about five years after he first dreamed. Sometimes sick people would come and that made them feel good. First Jake made waving motions with feathers over 37 Given in third person because Rosie Empter was used as interpreter and she inserted certain information. 14 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE e^very person there to drive away the badness in them. Then he sprinkled gater on them. They danced by jumping in one place and coming down on their heels. Everyone danced in place that way. Some- times they moved around the fire. People painted their faces with red paint." [Sargent Sambo.] "Jake was the only dream doc- tor who built a dance house for his dream danc- ing. The others would just get together in some- bo&y's house. All who came usually had their own songs and dances but they helped you sing. When you have a dream it comes in your sleep. When you sing your song, you say who gave it to you and what you were told by the dead person in your dream. The data on the Earth Lodge cult are of in- terest because they indicate that it was devel- oped partly in terms of curing and shamanistic procedure, which was undoubtedly the most im- portant channel for supernaturalism in the re- gion. Yet it developed devices unique to itself, so that the older sucking doctors could be dis- tinguished from the newer dreamers who cured by waving wands and aspersion. The new curers drew their power from the dreamers of ghost relatives and the songs which they gave them. There is no mention in dream curing of familiar spirits 38 (axe'ki) and of pains or disease objects. Dixon in describing shamanism mentions dreams of the ghosts of close relatives as one source of sha- manistic inspiration. I am inclined to consider this a post-Ghost Dance development and there- fore more recent than the bulk of his material on shamanism. KAROK There are four printed accounts dealing with the Ghost Dance among the Karok which date from 1872 to 1906. These, with recent field data, give one of the most complete pictures available of the Ghost Dance in northernmost California. Powers,39 who was among the Karok at the time of the introduction of the Ghost Dance, definite- ly dates the event in 1871. Although he is in error when he implies that the cult was autoch- thonous and the direct result of the execution by the white people of one Klamath Jim, his ac- count is well worth quoting for the light it throws on the doctrine of the Ghost Dance. "The Karok had quietly acquiesced in the execution [of Klamath Jim for murder], but they were not well pleased, and now though they dared not make open insurrection against the 'whites,' their astute prophets and soothsayers concocted a story which was intended to encourage their countrymen ultimately to revolt. They pretended they had a revelation, and that all the Karok who had died since the beginning of time had experienced a resurrection, and were returning from the land of shadows to wreak a grim ven- geance on the whites and sweep them utterly off the earth. They were somewhere far toward the 38Dixon, op. cit., 471 f. 59Powers, Tribes of California, 42-43. rising sun and were advancing in uncounted armies, and Kareya4? himself was at their head leading them on, and with his hands parting the mountains to right and left, opening level roads for the slow-coming myriads. The prophets pretended to have been out and seen this great company that no man could number, and they reported to their willing dupes that they were pygmies in stature, but like the Indians of today in every other re- gard. Klamath Jim was with them--the soul and in- spiration of this majestic movement of vengeance, counsellor to Kareya himself.... "Of course nothing came of the matter, for the Indians had once tasted the quality of George Crook's cold lead and they were willing to let these dead-walkers try their hands on the whites first. No doubt they very earnestly hoped the dead would return and assist them in sweeping the Americans off the earth, and they did all that lay in human power to bring them back. They danced for months, sometimes a half day at a time continuously; and when I passed that way again in 1872, about nine months afterward, they were dancing still. The old Indians had profound faith in the prediction, saying that every man who faithfully danced would liberate some near rela- tive's soul from the bonds of death and restore him to earth; but the young Indians who spoke English were heretical and were a great eyesore to their elders. Pachita, a Karok chief at Scott's Bar, told me that in this dance red paint was used for the first time in their history as a symbol of war. Two poles were planted in the ground spirally painted with red and black streaks, and streamers ..fastened atop; then with their bodies painted in like manner and feathers on their heads, they danced around them in a circle. The excitement raged all over northern California, especially among the Yurok, Karok, and Shasta,until the Mo- dok War broke out in November 1872, when it grad- ually subsided." The particularly bellicose tone of the doctrine, as reported by Powers,is either not known or is concealed by informants today. It seems very pos- sible that the strongly antiwhite cast of the Karok doctrine was a by-product of the execution pf Klamath Jim and "George Crook's cold lead," although they were not directly responsible for adventist beliefs as Powers implies. The same writer in an article,41 published five years be- fore the one just quoted, gives additional in- formation which indicates that the Karok soon modified their belligerence and brought their version of the Ghost Dance doctrine into terms more nearly in conformity with the rest of north- ern California. He says that: After six months had elapsed and the dead had not returned the people turned angrily upon the 40Powers identifies Kareya as the creator of Karok mythology. Kroeber (Handbook of the Indians of California, BAE-B 78:107, 1925) defines ikha- reya as "ancient spirit, i.e., member of the race of beings that preceded mankind." 43Stephen Powers, The Northern California In- dians, Overland Monthly, 8:434, 1872. 15 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS prophets, who then said that "Kareya had changed his mind and interceded for" the "whites" who had taught the Indians so much. Klamath Jim who had been executed still wished revenge, so Kareya slew him (in his resurrected form?) and then called him back once more from the land of the dead. This time Klamath Jim changed to "loving kindness," and he and Kareya persuaded the dead to return quietly to their graves. Further light is thrown by Chambers42 on doc- trinal variations, the duration, and the attitude of the white people. "During the Modoc War 11872-1873] many Indians from the rancherias along the Klamath River were gathered at Happy Camp [northern Karok] in Siski- you County dancing nightly. When questioned by the white inhabitants, who had become alarmed, the Indians stated that a medicine man had pre- dicted that, if the people would gather and dance, a new river would open up, carry away the whites, and bring back alive all dead Indians, each with a pair of white blankets... ."The In- dians averrea that the bringing to life of the dead and the destruction of the whites would be accomplished only by their dancing, and not by violence .... The Karok seem to have colored the Ghost Dance doctrine with events in their own immediate lo- cal history, and, like the Klamath, they inserted their own mythological being, Kareya, into the message they received. It is possible that proph- ets in tribes other than the Klamath and Karok reworked the doctrine in terms of native mytho- logic figures, but if so, confirming data are lacking. We do know that the Karok learned the Ghost Dance from the Shasta among whom a local culture hero was not reported to have been asso- ciated with the doctrine. It has been stated in the section on the Shasta that the Karok were converted by a man, called Sambo, who carried the word down the Klamath River and who attended dances given at Happy Camp and Cottage Grove in Karok territory. Kroeber44 reports that the lower Karok were con- verted by a woman who spread the word from Happy Camp to Katimin and Amaikyara, both of which are located near the mouth of Salmon River. The Yurok attended the lower Karok dances, but not until they had already received the doctrine in a manner to be described subsequently. The Yurok brought with them valuable regalia,which the Karok believed would disappear with the return of the dead. 42G. A. Chambers, A Ghost Dance on the Klamath River, JAFL 19:141, 1906. 43The idea of a river opening up is reminis- cent of the world flood met again in north-central California. The two white blankets may indicate the recurrent idea throughout the Ghost Dance area of the increase in wealth among the Indians after the advent. "A. L. Kroeber, A Ghost Dance in California, JAFL 17:32,35, 1904. The upper Karok observances are given by an informant from Happy Camp,who was a young man at the time. [Henry Joseph.] "Sambo brought word from up- river to Happy Camp that the dead were coming back. People gathered from Hamburg [Shasta] to Somes Bar [Karok] for Sambo's dance. He came four different times, starting in the spring sometime in May [1871]. Each time he added some- thing new to the message. First he said dead relatives were coming back and we must dance. All the old people believed and painted and danced. The second time Sambo said they had to paint and dress a certain way; that there must be no fighting, no 'growling'; that married women could dance with anyone. Up the river among the Shasta the word was that you could love any- body, that a man and wife didn't have to stay to- gether. Old women could have young men. You couldn't refuse sexual advances. But when Sambo brought this word to the Karok, they didn't like it much.'5 The third time Sambo came, he said we could not eat any white man's food except beef. We had to eat only Indian food. A lot of people went hungry on account of that. They danced all the time and couldn't hunt so they were starving. The fourth time Sambo came he said we had to sing the songs he brought us often and long. These trips were every six or seven days. After that month Sambo stopped coming, but he said if you didn't believe you would turn into a butterfly or something. Sambo said the dead were coming back on the 4th of July. When the dead didn't come the old people kept on singing and dancing anyhow. It lasted about all winter. But by the next year a lot of people didn't dream any more and people began making fun of them,saying, 'Your mama is coming back, your papa is coming back.' The old folks just went crazy and began dreaming thin s and kept on singing. I guess some do that still p "They danced the round dance [ihuk]. It was old with the Karok. God had given it to them to dance for adolescent girls.46 You mustn't look around but keep your eyes on the ground while you were dancing. They said the dead people were dancing and singing that way. They danced out of doors, there was no fence or anything around 4 Philip Drucker informed me that at Orleans the sexes bathed separately, but if a man and wo- man fainted at the same during the dance they were supposed to be married. 4' The ihuk or round dance employed for girls' adolescence rites is described by Kroeber, Hand- book, 107, as consisting of two concentric cir- cles. The men formed the inner ring around the girl; the women formed the outer circle. Both circles revolved to the right. This varied from the single-circle dance of the Paviotso, Modoc, and Klamath, and approximates the Shasta form when there was a large crowd. Drucker, on the other hand, reports thiat a single circle with sexes alternating was used by the Orleans Karok in connection with the Ghost Dance. The Yurok (q.v.) form was quite similar to that ascribed to the Karok by Kroeber. Among the Shasta and Karok, as well as among tribes to be considered later, the round dance was primarily associated with girls' adolescence ceremonies. 16 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE the dancing place. Sambo had two watchmen, Tyee Jim [Shasta] from Scott Valley and Hamburg John [Shasta]. One watched the boys and one the girls. They gave them tobacco or water or took them out when they had to leave. First they danced their own old-time songs and dances and then they fin- ished'up with the three songs Sambo brought." They were: (1) heno, heno, heno; repeated in- definitely. Syllables had no meaning for Karok. During song, men, women, and children formed straight line which moved from right to left and back again with side step. (2) no wino, no wino, no wino. "No real dance went with this." People stood in place with hands cupped over mouths. Sang song with heads thrown back and eyes closed. As song was repeated, swayed forward from waist until bent double; as song drew to a close, gradually resumed upright posture. (3) hilo, hilo hi. Used in same fashion as (2). When Sambo came, he painted himself in spe- cific manner and instructed all to paint them- selves similarly. Henry Joseph remembered face painting used by Sambo last time he visited Karok (see fig. 2, c). Men wore sleeveless under- shirts and wi Idcatskin aprons for dance; painted a b c Fig. 2. Ghost Dance painting among Karok, in- troduced by Sambo. Unshaded, white; shaded, red; solid, black. a, men; b, women, black designs un- formalized; c, Sambo's face painting the last time he visited Karok. arms and legs with vertical red stripes. Women wore ordinary European clothing; painted arms with vertical red stripes. Men and women went off in separate groups to paint themselves. No mixed bathing; no doctrine concerning washing, so far as informant could recall. The dance given by the Karok at Cottage Grove was briefly described by an informant who had the account on hearsay from his mother. However, there are certain items which help to amplify the general picture and also there is valuable material indicating the attitudes of some indi- viduals toward the doctrine. [Ira Stevens.] "They had two poles at Cottage Grove. One was ca. 20 feet long, the other ca. 30 feet. They had red and white stripes around the poles and feathers on top. They were in the center of the dance circle close to the fire. They danced a circle dance around the fire and poles.47 The Karok had an old-time circle dance 4 Drucker obtained indefinite information on the use of center poles, fires, and bells among the Karok. The informants said they were employed oc'casionally. for adolescent girls. Old people sat around and pounded on boards with sticks to keep time. Peo- ple were told not to look at the dance. If you looked you had to confess it. They had a dish of water with ashes in it. If you broke any of the rules, they put these ashes and water on your head. They said that when the dead came all the half-breeds would turn into rocks. [This element must have been a strong deterrent to the accept- ance of the doctrine in an area like the Klamath drainage, where the influx of miners had led to a relatively large amount of miscegenation.] ItThis word came from the Indians of Modoc County and spread down the Klamath River. But the down-river Indians [Yurok] didn't understand the way to dance and sing for the word. [Does this refer to Siletz version secured by Yurok?] The Karok had dances as far south as the mouth of Salmon River. The message was brought to Cot- tage Grove from Happy Camp by Sambo and two other men, called Hamburg John and Chubby. My uncle, who was Jo Tom, broke up the dance at Cottage Grove because he said it was an insult to mention the dead. [Wherever a strong name taboo for dead oc- curred, it must also have functioned as an ob- stacle for the ready acceptance of the Ghost Dance.] Jo Tom wanted to kill Chubby for encour- aging the people to dance, but there were so many people there they couldn't get at him. Anyway, Sambo, Hamburg John, and Chubby had to leave pretty quickly." Another anecdote, revealing the attitudes with which the Ghost Dance was received, came from Henry Joseph,who said that he had been a skeptic at the time. His cousins firmly believed the doc- trine and one evening when he rode into the dance, simply out of curiosity, they pulled him from his horse and forced him to join the others. When I asked Henry Joseph why he had rejected the doc- trine, he said that "all the Indian stories which went way back never had anything in them about the dead coming back. Those stories were like school for the Indians. They told us how things were." The informant then related the tale of Coy- ote and Potato Bug, which contained the familiar Californian motif of Coyote ordaining the perma- nency of death when Potato Bug's son died, and his inability to reverse that pronouncement when he lost his own son. This myth was believed by Henry Joseph to prove definitely the improbabil- ity of the adventist elements in the Ghost Dance. A lower Karok informant gave Kroeber an ac- count of their Ghost Dance, which is summarized as follows: "The dance was not prescribed to any particu- lar spot, as are the native dances, but could be made anywhere. The participants danced in a cir- cle. They painted red. They wore various regalia used in native dances .... [The woman who brought the dance to Amaikyara] was in the center; the people danced around her in a ring. She told them to look down, not up. Before long a number of participants would lose their senses. After the dance had been made for some time, people began to dream of the dead." '8Kroeber, Ghost Dance, 32. 17 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS This last sentence of Kroeber's implies the per- sistence of the Ghost -Dance in the form of a Dream cult. An upper Karok informant was able to elaborate this point only slightly. [Henry Joseph.] "After Sambo's word came through, people began dreaming themselves. Dead persons told them songs and the next morning the dreamers would sing them. They might hear a song for four or five nights. They got kind of crazy. They took one mian, Pekirivriken, to the asylum and he died down there. His song was: uhe uhe he howia he. It had no meaning to it. Dreams came almost every night, but they don't learn a song until they dream it a few times. New songs kept coming to people for four or five years, then the dreamers began dying off." In an attempt to learn whether the Dream cult among the Karok developed curative aspects com- parable to those of the Shasta, the comments elicited from Henry Joseph were: "Those songs might help the dreamer but they won't help other people. You couldn't cure by singing a song, un- less a dream told you specially to go help a person with that song." Yet in telling of his own shamanistic experiences the informant gave data whose implications are somewhat to the contrary; [Henry Joseph.] "Old-time doctors worked hard. They dreamed of God [ikhareya].49 They would sing four or five nights to cure a person and all the people came to help them sing. They sucked wher- ever you are sick, and then they opened their mouths and picked the poison out with their fin- gers. When I first began doctoring, I dreamed of small firs 3 or 4 feet high. They were singing and talking among themselves and they said, 'These firs are good for sick people.' When peo- ple asked me to cure I took fir tips and sang the song I heard in my dream and brushed the sick person with the fir tips until the sickness came out. This was just a dream. God [ikhareya] did not zive me this. Later God did give me power and I got two sets of feathers. Ikhareya looks like a man. He does good to everybody. You dream and he talks and sings to you and tells you what to do, then you have to do it. An Indian doctor has to fix himself uV every year, then everything- goes fine. I don t suck, I just catch the poison with my hands and pull it out." This data is somewhat irrelevant to the Ghost Dance, but there is one hint that dreaming as '9Ikhareya is defined., by Kroeber, Handbook, 107, as "ancient spirit, i.e., member of the race of beings that preceded mankind." The native translation of this term by the word "God" may not be as wide of the mark as might be imagined at first. I believe that the Ghost Dance served to fuse and amalgamate supernatural beings of one or several categories into a concept of a Supreme Being, and that the strength of this concept in native thought today is in large part the result of forces at work during the last sixty years. This point will be discussed at greater length subsequently. such, without inspiration from ikhareya, was valid as a source of curative power. Until more is known of Karok shamanism, it is impossible to say whether or not dreaming per se, as a source of curative power, should be attributed to the Ghost Dance, or whether it antedated this cult. TOLOWA Ghost Dance In one printed account of the Ghost Dance, the Tolowa are said to have obtained the cult from the Karok."0 In another printed account the Ghost Dance is said to have originated with the Tolowa.51 Both of these statements need revision in the light of further field work. The Tolowa obtained the Ghost Dance from Siletz Reservation. It was brought to them by a Tututni Indian,called Depot Charlie because he lived near Depot Creek in Lincoln County, Oregon. His origi- nal home had been at Gold Beach on the mouth of the Rogue River. In 1856 he had been moved with the rest of his tribe to Siletz Reservation. His local band of Tututni is also known as the Joshua, after their leader at the time of early white con- tacts. Depot Charlie was Joshua's successor and nephew. He was also the informant who gave Farrand some Tututni myths.52 Two accounts of the introduction of the Ghost Dance follow: [Emma Vilastra.] "Word came from Siletz that people must put on Indian clothes and dance so that the dead would come back. The two men who brought the word were Depot Charlie and Port Or- ford Jake. Depot Charlie could talk Tolowa, so he did not need an interpreter. His sister, or half-sister, had married a Smith River [Tolowa] man. They gave a dance at Burnt Ranch [on Smith River] and later at Lagoon just north of Crescent City. He said to take down the walls of the living house so that the people could see them dance. He stayed two or three months and went back. He said this word was to go as far as there were Indians. He had been told it should be carried everywhere. "He said it was crowded up above and God was going to turn them loose. The dead might come back any day. When they come back the people would be so thick that you had to have everything you val- ued with you or it would be lost. For that reason men who left the sweat house to bathe carried their beads with them and women wore their good shell dresses every day. Charlie cried when he told the people these things. He never spoke of the world ending. All who lost relatives believed in him. At first they danced every night for ten nights because the dead were coming. For the first year they danced all the time. Then it bean to cool off and they danced only when a person was sick. 50Xroeber, Ghost Dance, 32-35. 5lLucy Thompson, To the American Indian, 173- 175 (Eureka, Calif., 1916). 52L. J. Frachtenberg (ed.), Shasta and Atha- pascan Myths from Oregon, JAFL 28:207-242, 1915. 18 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE That went on for ten or fifteen years. Younger people growing up didn't believe in it so it died out." [Jenny Scott.] "Depot Charlie came from Siletz to Burnt Ranch late in July. With him were his wife, Port Orford Jackie and his wife, and a young man called Sandy Grant. Sandy Grant came back the next year to marry a Tolowa girl and he took her up to Oregon. Depot Charlie had been born at Gold Beach. He understood enough Tolowa to talk to the people. All those messengers had been moved [from Tututni territory] to Siletz and they brought the message from there. Depot Charlie preached that the dead were coming back soon and if people believed and joined in, they would see their dead relatives soon. He preached to do right. It was just like church now. "They danced first at Burtit Ranch. People gathered there from Lagoon, Pebble Beach, and Smith River [all Tolowa subgroups]. They danced every night from early evening until midnight for about one month. Then Depot Charlie went back north. "This dance was called dead-people dance [nahutlen hocnetac]. Some people nicknamed it crazy dance [tuciyoni hocnetac]. It was the way dead people were dancing in heaven. They were dancing all dressed up in their burial clothes." Dance.--Held in large living house as was customary; not outdoors; not in special struc- ture. Single line circled fire pit. Progressed sideways stamping feet alternately. In former dances stamped only one foot, dragged other; for- merly did not circle, but danced in place. Used square hide drum. No pole; no bell. Dancers wore customary regalia; face paintings in usual red and white pigment and in usual designs. In addition, Drucker thought Depot Charlie and his three associates were sponsored by Welthnesat, who later became the first local dreamer of note. Depot Charlie claimed that he had been dead ten days and during that time he learned of the advent and the injunction to dance. Characteristic of the Tolowa and Tututni wealth emphasis was his statement that people should dance with their elkhorn purses so that the money they had spent on the dead might come back. Menstruants and persons who had had inter- course were forbidden to dance. Local Dreamers The following list of dreamers is probably not complete. Dreamers seem customarily to have been ini a comatose state for ten days, which is a pattern number for the Tolowa. During this time they received songs and supernatural revela- tions which permitted them to cure and instruct. Welthnesat [Jenny Scott.] "At Burnt Ranch there was a dreamer, called Welthnesat [circa 1871-1881],who -ust lay there for ten days without eating. en he got up he told the same things that Depot Charlie had. He dreamed that same summer Depot Charlie came down from Siletz. He made a big dance. He saw all the dead people. He said that five days after a man died the heart and the center of the eye with which we see went up to heaven. It was taken up by Jesus and bathed with water; then the person came to life again as a child. He grew up fast. It was like the white preachers who speak of being born again. When Welthnesat's wife died, he stopped his work. He said, 'I thought Jesus would help mef I guess I lost my wife because this isn't right.! [Emma Vilastra.] "One man who belonged at Burnt Ranch dreamed for ten days and nights. He didn't eat; just lay there with his eyes closed. He said the dead would come back and all must believe. When he dreamed, he was in heaven all the time. All was clean and white there. He saw clouds filled with angels. Before he dreamed he had been a mean man, but afterwards he was as nice as could be. He got songs too. They danced every night. They danced to heal people too. It was like the Shakers. They dreamed of the sick and their power healed them. The old-time doctors were out of business, but after this dreaming died down they came back. In curing dances they brushed fir tips over patient." No bells; no poles, or staff. Djuwe ta s [Henry Johnson.] "A young and pretty girl from Smith River lay just like dead. They did not send for a doctor. She was alive even though she didn't know anything. She was under the power. She must have been singing all that time. They listened to catch her song. The next day she said to dance with her song. She spoke so low they had to put their heads close to her mouth to hear. Everyone put on their feathers and danced that night. About halfway through she got up and danced. This went on for several days. One night she said she would leave them the next day at mid-afternoon. She said she was going back to heaven, they were ready for her there. This had been going on for ten days ana all that time she never ate, never opened her eyes. The next day they danced during the daytime. In the middle of the afternoon she went outside of the dance house, raised her hands, and said, 'I am going now. You must bear in mind what I said and keep on with this.' Then she fell over dead. She had two songs. The sick -who went to her dance were all healed." Tcontahesa [Jenny Scott.] "He was from Lagoon. He said the dead were coming back. He told the people to put on all their beads and welcome the dead. They kept on dancing. The first dreamers helped the sick people. They went to the sick person and asked if they could have a meeting. All came to- gether and danced hard. Dreamers had a basket with an gelica and water. They sucked water from the root and spat it on the person. After a while they stopped because they didn't take care of things right. Then a lot of the people died too. As the dreamers died, the dance was abandoned. There were women dreamers too." [Henry Johnson.] "He started after Djuwetas died. He was a very old fellow. He had just one song. He used a little bell. After dancing for about half an hour he stopped and preached about 19 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS God and how to get to heaven. There were no more of these dances after his death. He died long be- fore this reservation was bought [in 1908-1909]. There were many other dreamers but these three-- Welthnesat, Djuwetas, and Tcontahesa--were the three strongest ones." From these accounts, it appears that the autochthonous Dream cult following the Ghost Dance must have persisted some ten years. The three outstanding leaders usurped, temporarily at least, the curative functions of the older order of shamans. In addition, their prophetic and moralistic discourses elaborated primarily the concept of a Supreme Being and crystallized ideas of an afterlife. In the detailed material given, there is some possibility that recent Shaker ideas have retroactively colored the doctrines attributed to dreamers. An additional and generalized statement concerning dreamers' doctrines follows: [Jenny Scott.] "The dreamers said that those who did not believe would be washed away by a tidal wave [old myth element among Tolowa]. The world was to be cleaned because it had gotten dirty. Skeptics would be destroyed but believers would be saved. They said to believe in the songs, dance hard, and do right. God doesn't like to have the world ill-used. One dreamer said the Indians would disappear and the whites would swamp the country. He said the whites be- longed across the ocean in another country and they should stay there." YUROK AND HIJPA There are three accounts of Ghost Dance among the Yurok. All agree in considering the Tolowa immediately responsible for their conversion. Kroeber s13 data are reproduced almost ver- batim since they were given originally with a maximum of conciseness. The two accounts by in- formants are quoted at length because of their particular value in portraying the attitudes of the Yurok toward the new cult, a matter of some importance as will be shown later. "The Yurok knew that the doctrine came from the Shasta of Scott River to the Happy Camp Karok and that it spread from there down-river to Amaikyara. Then the doctrine crossed the mountains to the Tolowa on the coast.54 There an old Tolowa from Burnt Ranch between Crescent City and Smith River started the movement. From him, his nephew, a Yurok living at Staawin, ten miles from the mouth of the Klamath, learned to dream. At first the ceremony among the Yurok was directed by the old Tolowa; after he went back, by his Yurok nephew. The dance was intro- duced the summer after the Karok received it 8E5Kroeber, Ghost Dance, 32-35. 54This statement of the Tolowa source of the Ghost Dance has been revised in the preceding section. [i.e., in 1872, which harmonizes with the date of 1872 for the Shasta conversion of Grand Ronde]. No dance was held at Weitchpec,although two prophets said their dead would not return unless they did. A white informant said the Yurok held a dance at Big Lagoon, thirty miles south of the mouth of the Klamath. "The doctrinal elaboration of the Ghost Dance was made by prophets who dreamed and told the people what they had learned in this manner. The dead would return if the dance were made. The world was to turn over and end. The doctrine con- cerning the fate of the living varied: all would perish, all would live, only the believers would live, skeptics would be turned to rocks. All valu- ables which were secreted would be transformed into worthless objects, but valuables which were exposed would remain unaltered. As a result dancers carried their riches to the dance. Dogs were killed. Men and women were ordered to bathe together without shame,but intercourse was for- bidden on pain of having the genitalia turn to stone. "The Yurok danced in concentric circles re- volving in opposite directions. There are said sometimes to have been ten such circles. On one occasion the dance was held indoors and there were two circles. Men, women, and children par- ticipated. Sometimes they danced in the morning and would break their fast near noon. They were forbidden to eat before dancing, which is a com- mon Yurok regulation. Later in the day dancing recommenced and would last into the night, or even all night. The prophet and later his nephew made medicine in a separate house, a feature found in many Yurok and Karok ceremonies. Acorns were stored in the house where a prophet made medicine. When they disappeared the dead were supposed to have eaten them. [Cf. this to ac- count by Robert Spott, where skepticism was bred because acorn mush for dead was not consumed.] Once the advent was set for the next day. An- other time the wood on graves and the surrounding enclosures were removed and carried into the hills." The account given by Lucy Thompson55 bears quoting more for the doctrinal concepts and the attitudes it reveals than for the specific de- tail. She dates the introduction in about 1865, which is undoubtedly seven years too early. "In about the year 1865, this He-na Tom while living at his home on Smith River .... [lost] his wife and he mourned her greatly. In the fall he had a prophetic dream -which caused him to commence a sort of revival among the Smith River Indians [Tolowa], telling them to destroy everything they had ever received from the white people and go back to their old Indian ways of living .... and in a short time all the dead Indians would come back to life to this world. As it happened,this He-na Tom had a sister that was married to a Klamath River man [Yurok]. They had a family of grown sons and daughters, and this family lived in a village called Ni-galth [the Nagelt of 55Thompson, op. cit., 173-175. 20 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE of Kroeber's map, Handbook 9358 ... which is situated some eight miles down the river from where .... the White Deer Skin dance [is held]. So in the fall .... while the White Deer Skin dance was going on .... He-na Tom made his ap- pearance among them to destroy all their white man's goods, burn all the houses which were made in the white man's way, and tear down all the Indian houses but not to burn the lumber of the Indian houses, thus leaving a clear opening, and for all of them to bring all their Indian money and wealth of all kinds and hang it up in plain view around him where he was lying covered with Indian blankets made of deerskin. He told them to go ahead with the White Deer Skin dance so when the dead ones appeared they would all dance with them to make a big jubilee .... [Robert Spott said that the introduction of the new doc- trine broke up the White Deer Skin dance.] All of them who failed to comply with his holy or- ders and not bring their valuables would all turn into rock .... and those that disbelieved .... would turn to rock. He had a great many of the Klamath [Yurok] of the wealthy class, all of the poor class, and a few of the high class that were wild and willing to follow, and there were a lot of valuable property and things destroyed, while the shelves or tables were loaded with provisions for the dead when they came, so they could eat, dance and all be joyful, while all the white people were to turn to rocks. Some of the wise ones of the high class .... hung back and said no, that they wanted to see. While they were claiming that He-na Tom had gone to meet the dead Indians and that he would be back with them that night, three or four of the doubtful ones went over to where the large pile of blankets were by the fire, and on lifting up the blankets .... there was He-na Tom. They spoke to him .... but he did not answer; his followers claimed that his body was there but ; that his spirit had gone to meet the dead ones. 'When the old ones who were so highly versed in mysteries as not to be hoodwinked had seen enough to convince them that there was no truth in it, they . ... retired to their camps .... . .saying He-na's prophecies were a fake and that he was a humbug. As it turned out, that night He-na Tom slipped .... back to Smith River. So when the Klamaths [Yurok] came back to gather Vtheir valuables there was considerable of it that the rightful owners could not find, and never did get back, which made many of them very angry. "He-na Tom's brother-in-law was afterward %killed and all his Klamath relations were com- pelled to leave the Klamath River and go to 5mith River to live for a number of years before ethey dared return." In Robert Spott's version of the Ghost Dance rmong the Yurok, the proselytizer was a man 5 According to Robert Spott, to whom this was *ead, the Yurok proselytizer had had a wife be- longing to that village and he had taken his nwm from it. He denied that He-na Tom converted the Yurok, although he knew of him as a Tolowa ief interested in the Ghost Dance. He said that -na Tom's wife came from Requa, and that the ost Dance was first given at Kootep, not Nagelt. called Naigelthomelo, who, so far as he knew, was in no way related to He-na Tom. The three divergent identifications of the missionary to the Yurok cannot therefore be reconciled. Accord- ing to Robert Spott, Naigelthomelo was not a nephew of the Smith River prophet of Kroeber's account, nor the He-na Tom of Lucy Thompson's account. The following version of the Ghost Dance is quoted almost in full for its unusually graphic and specific characteristics. [Robert Spott.] "The man who started the dance at Johnson's Ranch [near mouth of Klamath] was called Nai'gelthomelo, because his first wife came from Naigelth [Nagelt]. He was married to a woman from Burnt Ranch, just north of Crescent City [Tolowa territory]. Her brother in turn was mar- ried to a woman from Siletz who had learned the songs and dances up there and had taught them to her husband and his relatives at Burnt Ranch. Naigelthomelo was from Kootep [twenty or twenty- five miles from mouth of Klamath]. He went to visit his wife's people at Burnt Ranch. When they reached Crescent City he heard that a dance was going on at Burnt Ranch, but the Crescent City people were not dancing yet. When they reached Burnt Ranch, Naigelthomelo learned that the dance was for the dead people and that it was being held in a family house three doors.from that of his relatives-in-law. He didn't understand what people were saying at the dance because they spoke a different language. He didn't like the looks of the dance. He went to the sweat house to sleep,but his wife stayed. The next morning he wanted to go home, but his wife urged him fo stay longer. He stayed four nights. Every night he went to the sweat house,while his wife and her relatives went to the dance. She told him about the dance and that she liked it, but that everyone went crazy when they got in there. The men danced in the oucer ring against the house wall, hand in hand!and circled to the right. The women danced hand in hand in the inner ring, circling to the left. "That last night Naigelthomelo was left alone in the sweat house. He dreamed the dead were com- ing back to earth. When he woke up he was crazy. When the people came back from the dance they found him like that. They said he had the same kind of fits as the dancers and they wanted him to join in, but he wanted to go home. His brother- in-law thought he had caught the sickness. When they reached Crescent City on the way back, peo- ple had begun dancing there too, so Naigelthomelo joined them. He joined the outer circle of men who were revolving to the right. The craziness made people see the dead and talk to them, but the other people didn't see them. They sang the same song over and over again. Only a crazy person is allowed to start another song. Naigelthomelo went crazy again. The man who made the dance at Crescent City put ashes in a basket and stirred them up with water, then he told Naigelthomelo to drink it. He did, and after that he came to his senses. The leader at Crescent City told him that he belonged to the dance now and had the right to give them himself. He told him that he wouldn't have to learn everything now, that what he was to do would come to him later. 21 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS "Early the next morning, Naigelthomelo and his wife left Crescent City and reached Requa late that night. He told the people there that the dead were coming back and that he wanted to give a dance, but they wouldn't let him. They made him an gry because they said no such thing was possible. Most of the Requa people were upriver at Wohkero where the White Deer Skin dance was being held. They left early the next morning in a canoe. His wife was afraid they would kill him if he tried to give a dance at Kootep (near Woh- kero). He said he would give it in his own house so no one could say anything. They went on to Kootep where they lived. He took down the sides of his house and told his family to move out everything because he was going to give a dance. Then he went to Wohkero where the White Deer Skin dance was being held. There were people there from Hupa, Orleans and the coast. He got the people together and told them of his visit to Burnt Ranch, of his dreaming and of the dead coming back. He said, 'At one time Deer Skin was a good dance, a religious dance, but now let us put it away..Now we are going to have a new dance, and all must join in. How glad we shall be to see our mother, daughters, brothers. We shall be happier.' Most of the people yelled, 'No, you just upset the earth. There is no such thing.' The old people said, 'Creator made all, and it has been handed down from generation to generation that a dead person is buried and dead. Everyone puts lots of rocks on him to hold him down. If a dead person ever comes back, he it going to kill all the live ones. That isn't 6ur word, but the word of the Creator that our old people have told us.' Naigelthomelo said, 'We eat white people's food and wear their clothes now, so we must believe in the whites.' Someone else said, 'A white man looks at paper and talks to it and laughs. His skin is lighter. They are bet- ter than us. We can't set ourselves up with them.' "Naigelthomelo walked away. His wife got all the cowbells in the village and all the rattles made out of abalone shells strung on basketry plates. Just Naigelthomelo and his sister, who was a doctor, be gan dancing in their own house. People began drifting in. Soon the place was full. First the young people started dancing, then the older ones. His sister went crazy first. She said, 'I see my relatives and ancestors and all the dead. They are not in the cemetery, but above there.' Some believed her, but some didn't. The house floor was so crowded they couldn't dance. "No one might hide his property. He had to wear it or give it to someone to wear. All the property which had been given away would tuifn to rock when the dead came. So the next day everyone brought all the riches they had and piled them up on the floor. All the property in the village was there except that which belonged to some of the people who didn't believe and stayed away. 'In the morning all the men and women bathed together without clothes. It was breaking the command of the Creator, who said men and women should bathe separately. When they came from their bath, they all dipped their hands into a large basket of water into which Naigelthomelo's wife had stirred ashes.57 They dipped in their right hands, rubbed them across their left ones and then passed both hands from the chin upward over the face to the hair, leaving streaks of ashes on their faces. At first they danced only at night, but when the older ones goined in, they began dancing during the day too. They danced in rings, the men outside circling to the right, the women and children inside circling to the left. Some of the songs came from Siletz, others were dreamed by the people when they were in a trance. All the songs were wordless. [The informant said he knew none of those songs because they were forbidden on pain of social censure after the re- vulsion to the cult set in.] The dancers wore the old-time dress. Most of them went crazy and then they could see the dead. Some saw the dead, others saw only light, others saw nothing. Older people began to get the power too. "They fook the boards from graves in cemeteries to help the dead come back. [Note that the Yurok seem to have had the concept of local resurrec- tion, not the idea of an army of dead who had al- ready arisen and were on the return march from a spirit land, as did the Karok, Shasta, Modoc and others.] If a person tried to come to life and the grave boards were still there, he would turn to stone instead. All the graves in Kootep and Wohtek were uncovered. Everyone killed his dog because the dead don't like dogs and would turn to a stone or tree if they saw dogs. They tied stones around their necks and threw them in the river. People put baskets of acorn soup at a dis- tance from the dancing place to feed the dead. They thought the dead were all around and were hungry. Captain Spott [informant's father] went to look at those baskets for two days and saw nobody had touched them, so he gave up dancing and said it wasn't true. The Klamath River people were against this dance from the beginning. It is the law of the Klamath that if you bury a man and hear him moving, you must pile rocks on him to keep him down. If the dead get up, they will kill the-whole village. The Creator said not to let anyone out of the grave after burying him. But Naigelthomelo wanted to get them up, that is why the old peoile were against him. Ail the dead were to arise from the grave, not return from another world. "The dancing lasted eight or nine months on the Klamath [i.e., from fall of 1872, since the White Deer Skin is held in the autwmn, to the spring of 1873]. In the spring they went to Or- leans [Karok]. Orleans had gotten the word from Oregon some place [actually from Shasta] because the Weitchpec [Yurok] people had heard of it from the Orleans people before the news was brought to Kootep. The rleans people sent a man to Kootep in the spring to get the people there because the dead were to appear first at Orleans. All those who believed went up there. Even people from Requa went to Orleans. It was to be five days before the dead came and talked. The Klamath River was roiled and black, so that even those who didn't believe began to think there might be something to it. They thought the upstream dead getting out of 57The use of water and ashes is reported only from the Tolowa, Yurok, and Karok. 22 DU BOIS: TEE 1870 GHOST DANCE raves roiled the river. A man at Orleans ihesied about the five days. Everybody ere for those five days. Then they kept from one day to another. They stayed p; i all, then they lost faith. Those at -who didn't believe wanted to kill the *' tere. er this dance people began to get all Qt sickness. Four or five people would be t4an a day, even in midsummer when people usually get sick. The people around Kootep foi oouncil and decided this dance had "the mmer sickness and all the thunder Pf that summer. So they wanted to kill omelo just the way the Burnt Ranch peo- .ed his brother-in-law and had sent his i& children back to Siletz after the five Amourning. Naigelthomelo didn't live very her that. One day some men insulted his r saying her mother was about to arise Whe dead]. It was an insult to mention her Other's name. Naigelthomelo wanted to col- iment for that insult, but everyone hated a told him he had better be careful or he tie killed. The Kootep people said if any- aed or tried to make that dance again it an death." w8kepticism and suspicion of the Yurok in ;to the Ghost Dance doctrine, and their re- a of feeling toward it, is further revealed following contemporary newspaper clip- seems that a prophet .... told the Klam- turok] that if each village would have a in succession, that the spirits of the puld return, and that the whites would aed into stones. In his character of i he exacted a levy of half a dollar from hdian permitted to join. After a long and us prosecution of the dances, some of the nowing ones asked for a set day on which irits were to appear. When the day came, ophet said that he saw all the spirits in y, that there was a mighty army of them-- gh they were all of small stature--but ould not come down until another grand bad been performed. The Klamaths [Yurok] tework at dancing again, but told the proph- * unless the spirits appeared by the date tioned they would have their money back or Ix. Before the conclusion of the dance the oe man ran away and the deluded Indians it about getting their winter supply of kich they had neglected up to this time." ie is contained in these presentations of terial a number of points which deserve Vor both Tolowa and Yurok, intertribal s were the immediate factors which gave direction to the diffusion of the Ghost es Scraps, 42. This is a collection of > r clippings in Bancroft Library, Univer- t California. Unfortunately, dates and of newspapers are not always attached to Dance. It will be recalled that the same situa- tion was reported for the Shasta-to-Karok diffu- sion. Among the Yurok we have information which implies that this factor must have been particu- larly marked, since the proselytizer did not at first attend the dance in Tolowa territory where he was converted, nor did he understand the lan- guage. Although there is no overt statement to that effect in our data, his Tolowa wife must have been largely instrumental in shaping Yurok doctrine. 2. Several features of the Yurok Ghost Dance display a strong acculturational process at work. For instance, the demand that all wealth be dis- played on pain of loss is a nice case of the more generalized concept (that the Indians would be wealthy with the advent) being shaped to conform to the wealth-display element in Yurok ceremonies. The impact between this general Ghost Dance doc- trine, and the specific requirements of Yurok ideology, produced results which are unique to the Yurok and particularly adapted .to their cul- ture. Other acculturational features, mentioned by Kroeber, were the prohibition against eating before dancing, and the separate house in which medicine was made by the prophet while the dance was in progress. The procedure of removing the grave boards to aid the resurrection could occur only in an area where there were cemeteries of this sort. It was a piece of behavior manifestly impossible to, let us say, the Pomo who cremated. 3. Several resistive factors are illustrated; for example, mixed bathing was shocking to Yurok sensibilities. A very real fear of ghosts inhib- ited an easy acceptance of resurrection. When the grave boards were removed at Johnson's,"the old people got mad." The name taboo must have suffered infringement where the dead relatives were the main topic of conversation. Possibly the strongest resistive factor was the tradition which required precedent for religious behavior in formulae and myths. Kroeber's account of Yurok religion in the Handbook of the Indians of California demonstrates how large this last factor bulked. All these fac- tors are comparable to the resistance which the doctrine of the destruction of half-breeds must have aroused in a people like the Karok, for in- stance. Undoubtedly, the factors for resistance among the Yurok were strong enough to cause a schism in Yurok society for the duration of the Ghost Dance, and, so far as historic consequences are concerned, it served to quash any continuance or transmutation of the cult after the first ex- citement wore off. This situation was far from being true among other Californian tribes. There is ample evidence of resistance among the Yurok from the direct statements of informants; also from the fact that Requa refused to let Naigeltho- melo give a dance, and that Weitchpec was not converted by the Karok in 1871. However, the dire threats leveled against skeptics, the emotional appeal contained in the promised return of dead relatives, and the contagion of a revivalistic psychology overrode the obstacles among the less secure elements of the group. Lucy Thompson states 23 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS that the poor were the first converts, whereas the "high class" and "wise ones" were unenthu- siastic. Robert Spott speaks of the first con- verts as young people, in whom, we may suppose, traditionalism was not so deeply rooted. The re- cent introduction of Shakerism into the area has produced the same schismatic effect. In a closely integrated culture like that of the Yurok the successful introduction of a new cult may be compared to a tug-of-war between ac- culturational processes on the one hand, which render the cult acceptable, and resistive fac- tors on the other hand. Between the two, ready to give victory to one side or the other,are the content of the cult itself and the personality of the proselytizer. To continue the simile--the outcome of the tug-of-war among the Yurok was something of a draw. It is true that probably a large part of the group were converted, but on the other hand there was a revulsion which defi- nitely terminated the movement after the first hysterical ex-citement died down. The Ghost Dance failed altogether to spread to Hupa Valley, although there were Hupa present at the Yurok White Deer Skin dance when the doc- trine was introduced. In Hupa the consensus of opinion today is that the new doctrine was re- jected because it vas so antagonistic to tradi- tional attitudes concerning the dead, and because traditional formalized religion had so powerful a hold. In other words,they carried farther the objections which split the Yurok tribe, and in so doing managed to exclude the new cult entire- ly. Hupa informants were cognizant of the general movement, its immediate source and its doctrine, but their disapproval even today is keen and open. [Sam Brown.] "The dance never reached Hupa, although we heard about it. The Hupa said it was against their religion, that tnere was nothing like that in their old belief, and that they must not add anything to their old ways. So they didn't have anything to do with it. In the dances the women let their hair hang loose all over their faces. In the old dances it should be parted in the middle and wrapped. Hair hanging loose was just for mourning. Another informant, James Marshall, commented unfavorably on "how all the Indians went crazy." Then he told with strong moralistic disapproval an anecdote in which a mother from Orleans left three small children to care for themselves while she attended the dances. The children burned down the house in her absence. This so in- censed their maternal uncle that he armed himself with a gun and broke up the dancing. Still another informant, who had white blood, said that they had heard half-breeds were to be turned into frogs. The concept seemed utterly ludicrous and gave rise to much good-natured teasing, during the course of which he was urged to practice jumping. Ridicule, therefore, also seems to have played a part in squelching the introduction of the Ghost Dance to the Hupa. Among three tribes, territorially contiguous, we find three degrees of integration. The Shasta enthusiastically embraced three cults in rapid succession and absorbed aspects of them into their most deeply rooted pattern, shamanism. The Yurok accepted the cult only to reject it subsequently. The Hupa were completely resistive to it. In each case there is some historic and ethnographic evidence to account for the differ- ent degrees of integration, and in turn each degree of integration affected the subsequent cultural history of the group. 24 PART 2. NW"ESTERN OREGON In Part 1 the bulk of the data dealt with the Ghost Dance proper. However, among the Shasta and Klamath reference was made to the Earth Lodge cult, which came from north-central California in 1872. The material from western Oregon deals pri- marily with this second movement, which very early overlaid and obscured the Ghost Dance. On Siletz and Grand Ronde reservations, the Earth Lodge cult is known as the Warm House Dance, but that term has been retained only in the quoted state- ments of informants. In addition, a separate section of this part of the paper has been de- voted to the somewhat later offshoot of the Earth Lodge cult called Thompson's Warm House Dance. Due to the reservation system of Oregon, in- tertribal contacts during the last half of the nineteenth century were even more marked than in California. Also the ethnography is less well known. As a result there are many dances whose possible connection with the Earth Lodge cult cannot be determined. From 1870 to 1890, many dances of a predominantly lay nature were ex- changed between the small bands of Indians scat- tered up and down the coast. This mass of frag- mentary material remains to be ordered. It can be achieved only after a more thorough knowledge of the region has been painstakingly extracted from the few able informants left. However, those dances which have been most obviously connected with the Earth Lodge cult have probably been noted. I should like to express my gratitude to Dr. and Mrs. Melville Jacobs, who most generously placed at my disposal their knowledge of this difficult area and wrho furnished me with much specific material. GHOST DANCE The material on the Ghost Dance proper in Oregon is exceedingly fragmentary. I doubt if it could have been obtained without direct question- ing on the basis of clues gotten from previous work in northernmost California, particularly among the Klamath, Shasta, and Tolowa. The best accounts from Indian sources may be resumed in the following manner. In 1871 some Grand Ronde Indians, probably Shasta who had been removed to that reservation, went to their own territory for a visit. There they came in contact with the Ghost Dance, which had just been intro- duced from the Modoc. On their return they in- formed the Tututni group on Lower Farm at Siletz Reservation of the affair. Under the leadership of Sixes George, the Tututni eagerly espoused the cult. Another Tututni, called Depot Charlie, car- ried the idea of the return of the dead south along the coast directly to the Tolowa. A group of near-by Shasta on Siletz sent three messen- gers to investigate the matter in Shasta country. These men returned with an early form of the Earth Lodge cult. This must have been in 1872, for [2 it was in that year that the California Shasta learned the cult from the McCloud River Wintu. The Tututni group on Lower Farm rejected this early introduction of the Earth Lodge cult. The following year (1873), Bogus Tom, who was a California Shasta, brought to Siletz and Grand Ronde a more elaborate form of the Earth Lodge cult, which will be described in the following section. A detailed account of the introduction of the Ghost Dance from a thoroughly trustworthy inform- ant is given below. [Coquille Thompson.] "About one year before Bogus Tom [Shasta] came, some Grand Ronde Indians went down to California and learned about the dead coming back. They said the grass would be about 16 inches high when the dead arrived."9 On the way back they told Sixes George [Tututni], who was living at Lower Farm on Siletz Reserva- tion. That started them [Tututni colony] dream- ing and getting excited. About a hundred old ladies danced like young girls. It was so crowded in the dance house, you could hardly walk in. Those people at Siletz also dreamed the dead were coming back. It made everybody excited. The whites were to bd driven back across the ocean where they came from and no one but Indians would be here. They never said, though, how the world was to turn over. Sixes George said all those things. He had lost his wife and his son. He felt badly. He wanted to die and go where his relatives were. That is why he started to dream and dance. "Then Depot Charlie started to dream like Sixes George. He took his dance to Smith River [Tolowa]. That was before the Warm House Dance. The dream dance they used was old, but it started up strong when this new message came. Everywhere there were Indians dancing. At Grand Ronde the Cala puya and Yoncalla joined in too. "Then from Siletz, Klamath Charlie, Klamath Smith, and Klamath Henry went down to Califor- nia.60 On their way back they met Shasta Isaac and John Smith, from Grand Ronde, who were on their way down to California. When those three Shasta Indians got back to Siletz, they told all they remembered--the songs and how they danced in California. They thought the dead would come back. They began building a sweat house for the dance, but not so big as the one Bogus Tom built the next year. When Bogus Tom brought in the Warm House Dance [Earth Lodge cult], Sixes George didn't go. He didn't believe in it. He had his own dream dance." No informant who lived on Grand Ronde Reserva- tion during this period was able to give so de- 59The informant used the characteristic ges- ture to indicate the height of the grass. The advent was expected in late spring or early summer everywhere in northernmost California. 60The term Klamath is used on Siletz Reserva- tion for Shasta Indians. These three men all were Shasta and lived in a separate tribal colony on Siletz Reservation some seven miles from the Tututni colony at Lower Farm. >5] ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS tailed an account of the first Ghost Dance move- ment as that just quoted. Most informants' ma- terial did not antedat' the introduction of the Earth Lodge cult by Bogus Tom. However, frag- mentary statements from two informants substan- tiated Coquille Thompson's more detailed mate- rial. [John Simmons; Lowland Takelma.] "Before the Warm House came in, people here heard that they had a dance in California about the dead coming back. If all believed and danced, the dead would come alive. The old people here didn't believe in that dance." Informant hen told myth on origin of death to demonstrate improbability of advent. [Louis Fuller; Tillamook.] "The idea of the return of the dead came in a short time before the Warm House Dance. It was some Californian man's dream and they believed in it; especially Klamath Charlie at Siletz and Shasta Tom at Grand Ronde. They used the old-time Dream dance but with this new idea in it." A series of contemporary newspaper accounts serve to establish dates and give a generalized picture of the religious excitement. They also reveal the attitude of the white people on the subject. "Several months ago [i.e., in summer of 1872] a prophet came among the Indians at Siletz, and stated that if the Indians would dance long and strong, the dead Siwash of many years past would return to life and their friends, a war would be made on the whites, and a short successful war- fare would terminate in a repossession of their old homes and hunting grounds. For a while this prophet labored, dancing and telling of the good time coming, without obtaining any converts; but gradually the prophet's teachings gained ground and believers, until now scarcely an Indian on the Siletz or Alsea agency can be found who does not express perfect confidence in the .... proph- ecies. Dancing among the Indians has been car- ried to that extravagant extent that the able- bodied Indians have been compelled to desist from .... exhaustion; some of the most fanati- cal, dancing for several days and nights contin- uously .... Account continues with opposition of agent and plea for protection against Indian uprising."1 The following account82 was received from Mr. Samuel Chase, the subagent at Alsea, by the editor of the Corvallis Gazette: "Indians, of their own accord, are gathering upon the reservations and many who have been ab- sent for one or two years are there now. They are nightly engaged in war dances, and decorating "0Corvallis Gazette, vol. 10, no. 5, Jan. 4, 1873 (Corvallis, oregon). This is a letter writ- ten from Newport near Siletz Reservation in De- cember, 1872. 82Corvallis Gazette, vol. 10, no. 6, Jan. 11, 1873. themselves with paint and feathers .... They urge and insist that everyone engage in these dances, and will not even excuse squaws..... living with white men.... "They are governed by messengers and spies [prophets] from other tribes.... Whites were warned of this last summer [1872] by certain friendly squaws, who said their memaloose tila- cums' [dead companions] would all come to life and war would be made on the whites, and the In- dians would take possession of their former hunting grounds and peaceful homes." The papers of this period ran many articles showing that the fear among the white people at this time was intense. It was said that Indians told white people of seeing friends who had been shot several years before. Finally, in February, 1873, Joel Palmer, who was superintendent at Si- letz Reservation, wrote a letter definitely quashing the war scare. The substance of his communication is as follows: Denial that war dance was in progress because "men, women, boys and girls, even children and old blind women, all engaged. The dances are for the spirits of their departed relatives, with a hope that they may be restored to them on this earth, and there is seemingly a kind of mesmeric influence brought to bear that pervades the en- tire mass." Definite denial of doctrine to expel white people, but had urged Indians to cease be- cause of alarm of white settlers. Considered dances "less harmful than gambling. I presume two-thirds who have engaged irf these dances did so for mere amusement. 63 Palmer, who was in the position to be well in- formed, definitely denied overtly belligerent doctrines in the Ghost Dance. This substantiates the impression, everywhere obtained from inform- ants, that the elimination of the white people would be achieved in some vaguely formulated and supernatural fashion. Nevertheless, the isolated white settlers were afraid of the Indian gather- ings and their protests led white officials to discourage the more open manifestations of the new cult movements. Newspaper sources, not all of which are here quoted, also reveal that Indians were activated by the Ghost Dance doctrine not only on Siletz and Grand Ronde reservations but also on the Alsea and Yachats rivers. EARTH LODGE CULT The Earth Lodge cult is called the Warm House Dance by Oregon tribes. The great proselytizer of the area was the Shasta Indian most generally re- ferred to as Bogus Tom. He has already been men- tioned in the section on the Shasta in Part 1. He will be discussed again in the section on the Big Head cult. No attempt will be made to give a detailed description of the Earth Lodge cult, ex- 83Ibid., vol. 10, no. 10, Feb. 8, 1873. 26 DU BOIS: TBE 1870 GHOST DANCE cept as it appears in the quotations from inform- ants. However, it may be well to note that sev- eral new cultural traits of central Californian provenience were first introduced to western Oregon at this time. Among them are a square semisubterranean dance house with a sacred cen- ter pole, the split-stick clapper, the feather capes, and woodpecker quill headbands. Siletz Reservation The introduction of the Earth Lodge cult was so ably related by one informant that his ac- count is given in full. Naturally,accuracy was checked with other informants, but only where their data were supplementary have they been in- cluded. [Coquille Thompson.] "I was a grown man when the Warm House Dance was brought frMm California by Bogus Tom, Peter, and Mollie. They belonged to the Shasta tribe. There were some people at Siletz who spoke their language. On their way up here they stopped to dance at every town. I guess they must have stopped at Jacksonville, Medford, Eugene, and Corvallis. I saw the first dance at Corvallis. They put up a round canvas fence, ca. 20 feet in diameter. You paid about one dollar to get in. They stayed at Corvallis for about one week and made quite a lot of money. There were Indians from Siletz there who were out on passes from the agent to work on the harvests for one or two months. After the Corval- lis dance, Bogus Tom went to Upper Farm on Si- letz Reservation. They put up a Warm House there. After the Upper Farm dances, Bogus Tom, Peter, and some Siletz people went to Grand Ronde. They stayed there three or four weeks and then I guess they went home. Tom had three or four horses which had been given him. Peter went back too, but Mollie married at Siletz and staTed. Bogus Tom was doing this for another man, called Alexander [a Wintu chief referred to in section on Wintu]. Alexander was the man who sent Tom. Some big man in California had dreamed this and made good songs. "Tom preached, 'You dance this. It is a good word, a good dance, like church. Don't do wrong, don't trT anything bad. Be good.' He said if y tou didn t believe in this dance you would turn into a snake, bear, or something. He was the 'first to say that you would turn into an ani- k mal. We had never heard that before. He preached `9all the time about doing right. He told how things were where he came from, how they danced. He said we were Indians and should not believe the white ways. 'They put things down in books, anything they want. We Indians see what is right. We have to give these dances. They are .right for us.' Tom believed the dead would come back but he never said when and didn't talk much Rsbout it." No dog killing injunction. Dance houses.--Three built on Siletz Reserva- tion. First at Klamath Grade, ca. 3 miles from :Present town of Siletz on river of same name; erected by Klamath Jack, a Shasta; used by group of Shasta.64 Second house built slightly later by Bogus Tom at Upper Farm; Grisco Jim, local chief; used by Upper Rogue River tribes. Third built ca. 1 year after Bogus Tom left, that is, 1874, by Depot Charlie at Lower Farm; used by Lower Rogue River tribes, chiefly Tututni. Dance house at Upper Farm ca. 20 ft. square, 5-6 ft. deep. Rafters from edge of pit to center pole. "Old sweat houses did not have center poles here at Siletz." Not earth covered (?). Sloping corridor entrance. Accommodated ca. 100 people. Built in 2 weeks. Center pole called God (hawaaleci). "All went and prayed to it, patted it, asked for help, talked about the world chang- ing and other things which were to come." Pole had been carefully smoothed. Valuables hung on it. "Were strict about the dance house. No one was allowed to go in except on business." No men- struants permitted to enter. Three caretakers (tcimato) appointed. Term tcimato attributed to Alexander's tribe (Wintu). Actually a Patwin word. Believed house was type used by Shasta. No idea of it as refuge from world catastrophe, as among Pomo. "When the dance house was finished at Upper Farm, everyone was notified to come and dance. Grisco Jim ordered lots of food, potatoes, meat, coffee, sugar, and flour. They had tents outside to cook in. It began Monday morning and lasted all week. They danced all night and slept dur- ing the day. After a night's dancing, they feasted in the morning. Everybody had a good time. The old people danced hard, but the young ones didn't join in much because they didn't believe. The dance was kept up maybe twenty years, then the old people died off. The dance houses just rotted away." Actually dance houses were probably not used for more than a decade. Informal meetings in dwellings persisted longer. Dance.--Men wore drawers, no shirts. Painted red and black bars horizontally across chests; diagonally on cheeks from chin to cheek bones. Women painted red and black spots on cheek bones. Bogus Tom brought ca. 6 yellowhammer-quill head- bands. Were unknown to local Indians who began to make them after this introduction. Bogus Tom left 1 or 2 headbands at each dance house. Sold them for $1.25. Also brought feather capes. Care- takers had to build fire in dance house and dry out feathers when damp. Regalia hung on cross pole in rear of dance house where dancers dressed. Singers used split-stick clapper; was also new introduction. No drum. Chief sat on box all night and watched dance. Singers sang 2 or 3 songs; then rattled clappers. All arose. Dancers blew whistles. Singers started new song; women joined in. Dancers came from rear of house one at a time. Wore head- bands, feather capes, and had whistles in mouths. Circled fire and lined up in two rows on opposite sides of fire. Men danced around fire four times. Then retired to take off regalia. Caretaker picked out other dancers for next set. He kept up fire and watched over feathers. If a dancer dropped a feather, was fined 25 cents. If unable to pay, 6"This agrees well with statement by same in- formant on introduction of Ghost Dance, in which he said three Shasta from Siletz went to Califor- nia to learn about the movement and returned to build a dance house before Bogus Tom's visit. 27 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS raised hand and chief paid for him. Women dancers stood to one side. Waved bandanas in hands. Also wore bandana around head; hair hung down back. Caretaker "went from woman to woman before the dance and straightened her hair down her back and saw that it looked nice." After dance men bathed and returned to house; theni women bathed. Bathing obligatory for dancers, optional for audience. Was an established custom prior to Earth Lodge cult. Songs.--All imported from Shasta, none com- posed locally. Were meaningless to local Indians. Comparable to NWintu dream song pattern (q.v.); line repeated 4 times; 2 repetitions in raised key; return to first key for 4 repetitions; raised for 2; original 4; raised for last 2 repetitions. Following three songs given by in- formant: yamen huya: used before dance started while all were still seated. weken huya: ibid. heehameya: ibid. howelen tiya howelen: used for men's dance around fire; when key was raised dancers spun in place. Curing.--'When a man was sick, the Warm House dancers would try to cure him. I was sick with fever. The tcimato from the Klamath Grade dance house came to see me. He said that the chief thought I had better be brought to the dance house on the next night because they were going to have a dance. My people agreed to carry me there. The next night we got there just before dark. The chief stood by the door and talked and talked, calling the people. Everyone went in and then they took me in last. They made me walk around the fire tlAwice in one direction, twice in the opposite direction, then once in the first direction. All was quiet. Then I sat down. Evans Bill [Tututnii got up and said they had a sick ni'an with them; they had called for him. He said they had feathers which came from Califor- nia and they believed in them. Then old Jack [Shasta] talked a long time with an interpreter. After that they made me sit on a box where the god was standing [i.e., center pole]. Then men and women stood around and sang. Klamath Charlie practised on me. He blew his whistle in my ears, nose, and mouth. He kept coming back all through the dance and blowing on me. I got awfully tired. I thought they would never stop. Finally, Charlie took off his feather coat, brushed me with it and blew his whistle some more. This was the middle of the night and they stopped for an hour's rest. I went over and sat by my wife. I told her I was feeling better but not to say anything because I wanted them to go on working on me. Then the tcimato built up the fire and they started again. They put me in the same place. There was a lot of noise and singing. Men kept wiping me off with their feathers.86 They didn't touch me with their hands. They took two or three hours. It was nearly daylight. Three men, each in a feather cape, danced around the fire and then stood one in back of me and one on 65At present, this same idea of illness and a similar method of treatment is current among Indian Shakers. either side. The chief told everyone to get up and help, to do good, if they did good their names would be good. "At daylight all went down to the Siletz River to swim. When they came back they made me stand up and for about twenty minutes they brushed me off thoroughly with feathers. Klam- ath Charlie said it would take two or three nights to help me right. Then he asked me how I felt, whether I was better. I said, 'Yes, I feel better.' Everybody clapped. After that they went out and had breakfast. "The Warm House Dance helped your sickness. They said sickness covered your face and body. You needed to have it wiped off." Other fragmentary statements may be added in so far as they supplement or contradict Coquille Thompson's description and reveal attitudes toward the Earth Lodge cult. [Billy Metcalf.] "The Warm House Dance started somewhere in Sacramento. Young people took no in- terest in that dance. They made you keep quiet in the dance house. Young people made noise just to tease the older ones. The dancers used to do all kinds of things. They ran around the fire and jumped over it. It was like a circus. Klamath Charlie used to say that if a man pointed at a girl in the Warm House, she had to marry him or she would turn to stone. That is why young girls stayed away from there." Center pole painted with red and black spirals. [Hoskie Simmons.] "If you dropped a feather, you were fined fifty cents. If you wanted to smoke, the tcimato had to light your pipe for you. When you went in, you had to turn around once in place at the entrance before taking your seat, just the way the Shakers turn around in front of the altar now. There were no real seats, just blankets spread on the floor. They kept the floor packed solid and swept clean. The houses were about 30 feet square and below ground. From one hundred to one hundred and fifty people could get in them. There was no fighting allowed in the Warm House. They were fined if they tried." [Abe Logan.] "All this cost money. The chiefs had to feed the dancers. A whole lot of people were ruined on account of this dance." After the Earth Lodge cult had been introduced by Bogus Tom in 1873, another proselytizer came from the south who was called Yreka Prank (Pait- la). He is said to have arrived two or three years after Bogus Tom, which *would date his activ- ities in 1875 or 1876. The following statements were made concerning him by informants on Siletz Reservation. [Coquille Thompson.] "Frank was a half-breed from the Sacramento River somevwhere. He knew the Yreka [Shasta] Indians. First Bogus Tom came. Then there was a lot of traveling back and forth. Frank came two or three years after Tom. He was a good-hearted man. He stayed around Siletz for maybe a year." [Abe Logan.] "Yreka Frank was a half-breed who came with a woman called Julie Young. He stayed 28 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE at the Klamath Grade dance house where the Shasta Indians were living. He talked about the Big Head coming up to this country before the dead re- turned, but the Big Head never came, nor did the dead." [Hoskie Simmons.] [This informant's data were neither so complete nor so accurate as Coquille Thompson's. He seems not to have known about Bogus Tom. The following statements may telescope Tom's and Frank's activities.] "Frank came from somewhere around the Sacramento. He knew what the Indians would fall for. He said dead relatives would all come back if you accepted his word. The sooner and harder you danced, the faster they would come back. He brought some nice songs. He had them make coats out of feathers of all kinds, chicken, eagle, anything they could get. The coats were tied on around the neck and under the arms. On their heads the dancers wore yellow- hammer headbands. They wore drawers,but other- wise they were naked. They had a little parti- tion in the dance house where the dancers dressed. The people went crazy when they learned those dances and songs. It was something new, something great to them. They danced for a week at a time. They rode all the way to King's Valley for flour, sugar, and coffee. Although Hoskie Simmons was a less reliable informant than Coquille Thompson, it is possible that the feather-cape element in addition to certain new sons were introduced by Frank. Co- quille Thompson s description of the dance may have synthesized traits introduced by Bogus Tom and Frank. From the Californian material it would appear that the feather-cape element belonged to the slightly later Bole-Maru phase. Furthermore, the second proselytizer, Frank, 4ay be the Chico Frank or Paitla of Californian accounts. His identification is not positive but lt id known defipitely that a Wintun Indian, 0alled Frank,was an ardent Earth Lodge and Bole- Jlru missionary whose movements can be traced tith assurance as far as the Shasta of Yreka. It is with these Indians and with the northern- :ost Wintu that he is associated in the minds of $iletz informants. He seems to have had informa- tion concerning the Big Head cult and he promised hat it woulcl be introduced at some later date. This indicates he was acquainted with affairs in orth-central California. If the same man is verywhere in question,from the Chico Frank of the Wintun area to the Yreka Frank who went as *r as Grand Ronde, he must have traveled a dis- nce of some four hundred miles and have vis- ted four tribes in California (Wintu, Achomawi, rthern Yana, Shasta) as well as two Oregon *servations. The only other proselytizer who overed comparable distances was the Paviotso, nk Spencer. Bogus Tom may also be considered this category if the travels ascribed to him the following section are correctly reported. Many informants in the course of iving mate- lal made the statement that people went crazy er the Warm House Dance." When asked what they nt,two anecdotes were told which bear repeat- go [Hoskie Simmons.] "After a time people went crazy and changed the rules of the Warm House Dance. They put fir branches on the fire to make a thick smoke. Then they would lay a man on the fire in the smoke to make him get a vision. One time Jim White [i.e., Grisco Jim] almost had his face burned that way because his wife got a mes- sage to burn off his whiskers. It burned his eye- brows too, but he just sat there and let her do it. After a while they wanted to go naked too. When they started going crazy the women were es- pecially bad." A sequel to this affair was told by an inform- ant who had been directly involved: [Coquille Thompson.] "It was after the Warm House Dance had died off a little. Grisco Jim's wife and another woman got together and went crazy. They burned everything in their house. Someone reported it to the agent. I was the Indian policeman so he sent me to find out about it and bring them to him. I was afraid because they were crazy. When I got there the two women were running around almost naked. They ran up to me and asked if I believed their way, if I believed in God. They took'off my hat, looked inside and asked what the marks were. I said I wore a number seven hat. They said that was all right -and clapped the hat back on my head. I was afraid they would get me down and rip off my clothes. I went to find Jim. They had singed all the hair off of that poor old fellow, even his eyelashes and eyebrows. He didn't know what to do. They had burned up his blankets and clothes, everything but the shirt he was wearing. We hitched up Jim's team and told the women to go and put on dresses. They were quiet by then and did it. Thell we drove to the agency. They were quiet there, too. They were afraid of the agent. The agent asked Grisco Jim's wife why she had burned up everything. She said she had heard voices telling her to. The agent said she should be ashamed to abuse poor old Jim. He told her to behave herself. Then he gave them clothes, blankets, and food, and sent them home. After that they were all right. This was in about 1878." One other anecdote illustrates the emotional instability associated with the Earth Lodge furor: [Hoskie Simmons.] "Baptiste was a relative of mine who went crazy over the Warm House Dance. One morning he was coming out of the Warm House when he saw a great big black-and-white hound run under his house. Then he saw his daughter, who had been dead for years, go into his house. He thought the dead had started to come back and he was happy. He planned what he would say to her when he went in the house and saw her sitting there. He went in and looked all around and couldn't find her. That shook his faith and he gave up the dance." From the preceding accounts some indication of the duration of the Earth Lodge cult may be de- rived. Coquille Thompson, who was quite accurate in his datings, said that by 1878 the movement was already on the wane. Some informants wvho were hostile to the cult said that the dance houses all-, 29 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS were destroyed by order of the agent four or five years after they were built. Others denied this. It is probable that meetings in the dance houses had been discontinued by 1880, but it is reason- ably certain that groups of believers continued to meet and sing their songs for two or three decades longer and that a passive belief in the movement persists among the surviving partici- pants until the present. Grand Ronde Grand Ronde Reservation is some forty miles north and east of Siletz. The tribal constitu- ency of both reservations overlap. In comparison to Siletz, Grand Ronde had a larger proportion of ncrthern coastal and Willamette Valley people and fewer from southern coastal and central tribes. The history of the Earth Lodge cult in the two reservations is practically the same. Both Bogus Tom and Frank visited Grand Ronde af- ter leaving Siletz. Although the data from both places are similar, details are given to permit comparison. [John Simmons.] "Bogus Tom had been moved to Grand Ronde Reservation with other Shasta but he didn't like it here so he went back to his own country. Later he came back here with the Warm House dance. He had some women and younger men with him. California Ann was the name of one of them. He talked only a little jargon; mostly he used Shasta and interpreters. He stayed a couple of months and taught them to do everything." In- formant knew of no doctrine concerning the return of the dead in the Warm House affair but admitted, "I was a young fellow then and we just saw it as a good time and a feast. The older people took it seriously. The preachers talked a lot about being good so that when you died you would go to heaven. They said to help one another. They prayed a lot. They really believed in the Christian way." Dance house.--Two built on Grand Ronde. One at Rock Creek in present town of New Grand Ronde. Used by Shasta, Umpqua, and Rogue River tribes. Chiefs there were Shasta Tom, Solomon Riggs, and Peter Makai. Bob Reilly was one of best preach- ers. Other dance house on South Yamhill River, ca. 1 mile from first. Used by Santiam, Calapuya, and others. Chiefs were Jo Hutchinson, William Williamson, and Tom Hutchins (informant uncertain about names). Houses 8-10 ft. deep, ca. 30 ft. square. Two poles supporting rafters called Jo and Jim. Does not know why; did not represent any- thing; not decorated. House was earth covered. Door oriented to east. Dance.--Caretaker (tcimato) to care for fire. Danced 5 nights until one or two in morning. Slept during day. All camped around dance house. Before dance all sit in house and sing. Fire in center. Women in semicircle between fire and rear of house. Men chosen to dance wvent behind canvas partition in southwest corner. Called itseal house" in jargon. Came out one at a time, circled fire, lined up in front of semicircle of women with backs to fire. This figure called jump-jump because double kicklike shuffle used. Men wore feather capes to heels and headbands. These had been made on reservation under Bogus Tom's instruction; new features. Men danced with whistles in mouths; new feature. Singers used split-stick clapper; new feature. No drum; no bells. After dancers lined up with backs to fire, new song begun; dancers began circling fire; when song changed (i.e., pitch rose?) they spun in place. Danced close to fire; "sweated hard." Each song repeated five timee; 3 or 4 different songs used. Then returned to partition; removed rega- lia. Other dancers chosen to replace first set. Toward end of evening, a circle dance for men, women, and children. All took hands, circled fire, once in one direction, once in reverse di- rection. "This circle dance belonged to the old Feather dance" (i.e., Ghost Dance proper, which used the Dream or Feather dance?), but it was also part of Earth Lodge cult. Had special song for it introduced with Earth Lodge cult. No cur- ing. The accounts which follow are simply excerpts from longer statements and substantiate or sup- plement the foregoing description. The first in- formnant was the wife of Solomon Riggs, the Umpqua chief of the Rock Creek dance house. [Jenny Riggs.] ?"At first my husband didn't at- tend the dances, but Bogus Tom said if you didn't go you would turn into a rock or a rotten log. Bogus Tom could only talk a little jargon, so my husband did the preaching in jargon for him so that everybody could understand. They talked about God and prayed all the time. The dance was made by someone who died and came alive again." Dance house.--Kept very clean; hard-packed earth floor swept. Two poles supporting rafters called "bosses, that is, chiefs. One called Jim. "They said there were poles like that in heaven." Dance.--In Rock Creek house: 3 tcimato, 2 singers, 8 men?s dance costumes. Three of the latter bought by Solomon Riggs, Umpqua chief, for $15 apiece. Consisted of ankle-length feather capes, yellowhammer-quill headbands "that came low over their eyes so they couldn't see. They were awfully pretty." Dance lasted until almost daylight. House crowded with spectators. Some- times danced in afternoon. Informant seemed to recall dance with much aesthetic pleasure. Three or four women appointed to prepare meals for group in separate cook house. Burial.--"Wthen a person died, Warm House peo- ple didn't cry, they sang. About fifteen women stood in line and waved fir branches in their hands and sang for the dead. It was awfully nice, what those people did. They stood around the grave and did this. they had different songs from those in the dance house. They helped to send the dead up to heaven." Conversion.--"An old Indian doctor woman was sick. She wanted to die. Suddenly she sat up and was well again. She started singing Warm House songs. She said she had seen the dead all sing- ing and dancing in the Warm House up in heaven. They were awfully pretty. She hadnut quite be- lieved in the Warm House power until she saw all these things herself." Curing.--"If a person had a headache or some- thing very bad, they doctored them in the Warm 30 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE House by putting their hands on them and pray- ing. Just Bogus Tom did that." [John Watchino; Clackamas.] [The following account is valuable in revealing the attitude of skeptics on Grand Ronde.] "When Bogus Tom first came he went to Shasta Tom's house and all the chiefs gathered there to hear about it. Old chief Louis Lapasant [Umpqua] asked him questions he couldn't answer. When Bogus Tom was asked where he learned this, all he could say was that it came from far away. Bogus Tom said we would see our dead relatives come back. So they asked if any people who had built Warm Houses had seen that yet, and he couldn't answer that either. Louis Lapasant wouldn't have anything to do with it then. I was chief of my people then and I told them there was nothing to this Warm House busi- ness, so they didn't join in.66 Our God gave us our religion and there was nothing about the Warm House in it. Our old religion said the world was to change, but it never said we would live to see it. '"hen the Shasta called the dance, they had a big camp around the Warm House and lots of Umpqua went. They believed for a time. Many people were fooled. Bogus Tom said if they fol- lowed the rules, the dead would come back fast- er. In the Warm House dance they bought feathers for costumes and sewed them on cloth to make capes. Brown eagle tail feathers were bought from anyone who had them. They cost one dollar apiece. They made fools of themselves buying feathers. "When Bogus Tom first came they danced in Bob Reilly's house and after Bogus Tom left, Bob Reilly led the dances. In Tom's way of dancing the women just stood in place, but Bob went down to the Shasta and when he came back he had the women wave their arms in time to the music. It was awfully pretty. "In the Warm House there were three big poles. Each had a name. When you entered you circled the poles. No one might touch them. If you touched them, you gof sick and nothing would make you well again. A Shasta doctor, called Scagin Jim, had put the power there and a lot of young men who didn't believe were killed from touching them. So Louis Lapasant sent for a Yaki- ma doctor, called John Bull, to overpower Scagin Jim. John Bull was asked to find out what was wrong with the pole. He sang and blew on it and caught Scagin Jim's power. Jim jumped up and wanted the power back. They wanted to kill Sca- gin Jim but the agent wouldn't let them. That iS what broke up the Warm House dance. A short time after that Scagin Jim died. John Bull must have spoiled his power." From these accounts it appears that the con- tent of the Earth Lodge cult in Siletz differed from that in Grand Ronde only in curing. On the latter reservation it was almost nonexistent. Four years after his first visit Bogus Tom is supposed to have returned to Grand Ronde. By this time the Indian authorities were opposing "Victor, op. cit., 346, states there were 55 Clackamas on Grand Ronde Reservation at this time. the dance vigorously and Bogus Tom was ordered to leave the reservation on the same day. At this point it may also be pertinent to insert a brief indication of Bogus Tom's further trav- els. They were known to only one informant, who was, however, a reliable person well acquainted with the lower Columbia territory. [John Watchino.] "After leaving Grand Ronde, Bogus Tom went to St. Helens, Oregon. He told the Klickitat who were living there to build a Warm House but they wouldn't believe him."7 He also went to The Dalles to make those people be- lieve, but they would not. I heard this from a cousin who lived at Kelso, Washington." If this statement may be accepted, Bogus Tom is also one of the great travelers of this early phase of cult movements. He must have traveled some four hundred miles from his home territory before he began his return trip. In this respect he ranks with the Wintun, Frank (Paitla), and avith the Paviotso, Frank Spencer. The proselytizer, Frank, who followed Bogus Tom in Siletz seems also to have visited Grand Ronde. To judge from informants, he seems to have made very little impression upon the In- dians of the latter reservation. Only one com- ment concerning him bears repetition. [Jenny Riggs.] "About a year after Bogus Tom was here a half-breed,called Frank,came here. He talked about the Big Head dance coming to this country. He said he had seen the dead dance among the live people and that he believed from then on in this word. He said the dead were painted black from their feet to their knees. He had seen this in California where there was a big Warm House." This seems to confirm my inclination to iden- tify the Frank of Oregon accounts with the Wintun called Chico Frank or Paitla, whose activities are described in Part 3 and who has been discussed in the preceding section on Siletz. Frank told the same story to the Northern Yana and Wintu. It prob- ably refers to the hoax perpetrated by one of the Bole-Maru originators, Homaldo, at Grindstone in Wintun territory. The matter is discussed more fully in the appropriate sections. Oregon City Affair From a Modoc it was learned that an abortive attempt had been made to introduce Earth Lodge cult from Klamath Reservation to Oregon City, just south of Portland. In Grand Ronde a Clackamas confirmed the account. The two versions follow. 87From a Klickitat informant it was learned that some of his tribe were in that area during the period under discussion. The mobility of the Klickitat is well known in the Columbia drainage. From 1840 to 1850 a group of them traveled from the Columbia River to the Umpqua Valley of southern Oregon. 31 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS [Harrison Brown; Modoc.] "Some Klamath Reser- vation Indians went to Oregon City. They were Leleks,"8 Captain Woods, George Chiloquin and his brother Mose, Jo Kaskeney, and Tuba Kelly. They went up to get some Indians out of jail. Some of the Indians at Oregon City must have heard this word about the dead coming back be- cause they asked those Klamath men if it was true. The Klamath men told them not to believe too much in it. They hadn't gone up to convert them, but the Indians up there wanted to know about it. They said they wanted to know how to make the dance. So the Klamath men said, 'If you are determined to know how this dance is made, we shall show you.' They told them to gather fire- wood, to swim, to dance five nights, to do all the things they did down here. They even told them about turning into stones for not believ- ing. These Klamaths stayed only the first night and then came back to the reservation, so they don't know how long it lasted or what happened." [John Watchino; Clackamas.] "Some Klamath Reservation Indians came as far as Oregon City and preached this Warm House business. They came about three years after Bogus Tom had been at Grand Ronde Ii.e., in ca. 1875]. There was quite a group of them but I don't know their names. They danced in the big living house that belonged to an old Indian called Klikitat Monty. They danced just one Sunday. Monty said he wanted to see what it was like and how they acted. He didn't like it and made them stop. He believed in his own church, not in this Warm House busi- ness. There were many people around Oregon City every summer. The Indians from Grand Ronde went there while the salmon were running." The lack of conviction and enthusiasm on the part of both the Klamath proselytizers and the Oregon City recipients would alone serve to ex- plhin why the Earth Lodge cult failed to spread northward upon this occasion. Probably there were other instances in which the cult failed definitely to interest certain groups, but ma- terial of this type is difficult to procure af- ter a lapse of sixty years. The failure of Bogus Tom to interest the Columbia River people is an- other case in point. The factors for rejection, i available, would be interesting for study. THOMPSON'S WARM HOUSE DANCE Coquille Thompson's valuable material on the Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cult has been quoted at length in preceding sections. In about 1878 this informant (pl. 2)organized a group to car- ry a modified version of the Siletz Earth Lodge cult southward along the Oregon coast. His part- ner in the undertaking was Chetco Charlie. The trip began in April and lasted approximately the whole summer. Dances were given at the follow- ing places: Alsea, now called Waldport, at the 88A chief of great repute, described in Spier, Klamath Ethnography, passim. The inclusion of Leleks is anachronistic since he is said to have died in about 1868. mouth of the Alsea River, for one night only; Florence,at the mouth of the Siuslaw, where a dance house was erected and the group stayed at least three weeks; Gardiner, at the mouth of the Umpqua, where a meeting was held unsuccessfully in a hired hall; and Empire, on Coos Bay, shows the dancers met for about a month in a canvas en- closure. In the following paragraphs a general state- ment by Coquille Thompson will be given first. Then comments by various informants will be given under the four dance centers as captions. It should be noted that Coquille Thompson was somewhat reticent about his activities and tried to disclaim responsibility for the movement, whereas other informants uniformly recognized him as leader and instigator of the dance. [Coquille Thompson.] "Chetco Charlie asked me to carry the Warm House dance south along the Oregon coast. He asked me because I knew all the songs and dances. Charlie said he would make the feathers first and then we could set out in April. He made four or five capes out of chicken feathers and gunny sacks. They tied around the neck and under the arms and hung down to the shin bone. These feather capes had been brought in by Bogus Tom's WNarm House dance. Charlie didn't have yellow- hammer feathers for headbands, so he made imitation ones out of paper and paint. He made whistles out of bird legbones for the cape dancers and a split- stick clapper for me as chief singer." The party which set out consisted of Chetco Charlie (Chetco), his wife (Coos), Coquille Thompson (Upper Coquille), and his wife (Apple- gate Creek). At Alsea, William Smith (Alsea) joined them and went as far as Coos Bay. John Watson (Alsea chief) also joined them there but went only as far as Florence. Palmerly traveled with them from Florence to Coos. "Chetco Charlie did the preaching. Everyone talked jargon so we could understand each other. I wouldn't preach because I wasn't sure whether it was true.69 Charlie told the people that this word came from California and that the dance went with it. You had to believe in this dance and maybe later the world would be changed. You have to do what is right. You have to believe one way, and then you will be saved. God [hawaalecij gave this dance and you have to keep it up. He did not preach about the return of the dead, but others talked about it." There were no restric- tions of food taboos of any kind for the dancers. "But it was the rule that if you got a sore throat from singing, you had to drink salt water. That rule didn't go with any other dance." Alsea (Waldport) [Annie Peterson; Coos.] "Coquille Thompson carried this word around to make money. He charged people to come in and see it. He said if they danced the dead would come back, but he never said when. He didn't say what would happen to the whites. Nobody had trances during his dance. If "9From other informants it would appear that Coquille Thompson actually did a great deal of the preaching. 32 DT BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE you didn't join in you would turn to rock. If you didn't marry whoever wanted you, you turned to rock. He showed them how to dance. He used songs he learned from someone else. They were in a dif- ferent language. They danced in a white man's kind of house. Women lined up on one side and men on the other. In some of their songs, the two lines changed sides. They wore any of the old-time kind of feathers they happened to have. Thompson used sticks that looked like castanets to keep time with [split-stick clapper]. I never saw anything like that before. [Coquille Thompson.] "At Alsea we spread a blanket on the ground and some old people laid shirts and beads and things on it. So we danced just one night for them. hey liked it." Florence [Coquille Thompson.] "We got there and the chief who knew my father fed us and said he would like to hear our songs. Toward dark my wife taught some of the women the songs and I taught seven or eight men. The chief liked the songs. About midnight he made a speech asking us to stay. The next day they decided to put up a Warm House. It was about 5 feet deep and took about two weeks to build. The chief, Umpqua Dick, and Chetco Charlie took charge of that. Then we danced there for about a week." [Frank Drew; Coos.] "Coquille Thompson and Chetco Charlie believed that the departed ones wanted to return to this earth. It seemed there was an arch obstruction up in heaven between that place and this. They called that arch oyo [rainbow]. Every time the dead wanted to get back to earth, the arch closed down. They were trying awfully hard to get by it. Every time they tried to olimb over it, -it raised itself. They couldn't get around it because it stretched from one end of the world to the other.70 But if the living were faithful and honest, they would in time get the dead to come back to this earth. To do this the living had to obey what was told them. The dead are still living and want to come back. "For this message to bring back the dead they had to build a large house. It was about 6 feet deep, 20 wide, and 4Q long. They made a clay floor. The chiefs of the three tribes [Coos, Ump- qua, and Siuslaw] helped to get it built. They were not supposed to use white people's mate- rials, like nails or iron. If there were any- thing like that in it, the people of the tribes would be destroyed when the dead returned. They went into the woods and cut down a tree about 2 feet in diameter, peeled it and set it in a hole in the middle of the floor. Then they put up three parallel rows of timbers the length of the house, notched to support the rafters. When fin- ished, they made a partition of blankets at the end of the house opposite the door. The door, in a short side of the building, faced the river. "It seems that Chetco Charlie and Thompson had to have presents for bringing this news. At the first meeting there were about one hundred peo- ple, and they all gave shirts, blankets, and 70This is the only informant who ever men- tioned a rainbow obstruction. It may well be an individual elaboration. beads. They built a fire in the middle. Dancers dressed behind the partition. They came out all decorated and danced as close to the fire as they could. They had whistles made of bird leg- bones and plugged up at one end. Those who sang had a split-stick clapper of elderberry. That was new to this country. They had always used a drum before. It probably belonged to that religion. They had lovely songs and the young people learned them fast. It stirred up the Indians around here quite a lot. Thompson stood between the center pole and the door. He and Chetco Charlie set the songs and the rest joined in. The dance lasted until about midnight. They danced for about ten days at Florence. After Thompson left, theX just made fun of it and didn't keep on dancing. [Lottie Evanoff; Coos.] "Thompson said if they paid a dollar to see the dance, their dead rela- tives would pay it back and more when they re- turned. Maybe you would get a hundred dollars. He said that old men wh~o married young women would be young again when the dead came. He never talked about the world ending, but those who didn't believe would go to hell. They cut down a big pole, painted it white, and put it up in the middle of the dance floor. That pole was sup- posed to be their father. At noon and before dancing, they prayed and cried to it, blew smoke on it. Thompson appointed Umpqua Dick to do this. Toward morning they sat on their knees [?] and sang. That was when God looked down on them." Gardiner [Frank Drew.] "From Florence everyone went to Gardiner on the north side of the Umpqua River. They wanted to perform among the whites and carry the message to them. In those days that was the only place where there were a lot of whites. There was a lot of whiskey there, too. Thompson rented a hall in Gardiner and charged fifty cents admis- sion. Quite a crowd came. Jesse Martin was door- keeper. He had orders not to let anyone in after the dance started. The Indians weren't doing this for money; they wanted to convince the whites. Some white fellows who were drunk wanted to come in after the performance had started. The local pugilist had a scheme to wipe out the Indians for daring to do this. He knocked down Jesse Martin. His brother came to rescue him, and knocked down the pugilist. Chetco Charlie, Thompson, and the two Martin brothers were the only ones who fought. They were all young men at that time and there was quite a roughhouse. They used their split- stick clappers as clubs. The meeting was broken up and the Indians went back to Florence." It should be noted that Coquille Thompson omitted all mention of this fiasco in the ac- count of his activities. Empire [Coquille Thompson.] "When we got to Empire there were a lot of white people there. We put up a canvas fence and danced in there. The whites all liked it. It was the first time they had seen anything like that. We stayed there about one month and I lived with relatives I had there. We gave dances three times a week. Bill Rose liked that dance in particular. He was a white man and 33 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS a bachelor. He used to bring white girls to see the dance. When we were all through, Chetco Charlie and I divided the money. I took all the white man's money and Charlie took all the beads and clothing. I didn't have any use for Indian money. I wouldn't have known how to use it." DREAM DANCE In the course of gathering material on the Oregon Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cults, in- formants referred frequently to Dream dances. They were repeatedly characterized as "old-time dances." They seem, however, to have been used as a vehicle not only for the Ghost Dance doc- trine but also for its subsequent outgrowths. It will be recalled that on Siletz Reservation the Tututni group, under the leadership of Sixes George, used a Dream dance for the first rumors concerning the return of the dead. Dream dances were also used on Alsea Reservation. It was stated that Depot Charlie carried a Dream dance to the Tolowa at the time he introduced them to the Ghost Dance doctrine. Dream dances were also used on Yahatc Reservation before it was dis- banded in 1876 and they were continued by the group of Coos, Umpqua, and Siuslaw who were moved from there to Florence on the mouth of the Sius- law. The Tillamook on the coast north of Siletz seem also to have possessed an old Dream dance pattern, into which Ghost Dance ideas may at one time have been injected to a minor degree. The most common alternate term for the Dream dance is the Feather dance. That name seems to have become attached to it after the dance was secularized and actual dreaming was no longer the chief impetus for a performance. It is pos- sible that the so-called Oregon dance of the Tolowa is also an imported Dream or Feather dance. The descriptions and comments by various in- formants on this dance will be given under the proper geographical captions, which are listed from north to south along the Oregon coast. Tillamook71 Before the informant's birth (i.e., before 1870) a Southwest Wind dance was known. It was revived during the informant's childhood by George Tcainas, a Yaquina Tillamook, and Hyas John. They called meetings at Garibaldi, Nehalem, and other places. Dances were held in large dwelling houses every other night during the winter. They taught that all who did not dance would die. Participants, on the other hand, would live to see the return of their dead relatives. Whatever one requested during the evening ritual would materialize out- side one's door in the morning. George Tcainas used a square skin drum. The drum was suspect be- cause it had not been used customarily in Tilla- mook winter dances. It was supposed to be the 7'This information was given to Mrs. Melville Jacobs by Clara Pearson, a Tillamook woman at Garibaldi, Oregon. kind used by the dead people in the spirit land. Dancers wore headbands into which feathers were inserted and held sticks to which feathers had been attached. The drummer with his male assist- ants stood against one wall. On other side of house the people sat and pounded on a board with small sticks. Two women entered and danced to a song. They were replaced by two others who danced to another song. Sometimes men performed in this fashion. ill joined in the songs set by the leader. The whole movement seems to have been associated with the Tillamook father of fish, asayahal. In one song he is definitely mentioned. The dance and songs are said to have been carried to a group of Chinook and Clatsop at Fort Stevens in Clatsop territory by some Neha- lem Tillamook. The movement lasted in the Tilla- mook area from ten to twenty years, that is, roughly, from the late 1870 s to perhaps the 1890's. Dr. Melville Jacobs identifies the three following features as alien to Tillamook winter dance practices: (1) use of skin drum (2) segre- gation of men and women in dances, (33 desire for return of dead. Grand Ronde [Louis Fuller; Tillamook.] "In the Dream dance, people danced in any building [as contrasted to special Warm House structure], usually the chief's dwelling. The man who dreamed a song leads the dance. They had this in Grand Ronde before the Warm House dance came in. They had always had Dream dances but they put in the new idea about the dead coming back. Some of the people who were dreamers before the Warm House dance were Bill Williams [Yoncalla] Jo Hidson [Calapuya], and Peter McCoy [Umpqual. They dreamed the dead would return and they danced hard for it. That was just a short time before the Warm House dance. Some man in California had dreamed about the dead first. When the Warm House dance came they all joined in that. After the agent made them stop, they went on with the old Dream dances and kept up the belief." Siletz [Coquille Thompson; Upper Coquille.] "The Dream dance has been going on ever since there have been people in this world. Either a man or woman dreams something and he has to do it. He has to sing what he dreamed in front of all the people and they be- lieve in him. One dreamer would die and another would start in. When you are asleep you dream that you see many dead people who are dancing and sing- ing. When you wake up the next morning you say that you dreamed something good. You tell what the dead people are using--feathers, beads, every- thing. You remember how they sang. If the song is good enough, the people dance with it for five nights. If the song isn't good, they don't go on with it. There were Dream dances about every three or four months. People from other tribes hear about it and come to join in. There is lots of fun and food." Held in a large house, usually the chief s. Women wore beads and tied bandanas around heads in which they stuck feathers. Men did the same or wore feather hats. Faces painted 34 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE in red or black but not formalized. The chief started the singer. The singer kept time by striking a heavy roof board with a pole about 10 feet long. The butt of the pole was held in the palm of the right hand and steadied with the left one. The dreamer sat down and sang his song. The regular singer learned it right away and joined in. Then as the others learned it they joined in too. The dancers lined up facing in one direction. The leader stood to one side at one end of the line. No whistles, no drums. In morning all bathed. "They used to have these Dream dances in the old days whenever they were lonesome and wanted some fun." Not sure whether new song was neces- sary for a dance or whether older Dream songs could be used. "If a man dreamed and concealed the fact, he got sick. A doctor was called. He sang and found out what was wrong. He told the sick man he was hiding a song and he had better give a dance the next night. After the dance, the sick man felt better. Dreamers of songs had no curing powers. They have to be pure and straight, not like Indian doctors who get mean. In the old days there were just a few who were dreamers, but with the Warm House Dance everyone got that way." The Dream dance and Feather dance are the -same thing. "Coqui l e Jim was a big dreamer here at Si- letz. He was a fine old man with bright eyes that ilooked right through you. He always dreamed of the dead. He said they would come back but he never said when or how--they would just be here all of a sudden. Every night he dreamed and in the morning he used to tell what he saw. He al- ways had a new song. He was a big dance man, too. One night he saw the dead in a lovely place, the round was all smooth and level like marble. All the people were the same height. They were all busy and happy. One night he dreamed he went to L Dream dance down here on earth. Just as all the people were standing singing with their heads thrown back and their arms raised, crying, he saw -that the up-above people were dancing Dream dances lust like those down here and they were sending eir songs to earth. Then Jim saw a large white wuse descend from above and stop just about 500 feet up in the air. Then steps came down from the Louse and a person all dressed in red with stars a his hair came down the steps and invited Co- ille Jim to come up. He went right up the airs and reached the porch of the house. He ard singing inside. He heard a big noise. He at down in a fine chair. It was a glass house. white man sat there with white hair and a white ard. He asked Jim if he saw people. He asked hw who made eyes, hands, fingers to get food, erything. He said all these things were made to ye the Indians an easy living so that they ldn't have to dig and plant to live. All the id things had been provided for them. Then the turned and seemed to open a window. Jim saw Modoc War with all the dead whites. The man wed him in another direction where there were illion million people. This man told Jim, n't be afraid to dance. They dance everywhere. n your Dream songs will be shut up. There will ..no more dance times. It is all right now, but on it won't be any more. [Abe Logan; Tututni.] "After the Warm House Dance stopped on Siletz, they carried on with the Dream dances. They had a drum [probably post-Earth Lodge innovation] and all kinds of pretty feathers. Men and women dressed up as nicely as they could. They dreamed songs and preached to each other about them before danc- ing. They gave good advice, told why they were dancing, asked the Lord to help them to keep the peace. They held these dances in Joshua's house Lchief of Rogue River group of Tututni] at Si- letz. If you dreamed,you called people in to help you. The main dreamers were Sixes George [see Ghost Dance], Depot Charlie [see Tolowa], Jake Cook, Coquille Jim [see preceding inform- ant], Chetco Charlie [see Thompson's Warm House Dance], and Skele. They all dreamed the dead were coming back when the grass was high. After a while the dreaming dropped out and the Dream dance turned into the Feather dance. It was just a fun dance. It lasted until about 1890. The whites used to call the Indians to put on a show, so they used the Dream dance feathers and songs and called it the Feather dance. It was mostly a white man's show." Alsea to Florence [Frank Drew; Coos.] The informant saw Dream dances at Yahatc Reservation before it was dis- banded in 1876 and later he saw them at Florence and Siletz. He has seen none since 1894 when the Florence group was converted by two Evangelical missionaries. "The Coos have always believed that when they sleep they are halfway between the land of the dead and the living. During the night they commu- nicate with the d-ead and get lovely song s,which they sing in the morning. Some had lovely songs; others were not so good. Dance.--At sundown a man beats a drum for ten or fifteen minutes outside of assembly place. All gathered with regalia. Sat on either side of s house. Chief prayed, said it is a good work, not ' to have evil thoughts, urged solemnity. Called on someone with dream experience to rise. To with- hold dream communication or song is dangerous. Dreamer gives song to drummer. Audience rises, all tie bandanas around head, thrust in feathers; hold feather plumes in each hand. Two rows of dancers face each other, move together and apart. Dreamer in center between the two lines. Sing and dance one song two or three times. Then another dreamer gives a song. "These dances are very ex- citing. Sometimes people fell over in a faint. Once old Taylor fell over. They let him alone. That was the rule. He never got up again. He was dead. He was a big fat man and something must have gone wrong with his heart." Jim Buchanan (Coos) was one of the dance leaders at Florence after Thompson's Warm House Dance. Used special dance house with center pole, which protruded beyond roof for ca. 10 feet. House painted with red and white spirals, which supposed to reach heaven. Before beginning to dance, marched around pole single file in complicated formations with Jim leading. All ages and both sexes joined in march. Jim prayed and sang song in unknown lan- guage. "It was so mournful some would break down 35 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS and cry. Dream songs are better when they are sad." Then proceeded with regular Dream dance. [Hank Johnson.] "The Dream dance is the same as the Feather dance. After a dance they knelt down and prayed that they might see their dead again. Then they sing one song and they are ready to feast. They picked up their food and sat wherever they wanted to eat it. In Florence, af- ter the Warm House Dance, they built a special house for Dream or Feather dances and for any other kind of meeting. [Annie Petersen.] "People believed so much in the dead coming back that they began to dream about it. They got songs that way to use in their dances. At Alsea there were quite a few who got songs from their dead relatives in their sleep. They used feather wands to hold in their hands for these dances. The wands were sticks with four strings of feathers wrapped around them. Men wore headbands with feathers sewed on them so that they looked like tall pointed hats. Dream dances lasted just a few years. Now they are used just for fun at Christmas or any time, but they use the old dream songs in them. These dream songs were never used for curing." Empire [Lottie Evanoff; Coos.] "After Thompson's Warm House Dance they called it Dream dances be- cause people dreamed of their dead relatives who gave them songs. It came to them in their sleep. Whoever dreamed a song, sang it and the people danced. Before dancing,people told about their dreams and everybody cried. Dancers wore chicken feathers dyed with white man's colors." Feathers were tied on hazel twigs with thread and the twigs were fastened on a headband of skin or cloth. The effect was that of a peaked cap whose crown was composed of the feathered twigs. In each hand a feather plume was held. These were pointed diagonally downward, first to right and then to left in course of dance. Dances lasted only one night. "They were held every six or seven days, like church." Tolowa [Billy Metcalf; Tututni with Tolowa affilia- tions.] 'When Depot Charlie brought that message to Smith River [Tolowa] they used the Feather dance. The Tolowa call it the Oregon dance, too. The Feather dance is the same as the Dream dance, except that in the Dream dance they tell what they have seen in their dreams. The Feather dance uses Dream dance songs." To summarize: Prior to the Ghost Dance, gath- erings were held which centered around dreamed revelations and songs. This seems to have been true for the northern and central Oregon coast tribes. The Tolowa and Tututni probably did not possess this custom prior to 1871. When the doc- trine of the Ghost Dance was introduced, the Dream dance was used as a vehicle by local dreamers for revelations dealing with the re- turn of the dead. On Siletz and Grand Ronde res- ervations certain groups may then have acquired the Dream dance for the first time. This seems to hold for the Tututni at least. At Alsea and Yahatc, Dream dances were either introduced or gained added impetus at this time. Also the Til- lamook seem to have revived dream performances under the stimulus of Ghost Dance doctrines. When the Earth Lodge cult was introduced, it consumed most of the energy and attention of at least Siletz and Grand Ronde groups. After the Earth Lodge cult died down, due in part to offi- cial disapproval, the Dream dances were resumed since they could be given more privately. When Coquille Thompson took his Warm House Dance down the Oregon coast, he visited people already fa- miliar with the Dream dance and the idea of the returning dead. Since the Warm House doctrine was also concerned with the advent, it may have helped to keep Dream dances alive. In any event, after Thompson left Florence and Empire, groups continued with the older Dream dance pattern un- til the Indian communities disappeared. Characteristic of the Dream dance are: (1) dreamed revelation and songs (2) necessity for publicizing one's dreams, (3) dances held in dwellings, (4) headbands, often bandanas, into which feathers were thrust, (5) feather wands held in hands, (6) peaked feather caps worn by some men dancers. All of these elements were probably pre-Ghost Dance. Additional new features were: (7) stress on return of the dead, (8) use of square skin drum. As dreaming diminished and Indian life disintegrated further, the Dream dance became the Feather dance, in which only the forms were maintained and the supernatural inspiration was disregarded. Confusion still exists in the relationship betweeh the Dream dance and the Ghost Dance. Although informants state that the Dream dance was used on Siletz reservation for the Ghost Dance doctrine and that this was the form taken to the Tolowa by Depot Charlie, yet the Tolowa reported that a round dance, customarily asso- ciated with the Ghost Dance, was used by them to hasten the advent. Although there is no doubt that the Ghost Dance ideas reached the Oregon reservations, there is no proof that the diag- nostic round dance was performed in conjunction with it, except in so far as the Tolowa are said to have received it from Siletz. In the minds of the Oregon people, the older Dream dance was the paramount vehicle for the first expression of the new doctrine. TICHENOR AFFAIR Among the many dance forms exchanged along the Oregon coast during the 1870's and 1880's,one more, probably, falls within the scope of this paper. The fullest account follows: [Frank Drew.] "Isaac Martin [Coos] and Cyrus Tichenor [Coos]72 went south along the coast some 7 So named because he had sailed with that well-known captain, Villiam Tichenor, who founded Port Orford in 1851. 36 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE place and came back to Yahatc Reservation about four years before it was closed [i.e., in ca. 18721. They brought the news that the people to the south were working hard to bring the dead people back. The harder they danced, the sooner te dead would come. Isaac was a young man and quite rich. He must have believed it was true because he was very sincere. So many people came to the dance that they couldn't all get in. I was just a boy and peeked through a crack. I saw all the people dancing in a circle, men and wo- men alternating. There was no fire in the center of the circle. Tichenor taught the songs and peo- ple circled in time to them. He had several songs which were new. They would dance three times to one song, then give a shout and stop. After resting, they repeated it another three times, rested again and again danced three times [i.e., nine repetitions of same song]. After that they started another song. They danced for only one .night there at Yaha tc. A woman, called Caroline, went crazy over the dance that night and was never sane again. Another Coos informant, Annie Peterson, dic- tated to Jacobs practically an identical account of Tichenor's dance at Yahatc. The statement sug- gested that Tichenor and Martin had just returned from a trip to Tolowa territory, that it was cus- tomary for travelers to show the dances they had learned in other tribes, that the affair had no religious connotations for the informant. In ad- dition, she said that when dancers were too nu- merous for one circle, two concentric circles were formed with the children in the center. Tichenor seems to have introduced to the Ya- hatc people a form of the Ghost Dance proper, which had just reached the Tolowa in 1872 through the proselytizing efforts of Depot Charlie. The movement did not continue after one night of dancing. It may, however, have made them more receptive to Dream dances, discussed in the pre- ceding section. 37 PART 3. NORTH-CENTRAL CALIFORNIA Parts 1 and 2 dealt with the introduction of the Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cult into north- ernmost California and western Oregon. The diffu- sion along the Klamath drainage and including Siletz and Grand Ronde reservations formed a closed circle, the two ends of which met in northern Yurok territory. There has been, so far, no discussion of the manner in which the Ghost Dance reached north-central California, or of the way in which the Earth Lodge cult developed from Ghost Dance stimuli. Part 3 of this monograph will deal with (1) fragmentary and abortive manifestations of the Ghost Dance among the Hill and Mountain Maidu, (2) the introduction of the Ghost Dance from the east along the Pit River drainage in Achomawi territory, (3) the trans- formation of the Ghost Dance into the Earth Lodge cult by Norelputus, (4) the diffusion of the Earth Lodge cult to the north, south, and west across the Coast Range, (5) the development of the Bole-Maru from the Earth Lodge cult by Lame Bill and Homaldo, (6) the subsequent growth of these cults in each area. These developments oc- curred simultaneously with the movements described in preceding sections. The Ghost Dance entered the Pit River area in 1871. The Earth Lodge cult reached its climax among the Pomo in 1872 and within a year the Bole-Maru was already taking shape. These cults are not traced as separate movements, but instead they are described chrono- logically within the various tribal groups. The necessity for such treatment will be apparent in the complex and closely interrelated nature of the material. MOCUNTAIN AND HILL MAIDU There are certain hints of abortive Ghost Dance introductions into the Mountain Maidu group in the vicinity of Susanville and into the Hill Maidu group in the vicinity of Mooretown. At Susanville, a Mountain Maidu gave the fol- lowing account of a Paviotso attempt to convert her people to the Ghost Dance doctrine. No other informant could be found who was able to amplify this statement. [Roxy Picano.] "When I was about thirteen years old [ca. 1870-1871], we were all camped at Willard's place, southwest of Susanville, to i-gather roots. Some Paiutes came to our village near Janesville. Everybody was away gathering roots,so Lamb Samson and Jim Holsom brought the Paiutes to Willard's place where we were camping. The Paiutes sang and danced all night around a fire. They said the dead were coming back and an Indian doctor had told them to do this. After that the Paiutes turned around and went back to ''their own country. Our people never believed in this. They said no one could bring the dead back. Afterwards we heard that a lot of that sort of thing was going on at Dixie Valley [Achomawi],but we never paid any attention to it." The place from which the Paviotso proselytizers came was not specifically determined. The most im- mediate vicinity was probably Honey Lake, where Washo, Paviotso, and Maidu groups were in touch with each other. Although Frank Spencer was well known in Susanville, where one of his Achomawi wives is still living, no one was acquainted with his early proselytizing efforts in connection with the Ghost Dance. Biritcid and Utcolodi, who con- verted the eastern Achomawi, were also known as personalities but not as missionary-messengers. The statements of the one informant and the ab- sence of confirmatory data from others concern- ing the Ghost Dance indicate that the movement was probably of little consequence among the Moun- tain Maidu. Further confirmation of its insignif- icance is implied in the absence of subsequent dreamers. The Achomawi, Mike Harm, who gave se'- ances near Susanville in approximately 1890, was considered a foolish impostor by most of the local Maidu. Among the Hill Maidu no traces of any modern cult movement were found until the group at Mooretown was visited. Mooretown lies south and east of Chico on a ridge above the Feather River. Here only one informant was able to furnish any pertinent material. [George Martin.] "About sixty-three years ago [ca. 1871] Widunduni gathered all the people to- gether to meet their dead who had died a long time ago. They met at Kushte, about five miles east of Mooretown and two miles southeast of Feather Falls. He wanted them to bring what they could to give their dead people. Everyone gathered for fifty miles around. Widunduni learned all this from dreaming. A long time ago Wonomi [mythical being] traveled north through this country. He made everything. When people died they went north to Wonomi. The dead were to come back from the north. Wonomi had put the people on this earth and he was to bring them back. Widunduni was both a yukbe [dreamer] and yeponi [member of secret so- ciety]. It was his yukbe power which gave him that message. Every night his dreams took him farther and farther away from this country, until he got 'way up north where the dead were and they told him these things. "Widunduni danced near Mooretown for about three months during the first summer. They sang every night to make his dream come true. They used the Fire dance [sam, fire; gamini, dance]. The fire in the dance house was low so that it was dark. Everyone was quiet so that the dead would not be frightened. Twenty-five or thirty men and women made a big circle around the fire and the two center posts. No one made any noise, the singers sang softly, the drum was dulled. The dancers stood in place and stamped softly. Widunduni dreamed this dance himself. It had never been known before and it has never been used since. The dead were supposed to be dancing in that same way. People thought the dead would come in and join them. There was a special song to go with this dance. [39] ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS "After a while people got tired of waiting for the dead and went back to their own places. When nothing happened, Widunduni gave up. No one has believed in his story since that time. People be- gan plaguing him for what had happened, so the next suimner he went to Quincy [Mountain Maidu] and told the same message up there. Very few peo- ple went with him from Mooretown because no one believed in him any more. Some Washo Indians came to Quiincy. The Quincy Indians quarreled with the Washos and killed some of them. Widunduni stayed near Quincy that winter. The next summer he went to Honey Lake where some Paiutes were camping. He tried to give his dance at Honey Lake, but the people up there killed him. Widunduni be- lieved the country here was too rough for the dead to come to, so he was traveling north to meet them. He had always been a great traveler. He went south near Fresno, Bakersfield, over to the coast, and to Los Angeles. He went to Nevada a lot, too. He used to visit the Washo Indians a good deal." From this account and the ignorance of other informants, it would appear that Widunduni's ef- forts were short lived and caused but the slight- est flurry in the conservative placidity of the community. It was impossible at this late date to trace Widunduni's travels sufficiently closely to hazard a guess as to the source of his Ghost Dance activities. The informant naturally in- sisted upon the independence of Widunduni's in- spiration. It is very possible that he obtained the doctrine from the Washo or Paviotso. His use of a round dance further suggests this source, even though he gave it indoors. As an explanation of Widunduni's failure to permanently convert the Maidu, the informant stated, "In the old days anybody who was a little bit more important than anyone else was killed. People never persisted long with anything new. If someone started something new, the others stopped after a little while and killed the one who started it." These comments suggest the level- ing influence of a democratic group which places no premium on individuality. The combination of a democratic and nonindividualistic outlook may well make for social stability. Of the Earth Lodge cult in the Sacramento Val- ley and of the elaborate Bole-Maru development, no trace seems to have reached the Hill Maidu, despite their proximity to Chico, where there was at least some interest in the Bole-Maru cult. In relation to modern cult movements, the two Maidu groups considered in this section represent an isolated backwash of cultural transmissions. They participated not at all in the intertribal con- tacts of the ncrth-central Californians and had only the most fragnentary contact with the Paviotso of Nevada. ACHOMAWI AND NORTHERN YANA The diffusion of the Ghost Dance from the Pavi- otso on the east and the immediate repercussion from the west of the Earth Lodge cult were re- ceived from Achomawi informants in a series of contradictory and confusing statements. No one of the informants consulted was able to give a clear historical account. However, the descrip- tion which follows is undoubtedly accurate in its main outlines. The eastern Achomawi were converted by two Paviotso, Tom (Biritcid) and his brother, Utco- lodi, who came from the vicinity of Honey Lake. The first dance was given on Madeline Plains. The second was at Likely, and from there it was carried on the one hand to Hayden Hill in the Dixie Valley region, and on the other hand to Lookout in the Big Valley region. The Big Valley people carried the work farther west to Fall River Valley. From Fall River the message was forwarded to the Big Bend Achomawi, who passed it on to the Northern Yana. From Fall River the message seems to have spread as far as the Northern Yana merely by word of mouth and with very few, if any, dances. In other words, it spread chiefly as information and not as behav- ior. However, the chief of the Northern Yana was one Norelputus, who apparently was deeply im- pressed by the message and hastily spread it to the Wintun and Hill Patwin, from whence the doc- trine was transmitted to the Pomo as will be de- scribed subsequently. Under the influence and ef- forts of Norelputus and a convert from Grindstone (Wintun), called Paitla, the first message devel- oped new features and spread back again toward the east. Paitla of these accounts is the Frank in Siletz and Grand Ronde material. In the course of the repercussion many of the western Achomawi heard the doctrine for the first time. Therefore the accounts of such informants generally give the west as the place of origin, -hile other in- formants, particularly those who have lived east of the Fall River, correctly attribute the origin of the cult to the Paviotso. In all events, the whole affair for the Achomawi culminated in the Fall River dance during May 1873.73 It has been established with fair probability that the first furor and the subsequent repercussion occurred in the course of not more than two years. The first movement, originating in the east, is de- scribed first under the caption Ghost Dance. The repercussion from the west is described next un- der the title of Earth Lodge cult. The reader is referred to figure 3 for a simplified map, which may facilitate an understanding of the complexi- ties involved in quotations from informants. There follow accounts of the local religious develop- ments from 1873 until 1934 in so far as they were influenced by the two cult movements of 1871 and 1872. The abortive introduction of the 1890 Ghost Dance is included also. The Northern Yana are treated as a unit with the western Achomawi. To the Central Yana a separate section is devoted be- 73This date is established by a contemporary notice in The Yreka Journal, vol. 20, no. 41, Wednesday, May 21, 1873. 40 -44 KLAAHATH RE$E RVATOAT ShASTA l eSTONECOAL LOOKOUT __LIKE LY (BIG VALLEY ) - AD IN*- ,-- I BIGBEND + FALLRIVER 2 CBI G VALLEY) | ?t CASSELtf HAYDEN HIL MADELINE .+.. I I / BURv *BALD MT (DIXIE VALLrY) PLAINS PAVIO I ~~~~BURN4Y' OBALD MT. PVOS I t | f- MONTGOMERY CREEK BAIRD 4--.. t !ILVT'TT& - $'4 ROUND MT. INGOT4 I N.YAiNA *I | E.ACHOMAWI / W AACHO04AWI 'PASKENTA HILL IA WI Fig. 3. Diffusion of modern cults through Achomawi territory. Continuous line, Ghost Dance from east; dotted line, Earth Lodge cult from west, containing Bole-Maru features. ,t ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS cause their experiences with the religious changes of the area seem to have been slightly different from that of their northern neighbors. Ghost Dance The raw material which describes the Ghost Dance in Achomawi territory has been arranged from east to west following the solid line on figure 3. A summary is given at the end of this section. [John Lake.] "A Paiute,called Tom [Biritcid], first brought the word about the dead coming back. His brother Utcolodi came with him. Tom be- longed near Honey Lake. He was married to two Pit River [Achomawi] women from Susanville. He died about twenty years ago [ca. 1912]. "The first dance was given on Madeline Plains just west of the town [Madeline] at Tsibilesapte. They danced all night until sun up for five nights. No one was allowed to sleep. All had to join in and help. There was a big circle with everyone, men and women, holding hands. They circled to the left with a short side-step. In the morning everyone swam, even the children. That was the rule. The dead Indians who were coming back were dancing in the same way. Every- one had to eat together in the same place. They weren't allowed to do anything but dance. There were five songs that went with that dance. One was: hoina xea hena, pahateka, hena hain hena. The words are in Paiute so we don't know whet they mean. There were people at this dance from Alturas, Likely, and Ash Valley. There was one man (at least) from Fall River,called Heluspulum. After the dance the Paiute went back to their own country. There was no time set for the return of the dead, no mention of the world catastrophe, no anti-white doctrine [in answer to questions]." [Johnny Stevens.] After Biritcid and Utcolodi gave their dance at Madeline Plains they went home,but a man went on with it who belonged both to the Likely and Dixie Valley people. His name was Lusomdjidami (bald-face-eat). He gave a dance near Likely on top of Crooks Canyon. There were about two hundred people there who came from as far as Canby (northern end of Big Valley). Next he gave a dance at Hayden Hill to which the Dixie Valley people came. He was killed a few years after these dances. [Bill Wrailer.] The first (actually, the sec- ond dance was given in the spring (of 1871?) at Likely where some Paviotso came to teach the doc- trine. The dead were to return and bring with them a plentiful supply of Indian foods,like deer and tubers. After the dance, the Paviotso missionaries returned to their own country,which the informant believed to be in the vicinity of Reno. Captain Jim (Okadia),of Lookout in Big Valley,attended the Likely affair and carried the doctrine back to his own community,where he sponsored a dance. Here men and women danced around a central fire,holding hands. This con- forms to the Paviotso dance. The participants painted red and white stripes on their foreheads, cheeks, and chests. There were, however, no in- novations in this procedure. The dance and face paintings were old Achomawi traits. At this dance were a few Achomawi from Stonecoal Valley to the northeast, but aside from them the only outsiders were two young Paviotso "who had come over to look for girls and who didn't preach anything. They went back to Pyramid Lake after the dance was over. [Harry George.] "Word came from the Paiute first. They danced here in Big Valley for it. Old Jim [elelewami; cf. Bill Wrailer above] went east to get the dance and bring it back here. Jim also carried the word to Fall River. They preached and prayed a lot in that first dance. They used Paiute songs. They danced outside in a big circle holding hands. They painted red dots [stripes?] on their cheek bones,like the Paiute. Nobody had trances. That Paiute dance didn't have much ef- fect. They danced it here for about one year. The second dance, from the west, came about one year after we had stopped. That second dance had lots of effect. They only stopped dancing that a few years a o. [Pete Otler.] At the first dance in Likely it was predicted that falling stars and earthquakes would accom any the return of the dead. An earth- quake actually occurred, which may perhaps be identified with the same earthquake which Spier reported for the Klamath and which would estab- lish the contemporariness of the two events, in the year 1871. The same informant said that the old expected to be rejuvenated with the advent. He believed that this was the reason they used the girls' adolescence dance (datziwauke, Coyote dance). [Sally King.] This informant had been cap- tured when a child by the Modoc. As a young woman she returned to her home near Lookout in Big Valley, where she found her people under the influence of the Ghost Dance excitement. This was in the spring. She returned almost immediate- ly to get her belongings,which she had left with the Modoc. Between the time of her departure from Modoc country and her return, that tribe had re- ceived the doctrine and were dancing. The inform- ant returned to her own people for the second time that summer. Her father, who was a shaman of repute called Doctor Charlie (Bashiwi), was asked by his son to go into a trance in order to learn whether or not the dead were really return- ing. Doctor Charlie said that his guardian spirit, which was meadowlark, met not one dead person on his way from the spirit land. This statement shook the faith of a number of Ghost Dance adherents. The same informant reported that another shaman said the message "was all foolshness." "The doctors were all against it." Doctor Charlie, at the same time that he denied the return of the dead, predicted an earth- quake, which actually occurred a few days later. The importance of the earthquake is twofold. To the Achomawi, it proved the omniscience of the shaman and therefore lent weight to his dis- 74The opposition to the new cult on the part of shamans is brought out several times subse- quently in the course of this section. It agrees with the reports of Spier, Ghost Dance, 44, for the Klamath, and is at variance with Gayton, op. cit., 80, for the Yokuts. 42 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE crediting of the new doctrine. Historically, the earthquake serves to establish the simultaneity of the Klamath, Likely, and Lookout dances. It is interesting that the same tremor which rein- forced faith in the Ghost Dance at Klamath Reser- vation and Likely should have discredited the Ghost Dance at Lookout. Between the Fall River and Big Bend to the west no traces were found of the earlier Ghost Dance, except the following fragmentary state- ment by an Atsuge informant. [John Snook.] An unidentified person from Dixie Valley traveled through the Atsuge (Hat Creek) territory saying that the dead were com- ing back. Wealth was to multiply at this time. There was no antiwhite doctrine, but Indian skeptics were to turn into rocks. Dances were held at Dixie Valley and at Hat Creek. The in- formant believed they were held as far west as Round Mt. (N Yana territory). This movement had died down when a second message from the west came through Atsuge territory. At Big Bend, among the westernmost Achomawi, William Halsey was the only available informant capable of giving material on the Ghost Dance. He implied that there was a large gathering at Fall River for the first phase of the Ghost Dance. All other informants were in agreement that there was only one dance at Fall River and that it belonged to the second phase from the west. William Halsey did, however, receive a message from the east concerning the return of .the dead. Although his account of affairs seems somewhat inaccurate and shows distinct discrep- ancies with the material of other informants, it is quoted at length because it constitutes our only clue for the passage of the Ghost Dance doctrine through the westernmost part of chomawi territory to the Sacramento Valley at .lrge. [William Halsey.] "All this was started over Nevada by the Paiute. They came to Captain Dick at Fall River. They told him God was going send back the dead and people were to get tady. They said the dead were to come back on e 4th of July, so they had to hurry. " People om the south fork of Pit River [region of ely and Alturas], Big Valley [in which is eated Lookout], Hat Creek, Dixie, all over, t excited. So Captain Dick sent six old men to * He sent old men so they would be believed. se messengers came in about April." The Big a people relayed word to Ingot where Norel- tus was chief. The latter's father was a North- Yana and his mother a Wintu from Ydalpom on aw Creek. In May, the Big Bend people set out Fall River, but before fhey left all were ptized" in the Pit River across from the hot 7The Shasta, who converted the Karok,gave same date and also urged them not to delay. springs at Big Bend. 76 It took them four days to reach their destination because there were "three or four hundred" of them and because they stopped to dance on the way. "Men and women danced the old-time round dance,holding hands and [revolving] with a short dragging side step." When they arrived at Fall River the informant questioned Heskitca of Big Valley, who had the message directl4 from some Paviotso. Heskitca told the informant, I met Winnemucca, who was chief there. His dreamer was Hempaiwula [informant very uncertain of name]. Winnemucca said they [Paviotso] danced the round dance at night and soon the dead came out behind the dancers. Some of the dancers knew their dead relatives, but the dead weren't ready to come back yet because the living weren't right, weren't good, didn't have the right mind, didn't live according to their old history and be- liefs. I asked Heskitca how the Indians knew about the 4th of July. It didn't sound good to me. Hes- kitca couldn't answer that." Winnemucca had asked Heskitca to bring all the Achomawi to meet him at Likely. William Halsey then said that he refused because it was too far to take so many people. In addition, the most powerful shaman among the western A-chomawi, Subiski, was consulted on the probability of the advent. Although Heskitca wished to start for Likely that day, all delayed twenty-four hours to hear what Subiski would re- veal after having been in a trance. While they waited for his revelation, the crowd danced all day and night. The next day Subiski is reported to have said, "Winnemucca's dreamer dreamed of Kuwila [large lizard?]. Kuwila gave him the dream and the kuwila were bad when they were a people [referring to the animal people who preceded hu- mans in the mythology]. They wanted to kill all the time. God isn't going to tell any man what to do. It has never been in our history. If a man is good, God makes him that way in his thinking, he doesn't tell him in dreams. If the dead come back and the world ends, the sun will fall from the sky. When a doctor says the sun will fall from the sky, the people all know that it means no such thing can hap pen. So all stopped and went home. No one went to Likely,and Winnemucca didn't show up there." From the preceding accounts it has been deter- mined that the Achomawi received the Ghost Dance from two Paviotso messengers, Biritcid and Utco- lodi. I had been under the impression that the Paviotso, Frank Spencer (Weneyuga), would prove to be the proselytizer of the Achomawi. This was 7eAt this point the confusion sets in, for William Halsey has implied that the first message gave rise immediately to the Fall River affair, whereas actually at least one year must have elapsed. From this point his data probably deals with the Earth Lodge cult. Actually, however, he denied participating in the second movement,of which he gave a description. Aside from the fact that his memory may have been at fault concerning the time sequence, William Halsey desired to con- ceal the extent to which he had been duped by the false promises of the cults. By implying that he went immediately to Fall Riwer and discovered the falsity of the doctrine, he glossed over the ex- tent of his credulity,which is manifestly humil- iating to him at present. 43 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS definitely not so. Frank Spencer was known to the eastern Achomawi, but only after the Ghost Dance furor had subsided. To the Achomawi he was simply a Paviotso shaman. Of Biritcid and Utcolodi nothing was learned which would account for their interest in converting the Achomawi,except that the former was married to two women of that tribe. After their first dance at Madeline Plains, they returned to their own territory and their work was taken over by Lusomdjidami, who gave the next dance at Likely. From Likely,Lusomdjidami carried the message westward to the Dixie Valley region. The same dance at Likely was attended by Captain Jim%of Big Valley. After the Likely af- fair, Captain Jim,not only gave dances in his own territory but informed the Fall River people to the west. West of Fall River in turn there is only a trace of the dance in a meager statement that the Atsuge first heard of the return of the dead from a Dixie Valley "preacher." Among the westernmost Achomawi of Big Bend, William Halsey is the sole survivor capable of giving informa- tion. His account was unfortunately quite garbled. It is plain, however, that these westernmost Acho- mawi transmitted the message to the Northern Yana. Their chief, Norelputus, became the leading fig- ure in the creation of the Earth Lodge cult. William Halsey's account implies a dance of great importance at Fall River for the earlier phase of the Ghost Dance. This was not substan- tiated by any other informant and is open to doubt. It is possible that William Halsey tele- scoped the Ghost Dance into the Earth Lodge cult, which actually did culminate in the Fall River dance of May 1873. Norelputus is of great importance in the whole problem of establishing historic links between tribes,since he is the man to whom the Wintun and Hill Patwin attribute the introduction of the adventist doctrine. There is, however, one puzzling feature in this matter for which no ex- planation suggests itself. The Wintu,who would have been the logical ones for Norelputus to con- vert--first, because of the territorial contigu- ity, and second, because of his maternal ties among them--did not receive the doctrine orig- inally from Norelputus but from one of his Wintun converts,called Paitla. There will be occasion to refer to Paitla frequently in subsequent discus- sions. For the present it is sufficient to recall that both Norelputus and Paitla were mentioned in connection with the Earth Lodge cult among the Shasta. Once Norelputus had transmitted the doctrine to the Sacramento Valley tribes it sprang into great popularity, and with surprising rapidity it began a return diffusion through Achomawi ter- ritory. It was in the course of this repercussion that Paitla converted the Wintu. All this will be discussed later under proper tribal headings. Omitting those data for the moment, we take up the second movement when it first appeared at Ingot in Northern Yana territory. Earth Lodge Cult In the Earth Lodge cult, the Ghost Dance doc- trine of an immediate advent was fused with cer- tain cultural traits of north-central California. The circular semisubterranean dance house and the foot drum were new features diagnostic of the Earth Lodge cult in northeastern California. As the sec- ond gave spread from west to east through Achomawi territory, dance houses were erected in many com- munities to prepare for the return of the dead. The excited anticipation of this event was char- acteristic of both the Ghost Dance and the Earth Lodge cult wherever they occurred in northern California. Statements from eleven informants are given. Where the situation is as confused and the data as contradictory, it seems desirable to put the reader in possession of as much raw material as possible. The statements are arranged geographi- cally from west to east following the dotted line in figure 3. The first four accounts deal pri- marily with the Ingot affair in Northern Yana country, although they are given by western Acho- mawi. The fifth and sixth speak of both the Ingot and Fall River dances. The remaining five accounts are from eastern Achomawi and deal with the Fall River affair and its influence to the east. [William Halsey.] "The second time, word came from the Grindstone Indians [Wintun]. Paitla brought the word from there. He wasn't a dreamer, just a messenger. He sent messengers about two months ahead of time saying he was coming. He sent word to Norelputus, who was chief at Wood- man's place near Ingot. Norelputus began to build a big sweat house because Paitla had sent word to have one ready. He got the hole dug and the center post planted, but it was never finished. When Paitla came, there was no dance house so they danced outside in a brush fence. Paitla brought about fifteen or twenty people with him, men and wanen. Tcibat was one of them [see sec- tion on Wintu].He said, 'Everyone must join us and be good and listen to us, believe us. All the Indians in California are to join in. God has talked to this man who dreamed [name and tribe of man unknown to informant] and God said he would send back all the dead.' So everybody joined in. They fixed themselves up with paint and feathers, and danced. They used old-time dances and clothes. Everyone paid to come, five, ten, twenty-five cents, anything they had, be- cause they wanted to see their dead relatives. There were chiefs there from all over, Sunusa [upper Sacramento Wintu,also called Alexander, who relayed the message to the Shasta], Koltcu- luli [McCloud Wintu], Puiyasi [Round Mt., N Yana], Halopwami [Hat Creek Atsuge]. The people asked Subiski, an old doctor, if what Paitla and Tcibat said was true. He said he would answer them the next morning. The next morning Norelputus told the people that they should listen to what the doctor said and to settle down and not be fooled. Subiski said that in the history of their people God never talked to men in their dreams. He stood 44 IXJ BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE . the middle with his cane that had feathers on Whe end. His cane stood up by itself without be- g stuck in the ground. He said, 'If I lie to pu, this cane will fall; but if I don't it will itand until I am through talking; That man, the reamer, he dreamed of the devil's ghost, and the evil told him all he said. There is no such hing as the dead coming back. If that should lppen the sun would fall to the ground.' "Paitla and the others said if they didn't be- eve they could go to Grindstone to see for them- lves. So two young Wintu, called Shasta Dick d Tunnel Four Jack, were sent from the meeting Ingot to Grindstone. They were fed and taken to the big sweat house at Grindstone. There re about a hundred people there. Strangers were xen to one side and covered over with blankets. sey heard singing below ground. It was supposed be the dead coming back. The two messengers oked from under their blankets. They savv the nager of the dance lift up a place in the oor, and a man and woman, all dressed up, came t. Then they covered up the hole again. The n and woxtn acted and talked just like a snow. hey danced maybe an hour. Then everybody was ld to get under the blankets again. The messen- rs looked again and saw those two go back into he hole in the floor of the dance house. The xt day the messengers saw the fat man and big man who had pretended to be the dead people the ight before. So these messengers came back and eported what they had seen. They said that the pposed dead man put a pipe in his mouth and re came through the air and lighted it. Norel- tus called a meeting near the Hatchery at Baird intu] and he invited people from all over. The ssengers told what they had seen.77 At Big Bend hey started a sweat house but when this word came rough we never finished it." [Julia Bob.] "This word started at Ingot. The oople from Round Mt. [N Yana) were there and all Pe people from Hat Creek [Atsuge]. They said the ead were lonesome and that there were many of hem. They wanted to come back. They had all ads of dancing things at this place near Ingot Ld they told the people to dance. They danced in circle, men and women, but they didn t hold ads. They took short side steps. Norelputus, to was the chief there, told the people to make nces in their own home places and that he would ke to visit them with his own people. After that ey brought the dance to Rising River [near ssel] where Buckskin Jack was captain. There Iere some people from the McCloud River [Wintu] here. Then they moved on to Fall River and danced tere about three weeks. At Fall River they said he world was to burn up. Then they went on to lad Mt. [ca. 7 or 8 mi. S of Fall River Valley]. was root-digging time in the early spring [of 173?]. Some people from south of Bald Mt. Apoige r Dixie Valley Achomawi?] came there to dance. 77William Halsey's explanation of the miracle s8 probably a subsequent addition. The meeting ,lled at Baird by Norelputus was attended by itla, the Shasta, and others. From there the an was to set out for Fall River to meet the lad who were coming from the east. There seems have been no skepticism in the meeting. The epticism was probably another case of Halsey's Self-justification and an attempt to whitewash the credulity of the Indians. The Pit River Indian's song was: wila chawin chawin senak, 'ghost I come I come back.' When they sang this song the dead were supposed to be coming back and everybody had to be quiet. If the dead came back, Indians would never die again. Some saw the dead and heard them singing. One boy spoiled it all. He started joking and making noises, so all the dead disappeared. They killed that boy because he spoiled a good thing." [Lily Taylor.] "All the upper Hat Creek people [Atsuge] went to dance at Buckskin Jack's place on Rising River. The word was brought to them by Lolputus [Norelputus?] from south of Redding. He brought his people with him and preached,saying our fathers were coming back from the west. Everyone danced in a circle, men and women, but not holding hands. They wore old-time feathers. The men used white paint and the women, red. That was an old-time way of painting. They had a song: wina kelele, but I don't know what it means. Everyone swam in the water in the morning, even babies. It was awfully cold. From Rising River word went as far as Bald Mt. The people from Dixie Valley came to Bald Mt. to listen and learn. "The doctors were all against this preaching. They didn't believe in it, but they didn't try to stop it." [John Snook.] "After word came from the east, a message came from the west. They had a meeting at Norelputus' place near Ingot. People from Big Bend, Burney [Achomawi], Hat Creek [Atsuge], and McCloud [Wintu] went there. There were four or five men and some women who came bringing the word from a different place. Norelputus trans- lated the speeches made by the messengers [prob- ably Wintun ] to our people. They said the dead were coming back, that even the little children were with them. The little children couldn't go very fast, so they were coming slowly. They said you had to send something to your dead people, like beads and valuables. This was in summer [of 1872?] so they made a big shade under an oak tree. The Indians gave all sorts of things for the dead and the whole tree was hung with them. They were supposed to be sent to the dead. In the evening they were all told to come to this shelter. Norelputus and the messengers made speeches. They had to sit quietly all evening. The messengers put on feather headdresses and beads, and danced. They had two singers. They danced in a circle, men and women together. They didn't hold hands, but stood shoulder to shoulder and circled with a short hopping side step. As they danced, they said the dead were coming nearer and nearer. It was exciting. They told us not to leave or we would disturb the dead. But some young fellows and I sneaked out. They sang and danced until daylight. The next morn- ing the messengers packed up all that had been sent the dead. They said that when the dead came, they would bring all these valuables back with them. After that the people began to think they had been robbed. The Burney people didn't dance after they came back to their own place." [Mary Grant.] "They danced first at Ingot, then two men from Big Bend, called Saliwa and Lalastage, brought the word to Goose Valley [ca. 4 mi. N of Burney]. Captain Dick made a dance at Fall River. This was in the spring [of 1873?]. Everyone was there from Big Valley, Hat Creek, 45 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Big Bend, Montgomery Creek. They made several fires and danced around them outside. They danced all night. Near dawn they covered their heads and had to be quiet. They threw their dogs in the river so they wouldn t bark and frighten the dead [cf. Yurok]. Just at daybreak there was a high wind, snow, and sleet. But they had to bathe in the river. Even children in baskets were baptized. This lasted about one week. People had to be quiet and respectful. If they made a noise they would turn into rocks or birds or something. Widows took the black pitch off their faces be- cause the dead were coming back. In the morning everyone bathed together, combed their hair to- gether and painted their faces red together. All used the same design and sang the same song as the y painted themselves.? [Davis Mike.] "They heard the dead were coming back. Word came from B1i Bend and met the same word coming from the Paiute. The Alturas people were touched with it and came down to Fall River. The Paiute never came this far. The word came from the east and west and met at the same time [?]. The Paiute told the Alturas Indians that the dead were coming from the east. Captain Dick called all his captains together at Fall River [actually to the east, near the present town of McArthur but in Fall River Valley] from Big Bend, Alturas, and Hat Creek to tell them that he had agreed with General Crook about making Fort Crook and the whole valley into a reservation.78 After he had given his message the sweat house was cleared out and the preaching began in there. Captain Dick didn't call the dance. He was too big a man to join in that sort of thing. It just happened that those dreamers came along to Cap- tain Dick's meeting. [This is probably another attempt to derogate a movement which is now dis- credited. I doubt if it should be taken literal- ly.] There was just one dance at Fall River. There were about a hundred people from Alturas way there and other people from the west. The story from the west came from the Wintu on the McCloud. Their chief was Lolawita [?]. They got it from the south some place. They came to Fall River with the Montgomery Creek people [N Yana] and the Big Bend people." [Bill Wrailer.] "About a year after the Likely dance died down [i.e., Ghost Dance from east], and the people there had stopped thinking about it, the Fall River Indians started the same thing. Word came to them from the coast. They built a big sweat house at Fall River. Everyone threw in some money to help get the house built. People came there from Big Valley, Hot Spring Valley, Dixie Valley, Hat Creek, and even from the McCloud River. They danced in a circle, men and women holding hands. There were two singers. People went crazy when they heard this song. When they were through dancing, all jumped in the river, the women too. They danced all summer, then they saw there was nothing to it. Dick was the captain there, but Chustamuktali, who belonged just north of McArthur, was the one who ran the dance." 78Actually, Crook's campaign against the Acho- mawi occurred in 1867. Crook was sent to Arizona in 1871. H. H. Bancroft, History of Oregon, 2:532 f., 1888. [Pete Otter.] "The people from Fall River in- vited everyone to come and listen. They said, 'The dead are coming back. If you believe, our dead ones will come back, our children.' So everyone went. Two men from Adin in Big Valley went to Fall River and learned the songs. They weren't doctors or chiefs, just common men. They were Gas John and John Taylor. When they came back they taught the songs and how to use them. They danced in Fall River in a big dance house built just for this message. It was round79 and larger than any built before. It had three posts in the middle to hold up the roof, and the door faced east. In the house they had a drum set in the floor. They played it by beating it with the butt end of a stick. It was the first time a drum of that sort had ever been used there. In the old days they had no drums. They used old- time whistles too, made out of hollow bone with one hole just below the mouth. They were hung around the neck on a string. There were five singers. The dancers wore feathers and old-time clothing. Some had canes with feathers on the end. They came through the door from outside and circled the fire to the left. They hopped around in short steps, not dragging their feet like the Paiute round dance. The women weren't in the circle. They stood in a line to one side and danced in place. There was one head dancer. They danced until daylight, then he went out and all the others followed. They went to swim in the river. When they danced and sang, people went into a trance and fell over. Then the man who had the song would sing to bring him back. They blew smoke on him and sprinkled his face with water. They groaned when they were that way. God helped them. The Indians knew about God al- ready [bias of informant who "doctored by Jesus"?]. When they came to, they had songs of their own. "This dancing lasted about one year. It sounded strong but it died down. It started west at Cayton Valley (near Big Bend) and then went to Fall River. The Big Valley people got it from Fall River." [Jack Fulsom.] The Fall River dance spread east to Adin (Big Valley) and from there to Likely [informant did not know of earlier doctrine which spread from east to west]. In Adin they stayed up all night and in the morning they jumped in the river. Even the babies were put in water. People went crazy. They fell over and moaned, sometimes three or four at a time. They danced day and night. When word first came to Adin they danced in the open, but when preaching started, they preached in a dance house. In the dance house men danced in the middle and women in a crescent to one side. Women wore feathers. They had never worn feathers before to dance in. They all had red handkerchiefs to wave and red ribbons in their hair. That was new. The men didn't wear anything new. They painted their faces any way they wanted to. Painting was just for style." [Harry George.] "This second word was like the Pentecostal church. People went crazy and had trances." Spread from Fall River to Big Valley. Had large dance house near Adin in Big Valley. Danced inside around fire. No connotations at- 79Achomawi houses were ordinarily oval or square. 46 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE tached to center pole. Six or seven men dancers wore feather cares, which hung down to knees; feather "crowns pointing downward and forward over faces; pom pom of owl feathers on back of heads; vertical stripes of white paint on cheeks; danced in center around fire. Large number of women dancers in two crescent-shaped lines around sides of dance house; wore ribbons and bandanas around heads; danced in place. Dancers dressed in rear of house. Drum used; was new feature in area. Songs used came from Big Bend to west. "A few people heard songs themselves after they had fits. The people in Big Valley were all excited. 'They heard that the word had spread everywhere iand that the dead had already started coming back some place in the west [Grindstone?]. They were expecting them in Big Valley, soon." [John Lake.] "Captain Jim from Big Valley i brought the second dance to Ash Valley and then 2 tolikely. The dead were to come back. It was the same as the first dance. Everyone had to dance until daybreak and then jump in the water. They were not allowed to do anything else. Both dances were held out of doors. There was no dance house around Likely until Doctor Bill's time about ten years later [see subsequent sec- tion.' It is interesting to note that the dance house dropped out as a definite element of the Earth Lodge ctlt as it reached the easternmost periph- ery of its diffusion. Since the Klamaths' second phase included the dance house, we may assume that it was imported from a point in Achomawi territory no farther east than Big Valley. Further, attention should be drawn to William Balsey's account of the Grindstone hoax in con- nection with the return of the dead. This is {probably the incident to which Frank (Paitla) referred when he told on Grand Ronde Reservation of actually having seen dead who had come to Vlife. Lastly, the far from satisfactory descriptions of dances in Fall River include elements which uMggest later influences from the Sacramento 'Valley. After the creation of the Bole-Maru cult in the Sacramento Valley certain traits must have beeped into Achomawi territory. Some of those later influences may be included in the material iven above. The following section discusses his subject in more detail. Local Dreamers The Ghost Dance seems to have affected the Achomawi very little. It was the Earth Lodge cult o which they lent real enthusiasm and which left impress to be discussed in this section. It s been indicated that the Earth Lodge cult in- itroduced several new elements. Before they can e listed it is necessary to point out that the lecond movement was an integral part of a third, t localized, development. The Achomawi seem to ye become active dreamers immediately after he introduction of the Earth Lodge cult and many formants do not differentiate between local and imported changes. Thus the latter half of both Pete Otter's and Jack Fulsom's accounts, and possibly all of Harry George's material, deal, in all probability, with local dream developments rather than with the imported Earth Lodge cult. The reason for this lack of differentiation is explainable. There must have been a constant stream of new elements entering Achomawi terri- tory during the several years immediately fol- lowing the Earth Lodge cult. These new features were adopted by local dreamers who always gave their own revelations as authority for the changes they introduced. The following account is the clearest in differentiating the stages of development. [Davis Mike.] "The excitement [i.e., of Earth Lodge cult] lasted about a year. During that time everybody dreamed. They sang that the world was going to be changed. After the people were touched with the word, they heard songs in their own lan- guage and dreamed it themselves. They sang about the 'above place' all the time. They were power- ful tunes and they caught the people. Old Choco- late Hat (I'nuwi') was a sort of head dreamer and singer for Captain Dick. He stayed with us until he died just lately. He used to shake all over when he talked of these things. He kept on be- lieving and singing all his life. His song was: asa'la tak opoke, sky (above) dust whirling. "80 The above people gave dreamers these songs. They heard them in their dreams. At first there were dozens of dreamers around Fall River who preached. They had a dance house at Buckskin's place at Rising River and they kept it up for a while. Chocolate Hat used to go over there and sing some- times. The Hat Creek people [i.e., Atsuge near Rising River] set a time every now and then. They all went to the dance house. The chief called on one dreamer at a time, and each one got up and gave his song. The others joined in and helped him sing. If the chief didn't think the song sounded just right, if it wasn't strong, he called for another. Sometimes some of the audi- ence were affected and got songs of their own right there. This sort of dream singing lasted about one year. Dreamers from other places used to come. They shook all over wghen they sang. They put on feathers and used red and white chalk stripes on their cheeks and chests. Some carried canes they had dreamed about. Some were short like walking sticks, some were 6 feet long. They were called sky staffs (asala dawai). Some had feathers tied on the end; some were painted with spirals and stripes of red and white paint. In these dream songs they didn't say much about the dead coming back. First they got touched with the dead coming back, then they just said what they heard in dreams. This happened all over, even toward Big Valley. Dreamers were sure that the dead were up above. In the old days people didn't talk much about the dead, but when they were touched by this power they became interested. After the first big dream dancing died down, when everyone had been touched, it happened that 80Whirls of dust are considered to reveal the presence of the spirits of the dead. 47 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS preachers began one at a time and preached about it." (Local sequences of "preachers" will be given subsequently.) By examining the last quotation and those of Pete Otter, Jack Fulsom, and Harry George in the preceding section, we are now in a position to disentangle the local developments from the Earth Lodge cult. First occurred the general furor created by the expected advent. The source was a message and songs attributed to a dreamer among a distant tribe and the doctrine was taken on faith. In the excitement which prevailed local converts obtained their own songs and visions, either in a trance induced by the dance or in dreams during sleep. For a year or so, there was a general outburst of dreaming and prophecy which dealt with the dead and the afterworld. Then gradually the whole movement quieted down and concentrated in the efforts of individual "preach- ers," who will be discussed in the subsequent paragraphs. During the period from the introduc- tion of the Earth Lodge cult (1872-1873) to the growth of a sequence of local preachers, the series of new elements introduced were: (1) large circular, semisubterranean dance houses, except among the easternmost Achomawi (2) foot drums, which were new to the area, (35 "dreamers"' canes, (4) songs of the "above people" gotten in dreams or trances, (5) feather capes worn by men dancers, (6) whistles held in the mouths of these dancers, (7) use of colored bandanas and ribbons by women dancers. Dance formations underwent various changes. In the Earth Lodge cult, the old Paviotso circle dance, in which participants of both sexes held hands and revolved with a shuffling side step, was replaced with a circle dance in which the participants did not hold hands, but stood shoulder to shoulder and cir- cled with a hopping side step. Finally, a third dance form arose. There were selected groups of performers. Men circled the fire and the women formed a semicircle to one side and danced in place. In conjunction with this new dance was introduced the use of colored bandanas and rib- bons by the women participants. The bandanas were held in the hands and waved back and forth in time to the dancing. The method of conducting the dream dances is well described above by Davis Mike. Dream songs and the third dance formation with the use of bandanas were.aspects of the Bole-Maru cult developed in the Patwin-Pomo area. To recapitulate: The first Ghost Dance proper came from the Paviotso in 1871 but made no deep impression. In 1872, the same doctrine swept back from the west, but reshaped in terms of the cen- tral Californian Earth Lodge cult. This led to a local outburst of dreaming, which absorbed during its existence from 1873 to 1875 features of the Bole-Maru then under way in central California. Dreamers and Shamanism At an outgrowth of the generalized dreaming which lasted only a year or two, there grew up in different valleys sequencis of "preachers" whose inspiration and dances wire closely akin to that of their predecessors. The movement dif- fered, however, in being an individual rather than a generalized affair. One leader drew to himself a following not dissimilar to a church group. In fact, informants repeatedly compared these "preachers" to the recent Pentecostal mis- sionaries who have built churches in the area. Informants term these leaders "preachers" and "doctors" synonymously, and with equal frequency. Yet they are not confused with the older shamans in their minds. It would be desirable to know more of the origins and attitudes of these indi- viduals, as well as of their influences. The fol- lowing material lists by regions the more impor- tant pre-achers and what information I obtained concerning them. Some of the persons may be pos- sibly shamans of the old type, others obviously are not, yet informants seemed to consider them all as somehow comparable. The whole matter is of considerable importance in pointing the direc- tion of recent religious developments among the Achomawi and it should be pushed further by an ethnographer who is concentrating on the Acho- mawi alone. The "preachers" offer a nice case of transition between the older shamanistic concepts of religion and the recent revivalistic churches of Christian origin which are' gaining headway among the Achomawi at present. In this transi- tion the Ghost Dance and its auxiliary cults were entering wedges. The growth of the concept of a supreme being in terms of the Christian God is particularly marked. The personal names under geographical captions are those of "preachers," not of informants. The sources of information in this case are indicated in the footnotes. Likely Doctor Bill.e3--"He belonged at Likely. About ten years after word came from the Paiute [i.e., ca. 1881] he got the people to build him a dance house. It was the first time the Indians around here built a house just to dance in. People came from Alturas and Ash Valley. There were no out- siders. When they went in the dance house they had to stay all night. They would sing and Doctor Bill would go crazy. He was frantic first and then unconscious. The song would set them all crazy,but Doctor Bill was the only one who got songs. They would come to him any time of day or night. He claimed he never slept. He never said who gave him these songs. He just said he got them from above. I guess it must have been God. [When pressed to say who God was, informant named Coyote (Tcemul) and Fox (Kwan)]. He preached about God,only he was worse [more potent] than the other preachers. He talked about God giving them a lot of mone." Dances.--Performed by four or five men in center of house; wore breechclout and feather headdress. "Only very good dancers allowed in this." Women danced in semicircle around men; 1iJohn Lake. 48 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE wore ribbons in hair and wrapped around braids which hung over shoulders. "Ribbons were the main thing for Indians doing that kind of work." Wore white dresses made by themselves; two bands of .black and red cloth around bottom skirt, two aeross bodice, ribbon streamers on shoulders. w"They were so covered with ribbons there wasn't I,room for any more." Two singers (Henez or Pick- Lup-Dick and Old Man Jack), holding staffs tipped .,with feathers, set dance song."He-e" was signal "'that new song and dance was fo be used. No pole or flag. nDoctor Bill's dance lasted for about two years, then he got sick and died. No one took it up after him. While he was sick he had a man Singing for him all day. The man had white paint Ia feathers all over him. He even had feather bands around his ankles. He stood about a hundred yas away from Doctor Bill and came dancing toward him." From the regalia alone, especially from the 'Women's dresses, there can be little doubt that w are here dealing with an Achomawi version of 'th full-blown Bole-Mara cult (cf. subsequent actions) . Dixie Valley k arm"--"He started about ten years af- ~he Fall River dance [ca. 1883]. He said a ow world was coming and we should see people o had been dead. He just said it would ha ppen etime, he never set a special day [note trans- arzation from an immediate to an indefinite ad- .tism]. He talked about God and Jesus. People a to stay all night and sing, but there was dancing. He had a big sweat house on purpose r this. It was about like the old-time sweat se but the small hole to the east was made gger and was a regular doorway. He had a pit mt 3 feet deep. He wasn't a regular doctor, a sick person could go to hear him sing. He ld tqll M'ike he was sick. The singing helped Maybe toward the end of the singing Mike ld wave his arms over the sick person and tell to get up early and eat. He waved sickness * without touching the person." kike Harm83 was the first to do this kind of aching. He said the world was to burn up. He led everyone from all over to Dixie Valley. came from Adin, Bieber, Likely. I went there Tom Anderson. When we got there we saw them ging in a big sweat house. That night they o to have something no one ever saw before. told them flowers were to come down from above. wouldn't let us go inside and disturb the rits. Then we saw all the people in there with singing and crying. He stopped that night went out and left us. He didn't come back the sweat house until noon the next day. Then sked him why he left us all alone there last t. 'I thought you invited me and all the ers to come here. It didn't look well for you leave us.' I scolded him. He only laughed. He W, 'hen evening comes I am going to start ."Jack 1ulsom. "Pete Otter, himself a "preacher." singing again. Then I will show what is going on up above. Somebody is goin to bring a basket of flowers through the sky, flowers that don't grow on the ground. It will set a plate on the table and you will see it.' That night he started sing- ing. While they sang five men and five women danced. All the men were decorated with ribbons and flowers. They dressed as nicely as they could. The women had their long hair down and it was dec- orated with flowers, too. Mike and those who were singing struck the table in the dance house to keep time [adaptation of drum idea from foot drum first introduced in area with Dream cult?]. While they were singingI Mike said, 'Now she is coming, bringing flowers. They kept coming closer and closer. When it [?] got up above in the middle of the house, it disappeared. Mike didn't know where. The fellows [spirits?] from above didn't like the way he worked and took it away from him. He was ruined because one man,called Jim Martin,came in. Mike didn't allow anyone to come in because it spoiled the spirits. Mike said, 'Why did you come in without letting me know?' So Jim said, 'You invited me to come. I came inside. I didn't know it would spoil the spirit.' Those two got mad at each other. "While Mike sang he said nothing bad. He said, 'The world is coming to an end. The white people read this in the Bible. I don't read the Bible. Something is telling me. What are we going to do for ourselves? People who don't believe that Jesus is coming, don't believe this. What are we going to do?' So all the people cried." "Mike Harm8" came from Dixie Valley to the rancheria our people [N Maidu] had at the foot of Diamond Mt. near Susanville. There was an earth house there. This was in about 1888. They put a table in the house and all the men sat around the table. Mike sang. He dreamed that his sister,who had been dead about a year,was to come back. She would come back if Mike's wife and her niece danced. So the two women danced to bring her back. There was no music, only sin ing, but Mike kept time by hitting the table with the flat of his hand. The two women were dressed nicely. They had a handkerchief in each hand and they waved them as they danced in one spot. The men sat still, just the two women danced. People came from all over to see if his dead sister would come back. They thought they would see her. They couldn't see her but they heard her voice. Mike was surely a believing man. He had a voice like running water. He could make everybody happy with his singing. He was a good man. He was more like a spiritualist. He gave up when he found he couldn't make the dead come. He said the dead couldn't come but you could talk to them anyway. He gave up before he died. His sister, Ida Harm, is a doctor and she is still living. She was older than Mike and she started to get that way when she was a little girl. She never had meetings like Mike." Dixie Valley -Ben,"--'He started about the same time as Mike Harm. They both preached about the way the world was going. They thought they heard something above. Ben sang about it. They said the world was going to be changed. They used to call 834Inez Picano. "Davis Mike. 49 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS a meeting and all who believed in them went over and joined in for a couple of nights. In a way they were doctors too. They tried to help people out. Ida Harm, Mike's older sister, and Hattie Johnson are real old-time doctors who are still living over in Dixie Valley. They aren't preacher doctors." Adin Jack Wilson.88--"He started about fifteen or sixteen years ago [1916-1917] at the same time as Pete Otter. He said the world was to change. He saw people who had been dead thirty or forty years. They came and talked to him. Jack died three or four years ago. He was the best of the curers. He worked two or three nights and cured anything, even consumption. He didn't suck, he just rubbed off the pain." "Jack Wilson87 started about the same time as Mike Harm of Dixie Valley and maybe before [note discrepancy in time with above account]. He had a round house so he could call people together to help him sing. He is dead now but his brother, Pete Otter, is just the same. He sings when he is called to a sick person. Fred Wilson is Jack Wilson's son. He has just started at Big Valley." Pete Otter.88--"He is Jack Wilson's brother and they started about the same time. He doesn't suck either, he just rules off the pain and his power catches it. His power is under the sick person to catch it. He doctors by Jesus and talks about him all the time." (Pete Otter in speaking of Mike Harm, q.v., may have attributed some of his own views to the earlier man. Pete Otter is still practising and is widely known as a curer. Gossip has it that his life was threatened a few years ago becau;q he lost several patients.) Fred Wilson. -- "He sings and talks to his father,who has been dead about ten years. His father was Jack Wilson. He sings and gets in touch with him. He sings and cures all in one night. He can make a person well in one night. He started about three or four years ago [1929- 1930]. He is still doctoring at Adin." At this point it may be pertinent to insert some significant remarks made by Jack Fulsom,who gave most of the accounts just quoted. He spoke of the old shamanism as opposed to the new curers. "Now doctors cure by preaching. They don't suck any more, they just brush the sickness off with their hands and the power catches the pain. God told the doctors not to suck. It is old- fashioned. They preach by God now. We don't have a word in our language fer God. We talk about the white man's God, not about Coyote or Fox. Some doctor dreamers say Coyote is there sitting alongside of God." 88Jack Fulsom. This Jack Wilson is not to be confused with the Paviotso Jack Wilson of the 1890 Ghost Dance. 87 Davis Mike. 88 Jack Fulsom. 89 Ibid. Another informant on the new preachers, Davis Mike, made the following comments after describ- ing the old form of shamanism in some detail. "This new-time singing and preaching doctoring isn't very strong. They just put their hands on the patient. The old-time doctors sucked them. Old-time doctoring was awfully hard. There are no women preaching doctors [confirmed by observation]` but there were old-time women doctors. We use the same word for the old-time doctors and the preach- ing doctors [i.e., tsigiualo for men, tsigita for women]. Old-time doctors had damakome ["pains" or "poisons"]. They were their power and they could kill persons with them. The new preachers cure by "above power," by a man who is above, who never lies, who tells about the sick. Preaching doctors sing about daylight coming and flowers. That is Pete Otter's song. It is to help sick persons. From the preceding it is evident that the "preachers" have been developing away from the Earth Lodge and Bole-Maru cults toward a new form of shamanism which has drawn on aspects of both the older shamanism and of the newer reli- gions. In the process they have developed methods of their own and have borrowed and strengthened the Christian concept of a supreme being. The development of doctrinal concepts may be summarized briefly. For the Paviotso phase of the Ghost Dance the dominant doctrine seems to have been the return of the dead,who were supposed actually to have been on their way back to earth. The early aspects of the Earth Lodge cult from the west had the same doctrinal content and the population at large saught to communicate in dreams with the impending dead. As dreaming de- veloped, the preachers "talked about heaven, what a nice country it was up there. Everyone is to die. Indian life is to pass away and then all are to be resurrected in heaven and join dead rela- tives up there. For this they must be good and lead the right kind of life. Sometimes Coyote and Fox are expected to do the resurrecting. Fred Wilson and his father claim that when a man dies an angel comes to take him to heaven,where he is taken in a house and cleaned. They can force the angel to come by singing over a corpse." The termination of Indian life was associated by some "preachers" with a catastrophic termination of the world by fire or flood. The change in beliefs reflects the growing in- fluence of Christian ideology in (1) the clari- fied concept of the hereafter, (2) the belief in resurrection, and (3) the end of the world--which last had good precedent in aboriginal mythology. But also it mirrors the accumulating despair of the Indians and their realization that there was no room for them in the new social order. Christian beliefs, which were an outgrowth of a not dissimilar cultural situation, offered a ready-made escape into supernaturalism from real- ities which had become intolerable because they offered nothing but defeat. I f I 50 DU BOIS: TEE 1870 GHOST DANCE The 1890 Ghost Dance Repercussions of the 1890 Ghost Dance, which a developed by the Paviotso shaman, Jack Wilson, ached the Achomawi. However it faded into the ipneral pattern of "preachers' on the one hand d the general skepticism and indifference of the Achomawi on the other hand. The reception of the 1890 Ghost Dance among the Achomawi approxi- gted the attitude of the Paviotso themselves. h idea was no longer new or gripping in either 'ibe. It belonged to the general ideology and *s looked upon with agnostic indifference as an |dividual efflorescence. Also, the Achomawi may 1.11 have been too disillusioned by the failure bf the first movements to place much hope in the recurrence of an adventist doctrine. t Specific material concerning the manifesta- lions of the 1890 Ghost Dance is contained in .he following accounts. It is significant that gly the eastern Achomawi were able to give any nformation on the subject. West of Fall River no formant was found who knew of the 1890 affair. e first two accounts are brief skeptical state- nts dealing with the first attempt to introduce tack Wilson's doctrine in approximately 1890. The hird deals skeptically with the same period and Ilso with a subsequent flurry in about 1917. The st relates sympathetically the experiences of W convert during the second flurry but makes F1ear his ineffectuality in convincing the Acho- i. The skepticism and resistance of one group, Ike the eastern Achomawi,proved sufficient to bar the 1890 Ghost Dance from north-central Lifornia. Whether the north-central Californian ibes would have been receptive to a recrudes- ece of the 1870 doctrine can remain only a mat- er for speculation. [Jack Fulsom.] "Jack Wilson in Nevada sent word, 0, that the dead relatives were coming back. i8 was about forty-five years ago [i.e., ca. 88]. The messengers came to Alturas. People all ced for two or three nights. Then the messen- rs went back to Nevada. Two or three captains m around here went to see what it was all t. They were Captain John, of Canby, Captain >k, of Likely, and Charlie Fox (?), of Alturas. y brought back word that there was nothing to . The dead never came back." [Bill Wrailer.] "About twenty-five or thirty rs ago, the Paiute from somewhere in Nevada, e Virginia City, said the world was coming to end and the dead were coming back. All the lpe over there believed,and everyone stopped i. There were about a thousand Indians there cing day and night. The prophet over there nt word for everyone to come and visit him. ee men went to see about it. They were Captain from Hot Spring Valley (near Canby), Captain ok from Likely, and another one. Captain John id us there was nothing to it. He told the ophet over there the same thing. He told him to p fooling the people." C. Eppie.] "From about 1910 on Jack Wilson at lker River had the same idea [i.e., return of dead]. In about 1917 there was talk of it among our people.90 About forty years ago Captain John and Chip Chief, of Hot Springs Valley, Tom Dickens, of Canby, Captain Jack and Dick Williams, of Likely, went to Walker River and talked to a prophet. He talked about the dead coming back. The headmen here didn't like it. They said it was all child's play. The prophet was to do a miracle and it didn't come off. He held a hat over the ground for fifteen or twenty minutes. When the hat was lifted they were to see a human head under it. A woman came and lifted the hat and there was nothing there. They danced night and day until two o'clock at night when the dead were to come back. They danced without eating or resting. The dead were expected any moment,but they never came. That proved it wa,s all nonsense." [Davis Mike.] "Dick McClennan,who died last winter [1932],was the last of the Dixie Valley preachers. About seventeen years ago [ca. 1916] he went over to the Paiutes. They have always kept up this word [i.e., return of dead]. They were having a dance and the dance ground was ankle deep in dust. There was a fire in the cen- ter. The Paiute asked Dick to join in and help dance. They started long after dark. They had a big preacher and a powerful singer there. They danced in a circle for a while, then they stopped and talked. The preacher sang about the way people were dying off. He wanted to know if everybody in that state [Nevada] was to die and who would come up after them. As the preacher spoke a coyote came and sat down right near& within the light of the fire. Then a wolf came. ' So they asked Coyote if all were to die in Nevada. Coyote hung his head and looked down. They said he would answer toward morning. So they all started dancing again awfully hard. There was a lot of power [tilla tum]--like church--all around. Dick said an old fellow who had died at Hat Creek [Atsuge] came in. He was a stranger to the Paiute, but Dick told them who he was. Then old lame Dick Garry from Big Valley [Achomawi] came and Dick told the Paiute again who he was. Will Snell who was dead came, too. Dick shook hands with Will Snell and talked to him. Toward morning all these dead disappeared. That Paiuite preacher must have drawn the dead. Toward morning Coyote left, too. Dick said that anyone who died went to another country. He got touched with the Paiute power and came back and told about it here, but most of the people thought he was crazy and made fun of him. But Dick knew that for himself." 90Here the informant inserted an interesting comment indicating that the 1890 Ghost Dance was known to the Nebraska Winnebago. He said, "When I went through Winnebago, Nebraska, at about that time everyone there said Jack Wilson was the greatest man in the west. They spoke highly of him. They paid the way for Jack Wilson to go there with about sixty of his people. They were dancing and singing just about like Fall River." Despite some effort to learn the itineraries of Jack Wilson's three trips, I heard of none to Nebraska from Walker Lake Paviotso. 91Coyote and Wolf are the chief characters of the Paviotso mythology. I 0 51 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS CENTRAL YANA The discussion in the foregoing sections in- cluded in the person of Norelputusand in the Ingot affair the major r6le which the Northern Yana played in the diffusion of the Ghost Dance. KroeberGP says that the Ghost Dance "reached the Northern Yana from the Chico Maidu, that is,from the south." No trace of this was found, but it is very possible that reference was made to some later or minor preacher. It is also possible that the name Chico Frank (see Shasta), as applied to Paitla, was misleading to informants. Only very few Yana are left at present and only one, a Central Yana called Malcolm Cayton, was inter- viewed. He proved uninformed on the whole, but especially concerning the earlier movement. He gave the following brief account of the Earth Lodge cult. "About sixty years ago [i.e., ca. 1873] our tribe went to Dixie Valley to meet our dead relatives. Word came from the southwest and went toward the east. A man came to our people from Kimbal Plains, between Ono and Gas Point [Bald Hills subarea of Wintu]. He was called Kimbal Bob and he was a dreamer. The head spirit, or God, told dreamers in different places that they were to travel east to meet those dead people who were coming back. They danced and went crazy. It was Just like church when it gets the best of people. ly one man dreamed in a place, the rest of the people didn't. They danced in their own places and then set out for the east. I think some of our people got as far as Dixie Valley." In this account we are dealing with the Acho- mawi version of the Earth Lodge cult. The material on the whole dovetails well with that from other tribes, except that Dixie Valley instead of Fall River is given as the eastern objective. This may be an error on the informant s part or it may indicate a lacuna in my information. There is always the possibility that there was in Dixie Valley a large meeting comparable to that in Fall River. In fact there is a suggestion that this was the case, fQr an informant from Burney, John Snook, said that the first news they received of the return of the dead came from a Dixie Valley "preacher" and that some people went over there to dance. Malcolm Cayton's statement concerning later developments is probably correct and may be used in conjunction with the'Achomawi and Wintu mate- rial to amplify the gen'eral picture. However, one caution must be used in using Cayton's data. He prided himself on his skill as a maker of feather regalia and he may have exaggerated that aspect of it. "Dreamers go to bed, you hear them mumble a while, then they start singing. It lasts maybe half an hour. In the morning at daybreak they go for a swim in cold water. In the dance house the 92 Kroeber, Handbook, 341. dreamer gave the song to the singers. The dreamer always danced. He made the feathers to be worn if he knew how. Some wore just a breech cloth, others wore feather coats [paimaki]. The head dreamer al- ways kept his feathers separate, usually in his own house. If you wore his feathers it would make you dream. Some didn't like to go in the house where he kept his feathers; they were afraid of them. At the time of the dance the dreamer hung all his feathers in the back of the dance house and one man was chosen to put on the women dancers the feathers they were to wear. All the men hung bone whistles around their necks and painted them- selves any way they wanted to. There was no spe- cial way of painting. When they dance they go crazy, especially the women. I have seen only two or three men go crazy. Before a regular Dream dance started they could dance all kinds of common dances first--just for fun. Late at night they put on the Dream dance and it lasted until it began to get light. For the Dream dance (see fig. 4) the head dreamer sits (at "a"). He Do OR SOUT-EKAsT Fig. 4. Central Yana Dream dance, with pos- sible Bole-Maru influences. a and b, posi- tiona of dreamer; solid diamonds, men; out- line diamonds, women. gives the song. The women who want to dance go and sit near him. The men who want to dance go to the back of the dance house and put on the feathers. Any number of men and women may join in, maybe ten or twenty. Then one man comes out and puts the feathers on the women. They line up on one side of the fire and dance in one place. The men come out from the back of the house and dance around the fire in a circle. When the men come out, the head dreamer moves (over to "b"). When the head dreamer goes back (to "a"), it is a sign that the dance set is over. At certain signals the men all dance in place (at "b"). The drum in the back of the house was beaten by boys with their feet. The regular singers were up near the center post. i I 52 4 DIU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE he informant is describing here some of the i-4aru features which spread northward subse- it to the Earth Lodge cult. He could not lo- so his material, which means that we may be Ing with descriptions of Wintu or Achomawi ies that he attended. WINTU [t was indicated in the preceding section the Wintu received the Earth Lodge cult r Norelputus had transmitted the doctrine to Wintun and Hill Patwin. Wintu informants are imous in attributing a southern origin to movement. The name by which the Wintu desig- the Earth Lodge cult and the subsequent ps of the Bole-Maru is in itself indicative ts southern krovenience. They call it the thland Dance (norpomtconos) or the "Coming the South Dance" (norharawerestconos). They did not receive the Ghost Dance proper. Their territory lay between the two ports of entry in- to California and the two main routes of diffu- sion. In the following section the Earth Lodge cult, the Bole-Maru importations, and the local dream- ers will be discussed in the order named. It should be stressed that these three categories are mine. The Wintu recognize only two: (1) the norpomtconos, under which they include both the Earth Lodge cult and all other imported dances from the south which are of the Bole-Maru type; (2) the Dream dance (yetceswestconos), which represented a religious development by local dreamers. Earth Lodge Cult Figure 5 indicates the diffusion of the Earth Lodge cult throughout Wintu territory. The Wintu generally give Paskenta or Cottonwood as the in- Y YREKA S SHAS TA * A LA MOINE 1FALLRIVER MILLS ACHOMlAWI U4 OLD SHASTA *A 12EDDING * WATSON GULCH. ONO Q GAS POINT COT TONWOOD W1NTUN SPASKENTA WINTUN Fig. 5. Diffusion of modern cults in Wintu territory. Squares, sites of imported ceremonies; triangles, dance houses of local Dream cult. 53 0 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS mediate source of origin. They knew vaguely that the Earth Lodge cult and the subsequently imported dances existed at points still farther south, but there was no agreement as to specific locality. At Baird the chief character in the introduc- tion of the cult was Paitla, who was definitely identified by one informant as the Chica Frank of the Shasta account. Paitla was a native of Cotton- wood (Wintun), not Grindstone as the Achomawi be- lieved, nor Chico as his name implied. His most outstanding companion in Wintu territory was Yellow Hog Charlie (Tcokiperi), who came also from Cottonwood. Apparently Paitla had come in contact with Norelputus's message when it first spread south to the Wintun and Hill Patwin,and among those people he probably had seen the first steps in the transformation of the Ghost Dance doctrine into the Earth Lodge cult,as well as the later developments of the Bole-Maru. It is improbable, however, that he brought the last- named cult with him on his first visit to the Win- tu, since that trip must have taken place in 1872 when the Bole-Maru was still in its formative stage among the more southerly groups. Before Paitla traveled northward he sent word both to the Wintu and Northern Yana to build dance houses. This was in accordance with Norelputus's instructions for the Earth Lodge cult in the south. In Wintu territory three houses were built very early in response to his first message; one by Jim Mitchell (Tcitciha) at Potter Creek (Daupaki) across the McCloud River from Baird, one by Lilitot at Puipatkodi on the Pit River, across from, and just south of, the mouth of Squaw Creek, and the third by Alexander (Sunusa) at Portuguese Flat (Kopuston) on the Upper Sacramento River some three miles north of the present town of La Moine. The first dance was given at Baird, which became the center of the cult for the Wintu. It was attended by people from the east (N Yana or Achomawi?). Although the dance house was not yet finished, a meeting was held in the unroofed structure. The second dance was given at Puipatkodi and the third at Portu- guese Flat, from where Alexander relayed the mes- sage to the Yreka Shasta. It will be recalled that Bogus Tom, Jake Smith, and a group of Shasta thereupon attended a dance at Baird. Paitla's first message to the Wintu was the characteristic Ghost Dance doctrine. "They were to see their dead relatives and were to dance for it." The dead were to return from the east,93 in fact they were already on their way and were moving nearer all the time. Paitla claimed to have seen the dead and to have shaken hands with some of them. (Does this refer to the Grindstone episode in William Halsey's account for the Achomawi?) "Everybody laughed at him when he said 9"The anticipation of an eastern advent indi- cates that the Paviotso origin of the doctrine was still dominant. It is interesting that in the Earth Lodge cult among the Achomawi, the west was the d.irection from which the dead were ex- pected. that, but he kept right on talking,so finally they believed him." Additional doctrinal aspects of Paitla's first message were: "those who didn't dance would turn into rocks or animals; the world was going to change, there would be hail and then the world would catch fire; when the world ended all the living would be wiped out and the old dead would return to feast on Indian foods and talk of the world as it was before (i.e., of status of the present Indians); Olelbes (God or Being-above)9" hated the whites because they de- stroyed all the Indian things." Dogs were not killed but they all began to howl because the world was coming to an end and they were to be destroyed. This emphasis on the end of the world and the extermination of its present population is found more frequently to the south. In the northernmost part of the state the return of the dead was the chief doctrinal emphasis whereas the end of the world was absent or very slightly stressed. To the south, particularly among the Hill Patwin and Pomo,the emphasis on the two concepts was reversed, and there everything in the first furor of the Ghost Dance centered about a cataclysmic destruc- tion of the earth. There is obviously a discrep- ancy in the Wintu doctrine which promised on the one hand the return of the dead, and on the other the extermination of human beings. On the whole the Wintu stressed the former, or northern concept and when informants were questioned concerning the discrepancy, most of them were at a loss for an explanation. One man, however, explained it by quoting Paitla as saying, "Don't be afraid to die, when you get killed, when you get sick and die, you will come alive again. Here, evidently, con- flicting doctrines were reconciled through the idea of resurrection. What ceremonial behavior Paitla introduced dur- ing his first visit is very difficult to determine. He and others seem to have made a number of trips into Wintu territory at later dates,bringing with them piecemeal the developing Bole-Mani cult of the south. For instance, both Paitla and Yellow Hog Charlie came back together for two successive summers. Informants were unreliable in giving the relative time sequence of introduced traits be- cause of these repeated visits. However,it is reasonably certain that two new features were in- troduced with the Earth Lodge cult, the dance house as a specialized structure and the foot drum. The Wintu testimony to that effect is con- firmed further by the Achomawi data on the Earth Lodge cult. Before attempting to enumerate additional ele-. ments of culture which were introduced from the south, it is advisable to discuss the subsequent religious development. Then all the new traits brought in by the related movements can be listed, 94 For a discussion of the concept of the Su- preme Being among the Wintu,as well as some fur- ther data on Norelputus,,see the author's Wintu Ethnography, UC-PAAE 36: 1-148, 1935. 54 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE vbLut unfortunately without being able to give their relative time sequence. kl Apparently the Earth Lodge cult among the Wintu glasted only during the summer of 1872. It had be- Vgpn to quiet down when, in the spring of 1873, Veame an invitation from the Achomawi to attend the Fall River affair. Informants report that they were invited to a dance at Pantitcara (Above t or Meadow). They were uncertain of the loca- 'tion of the place and identified it variously as In, Bieber, Big Valley, and Fall River. From ohomawi sources there can be no doubt that the .last is correct. They know that a chief,named oPick,sponsored the dance at which the dead were appear from the east at a stated time. Norel- tus, who charged himself with the leadership of southern group of Wintu, followed the Pit River stward. Apparently a large band, supplied with ttle more than enthusiasm, set out to traverse sixty or seventy miles separating Baird from 11 River. Hunger and fatigue, as well as a quar- I in which a Wintu man was killed, soon dis- raged many of them, and they turned back before ching their destination. A northern group of tu from the Upper Sacramento River took a il leading over the headwater of the- McCloud er. There was at least one Shasta in their p who may have been the Sisson Jim said by Achornawi to have been at the Fall River dance. this northern group a few got as far as Fall er, although it took them approximately one ek. On the way they camped wherever a stream of- red a suitable site for bathing-which was part the doctrine. Whenever they camped they gave old round dance (waipaniKi,, in which men and en held hands and revolved around a center fire ha shuffling side step. This was an old dance appropriate to any occasion but it seems to e been associated chiefly with the girls' ado- cence dance. After the group reached Fall River y were poorly fed and their dead relatives led to appear from the east. They remained two s and one day (perhaps longer) and then re- ed to their own territory much crestfallen. * terminated the Earth Lodge cult among the t. The duration of the cult after its first roduction did not exceed a year-from the ing of 1872 to the spring of 1873. The fiasco the Fall River affair definitely quashed faith the return of the dead. Bole-Maru Importations ks the Bole-Maru cult developed in the south as each rancheria began establishing its se- ce of dreamers, certain individuals who were ed singers and dancers made a practice of go- ;from one settlement to another and of offer- to teach new versions of the ceremonies if dlocal chief would call a meeting. It was upon occasions that men like Paitla, Sototli, at, Mexican Jo (Homaldo), Ruben (Weremtcidi), 'Calf found an opportunity to introduce among ;Wintu those versions of the Bole-Maru cult with which they were familiar. There was, quite expectably, a good deal of variation. The most detailed account of an imported Dream dance was one of which Mexican Jo was the leader. The dance must have occurred sometime between 1874 and 1878. Among the Wintu his identity is somewhat in doubt. One informant said that he was a native of Tehama, but he had never heard of his giving dances. On the other hand a Wintu informant said that he came from Upper Lake (Pomo) accompanied by a dog which was used to catch the souls of the dead. Mexican Jo aroused the suspicions of his hosts,who believed him to be a poisoner and a quack, especially after his promises to make some dead persons appear failed to materialize. There- fore he was poisoned by a Wintu shaman from the Mc- Cloud River. Mexican Jo returned shortly thereafter to Upper Lake (?) where both he and his dog died from the machinations of the hostile shaman. Actually there can be little doubt that Mexican Jo is the Homaldo of the Wintun accounts and his real rancheria was Dachimchini near the present settlement of Grind- stone. The only detailed description of his performance was secured from Fanny Brown, who said that she witnessed his dance at Baird and that she had heard of another performance at Old Shasta. This second performance was confirmed by another informant, who added that a dance house was built there for him. Many of the details Fanny gives were not known to other informants in any connection. [Fanny Brown.] In Mexican Jo's performance, audience gathered in dance house after nightfall. Were forbidden to bring horses, money, or any pri- vate property; use of tobacco forbidden; any brought to dance had to be left outside in brush. Were instructed to enter without looking about, to keep eyes fastened on ground. Took places around inside of house. Two officials (tcimato)95 charged with keeping order; their duty to see that no one slept. Anyone showing signs of sleep was sprinkled with water. Whether ordinary local dances preceded imported ones was not stated; informant said chief dance of ceremony did not begin until late at night. Performers meanwhile dressed outside in brush. Men wore feather skirts; upper part of body painted black; on heads wore down headdresses, yellowhammer headbands, or simply band into which two large feathers were thrust. Women wore European cotton dresses. Dancer wishing to go out during ceremony had to leave regalia with tcimato. Dancers required to observe continence during the four days of the dance. When foot drum began beating, per- formers gathered in corridor of the dance house. First a striped pole brought in, erected in center by two persons, Xedeyali and Jim Mitchell (Tcitciha, the man who built a dance house for the first Earth Lodge cult message). These two men considered sons 95A. L. Kroeber, The Patwin and their Neigh- bors, UC-PAAE 29: 335, 1932, gives tsimatu as the Patwin term for clown-messenger, etc., in the River Patwin Hesi society. Their functions seem to have been comparable. It will be re- called that tcimato was the term applied to the caretaker in the Oregon dance houses. 55 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS of pole. Pole itself was 10 or 15-ft. long, was wound Nvith ribbon which informant said cost about 10 dollars. Was duty of these 2 men not only to bring in pole during dance, but also to keep it carefully wrapped and concealed during day. During dance, pole was supposed to come to life and be a person. Hence probably its name, wintu (i.e., person). Dancers entered after pole had been set up. Dance formations not described; another in- formant said there was nothing new or unique in them. Songs alone were new. Ceremony repeated 4 nights in succession; reached climax on last night. At this time male performers danced on knees or on hands and knees.9" Songs at this time said to be for the welfare of pole. One of Mexi- can Jo's songs consisted of syllables yo, yo, he, o repeated 6 times in a low key, then twice in higher key, finally twice again in original key. This pattern is characteristic of dream songs in general among the Wintu. Sometime within the decade from 1875 to 1885 a similar dance was given at Ono and Gas Point by a man called Sototli.97 He announced his arrival several months ahead of time thraugh a messenger called Peddler Bill, who brought a request that dance houses be built for the new ceremony. Fi- nally, when Sototli appeared he had with him a group of some thirty persons, many of whom were reputed to speak Spanish. His dance was described as follows: [Sarah Fan.] "It was a story dance. He told them they would have good luck if they danced and fed the dancers who came and gave them presents. 'If you treat us well, you will see your dead fathers and mothers. You people want to believe."' The details of the dance were not procured,but apparently a pole 10 or 15 feet long was an in- tegral part of the ceremony, as it was in Mexi- can Jo s performance. Referring to Sototli the informant said, "All his luck and wishes were on that pole. It was dangerous." Sototli stayed some two or three months in the vicinity, during which time he also came under suspicion as a poisoner. A local shaman, called Norluli, secretly poisoned him. When Sototli fi- nally returned to the south he is said to have died from Norluli's poison. The immediate cause of his departure was an attempted performance in a rancheria at Watson Gulch which ended in a drunken brawl, after which the local chief, Yolit, indicated that the outside dancers were no longer welcome and should leave. Paitla and Yellow Hog Charlie, who were with the group, did not return to the south with Sototli, but gathered together half a dozen dancers and local converts to ac- company them on another visit to the more north- erly groups. CICf. this to Kilak dance described in sec- tion of Delta region. 97Probably the Sotolth of Wintun accounts. He was not known as a dreamer in his native tribe, but had great repute as a dancer. "He could always draw a crowd." He was known also as a lay messen- ger of Homaldo's (Mexican Jo's) teaching, from whose rancheria of Dachimchini he also came. One of the later dancers, Ruben, wished Alexan- der, who owned the Portuguese Flat dance house, to sponsor a new performance in which both men and women were to dance naked and no one was to be al- lowed to sleep. Alexander objected to these inno- vations and no more imported dances were given in that particular region. Local Dream Cult During the two decades from 1875 to 1895 when outside dancers were giving sporadic performances in the Wintu area, this tribe had developed its own cult,which they called Dream Dance (yetce- westconos). It was psychologically an outgrowth of the Earth Lodge cult and ceremonially a partial borrowing from the imported Bole-Maru. Informants are consistent in reporting that "dreaming" began immediately after the collapse of the Fall River affair. But they clearly distinguish between local dreaming and the imported cults. They insist that the Earth Lodge cult had nothing to do with local dreamers. The first dreamer was Lus, a woman from the present settlement of Ydalpom on Squaw Creek. She gave the first dance in her dwelling. Then another informal affair was given at Puipatkodi. The next dance was at Potter Creek across the river from Baird. Here it seems probable that Waikati, a local chief and shaman, became affected by Lus and he too began dreaming. Thereafter the rest of the adult population rapidly followed suit. Waikati built a dance house at Norpatkodi,four or five miles north of Baird,in which dances were given for the Dream cult. At French Gulch, Waisustot built a dance house for the same purpose and in- vited some Hayfork Wintu. At Rock Creek near Old Shasta, Lus is said to have taught the people her dream songs. At Lewiston, Dawintewis was the first to dream and he gave his first Dream dance avowedly in imitation of the ceremony which had been reporte~ from the McCloud. The western Wintu on the Upper Trinity drainage also held a dance which was frankl; an imitation of those held on the McCloud. However, the Earth Lodge cult and Ghost Dance furor had com- pletely passed by the western Wintu and they never showed much interest in the local Dream cult. Their energies at that time were devoted to the Big Head cult, for which a separate section has been re- served. It was the McCloud Wintu to the east who were the most profoundly affected subgroup. The dreaming of songs, which is the integral part of the cult, continued among the Wintu until some ten or fifteen years ago (i.e., 1915-1920), but formal dancing for this purpose probably did not last much later than 1895 or at most 1900. To- day dream songs are still one of the most popular types, and the barest skeleton of a Dream dance formation is still performed occasionally at gath- erings, although the more elaborate procedure of former years has disappeared. There is a common belief that people who dream songs won't live long. Informants when discussing the subject almost always make a remark to the I 56 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE effect that, "He was a dreamer. He didn't last long. When the people began dreaming they all aied of f." The subject of dream songs was chiefly olel labove), which is generally translated by in- ;formants as heaven, and luli (flowers). From the L examples given below, most of which are rela- tively recent, they show a preoccupation with the afterworld which is very probably a direct out- growth of an interest in life after death intro- auced by the Earth Lodge cult. The songs are further characterized by the manner in which they are sung. This is best illustrated in con- iection vvith each song as it is given below. The .personal names rek2r to the dreamers of the songs. Harry Marsh: (repeated twice) Above we shall go, Along the Milky Way we shall go. (in raised key) Above we shall go, Along the flower path we shall go. Unknown: (repeated twice) Above where the minnow maiden sleeps at rest The flowers droop, i The flowers rise again. (in raised key) Above where the minnow maiden sleeps at rest (returned to original key) The flowers droop, The flowers rise again. Sadie Marsh: This song was given to her in a eam by a friend who had died a short time be- re. (repeated twice) Down west, down west, Is where we ghosts dance. (in raised key) Down west, down west (in original key) Is where weeping ghosts dance Is where we ghosts dance. Jim Thomas: The dreamer was a shaman. The song a favorite at funerals. The custom of singing burials has been introduced in recent years. (repeated twice) Above I have heard is where they will go The ghosts of the people rhythmically swaying (in raised key) Above I have heard is where they will go Rhythmically waving dandelion puffs, (in original key) The ghosts of the people rhythmically swaying. lus: The words were imperfectly recalled by informant, who was also unable to give the Ic. In substance it was: Call west the Wintu world To return, to return.98 *6I am indebted to D. S. Demetracopoulou for of these songs. Dream songs were acquired during sleep. They were given in dreams by deceased relatives or friends. When the dreamer awoke in the morning he attempted to sing it. Songs were not the ex- clusive property of those who composed themJal- though the authorship was generally acknowledged. Others were at liberty to sing them and some per- sons even altered slightly the words and music of the original to suit their own tastes. Thus Sara Bayles dreamed a song, but Bill Kenyon,who was a singer of repute, altered the music after he had learned it from her and the altered version is the one now generally known. The Dream dance ceremonies centered around these songs. Performances seem to have varied considerably from place to place and over a period of time. "When they first started they didn't have any special way of dressing, but later on they did. Women had handkerchiefs and flowers in their hands later on. Sometimes they tied handkerchiefs around their heads and stuck feathers in them. They painted red stripes on their faces. Men wore feather skirts and painted their chests with two black stripes from shoulder to shoulder." A dance was called by the owner of a dance house and those persons who had recently received a song were invited to give what might be called "feature numbers." The performance was given in- doors. However, in the absence of a dance house, a circular brush enclosure might be used. The foot drum was employed. The dance house owned by Waikati near Baird, and by Alexander near La Moine had foot drums installed in them. In later per- formances the foot drum was replaced not infre- quently by a skin drum which was beaten with a stick (as was also the foot drum). Two chief singers, split-stick rattles,and whistles con- stituted the rest of the musical accompaniment. The feather skirts, which may have been new to the area, were used as costumes by those who owned them. Today there are still two or three in existence which are tied around the hips over the daily clothing. The men danced in a circle while the women formed a crescent line to the north and south of the men. They waved handker- chiefs or flowers in outstretched hands and swayed back and forth in place. The individual dreamer usually set the song for the group and he might also dance with it. The nature of his dance seems to have been largely a matter of in- dividual choice. One informant remembers seeing a dancer enter on his hands and knees, crawl to the center of the floor in this position, and then stand up and dance to the accompaniment of the song he had dreamed recently. Fortunately there is available from 1880 the printed account of an autochthonous Dream cult ceremony held in Waikati's dance house north of Baird on the McCloud River. "In the center of the rancheria was the.... sweat house. It was constructed by digging a large circular hole... .four or five feet deep.... In the center are planted four large trunks of trees.... The entrance is a long low passage. [This passage included details of the structure 1. 1 o 57 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS which are not pertinent.] We entered. All about us.... were Indians squatted on the earth, the male in the foreground and the.... squaws with their papooses in the rear. In the center a low small fire was burning, quite near to which sat the caller of the dances, smoking a pipe which looked like three large wooden thimbles placed inside each other [a common Wintu form].... After puffing three or four times he passed it to others of the crowd.... "Directly bpposite to the entrance, there had been a kind of fence erected, behind which the dancers were getting ready. We did not have long to wait, for soon the caller commenced yelling, and all the eyes of the audience were turned toward the dressing room. Out came the Indians-- seven men and about fifteen [women]. The men were naked, except for a girdle of eagle feathers about their loins and a narrow band of woodpecker feathers about the forehead.... In their hands they carried long thin reeds which they blew as they ran around the fire, stamping the ground. The women wore calico dresses of bright colors, and in their hands carried grasses which they held up. As the men ran the women formed a half circle about them, turning from side to side, all singing in a monotonous low tone. They were ac- companied by the musicians, who consisted of three men--one blowing a reed, one pounding on an old tin pan, and the other striking a split stick against a piece of wood. The time was perfect and i was astonishing with what rapidity the men dancers got over the ground. They put their whole strength into the dance, and keep it up for an hour at a time, only stopping at intervals to get breath and hear comments on their performance. When the dance is finished the men cast off the feathers and run naked... into the river. "It is usually those who are sick who take part in the dance of this kind, and this treat- ment is supposed to cure."99 What really was happening in the area was a contemporaneous development of a local Dream cult and the steady infiltration of the more special- ized Bole-Maru. The two fused inextricably as far as ceremonial behavior was concerned. The Wintu, however, continued to differentiate between their local Dream cult (yetcewestconos) and the imported forms (norpomtconos). The only basis for that differentiation seems to have lain in the fact that the imported dances still spoke of the re- turn of the dead, not en masse, but in terms of conjuring up a few individuals. To the Wintu "it was just like a show." Their own dreamers made no such pretentions. The Wintu situation closely parallels that of the Achomawi,who also had their local dreamers who were probably influenced by imported features. However, the Wintu seem to have had a larger number of visitors who imported ceremonies. We are now in a position to list the innova- tions introduced into Wintu culture from the be- ginning of the Earth Lodge cult in 1872 to the 99George H. H. Redding, An Evening with Win- toon Indians, Californian 2: 564-565, 1880. last imported dances in approximately the 1890's. In the first place, indoor dances were introduced. Prior to that time all ceremonies except shamans' initiations had been performed outdoors. For the new cults, dance houses were erected which dif- fered from the old earth lodges,especially in re- spect to size and the use of a corridor entrance. Foot drums and variations on them were introduced at this time. Also, the sacred striped poles ap- peared for the first time in the imported dances. The cotton dresses of the women's costume, the use of ribbons and colored bandanas or flowers were al new. Possibly the men's feather skirts were also. Another new feature was that admission had to be paid, at least for the imported dances. Thus an informant reported that at one of Paitla's later performances he sold "sticks at twenty-five cents apiece for admission. He had them in bundles of forty. It was Just like a show and he used to make lots of money. It will be recalled that admission charges were mentioned also for the Yurok and the Achomawi. The presence in some of the dances of oft ficials,like the tcimato, was foreign to previous Wintu practices. Lastly, new songs and dance forma, tions were introduced. The new dance formation was the circle of men in the center and a crescent- shaped line of women either on one or both sides o them (north and south). A certain aura of seriousness was lent the more pretentious affairs by a series of prohibitions. Dances were attended by men, women,and children. One informant from Cld Shasta, however, said that unmarried girls who had reached puberty were de- barred from a performance given by Tcibat from Tehama County. Intoxicating liquor and tobacco might be debarred from the dance house, or private property might be forbidden. All persons, even children, were supposed to abstain from sleep. Levity and horseplay were always discouraged. It is interesting that the Wintu received through the efforts of various outside dance leaders practically all the formal elements of the Bole-Maru cult ,which they then incorporated into their own local Dream cult performances; yet they insisted upon distinguishing the two move- ments. Furthermore, they did not develop the se- quence of "preachers" or "dreamers" whose indi- vidual experiences became the center of cult activity. In addition there is only one hint that curative aspects were read into the local Dream cult. This is found at the end of the quotation from Redding given above. No Wintu informant in recent years has mentioned this subject, which may indicate that the tendency was never very pronounced. It is very possible that curative aspects of the Dream cult did not develop and that sequences of "preachers" did not grow up because they were blocked by the changing aspects of shamanism in the area. This does not imply that the shamans deliberately thwarted any such tendencies. On the contrary there seems to have been less antagonism to the new cults on the part 00,Du Bois, op. cit. 58 I II 1XJ BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE If shamans among the Wintu than among the Acho- lawi, for example. There were no reports of sha- Lans who attempted to discredit them. In fact, laikati,who was one of the first and most influ- rntial dreamers, was also a doctor. What may have ierved to block such tendencies was that the old eattern of group initiation for shamans among the rintu had broken down and in its place was grow- Pgup a more individualistic manner of securing lipernatural powers. The new shamans drew on the Sot of dead persons, and more specifically aa relatives, for their supernatural potency.1? z other words, shamanism adapted itself to the -isintegration of its older pattern by adopting e central aspect of the new cult religion-- mely rapport with the dead. In this altered rm shamanism still persists among the Wintu iith considerable vigor. The shaman, Albert omas, who is half Wintu and half Achomawi, a made his influence felt throughout the north- part of the state. Charley Klutchie, another tu shaman, has been asked as far as Fall River r curing seances. On the other hand, the autoch- nous Dream cult, which was characterized by eaming on the part of a large proportion of the lt population, persisted in that form for the latively prolonged period of some twenty years. ter that it died down, largely, I feel, because failed to be concentrated in the persons of tstanding preachers, as it did in some other ibes. There was no opportunity for doctrine performance to crystallize under concentrated adership.102 The Dream cult with its generalized am experiences existed side by side with an pted shamanism, but the Dream cult is now actically extinct except for the memory of ngs and a few slovenly dance formations, where- shamanism is still relatively vigorous among e Wintu. WINTUN AND HILL PATWIN The elaboration of modern religious cults ce 1870 in northern California increases as i proceeds southward. The Wintu material indi- ted a growing complexity, which is substantiated n an examination of the Wintun and Hill Patwin As among the Achomawi, the first introduction the Wintun and Hill Patwin of a revivalistic trine is obscured because it has been over- 301A detailed discussion of recent changes in tu shamanism is contained in Du Bois, op. cit. 1020ne wonders in how far truly democratic in- tutions, like the Dream cult of the Wintu, d be amorphous and whether unformalized in- itutions are less stable than formalized ones. iously this speculation does not apply to un- cious elements of behavior, but only to overt sre. ?lOSIn connection with the peculiarities of his- ,rical research the following anecdote is perti- 't. Among some of the Wintun and in Round Valley re is current a vague idea that the Ghost Dance laid by later developments of whose historic origin most informants are ignorant.'03 The re- sult is a series of fragmentary statements which must be evaluated and ordered with more than usual care. Difficulties are increased by the re- duction in numbers and the disintegration of cul- ture among the Wintun and Hill Patwin. The unsatisfactory field conditions are par- ticularly deplorable since this area was crucial to the development of both the Earth Lodge cult and the Bole-Maru. In it the three great forma- tive figures of the north-central California cults first operated. They were Norelputus,who seems to have created the Earth Lodge cult, and the two persons principally responsible for the Bole-Maru, Homaldo a-nd Lame Bill. None of these three figures was a great traveler in the sense of Bogus Tom, Paitla, and Frank Spencer discussed in previous sections, but their originality and force of character made many converts to the cult and changed the whole course of its development in the area. In this section I shall first sketch briefly the general situation. Then separate sections will be devoted to the activities of Norelputus, Homaldo, and Lame Bill. Finally the sequences of later dreamers for various settlements will be discussed. It appears that Norelputus, of Ingot (N Yana), sent word southward to Wintun and Hill Patwin territory that the world was to end and that each rancheria was to build a deep underground lodge to protect its members from the coming catas- trophe. This change in doctrinal emphasis and its association with a subterranean lodge is the es- sence of the Earth Lodge cult as opposed to the Ghost Dance proper. Norelputus himself seems only to have carried the message as far as Stonyford (Colusa County; Hill Patwin and Salt Pomo terri- tory), but his doctrine spread down the eastern slope of the Coast Range, crossed the mountains via Cache Creek and Long Valley to Clear Lake in Pomo territory, where, with renewed vigor, it spread fanwise to the rancherias of the Coast Range crest. Norelputus was known by hearsay among the Indians as far west as the SE Pomo of Sulphur Bank. After the first short-lived excitement, there arose leaders who shaped the Bole-Maru cult. They differed from the northern dreamers in the greater elaborateness of their ceremonial behav- ior and in the vigor of their proselytizing in California is attributable to the Paviotso. This information was traced to Dominic Hastings, a Wintun who is now dead. His daughter, however, was interviewed. She knew of her father's ideas and said that she still had the book in which he had read all about it. It proved to be a school book with a brief account of the 1890 Ghost Dance and the Sitting Bull affair. Dominic had apparently read this passage, applied it to the 1870 Ghost Dance in California, and disseminated this piece of false historical knowledge which approximated the facts sufficiently to be quite misleading for a time to the ethnographer. 59 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS fervor. It was this proselytizing energy which ac- counts for the rapid diffusion of north-central Californian traits as far as western Oregon. The "preachers" or "dreamers" were called bola men by the Wintun, 104 bole by the Hill Patwin, and boli by the River Patwin. Among the Wintun the term bola is recognized as an equivalent of the yetcewestconos (dream dance) of the Wintu. The hyphenated term Bole-Maru,which is applied in this paper to the southern and elaborated form of the Dream cult,is composed of the native Patwin and Pomo terms. It seemed desirable to indicate thus their close relationship. The two real creators of the Bole-Maru were Lame Bill and Homaldo, although Norelputus also is described sometimes as a bole man. Lame Bill was a native of Lolsel (Hill Patwin of Long Val- ley). His dance was carried north and south along the eastern side of the Coast Range, as sell as westward into Pomo territory. Homaldo of Dachim- chini (Wintun) arose almost simultaneously with Lame Bill at the northern periphery of the lat- ter's influence. Homaldo is the Mexican Jo of Wintu accounts and his sphere of influence seems to have been directed chiefly toward the north. Figure 6 traces these movements. Grindstone is at present the chief center of the remaining Wintun, but there is also an admixture of Hill Patwin in the settlement. It is some six miles north of the village of Elk Creek near the junc- tion of Stony and Grindstone creeks. Under Grind- stone on the map have been subsumed all the ran- cherias which formerly existed in the immediate vicinity. Similarly under Stonyford will be grouped the Salt Pomo settlements and the near- by Hill Patwin villages. The old site Dachimchini is retained in the map,although it no longer exists 105 In the following sections, the three major figures, Norelputus, Homaldo, and Lame Bill, will be discussed. Norelputus Among the Wintun and Hill Patwin Norelputus is generally known as Nelelputa. There can be no doubt, however, that the same person is meant, for two informants definitely stated that they were variants of one name and in addition bio- graphical data given under the two names cross- checked. Of Norelputus practically nothing was learned from two Paskenta (Wintun) informants. Although they knew him as a man and a "good talker who told the Indians to keep up their dances," they were very vague concerning his ef- forts as an early disseminator of a religious doctrine. It so happened that the northern Hill Patwin and Wintun informants were particularly weak or reticent on doctrinal information, so 104Among the Wintu, bola means myth. 105A valuable map of the region,which gives both aboriginal and white settlements,is contained in Kroeber, Patwin. that the best accounts of Norelputus's doctrine were traced farther south and west. It is one of those unsatisfactorily filled gaps which seem inevitable. However, one Wintun informant from Paskenta gave the following data: [Nancy Jordan,] "Norelputus came from the north around Pit River. He preached that the whites were all going and that the dead were coming back. He told them to keep up their dances. He stopped rig} away when he saw people didn't believe him. I neve heard of his preaching down south here." Another informant, whose mother was a Wintun u who had spent most of his life among the white peo ple, had heard nothing about the end of the world or the return of the dead until he moved to Ukiah twenty years ago. However, he knew Norelputus and made the following comments concerning him: [Charlie Warthon.] Norelputus in his young da came to the people north of Redding (Wintu). They made him chief there. He was chief for our whole language. He was the man who first started the dreaming. He started it because after the whites came the people could not carry on the old ways any longer. Norelputus told them they had to stop the old ways and take up the dreaming way. So people began getting songs and dances in their dreams. That traveled south and as far as Point Arena (Central Pomo) on the coast. Norelputus was a very wise man and a great talker. He was the first to go to Washington to ask help for the Indians. He died at Baird (Wintu) in about 1902. The first indication of Norelputus's southern activities came from an informant now living at Grindstone but whose youth was spent in Hill Patwin and southern Wintun rancherias: [Jim (Tomaso) Smith.] "Norelputus was a pretty strong man from araund Shasta County. He told us to build round houses, strong ones about 13 feet deep. They built these houses west in the hills about thirty miles from Redding [unlocated], at Toba just north of Elk Creek, at Bahka near Ston ford, and at Lolsel on Long Valley Creek. His wo went to Stonyford but he didn't go that far [con- tradicted by a subsequent informant]. The dance spread from Norelputus's place to Dachimchini. Benito was captain there and he took Norelputus's word to Stonyford. From Ston yford a dancer called Bishente took it to Long Valley [Lolsel rancheri The word went as far as Clbar Lake [Pomo]. It wa strorfg there and they built houses on account of the high water which was coming. Norelputus dre there would be a north wind and high water.16 He said the people would be saved by getting in these deep underground houses; the rocks would r right over them. He never preached about the dea coming back [?]. He was before Homaldo's time." This informant, himself a dreamer, was one w considered Norelputus a true "bole man." The fol "06This motif of the world being destroyed by a high wind and world flood is found in Wintu mythology. See Cora Du Bois and D. Demetracopou- lou, Wintu Myths, UC-PAAE v. 28, passim, 1931. U I 60 cTo SHASTA INGOT J_- N _0 --tP tN. C7V .. - A CIIOAIAWI WINTUI~~~~~~ I W~~~~~~~~ITv C OTTON WOOD; W1NTUN,$ I I I , TEHAMA -9pSKE K / WINTUN WINTUN '- NEWVILLE WINTUN I ONE DACH IMCHINI NTUN HILL PATWIN sT NY FORD & SALT POMO M.: LODOGA HILL PATWIN T B lULL PATWN HILL *~~~'RIiVERTPATWIN0 SULPHUR BANK HIILL PATNWIN S.E.POt10 tr Fig. 6. Diffusion of modern cults among Wintun and Hill Patwin. Solid line, Earth Lodge r cult; dashes, Homaldo's Bole-Maru; dotted line, Lame Bill's Bole-Maru. ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS lowing comments throw light not only on the Bole- Maru ideology but also on the reception of the first movement. [Ibid.] "Norelputus's dance was the first bole that broke out. On all the rancherias they won- dered what it could be--that anyone could see this bole man [informant here meant a spirit]. They studied over this. Some wouldn't believe Norelputus. He [i.e., bole; used by this inform- ant as a personalized term] travels and travels. He gets a certain man in a rancheria and starts him so that he turns into a bole man. Then he goes to another place and starts another man. He could be sitting here righi now listening to what we are saying and we wouldn't know it unless we had that power. Nowadays he goes to women too. The bole spirit tells them not to spread the word among negroes or Spaniards or whites. "Norel putus put on a dance up at his home place. He said, 'My people, it was given to me in a dream. Dress up in feathers. You can see how we are going to dance with this song.' They had a drum and started singing and dancing. Women fol- lowed the men and danced in a circle. They divided up and danced five sets. Norelputus told them to follow the same steps and the same song. All this was the first beginning at his home place. From there the people saw this dance and decided to go to other rancherias and teach them to dance, so they carried it on to the next place. This was the new Dream. dance and bole together. The Indians be- lieved in it because a long time ago they dreamed for other dances like deer hunting [?]. It is the yetewe yapai [lit., dream dance--Hill Patwin] and the bole is the spirit man who makes the dream. He is the man who talks, who says the dance has to be given. First you bole, then you yetewe yapai. If bole men [i.e., humans who are mediums for the bole spirit] don't follow their dreams they go crazy and get sick. It is natural to dream like that. The power comes in a dream at night. During the day the person thinks all the time about his dream. In Norelputus's dance you could use your own feathers. There was nothing new about them and he didn't use a flag or anything like that." [Santiago McDaniel.] "Norelputus belonged up north of Red Bluff [sic]. He said everyone was to put up dance houses all over the country. He was to give the people songs. He had four or five of them. His dance went to Bakamtatci [Salt Pomo near Stonyford], Kabalmen [Hill Patwin ca. 2 miles S of Lodo ga], Tebti [Hill Patwin, Cache Creek], Lolsel [Hill Patwin, Long Valley] and Mothla [SE Pomo, Sulphur Bank; called Elem in Pomo]. Norelputus didn't travel all that way with it. It spread by people catching it and passing it on. He came himself to Dachimchini [Wintun] and Stonyford. He came after the houses were finished. He said there would be rain next winter and snow and a south [?] wind. Acorns would grow and people would live well. He said other people after him would get the same word but a little different and he hoped to live and hear these words, but always to dance and have a good time. He never said any- thing about the dead coming back. [Informant was consistently reticent on the subject of doctrine. He was himself a Bole-Mariu dreamer and refused to speak of his own activities.] "Norelputus must have dreamed these songs. He never told where he got them, never said what kind of spirit gave them. He never sang himself. He just told his songs to singers. When he came to Stonyford he brought Mariana and Nigger Tom with him to sing. They were both from Dachimchini [Wintun]. There were many other people from Dachimchini with him too. He stayed one day and two nights. That was his rule. While he was there he had a little painted stick about the size of a hammer handle that he stuck on top of the dance house. For the dance,people used their own old- time feathers. They painted a black band across the mouth, a wide one above the wrists and elbows and a black chevron from the shoulders to the middle of the chest. There were no flags or anything of that sort. Norelputus didn't let people drink whiskey or take matches and tobacco into the dance house. They couldn't eat bacon, only Indian food like acorn soup and pinole. Men and women joined in the dance. After the dance the women left and the men sweated. He had a new song and dance for sweating." The song was: lutca lutca he he. The meaning was unknown. The men sat around the fire an when they sang lutca, lutca, the body was inclined to the left with the right arm flexed across the chest, and the left arm extended to the side. With the syllables, he he, the position was reversed. The dance terminated with a bath in the creek. "After Norelputus left, the captains at Stony- ford decided to go on. They danced one more day and night [i.e. they danced three nights and two days alto etheri. Christian and Lebito, two sing- ers from Stonyf.ord, had learned his songs so they could go on with the dance." This somewhat scanty and possibly somewhat in- accurate information is all which could be secured concerning Norelputus among the Wintun and Hill Patwin. It would appear that in this area the first Earth Lodge furor was as short-lived as the Ghost Dance had been in northernmost California. The Hill Patwin differed from the more northern groups in centering the chief excitement upon an imminent world catastrophe rather than upon the return of the dead which was only secondary among them. They built large and deep earth lodges as protections against the wind and flood which were to destroy the world. This trait will be brought out more clearly in the Pomo data where the em- phasis on it was greater. The north-central Californian Ghost Dance furor of 1872 is definitely attributable to the prosely- tizing efforts of Norelputus. We know that he had received the Paviotso doctrine from Achomawi ma- terial. Although his father was a Northern Yana, his mother was a Wintu and he spoke her language. Therefore he must have been able to communicate directly with the Wintun whose speech is only dialectally different. He must have experienced more difficulty in making himself understood among the Hill Patwin. It is interesting that this in turn is correlated with a change in doctrinal emphasis. Language as a possible agency in limiting his ac- tivities and distorting the doctrine must be taken into consideration. I 62 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE The Ingot affair, which was discussed in the section on the Ac!homawi and which was the begin- fning of their second cult from the west, probably represents Homaldo's reworking of the doctrine which Norelputus himself disseminated. It will be recalled in this connection that Paitla was Ho- maldo's messenger and that he invited the skep- tical Northern Yana and Achomawi to Grindstone (Dachimchini ? Homaldo's home rancheria) where a few of the dead were supposed already to have re- turned. It thus appears that the Wintun stressed the return of the dead rather than the end of the world. They were also the group more closely allied linguistically to Wintu,which Norelputus spoke. Despite Homaldo's trickery and his ex- ploitation of the whole movement, Norelputus still espoused the cause. It may explain however his spport at Ingot of the antagonistic shaman, Su- biski. Norelputus seems to have insisted upon the earlier Paviotso doctrine of advent to the east rather than to the south and west. It will be re- 'called that he led a group of Wintu, Northern Iana, and western Achomawi to the Fall River af- "fair of 1873. I feel convinced that Norelputus's incerity and zeal is above question. In this he stands in contrast to Homaldo, who is to be con- sidered next. Homaldo Among the Wintun, Homaldo is often mentioned 5 the first Bole-Maru dreamer. He is often called Jo,or Mexican Jo,because he had gone to Ysxico as a young man and there had learned Span- ish. His native rancheria was Dachimchini from Where he personally spread his doctrine south as far as Stonyford and north to the Wintu area. He ,seems to have been motivated by a strong prosely- izing zeal,which he imparted to his chief mes- enger, Paitla. He was not content to carry his nce only once to neighboring rancherias but ap- rently returned two or three different years. depended upon a series of miracles and rela- tively elaborate regalia to carry conviction. ese two aspects rather than any doctrine seem to have impressed most deeply the informants. ta on Homaldo are profuse and are quoted at lngth because they serve to give a relatively 11 picture of the early Bole-Maru movement in ihe northern part of this territory. [Santiago McDaniel; Salt Pomo, Stonyford.] ime Bill came before Homaldo. Homaldo was lled Jo or Mexican Jo. He spoke Spanish. He had arned it in Mexico where he worked as a young ri. He came back to Stonyford two different ars.n [John Wilson; Hill Patwin, Stonyford.] "Homaldo s from Dachimchini but he came to Stonyford very spring for five or six years. He had five six different flags all strung on a post. He t his dance from the molawin [ghosts], not from 'he saltu [spirits]. But all that was his secret rid he never told. He put a headdress on a pole and made it move by moving his hands. He would smoke a long Indian pipe and then shake out twenty-five and fifty cent pieces." [Wilsey Lewis; Hill Patwin, Long Valley.] "Homaldo didn't bring his dance to Long Valley [Hill Patwin] but some Long Valley people went to see it. Lame Bill went to see his dance too. He could understand their language [Wintun]." [Jeff Jones; Wintun, Grindstone.] "Homaldo carried his dance to other rancherias because he said it had been given to him so he could teach others. He started from the south and gave a dance at Kalaiel rancheria [Newville]. He went next to Dominic's rancheria six or seven miles north of Paskenta. He ordered those who didn't have a dance house to build one. Dom- inic built a dance house for him. They had drums in the Paskenta dance houses before the bole started. The next spring Homaldo came back again and told Dominic to build another dance house be- cause he had more things to add to the dance he had given before. Homaldo traveled with a group of dancers who weren't allowed to eat meat or grease. They could eat only Indian foods. The visitors at a dance could eat anything. No children were allowed in the dance house. When he came to a rancheria, the head man of each group was called by name and had to give twenty dollars for Homaldo's traveling expenses. If the captains didn't pay, they would have bad luck and die. If they did pay, Homaldo would pray for their good luck. Homaldo s troupe taught the local singers and dancers and they carried on after he left. Homaldo had a flag and pole. The pole was painted in alternate bands of red and black. It was dangerous to look at, especially for children and at nightfall. After the dance only certain men might handle the pole. It was carried a long way off where no one should go. It was covered with sticks and brush and left there until it rotted. For another dance a new pole was made. I don't remember any special costume for Homaldo's dance. After he began the dance others dreamed and added to it so that in some bole dances women wear yel- low skirts. Dreamers learn in their dreams what dancers should wear. "Bole men can do miracles. Homaldo took a bun- dle of elder sticks about a foot long. He piled them by the fire. He moved his hands and talked to them and they stood up on end and moved around. Then they went out of the smoke hole one by one. He danced and pulled half dollars out of the air and put them in a basket. Soon he had a basket half full of money. He said, 'I don't have to work like you people. This is a gift to me.' People thought he was a second Christ and did everything he told them. He had the Indians be- lieving they would die if they didn't do as he said. It was like Christ coming and he had the poor Indians scared wild. He depended on his miracles to make them believe and make them afraid." [Nancy Jordan; Wintun, Paskenta.] "Homaldo came two or three different years to Paskenta. He said all had to believe that their mothers and fathers were coming back, they weren't dead. So they believed and did as he told them. When he first came he had people make tortillas out of wheat. Everyone was given one tortilla. Then 63 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS they were told to break off a corner and throw it in the fire.107 Homaldo said that when he came back the next year, the dead would be on their way. When the people went in the dance house he told them to raise their arms over their heads and cry. They cried because they were wait- ing to see their dead people. But instead of see- ing them, they all got sick and died. The Bole dance was dropped after Homaldo stopped coming. They dropped it because the dead didn't come back as he promised. He said people were to have plenty of food for the dead when they returned, so everyone was busy gathering food. The second year when he came the dead weren't with him. He tried to tell the people that they would be the next time he came, but the people didn't believe and began dropping out. Frank Uri was a white man who traveled with Homaldo. After Homaldo was gone, Frank Uri brought up a man from the valley. His back was twisted and he had big birth spots all over him. They took off his clothes and showed his back and spots. Frank Uri tried to say he was one of the spirits which had come back. All the Indians walked out. Frank Urn was trying to fool them; I guess he wanted money from the Indians." Before Homaldo came he sent word ahead to build a dance house. He said that he had seen the dead down south and that he was coming. Homaldo had a flag with red hearts pasted on it. He sent four men out to get a pole. It was hard work. They had an awful time with it. They used the same pole at Dominic's place (near Paskenta). When the dance was over the pole had to be hidden in the brush two or three miles away. At Dominic's place a dance house was built for Homaldo and people hur- ried to build one in Paskenta too. The first time Homaldo came he had just one big flag. He carried it all rolled up. The first year he showed it to them. When he came to Paskenta the second year they had their own. The two daughters of the chief made it (see fig. 7) and they made three to hang in the dance house. They were about 3 Fig. 7. Bole-Maru flag made at Paskenta (Wintun) on Homaldo's suggestion. Back- ground, white; hearts and crosses, red; stripe, blue. Verbal des8crption. feet by 6. They were like quilts with red and blue on them. He hung these on the walls. They vwere about like the flag. On the side of the center post which faced the dance house, there was an 107Influence of Homaldo's sojourn in Mexico? When Paitla gave a dance at Portuguese Flat in Wintu country a similar procedure was attrib- uted to him. It indicates that Paitla's activi- ties were directly influenced by Homaldo. outline figure in charcoal of a man and below it one of a woman. Homaldo was a fine singer. He stood in the back of the dance house near the drum. He had with him two wonderful singers from Dachimchini, called Tom (waielkawa) and Charlie Jeff. There was one man from Dachimchini,called Mariana,who danced alone. The women held a handkerchief in both hands and waved them from side to side. The man danced alone and the women circled the fire with a side step. The only two women from Paskenta who joined in were the captain's two daughters who made the flag. There was nothing special about the way dancers painted themselves--two horizontal stripes on each cheek, three across the chest, three on the upper arms. "This was all old-time painting." After they were through dancing,everyone who came with Homaldo danced out in the middle of the floor, then people threw their clothes and money in the center for them. Homaldo divided it among his dancers. Homaldo could do tricks. He said a piece of pa- per was coming down from heaven. He danced and : sang, and soon it floated down through the smoke hole. He picked it up and put it in his pocket. There was writing on it,but in those days no one could read. He put a fifty-cent piece in his pipe and smoked it. When he was through he held the pipe upside down,but nothing fell out. He took an elder stick and put three crosspieces on it. He tied tassels of elder on the end of the cross- pieces and stuck it in the ground. As he sang the tassels jumped in time to his singing and dancing. "None of the Paskenta people dreamed their own songs. No one fell unconscious during Homaldo's dances. [Billy Freeman; Wintun, Paskenta.] "Bola [i.e., Wintun for bole] means a man who sees something, he sees all things. It is just like dreaming." The word fQr dreaming is kinkila. Homaldo was just like a show man. He came to Thomas Creek where the Paskenta rancheria was. He sent word ahead to have the dance house ready. Everyone went in between sundown and dark. During the dance you have to sit still. If you make a noise you have to pay, but otherwise everything was free and no dancing outfits were sold. The singers were back near the drum. Then Homaldo came in with a whistle about one foot long in his mouth. He danced around the fire four times from right to left, then he turned around and stopped. While he was dancing the singers used Homaldo's song: he lake helo wike, nomho, nomho, nomho. There was no meaning to these words (yet nom means south, the direction from which the dead were coming). "All the people felt sad and cried at this song because the dead were coming. Then Homaldo took a bundle of elder sticks in his arms and danced around under the smoke hole. "Soon it looked as though someone must have reache down and pulled a stick out of his hand. It went right up through the smoke hole. He kept that up until the whole bundle of sticks was gone. He was just showing the people what he could do. He was that powerful." This was all for the first night. The next morning Homaldo set out to find his sticks. He went about one mile south of the sweat house and there were all the sticks together in a bundle. He brought them back and showed them. I 64 IXJ BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE In the afternoon the women danced for a while. They had white cloth dresses with vertical red ,stripes on the bodice and skirt. They wore three- prong feather trembelers behind each ear and short yellowhammer headbands low on the fore- 'heads and beneath them, but higher on the head, 0a net band (kuluila) with feathers and beads on it. Four or five women danced with about five ien. The men wore loin cloths, three of the triple-pronged tremblers--one behind each ear Vand one in back--and a short yellowhammer head- tband. During the day they had only that one dance. ,In the evening they danced that same dance again and Homaldo showed what he could do. He took a .red bandana and stuffed it in a cup. Then he rblew on the cup and turned it upside down and ,you could hear something rattle.. He turned the cup right side up again and the handkerchief was ;gone,but there was still something in there that rattled. "He did many things like that." While 'he was doing the handkerchief trick his song as: hente he yoho. The next day he had five poles made just like telephone poles. He had flags on them just like American flags. I don't know what they were for, 'but he said, "You will see your people who died 0a long time ago." Homaldo dreamed all this. If people danced his way they would see the dead their dreams. He did not say the dead would come back to earth. He said the dead were travel- ing from the south. They were to rise down there and come up this way. "You will see your dead fathers and mothers if you believe this." (Note ?ontradiction: dead were to be seen in dreams and were not returning, and, following, definite Vstatements that they were returning. Latter "doctrine probably earlier.) He did not say any- thing about the world changing (ending?). He did tot set any special time for the dead to come back. He said if you didn't believe, you would not be right, you would go crazy. Homaldo stayed two days and nights, then on 'the third day he went on to the next place. Just kbefore he left he sang a special song: yuke lale tyu lale he.10 After t?) Homaldo went through, people built houses and danced for his message for about five years. They built dance houses bust for his word. He said everybody had to have them because the dead were coming back. The dance houses were like the old ones only they were big- ger. They were round, four or five feet deep, ith one undecorated center post and six side pots. The door had to be toward the south. "That is because of Homaldo's message [i.e., that dead re coming from the south?]. Before that the oar could face in any direction." (?) "You had to dance all the time. All the people led from this Dream dance. It was a no-good ?lce.n [Jim (Tomaso) Smith; Hill Patwin, Grindstone.- CHomaldo came from Dachimchini,and his white man s e was Jo. He started after Norelputus. Homaldo - iFor another version of this song, see the atement of the following informant. In the ren- Ition of these songs I could not detect the pat- ern described for the Wintu. All three of Homal- do's songs ended with a prolonged u. didn't preach about the dead coming blak or about high wind and water,like Norelputus. There was nothing dangerous in Homaldo's dance. Homaldo used to do tricks, l10 but he was a working man and never dreamed. Then he began to dream. The bole man [see preceding description of bole spirit by same informant under Norelputus] said to him in a dream, 'You have to dance. Give a big dinner and tell the people that you dreamed what you never dreamed before. I'll give you tricks so you can show the people.' In his dream Homaldo saw ten sticks about four feet long. They were stuck in the ground. As four men sang and played the drum they began to shake in time to the music, then the sticks moved to the fire and flew out through the smoke hole, one at a time. That was Homaldo's dream and he showed it to the people. Another time he took a flat rock about the size of his palm and threw it at the center post. Then he went and picked it up on the other side. It had gone right through the post. Then he made it go through the post by passing it from one hand to the other. When the people saw these things they were all ready to join in and help him dance. "Homaldo had five songs, but the only one I can remember went with the stick trick. 1. yuki lole, I see (something pretty) flower 2. hi yuki lole, I see flower 3. hai oyo lole, -Oh, I didn't know (I was to see something pretty} flowerl 4. ye yoho lole, I didn t know--flower. The pattern was 1121121123344211211233442112- 11233441.111 It is reminiscent of the Wintu but is not identical. No change to a higher key was noted toward the end. Dreaming by the majority of the population does not seem to have followed the first furor. Instead there arose almost immediately two chief prophets in whose hands lay the formation of the Bole-Maru cult. They spoke of the return of the dead and the end of the world,but the immediacy of adventism and a world catastrophe disappeared as the cult devel- oped. The stimulus to Homaldo's activities was un- doubtedly the introduction of the Earth Lodge cult by Norelputus. He seems to have impressed his con- temporaries more with ceremonialism and showmanship than with doctrine. Homaldo's ability in legerdemain seems to have been particularly spectacular. Except for certain Paviotso, in the area of Homaldo's in- fluence is found the only consistent use of "tricks" by dreamers. Homaldo may have gained proficiency in l?9It may have significance that the two bole men used as informants, Jim Smith and Santiago McDaniel, both denied that Homaldo preached ad- ventism. They both must have been directly in- debted to Homaldo for their religious practices and were in a position to be well informed on doctrinal matters. Their denial of certain ele- ments seems to be deliberate. '1?This indicates that Homaldo was conversant with legerdemain before he used "tricks" super- naturally sanctioned. 112The numbers represent the corresponding lines in the song. By jotting them down as the informant sings,it is possible to secure a formal if not a musical pattern of the song. l. 65 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS these performances during his travels in Mexico. His integrity, if not his influence, is suspect, not only for the deliberateness entailed in the use of sleight-of-hand skill, but also for the admission he charged to witness his performances. His repeated visits to the same rancherias indi- cate that he exploited in full this source of income. The informants are probably quite cor- rect when they said "it was more like a show." The fragment concerning Frank Uri, the white man in his retinue, further substantiates the sus- picion of fraudulence. However, that Homaldo was able to convince his audience of supernatural power, cannot be doubted. Homaldo was frequently accompanied by Paitla, to whom there have been frequent references under the name of Frank, in western Oregon, and among the Wintu, Shasta, and Achomawvi. On the whole, I should be inclined to consider Paitla thoroughly sincere. However the following statement from a reliable informant gives a different impression of him. [Charlie Warthon.] "Paitla came from Igo [southern Wintu]. He took people dancing as far south as Hopland [unconfirmed]. He told people to pay him money so they could be saved. He got feathers and beads from the Indians and sold them to others (cf. Ingot incident). He was a great rascal. He was no dreamer but he took Norelputus's message and made money on it. He used to cheat white farmers in the hop fields. He never worked but made his money in those ways. He was a great drinker. There is nothing good I can say about him." Lame Bill It has already been stated that Lame Bill came from the Hill Patwin rancheria of Lolsel in the upper Cache Creek district. His proselytizing ef- forts were chiefly in Pomo territory and among the Hill Patwin to the south, whereas Homaldo's efforts were directed northward in Wintun and Wintu territory,from where it was spread still farther by other proselytizers. It is impossible to determine which of the two was earlier. It is certain, however, that they were active contem- poraneously, although Lame Bill lived longer and therefore was active for a more prolonged period than Homaldo. A Cache Creek Patwin said that Lame Bill gave his first Bole-Maru dance at Lolsel after visiting Homaldo's affair. On the other hand a Stonyford informant asserted that Lame Bill's Bole-Maru reached Stonyford before Homaldo's. Of course these two statements are not incompatible since Lame Bill may have visited Homaldo's dance and proselytized in Stonyford be- fore Homaldo had time to take his dance that far south. On the other hand, Lame Bill may have se- cured only the Earth Lodge doctrine from the Wintun when it was still devoid of Bole-Maru im- plications. Another of Lame Bill's rivals for priority was Tele,who lived in the Cache Creek rancheria of Tebti in the near vicinity of Lolsel. A native of Tebti said on one occasion that Tele preceded Lame Bill as the first Bole-Maru man; on another occasion she reversed the statement. Another in- formant, who had lived both at Tebti and Lolsel, believed that Lame Bill was the earlier. Santiago McDaniel of Stonyford was of the same opinion. In all events the beginning of their activities was separated by not more than a month or two, and Lame Bill's influence was felt far more widely than Tele's. The only detailed account of Tele's activities closely parallels those of Lame Bill. They may have been practically identical,but I am not sure that the informant sharply distin- guished between the two. An account of Tele's activities is given in the section "Subsequent Bole-Maru Dreamei's," under the caption of "Tebti." The Patwin statements concerning Lame Bill's activities are given herewith. His efforts in Pomo territory are to be found in the section on that tribe. [Susie Lewis; Hill Patwin of Cache Creek.] "Lame Bill was called Katao. They called him Budkas or Bulkas and Hinash too. He said the world was to end and he called all the people together. Water was to come up and cover the earth. The Indians were all to be caught in a big fish trap but the whites were to be washed away. The whites weren't going to heaven when the world ended. That year there was a big storm and lightning danced on the ground. It looked as though the world were cracking up [i.e., coming to an end]i The ground smelled like blast- ing powder. Lame Bill got all the people together into the deep sweat house he had built there at Lolsel. He went up on top of the house and sang, but all the others stayed in the house. When he came in he told all the people to dance naked. The people at Sulphur Bank [Southeastern Pomo] were doing the same thing. There was a storm there too." When this informant aas interviewed eight months later she gave the same account but attrib- uted the events to Tele at Tebti. She said that Lame Bill started two months later. He gathered together the Sulphur Bank and Upper Lake Pomo as well as the Cache Creek Patwin. His activities at this time were supposed to be of the Bole-Maru type and were identical with Tele's subsequent ones (see section on Subsequent Bole-Maru Dream- ers), except that he had a deep earth lodge with four doors. The storm incident probably represents the first Earth Lodge cult furor, with its attendant doctrine of the world's end and deep protecting earth lodges, spread by Norelputus. It was prob- ably contemporaneous with the latter's activi- ties and can be assigned to the year 1872 for two reasons: (1) the dating from the Achomawi end and (2) the fact that Powers"' reports a general ex- citement prevalent among the Pomo in 1872 In 112Powers, Tribes of California, 205, 208 f. I 1 II II I 66 UJ BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE iother words, either Lame Bill or Tele were the local leaders for the first short-lived furor. Their subsequent activities belong more properly `to the Bole-Maru which included the origin of `the Bole-Hesi. A detailed consideration of the ale-Hesi will be given later in a separate sec- tion. However, in order to make comprehensible the ollowing statements by informants, it will be ,ecessary to define briefly certain terms. Bole- *Rru applies to the whole specialized Pomo-Patwin evelopment which grew up after the stimulus of Wthe Earth Lodge cult introduced by Norelputus. o1e (Patwin) or Maru (Pomo) dances are perform- nces within the Bole-Maru cult. A Bole or a aru dance may be identified by the elaborately ecorated cloth costumes used by women partici- ats. The Bole-Hesi is a profane version of the ld sacred Patwin Hesi dance. It was originated y Lame Bill under the influence of the Bole- ru cult in which it was incorporated as a nce. The following informant was a native of Tebti, ut she married into the near-by rancheria, called olsel, of which Lame Bill was a member. She knew othing of Norelputus, the imminent return of the ead, or a world catastrophe. Her statement of esmBill's inspiration is couched in terms which esemble shamanistic experience. This is doubt- ess an accurate interpretation in terms of Cali- ornian localism. Although it lacks historical erspective, it is one of the most coherent ac- ounts of Lame Bill's early ceremonial activities. [Sarah Lowell.] "In the very beginning of the ,la, Bill went to hunt deer up the north fork f Cache Creek. The people went out to look for im because he did not come back. He used to eam about these things in his sleep but he ver believed much in them. When he was out nting, his dream became so strong it made him aint. His nephews who had gone to look for him ond him on the trail coming home. For four days had trances. He ran away into the mountains. s dreams told him to stay there and fast on od and water. In his hut where he fasted two 1s talked to him at night. They were not the irits which gave him the messages, they were ast symbols of his power. Bill believed in these eams. When he came back to Lolsel he called the def to get a table and appoint a woman named nn to cook. Bill went around the house four ies blowing a whistle, then everybody sat down that table and ate. [Cf. emphasis on feast ong Point Arena Pomo.] Then he told the people ,make a dance house. He preached and sang early the morning and again in the evening. He said t when people died and were buried here, they re living up in heaven. Before,people had always ought the dead were [permanently] dead. He told e people not to be sad. The dead had sent the ssage to dance. If Bill did not do right away t he had dreamed, he said he would get sick d ie. I Dance house.--"Was so big it had four doors"; iented to cardinal directions. Was largest ever built at Lolsel. Depth was only ca. 2 ft. (?); no gallery as in early Earth Lodge cult houses of Pomo; center pole usually called dori,"but after Bill dreamed, it vvas called sektu [chief; cf. Wintu]"; considered "dangerous." When house was not in use, was closed up; no one entered. Upon completion of dance house, invitations were sent to Sulphur Bank (SE Pomo), Upper Lake (E Pomo), Mission (E Pomo), Middletown (Lake Miwok), Tebti (Hill Patwin), Stonyford (Hill Patwin and Salt Pomo?), Cortina (Hill Patwin). "When Bill gathered all the people together, he preached that the dead were alive and that his spirit saw what the dead were telling people to do--not to be sad, to dance. It was the first time these people had heard such things. He was the first man who saw all this. He said that the older generation would not live to see the world end but that the younger people would see it. The world was to end because the live and the dead were to come together. He did not set a special time for the dead to come back." After the first dance at Lolsel, but also in the same year, Cortina (Hill Patwin rancheria to south of Lolsel) invited Bill to preach and dance down there. The chief sponsoring the affair was Salvador (Sasa). He was not yet a bole man at that time. Bill again preached the same doctrine. Tebti (Hill Patwin of Cache Creek), Sulphur Bank (SE Pomo),and Waitere (River Patwin) were the three other rancherias invited on this occasion. "Bill died about ten years after he first dreamed [i.e., ca. 1883].113 He kept up the bole dances as long as he lived. People called him to preach and dance at Upper Lake and Sulphur Bank. He made the people at Tebti build him a dance house and he gave dances there too, but they never had any bole men of their own there." Lame Bill instituted the use of a flag and flag- pole during Bole-Maru performances. An undecorated pole was erected in front of the dance house. Three major dances were used in connection with Lame Bill's version of the Bole-Maru: (1) the Toto, a lay dance, old in the area; (2) the Bole Hesi; and (3) the Bole dance proper. Toto (Blanket dance).--Men and women partici- pated; used "old-time" regalia. Women danced in back of men; sang. Men dancers did not sing. Two lines on each side of dance house (see fig. 8, p. 68). When song phanged, group I moved to "b and group II to d"; circle fire; return to "a and c" respectively. Repeated four times. Then group I and II exchange sides in dance house and repeat foregoing maneuvers four times. Bole Hesi.--Two dancers, Big Head (tuya) and leader (tceli). Big Head wore headgear of long willow twigs tipped with feathers. Leader wore underwear drawers ('), yellowhammer headband, top- knot of magpie tail feathers; carried bow and arrows in one hand, foxskin (quiver?) in other. Big Head danced four times on one side of fire; lead-er danced opposite him on other side of fire. Then two dancers exchanged places and danced an- other four sets. (For further discussion see sec- tion on Bole-Big Head.) 113Susie and Wilsey Lewis claim that Lame Bill lived until ca. 1900. They are probably accurate in this. II i 6 7 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS I 40. 4.0 4> IL 0 a Fig. 8. Toto dance used by Lame Bill, Long Valley Hill Patwin, in Bole-Maru cult. Solid diamonds, men; outline diamonds, women. Bole dance.--Women wore costumes (fig. 9). Carried finely shredded tule whisks, one in each hand, which were waved forward and backward by flexing arms at elbow. Bandanas used at present in same fashion. Women dancers formed semicircles on either side of fire. Men danced in two lines in front of them. Danced four songs on one side of fire; exchanged sides and danced four songs; all moved to back of house. "All the women at Lolsel made these bole dresses for Lame Bill's first dance. Everyone had to have them. There was no special costume for the men. Women are supposed to be buried in their bole dresses, but they are not worn by the living attending a funeral l3f. Point Arena Pomo]." [Santiago McDaniel.] "Lame Bill [Budkas] from Long Valley started a bole dance after Norel- putus's dance died down. Lame Bill dreamed it himself. They danced first at Long Valley, then at Tebti on Cache Creek. Then a man,called Tikori, worked for Lame Bill. He went to Long Valley and learned the songs, then he brought Lame Bill's word to Kabalmen [Hill Patwin, near Lodoga] and then to Stonyford. They took it as far north as Dachimchini Inot confirmed by any Wintun inform- ant]. They said if you didn't believe in this you would turn into a rock or stick or something like that. They didn't say that for Norelputus's word. In this [ceremony] they ran a flag up in front of the dance house to show that a dance was on. If you put up a flag it meant you were going to be good, be happy. The pole was painted. The bark was peeled off in bands and between the peeled *strips it was painted black so there were alternate stripes of white and black. The pole was about 20 or 30 feet long and about as thick as a man's arm. In the dance there were five or six men dancers and enough women to encircle the fire. b C Fig. 9. Lame Bill's Bole-Maru ragalia. a, front of woman's cos- tume; b, rear of bodice; c, flag. a and b from specimen; c from verbal description. The women carried handkerchiefs in their hands which they waved up and down. They were held, one in two hands, with arms extended in front of the body. The women moved in a circle around the fire, then they stopped. When the women had circled the fire once, the first set was ended, The men were in a semicircle around the fire. They carried eagle feathers in their hands. It appears that Lame Bill first lent support to Norelputus's doctrine of the catastrophic destruc- tion of the world and he may have been responsible for its transmission to the Pomo. This phase was short-lived and he soon turned his efforts toward * I* * * * * 68 DJ BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE - his chief cultural contribution--the creation of the Bole-Maru and its amalgamation with the old Hesi ceremonies. To the Bole-Hesi a separate section has been devoted. Lame Bill's influence CBas more widespread and more permanent than pTele's. Unlike Homaldo, his integrity seems to be above suspicion. He showed the power of specu- lation combined with a keen gift for synthesiz- ing old and new elements of culture. Without being able definitely to attribute to him the in- ",novations of the Bole dance with its special [costumes for women performers, and the use of .cloth flags, I should be inclined to give him 'the bulk of the credit for these new and charac- teristic features of the Bole-Maru cult which Set with such signal success among the north- central Californians and which has survived until the present. Cortina Sequence The southern Hill Patwin at Cortina secured he Bole-Maru cult from Lame Bill. This was con- irmed by both the Long Valley and Cortina in- ormants. The Cortina informant, Pedro Wright, said, "From then on people began dreaming at ortina. The first was Benebole (Lame Bill), hen Salvador (Sasa) and then Buck. Buck dreamed t didn't give dances. These three [i.e., Lame il through Buck] were the only big dreamers. owadays a lot of young fellows are that way but hey don't take care of it." The informant had ard of Norelputus and Homaldo,but he did not ssociate them with the beginnings of the Bole- ru cult. Homaldo never took dances to Cortina, d Norelputus visited this rancheria only after cult had long been in existence. The inform- t's comments on the Bole-Maru,on particular eamers, and particularly on the eschatological banges introduced by the cult, are sufficiently teresting to reproduce at length. [Pedro Wright.] "The spirits which come to ale men are the molawin ghosts]. They are the dpeople. The saltu are the spirits in dancing fss. In his dream, the bole man goes to visit he dead and they tell him what to preach, to 11 the living to be good, to do right. The bole n sees the dead relatives of the living and he Yes them news of how their dead relatives are tting on. Lame Bill and all the bole men eached the same things. They sleep anrd in their eams go north to the spirit land [muke] where e ghosts of the dead [molawin] live. They see 1 the dead and tell how they live up there and t they want done. A long time ago the spirit nd used to be in the west. Then the white men's its found the spirit land, so the dead moved rh. They didn't want to be found. In the spirit nd it used to be like the old-time Indian vil- ges, but now it is-like a white man's place, th houses like those the whites build, and enty of pretty flowers. There are flowers erywhere and flags too. When a bole man dies takes his flag with him to the spirit land. It the dead people's home and is like heaven in English. When a person dies he goes north and stays in a house four days before he can go and see his mother and father. The bole men tell this. So here on earth now they give a big time on the fourth day after a person dies, they give a big feast, because that is the day the dead person gets into the spirit land. This is only since the Bole religion started. In the old days bodies were taken straight to the grave and buried. Now the body is taken to the grave in four stages. It is carried a short distance and set down, then everyone walks around it. They do this four times before putting it in the grave. That is the bole way. All the bole men I have ever heard talk the same way. That is because one man [i.e., spirit] gives them all the same thing, he goes all over and gives the people the bole. The dances are all about the same, but the songs are different. I don't know what this bole man [spirit] can be like. "In the old days dancers might fall over dur- ing a Bole dance and visit the spirit land. Then they got up and told what they had seen. Some- times a dreamer secured his first vision in this way. A long time ago they used to have Bole dances every week or so, but now they have them maybe once a year. "At first when Lame Bill came people didn't believe him. Then they started dreaming them- selves. Salvador said it came to them because they didn't believe, so they got the bole them- selves for not believing. Salvador didn't believe Lame Bill, then he dreamed his own bole and he had an awfully hard time coming out and saying what had happened to him after he hadn't believed that other fellow. So he called a big time and that is how he got well again. The big time was like getting out of troub e for him. the bole spirit gave him the songs, dance and clothes. He had a flag [fig. 10]. Lame Bill and all the Fig. 10. Bole-Maru flag of Salvador at Cortina (Hill Patwin). Background, white; diamonds, red; tri- angles, black. Verbal de- scription bole men had flags. For Lame Bill they didn't put up a special dance house. They used the one already there." The center post (huk) might be wrapped with colored cloth. There was no special name for the `14The present infrequency of Bole-Maru dances is probably due primarily to the economic impov- erishment of the Indians and the breakdown of na- tive culture. However, an associated cause may be the incorporation of the Hesi ceremonial,which was given formerly only once or twice a year. 69 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS post when it was so decorated. The flagpole out- side might also be decorated in a similar fashion. After the dance the cloth was removed and placed in boxes. The flagpole was secreted. Everyone might help in disposing of the pole. It does not seem to have been fraught with supernatural pow- er. Dances were ordinarily held in the dance house, but since the one at Cortina has collapsed dances are held outdoors. For the dance, men wear the ordinary feather regalia; women use cloth headgear and hold ban- danas in their hands. First the women come out and circle the fire, then they divide into two lines of four or five each, to the east and west of the fire. The men then cume from the back of the house near the drum and dance around the fire. Between sets the men go back near the drum and singers,but the women stay out on the dance floor (fig. 11). D Fig. 11. A Bole-Maru dance at Cortina (Hill Patwin). Women enter first in single file, form line on either side of fire. Men follow and circle fire. In the old days people came to Cortina from Lolsel (Long Valley Patwin), Sulphur Bank (SE Pomo), Stonyford (Hill Patwin), Rumsey (Hill Pat- win) and Colusa (River Patwin) for dances. Each rancheria performed its own Bole dance. The guest rancherias danced first and then the Cortina people gave theirs. "The Bole dances last about three days and they are ,given any time the spirit tells them to give one. Sarah Lowell also mentioned Charlie Wright (Tcatamak) and his wife, Mary (Ukas), as Bole- Maru leaders at Cortina who practiced jointly. The Cortina Hill Patwin and the River Patwin, as we shall subsequently see, do not seem to have received the Earth Lodge cult, but they did secure Lame Bill's version of the Bole-Maru very shortly after the first dance at Lolsel. There is an account of a Bole-Hesi dance from Cortina which was given in 1906. It will be dis- cussed later. Only from Cortina and Lolsel have we specific information concerning the profound influence the Bole-Maru exercised on eschatolog- ical beliefs. This may be due to Lame Bill's di- rect influence in rancherias where he was able to speak without an interpreter. It may be due also to faulty data from other areas. It would be strange if the Ghost Dance and its aftermath had not strengthened and crystallized concepts con- cerning the dead and the afterlife. We find traces in northernmost California that it did definitely stimulate interest in these two subjects. Subsequent Bole-Maru Dreamers After these first three leaders, Norelputus, Lame Bill, and Homaldo, there followed in other localities various dreamers of lesser importance. They are listed below by locations running from north to south. Informants are given in foot- notes. A great deal more information should be gathered concerning their dances and the innova- tions they introduced. Of the individuals listed, Jim Smith and Santiago McDaniel are still living. It is to be noted that no general dreaming furor seems to have followed the first introductions of the Earth Lodge cult,as it did among the northern tribes,but that the Bole-Maru activities, from the first, were concentrated in the hands of a few leaders. Newville Briscoe.--"He 115 was the only Wintun dreamer. He danced only in his home rancheria at Newville, but he called Paskenta Indians to his dance." "Briscoe'1e could do miracles. He could open any door by dipping the key in water first. The man above showed him how to do all this. "' Grindstone Captain Charlie or Fat Charlie.--."He117 came from Newville, but he was captain at Grindstone. He started eight or nine years after Homaldo's time, but he dreamed his own bole just like Homaldo. People came from Paskenta and Pit River to see his dance. His song was an ugly one": 1. weya weya, now now. 2. puri wile, east health. 3. nano wile weya, my health now. (112212213). "He has been dead about fifteen years. He was followed by Captain Tom [Tom Bailey], who was a dreamer too. Every bole man has different songs and flags. The flags were new with the bole. If there is a flag it shows there is to be a Bole dance and not an old-fashioned kind." Captain Tom.--"He'18 tried hard to work like Homaldo. That was about thirty years ago [ca. 1900]. He came from Newville but he moved to Grindstone and built the dance house standing there now (pl. 2,d). He built it to sing his songs in. He used Homaldo's songs and some of his own. He lived while Homaldo was living but he didn't start his bole until after Homaldo 115Billy Freeman. '1eJeff Jones. 117Jim Smith. l18Nancy Jordan; Charlie Warthon. 70 DU BOIS: TEE 1870 GHOST DANCE died. He couldn't quite make it [i.e., succeed]." Be had a flag, Ball dance, and Feather dance, but -aO dance dresses. 119 Tim or Tomaso Smith.--"He is a bole man of SGrindstone. He has a set of rag balls for a com- i,on dance when all the bole dancing is over." He bad a flag and the Feather dance. He never :dreamed dance dresses. None of the Grindstone reamers had them. He is a famous singer. Stonyford Santiago McDaniel. --"He 12 dreamed about the loe six or seven years ago [prcbably long be- ore]. He never spread it but he invited people rom Sulphur Bank [SE Pomo], Cortina, and Colusa. has stopped now because he is getting old and times are so hard he can't get enough food to- ether and he hasn't anyope to help him. I guess u would call his dance a Red Cross Bole because f his costumes [fig. 12]. He gives it in his rsh house at Stonyford [p1. 2,a,b,c]." b I f t -t \ ~~il a c ~Fig. 12. Santiago McDaniel's Bole-Maru regalia. te cloth, red crosses. a, apron worn by Santiago 0aniel and his wife; b, forehead band ca. 6 inches h; c, hand tassels ca. 2 inches wide by 12 inches g. From photograph. "Santiago McDaniel12' is a bad man. He is a isoner. He carries it in his fingernails. When s a girl he laid his hand on my arm and my le side became infected. About thirteen years [ca. 1920] he began his Bole dance. It is 1 his dreams from the kles [ghosts in Wintun; uivalent of Patwin molawin]. He has a flag but have never seen it. They say he draws all kinds funny pictures in charcoal on the center post his dance house--a man and a woman just like ldo. He wears big feathers on his head. They o down and almost cover his face."2 He has * 119Jeff Jones; Charlie Warthon. 120Jeff Jones. '21Nancy Jordan. "22This probably refers to the Hesi element in X dance, while the "red cross" costume belongs the Bole-Maru strand. Santiago McDaniel him- lf said that he gave a Bole-Hesi. a costume with red crosses on it too. Some- times he puts red crosses of cloth on a fox hide and wears it around his head. Two women dance with him, one on each side. He comes in the dance house and shouts and dances. When he does this he talks in a different language [his native Salt Pomo dialect as opposed to Wintun?]. It scares me. When he is through he goes to the creek and bathes. He tried to give his dance at Grindstone after all the old dances died off but the people couldn't stand it. It was a rough dance and they all died off." Tebti (Hill Patwin of Cache Creek) Tele (kaboros, i.e., cruncher).--"He"'3 was a bole man who started about four years after Lame Bill and lasted about six or seven years [i.e., ca. 1876-1882]. He took his dance to Cortina and Rumsey but nowhere else [not confirmed in these rancherias]. He had the Hesi, Toto, and Ball dance in his bole just like Lame Bill." This was the first account by the informants. Santiago McDaniel, of Stonyford, confirmed it in so far as he said, "Tele worked for Lame Bill." Eight months later the same two informants gave the following details, which they had previously ascribed to Lame Bill but which were at that time so garbled they could not be disentangled. "Tele was the first bole man at Tebti. He started about two years after the message came through about the world ending. Lame Bill started about two months after Tele. Tele said the world was to end but only the young people would live to see it. Water was to wash down and take all the people. Before, people thought the dead went south, but it had gotten crowded down there so after the bole they said they were to go north. In the bole they said that the people who were carrying the body to the grave should turn around four times before reaching the grave and that they should walk around the grave four times before putting the body in it. The body had to face north. It is a good place up north. It is all a flat valley with no hills and many flow- ers of all kinds. When the dead get up there they forget all about the living. People were told to cry for the dead only four days and then have a dance. The women danced in their bole dresses. "Tele used the Hesi dance for the first four nights, then the Big Head for the next two nights. On the seventh night he used the Hintil tono and the Ball dance. The Hesi had been old in Tebti before Tele,but it had not been given for a long time. Tele started it again." Condensed descriptions of the dances supposedly given by Tele in his first Bole-Maru are given herewith. Hesi.--"Tele left the kuksu out of the Hesi. He did not dream to put that in." Ten or eleven men dancers,called molawin (ghosts). Dress in hills. Large black X painted on chests, wear skirts of pepperwood (bay) branches, crown of same material. Smoke rises from headdress. Carry bunch of wild oats in each hand. Women not allowed 123$Suie and Wilsey Lewis. fl: F? I 1 f? ,i t 71 rc ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS to see them. Represent dead coming back. Fast during dance. After ceremony bathe in creek and feast. Big Head.--Called dulth; same as tuya of River Patwin. Two dancers. Big Head wore pincushion headdress of twigs, ca. 2 ft. long, tipped with down and thrust in basketry cap. Leader (tcili- win) wore yellowhammer headband; carried bow, arrow, and quiver in hands. Hintil tono.124--Was old in area. Women wore tule skirts and feathers on head. Men wore feather capes. Men formed a line to south and north of fire. Women lined up behind the two rows of men. Ball dance (tunima tono).--Women wore Bole- Maru dresses; men wore Bole-Maru vests and shirts. Row of women on one side of fire; men opposite. Wore Bole-Maru costumes only for this dance. Informants claimed that it was the old pat- tern for the Hesi dance to be followed by the Big Head and then the Hintil tono. The inform- ant seemed to use the term hesi only for the ghost-impersonating portion of the whole complex usually designated as Hesi. Formerly,however, the Big Head dancers fasted on meat. They claimed that women had always been allowed to see the Big Head dancer. They added that Lame Bill had omitted the molawin, or ghost-impersonating ele- ment, from his version of the Bole-Maru ceremony and that he thereby differed from Tele, who had revived it. Both Tele and Lame Bill used flags in connection with their Bole-Maru performances. Lolsel Nanny (Kalsumamda).--"She"25 was a bole woman who started while Lame Bill was still living. She danced at the same time he did and in the same house. She had the same dresses and the same ways of dancing. She was not a relative of Lame Bill." Rumsey Tuntiri.--"Hel28 became a bole man after Lame Bill and Salvador [of Cortina]. He built a dance house at Rumsey. Died before Lame Bill. About one year after his death, he was followed by Dick Richard [Shalti] who practiced at Rumsey until his death in ca. 1917." For approximately twelve years there has been at least one woman cult leader, called Daisy Lorenzo, who married into Rumsey from the Cache Creek group. She gives feasts, uses the Ball dance, but has no costumes. She is the daughter- in-law of the informant and when she learned of '2'Hintil tono can probably be equated with the Toto of Sarah Lowell's account in the section on Lame Bill. In the earlier interview, these in- formants called a dance, which they described in the same fashion, the Toto. Hintil is from the Spanish gentiles, a term applied to Indians; tono is probably the Patwin term for dance, which is generally given as tceonos. 25Susie Lewis. 12 aSarah Lowell the subject under discussion she interrupted the interview and put an end to her mother-in-law's flow of information. Such reticence is met re- peatedly among leaders of the Bole-Maru and their immediate families. In Wintun and Hill Patwin country the series of dreamers which followed the innovators seems less numerous than in other regions. This may be due to any or all of the following factors: (1) the rapid disintegration of group life; (2) the satisfactions derived from the amalgamation be- tween the old hesi cult and the new bole, which may have vitiated the developmental strength of the Bole-Maru as a separate entity; and (or) (3) the traditional concentration of ceremonial prerogatives in the hands of a few priests. RIVER PATWIN Introduction of Bole-Maru The River Patwin, like most California groups, reflect their localism in insisting upon the autool thonous origin of the Bole-Maru cult. According to them it originated at Kusempu on the east bank of the Sacramento, approximately seven miles below the present town of Grimes. The first dreamer was Charlie (Wima). Although an actual overtly stated link between the Hill Patwin and River Patwin is lacking from the River Patwin, we may attribute with some certainty the Kusempu movement among the River Patwin to influences from Cortina, particularly since the latter place was a strong center of the Bole-Maru cult and one which the River Patwin were accustomed to visit for dances. In fact we possess a definite statement that the River Patwin from Waitere were present at Lame Bill's first Bole-Maru dance in Cortina (see section on Lame Bill). Two accounts of Charlie's dreams and cult are given herewith. Kroeber's127 data throw further light on the matter. The major discrepancy be- tween William Benjamin's account as given to Kroeber and subsequently to me, lies in the supernatural source of Charlie's dream. In Kroe- ber's material an owl spirit inspired Charlie;128 in the later account it was the molawin (ghost). The explanation may lie also in Kroeber's foot- note that, "Practically all information [concern- ing th7e Bole-Maru] has been obtained incidental to studies aiming to describe the old native cultures." [William Benjamin.] "The bole started at Kusempu. Charlie [Wima] started it. The spirit gave him this name Wima after he had his dream. Before that his name had been Lora. The spirit wvas a molawin [ghost], not a saltu [order of spirits impersonated in the old societies]. The 127Kroeber, Patwin, 308-312. 128Note the similarity to Lame Bill's owl fa- miliars. -A I II I t 72 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE molawin are a kind of shadows. Charlie was work- ing for white people. He took out their cattle. One night he was camped at Yupu near Marysville when he dreamed. 3.2 Something said to him, 'Do you know what you are doing?' 'No.' 'Well, you will know. I am going to make something out of you.' When he woke up blood ran from his nose and finally a string came out. He cut the string loose and put it in his pocket. When he came home he told everyone. He had a song the spirit gave him and he had to make a dance. So Captain Sam VWilson at Kusempu called one. People came from all the rancherias up the river. No outside people came to that first dance [i.e., none speaking another dialect], but later people came from Cortina and Chico for the bole dance. The first ni;ht they danced almost all night. He said he still had the spirit with him. He sent me and some other boys to get apples from an orchard near by. Then they played ball with the agles. They danced throwing them back and forth. ? There were two lines with three on each side. That night they danced the apple-throwing dance twice. The next day Charlie made rag balls. There were two balls and women danced in it, too. It w8 just a common dance. This Ball dance spread all over and is still going today. Charlie was the first man to start it. "In Charlie's dance they used the old-time dance house. They didn't build new ones. Charlie used the old-time feathers, too. First they danced the Ball dance, then the men came out in their feathers and danced on either side of the fire [i.e., east and west of it] and the women danced in two lines back of them. The women had handkerchiefs for the dance. I don't know how that got started unless the spirit told Charlie about it." He had different bole songs. They were: olel Lakole, above play, repeated nine times with a rise in key on the last repetition comparable to the Wintu dream-song pattern. ' 1. ha sule 2. eyo sule, yo sule. 111111211112. 1. ho ho wi ho 2. wili niu she good .1111221111221. hai ye luna The last three songs have no meaning attached to the syllables according to the informant. 2t9Yupu is close to Marysville Buttes where the Maidu believe the dead go before entering the Spirit land. (R. B. Dixon, Northern Maidu, AMNH-B 17:260, 1905.) An informant who was part Wintun but who had lived among the Chico Maidu said, in the course of commenting on the origin of the Bole-Maru, "Marysville Buttes are the start of 4acing and songs. It is the dead people's dance h1i. In the old stories the dead people went there when they died and from there went on to haven." "50I am inclined to consider this the origin, trly autochthonous, of the Ball dance now found throughout the Bole-Maru area. Kroeber, Patwin, ootnote p. 311, is inclined to consider it an original Ghost Dance trait on the basis of balls ound in Arapaho Ghost Dance (1890) regalia. There is no evidence that the Ball dance occurred in the 1870 Ghost Dance before the Bole-Maru area i reached. I "Half of the people in every rancheria didn't believe Charlie at first. He ran up a flag for his dances and once some people came and tore it down because they didn't believe him. Charlie didn't get angry with them,but he said he would show them something. So he stood on top of the dance house and called the people together. He said he would make the spirits walk.131 Just ther a spirit walked from the dance house to a clump of elders about a hundred feet away and then dis- appeared. It was a tall figure with a kind of long coat. People saw it and be1ieved because then they knew all this dancing wasn't Charlie's word, but a spirit's. At this first dance when Charlie started no one lost consciousness, but later on people did. Later there were different songs and move- ments. The spirit told people ways. Now people are dancing bole a lot, it has started up again. It was dying down when Charlie died. He kept on giving dances for about ten years until he died ca. 1884]. "Charlie died because he did wrong. He did things his spirit hadn't told him to do. He went to an old-time dance [called by informant and identified from description as WNai-saltu]. He shouldn't have done that because he believed the molawin. That wvas why Charlie died. He shouldn't have gone to the dance. Later on we all fought about these old-time ways." [John Wilson.] "The bole started at Kusempu. Charlie [informant's maternal uncle] went crazy. The dead told him things. He went all over, wan- dered around at night time. The molawin spirits [ghosts] told him to have a dance. My mother was sorry he was that way. Dreamers don't live long if they don't do what their spirits tell them. Charlie died a few years after dreaming. When he was dying he told the Indians not to cry for him but tg.jing, so they did. Everyone sang when he died. Charlie used to preach to be good, to keep clean [i.e., pure]. When he gave his dance the molawin [ghosts] made a ball of blue and red rags. [This supernatural account of the origin of the Ball dance is a nice contrast with the natural account of the preceding inform- ant.] The people danced with it. They stood in two rows, one of men and one of women, with perhaps eight or ten in a row. The ball was tossed back and forth from one row to another so that everyone had a chance to throw it. Charlie was the first to start that dance. The people at Kusempu were glad to see it. It was something new. For the Bole dance there were no special feathers, the old ones were used. The women who danced in the Bole had ribbons or rags in their hands. They held them in front of them. They waved them back and forth. That was new with the bole. "People from all over came to the bole dances-- from Chico, Rumsey, Cortina, Stonyford, Grindstone. 13 "Kroeber, Patwin, 310, gives this spirit as a "human-like ghost (saltu koikoro, 'spirit that takes or possesses')." 132Here as among the Hill Patwin of Cortina and Lolsel, the Bole-Maru seems to have had an influence on eschatology. They are modifications of the older pattern of showing excessive grief. Psychologically a modification of grief allies itself with a more specific concept and greater certainty of afterlife. i i 73 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS In 1916 I saw the people at Grindstone dance a Bole dance just like Charlie's. The molawin told the Grindstone people to dance too. They didn't carry the dance back to their place, they dreamed it again for themselves. Each time a Bole dance must be dreamed." The foregoing statement again stresses the fiction of autochthony even in the face of ad- mitted contacts and even though local pride cannot be involved,since the-informant is speak- ing of a "foreign" rancheria. The idea of super- natural authority required for the Bole-Maru serves further to differentiate this cult from the Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cult, which were legitimately transmitted by messengers. The idea of supernatural authority for the prerogative of giving a Bole-Maru ceremony smacks of shamanistic influences; that is, bole men, like shamans, had to secure their ovn supernatural sanctions. These two accounts, with some additional data in Kroeber's The Patwin and their Neighbors, constitute the material available on the begin- ning of the Bole-Maru among the River Patwin. They definitely escaped both the Earth Lodge cult and Ghost Dance. Neither of the two inform- ants associated the return of the dead with the Bole-Maru; in fact John Wilson found the concept ludicrous when it was suggested to him. Kroeber's data from William Benjamin indicate that although adventism was not known, the idea of communioat- ing with the dead was present and individual ghosts might be summoned. Another point of par- ticular interest is contained in William Ben- jamin's account of Charlie's death. Obviously in the beginning there was felt to be an irrecon- cilable division between the Bole-Maru cult, in- spired by the molawin, and participation in the older saltu cults. Subsequent Dreamers Other dreamers in the River Patwin area who were subsequent to Charlie show that the Bole- Maru persisted and that it adopted the feature of elaborately costumed women participants in the Bole dance. Pike [Mandy Wilson.] "After Charlie began, Pike from Princeton tRiver Patwin, north of Kusempu] became a dreamer. He called people together and taught them his songs." Mark (Hinen) [Mandy Wilson.] "He was a dreamer from Nomat- sapin, a rancheria across the river from Ku- sempu. Rosie Wylie [Susie Clemens.] "She came from around Colusa and was one of the first dream dancers they had." [William Benjamin.] "Rosie Wylie was a dreamer from W;Vaitere [rancheria between Colusa and Princeton]. She began after Charlie died [i.e., sometime in the 1880's]. She had a song, flag, dance, and rag balls, but I don't know whether she had special dance dresses for women. After Rosie, came Emma Phillips." Emma Phillips [Mandy Wilson.] "She dreamed a song and dresses. She gave dances at Colusa and Chico." [Susie Clemens.] "My mother was a dream dancer. She came from Colusa County, from a rancheria some where north of Grimes. We were living off by our- selves near the town of Tehama when mother started I was only about twelve years old and I was afraid of her. It seemed as though she had lost her mind. She went on for a year or so having trances and being crazy. When a spirit bothers a person, she has to call a dance. After the dance the person is all right until the next fainting spell. Then mother dreamed a dance song and dresses. Her dresses were white with three bands of ellow balls, like cherries, and green leaves. One of these bands of yellow balls and green leaves ran diagonally across the bodice from shoulder to waist. She also had a flag which had a white back- ground with horizontal stripes of the same yellow and green material. The flag was raised on a pole in front of the dance house. She had balls (number unknown) of green and yellow rags. "Two women dancers could keep three or four balls moving." They stood on opposite sides of the fire and tossed them to each other. There were probably more Bole-Maru dreamers than are included in this list. Today, the larg- est concentration of River Patwin is at Katsil, a recently formed rancheria some seven miles north of Colusa. Two Bole-Maru women still live in the settlement. One of them is Sarah Mitchell. A set of balls is still in existence and is used occasionally for "fun dances" in connection with, a feast or informal gatherings. Costumes, however, are no longer in use. Although informants belit- tle the present remnants of the cult, they are reluctant to give details concerning it, and at least one of the dreamers resented inquiries ad- dressed to a relative of hers. CHICO MAIDU Among the Chico Maidu only one informant was consulted, but she seemed well posted. It would appear that the Chico Maidu never participated wholeheartedly in the Bole-Maru cult. [Mandy Wilson.] "Wima [Charlie of Kusempu] came to Chico all the time for two or three years until he died. He dreamed about a dance. They have a dream and it bothers them until they do something about it. Charlie never talked of his dreaming in his speeches when he came to Chico. You never talk to common people about that. He just made regular captains speeches, telling his people to be good, not to drink. But after Charlie came, some people dreamed like him. They got songs that way. When people I I I I I I i 74 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE first began dreaming they fell down in a fit, they say. I never have seen them do that. When they dream too much it bothers them. They mustn't keep it secret. They go and tell the headman and he calls a dance. Then the dreameir tells his song and dance. Lately all the new dances are from these dream songs. The Chico Indians bor- rowed the dream dancing from the Colusa Indians [River Patwin]. They dreamed a lot in Colusa ,County but the Chico Indians never went in much for dream dancing. They just joined in when the Colusa Indians came to show off their dances. "The Ball dance was begun by Charlie and he !'brought it to Chico. It is just a common dance, ,.not strict like the Hesi. Just anyone learns it cand dances. Some women can play with four balls ;at once. Jack Frango (Chico Maidu) dreamed a Lsong for that Ball dance once. It was: somi somi boli jRg ball?), somen somen boli, boli bum boli. In the dream dancing the Ball dance 'starts things off, then they have a women's dance which is the main one. The women come in holding a handkerchief in both hands. A man leads the women in and one follows the line. gThey circle the fire dancing." (A form of the kBole dance?) This informant, like the River Patwin, John Wilson, had never heard the return of the dead preached in association with the Bole-Maru and considered the idea ridiculous. It is reasonably certain therefore that the Chico Maidu were un- V touched by the Earth Lodge cult and only slightly affected by the Bole-Maru. They felt the real Impact of the religious turmoil of the period in tit is described in the following section under the heading Bole-Hesi. The only dreamer of importance among the Chico gaidu was Jack Frango, although two minor ones were mentioned. On the whole the Chico Maidu seem So have been able to keep intact their old dances omewhat longer than the River Patwin. Jack Frango [Charlie Warthon.] "Jack was the main dreamer and leader of all the dances at Chico. He had two dream dances, the Ball dance and the Feather nce. He dreamed a flag but no dance dresses. e never dreamed the Big Head; he used the old- ime Big Head dance and songs. Chico was the only lace that did not have the dreamed Big Head." Ball dance.--Singer starts; dancers enter from rear of house, circle fire single file, form a ine of women on one side of fire, line of men Opposite. Balls tossed back and forth between airs of dancers. Two sets danced with a pause -or rest between. At end of dance participants o to front of house, one at a time, toss ball leader who catches it in basket. 133The informant insisted there was no word or ball in Maidu. There is some indication that e River Patwin word boli (equivalent of Hill twin bole) has been equated by the Maidu with the English word ball, on the basis of the new all dance introduced with the Bole-Maru cult. It represents an interesting bit of folk etymol- ogizing. Feather dance.--Men and women dance. Women dress in northwest rear of house, men in north- east rear. Men wore feather capes. First song, women circle fire, form line on either side. Second song, men also circle fire and line up in front of women;dance in place. Men repeat this maneuver 4 times, then vvomen change sides and men agairn repeat their formation 4 times. Singer vibrates split-stick rattle rapidly and all withdraw.134 "There were two other dreamers at Chico, Lizzie Polissi and Chico Mike. They both had the Ball dance and the Feather dance." The breakdown of the old ceremonialism is given by the same informant. The destruction of the dance house must also have affected the Bole-Maru. It reveals the factionalism center- ing about the two sets of ceremonials and ac- counts for the introduction of the Big Head to the Grindstone Patwin and Wintun. "Captain Lafonso at Chico told the people to tear down the old dance house and build a new one, because the old one was beginning to leak. So they tore it down. When they got ready to build the new one they found that no one knew how to dress the center pole.13' Some of the young people wanted to finish the house an yway. Everything was to be free [i.e., nonsacred], like the dreaming religion. The old people did not want it that wvay. They quarreled and finally they never made the new dance house. I stayed out of the quarrel because I was an outsider, but I was disgusted and went to live in Grindstone. That was where I put on the Big Head." From even this brief account it would appear that the Bole-Maru did very little to preserve and prolong native ceremonialism among the Chico Maidu as it did elsewhere. On the contrary it seems to have been rather a disruptive influence. BOLE-HESI EAST OF THE COAST RANGE The north-central Californians experienced a fleeting revivalistic furor in the shape of the Earth Lodge cult. From it rapidly developed the Bole-Maru. To Lame Bill,of Lolsel in Long Valley, may be attributed the major part in shaping the latter cult. We have seen that his first cere- mony, inspired by dreams sent from the dead, consisted of the old lay dance called the Toto; of the entirely new feature called the Bole dance, which aas a profane performance; and of the Bole-Hesi, which was a secular version of the old sacred Hesi. Doubtless other secular dances were included at different times an(i 134Dixon, Northern Maidu, 321-322. There seem to have been several feather dancer,, supposedly of recent introduction from the North estern Maidu. 135Dixon, Northern Maidu, 309 f. "he erection and dedication of a new dance hou,e . an eAat- orate procedure. 4 I 75 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS places in Bole-Maru ceremonies. Lame Bill was responsible for transmitting the new cult south- ward to Cortina, from where it spread eastward to the River Patwin. Among the River Patwin the Ball dance was originated and from them it spread in time to almost all groups which had the Bole- Maru. Even Lame Bill is said to have incorporated it before his death. For the moment we are concerned with the Bole- Hesi dance as one feature of the Bole-Maru cult. Bole-Hesi is a term used not only by ethnographers but also by some of the older Indians who are sufficiently well informed to realize that the modern Hesi dance varies from the older forms. Because the Hesi was fraught with sacred impli- cations in the old culture a certain seriousness surrounded even its secular version. At this point it is necessary to digress briefly in order to consider the occurrence of the old cult religions among the Patwin. The River Patwin had three cults--the Hesi, Waisaltu, and Kuksu.136 The northern Hill Patwin had only the Hesi, which was a combination of the three River Patwin cults.137 Kroeber certainly implies that the Cache Creek Patwin of Lolsel had the Hesi. However, Loeb138 makes the following statement, "While the Hesi came after 1870 to Long Valley (e.g., Lolsel), it was performed as elsewhere among the Patwin and without modern or bole in- fluence. At the present day, however, only the bole hesi (is) enacted.... The bole hesi came .,4ly a few years ago from Cortina." The data ob- tained from my informants (Sarah Lowell, Susie Lewis, and Pedro WNright) do not substantiate Loeb's statements. All three definitely stated that the Hesi was known at Long Valley in the Cache Creek district before Lame Bill originated his form of the Bole-Maru. In fact Susie Lewis recounted an anecdote of the punishment meted out to a Lolsel woman who had been indiscreet enough to hint that she had guessed the real identity of the saltu impersonators in an old Hesi perform- ance. Apparently, however, the Hesi cycle had lapsed in the Cache Creek area prior to the Bole- Maru and was revived by the early dreamers. Fur- ther, there is good evidence that the Bole-Maru, and with it the Bole-Hesi, spread from Lolsel to Cortina during the first year of the cult; that the direction was not the reverse, nor was the diffusion recent, as Loeb states. Characterizations of the Bole-Hesi, which con- trast it with the old Hesi, as kvell as a descrip- tion of its diffusion were contained in a number of clarifying comments by informants. The River 138 Kroeber, Patwin, 329, characterizes the River Patwin Hesi as "gentle rather than danger- ous" in comparison to the Waisaltu and Kuksu. Probably the absence of dangerous potency went far in making the secularized Hesi of the Bole- Maru acceptable to the River Patwin. 137Ibid., 344. 138 E. M. Loeb, Eastern Kuksu Cult, UC-PAAE 33:225, 1933. Patwin and Chico Maidu are presented first. Then the Hill Patwin groups are cited in a south to north order. River Patwin [William Benjamin.] "In the old days no women were admitted to see the Hesi. They could go in the first night but after that they had to stay out. Since the bole days they decided women ought.I to look at it, so they let them in. An old-time Hesi dancer called Mark [Hinen], started that at Nomatsapin tacross the river from Kusempu]. He be- came a bole man and dreamed women should be let i the Hesi. After women were let in, it was called Bole-Hesi. The Bole-Hesi was different from the ol Hesi and different from the Bole. They didn't use the regular program of dances any more. In the old Hesi,the "bull head""39 was made of about fifty willow twigs a foot and a half long tipped with goose down. In later days they used dress material to tip the rods instead of feathers-. Chico Maidu [Mandy Wilson.] At the same time that the River. Patwin introduced the Bole-Maru at Chico they were instrumental in altering the old Hesi dance of th Maidu. Prior to the time when the Patwin and Valle Maidu exchanged dances, the Hesi had been a strict esoteric ceremony attended only by the local Maidu There existed a formal dance sequence in which the Hesi was the beginning and terminating ritual. Fre it women were strictly debarred. Men were supposed to live in the sweat house for those months and ob serve continence during the Hesi (introductory and terminal dance of winter ceremonial cycle). The i formant stressed the importance and genuineness of the old Chico ritual sequence. The Hesi, however, was disrupted when Charlie, the Patwin dreamer, c to Chico to exchange dances. He complained because the Patwin women,who had traveled so far to see dances, were excluded from them by the regulations the host village. The Chico Maidu thereupon "took out the dangerous parts" of the old Hesi dance140 and admitted the Patwin women,but charged them an entrance fee. It was then that the Chico women we allowed for the first time to see their own Hesi dance. No payment, however, was required of them. This diluted and emasculated Hesi was then carried far and wide. "It went all over because the Colus people came in with nothing but their dream songs. In the last thirty years people have come from all over and copied this new kind of Hesi. I saw Charlie Popejoy [Wintu] trying to sing a Chico song up at Stillwater [north of Redding] and do o of the common dances the Chico people used to have 1or Big Head. Kroeber, Patwin, 337, speaking of the Patwin Hesi, says, "The t'uya .... was the most frequently enacted spirit in the hesi. He wore an enormous pincushion headdress of slender rods, honol, tipped with white goose or crane feathers. They were stuck in a tule pad skewered to his net-confined hair. This 'big-head' is the prototype of 'bull-head' t'osa of the modern bole hesi." 140 The informant said she did not know what these deletions were since, as a woman, she was not acquainted with the esoteric Hesi. I I I I 76 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE along with the Hesi. Lately Paskenta and Grind- stone people come over to Chico to learn dances '[confirmed by Wintun informants]. So far no Stonyford people have come. People here at Chico have mixed in new songs and ideas with the old Hesi. "When the Indians began getting civilized they came from all over for dances. The River Patwin had wagons and were well-to-do, so they were ,called to Chico. The Hill Maidu were poor and had .to come on foot,so they weren't asked often. But those people up in the hills [Hill Maidu] didn't care much for dream dancing either. At Redding [Wintu] there is some dream dancing. The Chico "people made friends with them picking hops down at Wheatland. In those days Indians could get free rides on trains and get about easily. All those northern people are odd, they all want to be dreamers--men and women. Now they dance the Hesi just for fun." This last paragraph by Mandy Wilson has points of particular interest. It indicates that the -;economic status of the tribes affected the dif- fusion of the Bole-Maru, at least in this case. The rich River Patwin were able to proselytize the Chico Maidu because they could afford horses rnd wagons. The Hill Maidu,who were so poor that they had to travel on foot, were cut off from the centers of Bole-Maru activities. Also,the aragraph shows that the informant had a grasp of the widespread diffusion of the Bole-Hesi and the rt which modern methods of transportation played n it. This is a subject which will be referred to ,gain in the section on the Delta Region. Lastly, he informant's comments upon the desire of all ortherners to become dreamers may indicate that she perceived a difference between the generalized dreaming of the Wintu and the centralization of the Bole-Maru cult in the hands of a few dreamers mong the Patwin. Cortina [Pedro Wright.] "The Hesi is danced in the pring and fall. In the old days women weren't llowed to see it, but now they are. Lame Bill -s the first one, I guess, who said women should ee the Hesi. This new Hesi is different. It got lied up with the Bole. The dances are like the ld Hesi but they use Bole songs. There are still ltu [?] in the new Bole-Hesi. In the old days he 'big-head' was made with feathers; now they 8e red cloth on the tips. The new Hesi is less ngerous than the old one." A description of a Bole-Hesi given on the rtina rancheria in 1906 is available."' The count is written from the point of view of the ad Hesi dance. Although Barrett points out cer- in features which are new, it may be profitable o insert here a few brief comments on the fea- res which seem to be of Bole-Maru origin. (1) e director of this particular dance was the 1*1S. A. ]Barrett, The Wintun HeBi Ceremony, C-PAAE 14: 437-488, 1919. Salvador mentioned previously as one of the great Bole-Maru men of Cortina. (2) "In recent years its particular form and exact date are determined an- nually by the spiritual visit of a shaman to the land of the dead," which is very definitely a Bole-Maru influence; but that the shaman should receive his instruction from Katit (Hawk) in this abode of the dead, savors of a more thorough- going integration with the older stratam of reli- gion than has been reported elsewhere. (3) The poles, banners, and other things described as sacred paraphernalia are definitely to be asso- ciated with the Bole-Maru cult. The only other object which Barrett felt might be considered sacred was the moki cape which belonged to the old Hesi. (4) The composition of the song used in the pole-planting ceremony is attributed to Sal- vador and may vvell be a "dream song." (5) The particular complex centering around the pole may belong to the Bole-Maru cult. (6) "The moki in modern times represents a messenger from the land of the dead.... He also addresses himself to the keeper of the dead and pleads, as it were, the cause of his people. It could not be found that he represented a mythical being." This quotation indicates that the eschatological preoccupations of the Cortina Bole-Maru cult had made over the role of the moki. (7) The speeches quoted by Barrett show a concern with concepts which be- longed to the Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cults which were taken over into the Bole-Maru cult, namely, the return of the dead and the end of the world, that is, in the Indian sense of an old order replaced by a new one. The San Francisco fire and earthquake.as well as a local flood,gave particular emotional content to the latter doc- trine upon this occasion. In Barrett's account one omission is puzzling-- the absence of the costumed women's dance and the use of bandanas by women dancers. Either the Bole dance was omitted in the ceremony which Barrett witnessed or he failed to report it because it was obviously extraneous to the old Hesi. Long Valley Among the Long Valley Hill Patwin, the Hesi and specific Bole-Maru features, like the flag and pole and the women's dresses, were all included in the course of one ceremony. The information given by Susie Lewis and Wilsey Lewis in the section on the Wintun and Hill Patwin, concerning Lame Bill's dances, deals largely with the Bole-Hesi and gives some idea of what that ceremony must have been in the Long Valley area. The only informants avail- able are confused and inaccurate. This may be the reason for some of the discrepancies between Loeb's material and mine which were discussed at the be-ginning of this section. Stonyford [Santiago McDaniel.] "When the Bole started [introduced by an agent of Lame Bill],people said I 77 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS it was a new kind of Hesi vvithout the old rules." In the old Hesi the dancers had to practise con- tinence on pain of illness; they might scratch themselves only with a stick; if they used their nails, feathers would grow from under them and they would die. They were forbidden meat, and ate only sparingly of pinole and mush at pre- scribed intervals. They drank only once a day, late at night; they wore bullet-hawk (?) feath- ers and angelica root around their necks, which made them powerful; their faces were painted and they wore grass tied around their heads to hide their faces. In the Bole-Hesi, the "-bullhead" feather headdress was used with the Bole dance. The old "bullhead" was made of feathers with eagle down wrapped on the tips (probably refers to the Pomo form?). The Bole-Hesi "bullhead" is made of slender sticks tipped with cloth or paper. The new feathers have no poison in them whereas the old ones were full of dangerous potency. Now anyone may see the Bole-Hesi whereas formerly women were debarred from the Hesi proper. Now the Bole-Hesi dancers feast, they eat all they wish, and there is no rule concerning continence. The use of the bullhead with the Bole dance started near Colusa (River Patwin) and spread to Stonyford, where the people have been using it for about forty years (1890), but Lame Bill used the bullhead in his Bole too. The informant is undoubtedly confused, but realizes that the Bole-Hesi reached them from the south. His state- ment, if it can be trusted, implies that the Bole-Hesi was not part of the first Bole-Maru cult imported by Lame Bill's disciple, Tikori. It is possible that this phase of the cult repre- sents a cultural lag. The informant claims that the dance he gives is the Bole-Hesi (see section, "W'intun and Hill Patwvin, Subsequent Bole-Maru Dreamers," p. 70). The long yellowhammer head- bands he uses now in his Bole-Hesi were introduced from the River Patwin. Prior to that time short yellowhammer headbands were used which covered only the forehead. Grindstone [Jeff Jones; Wintun.] "The Bullhead is about the same as the Hesi. The Hesi is oldest among the Colusa Indians. It was brought to Grindstone about twenty years ago [ca. 1910] from Colusa County by Charlie Warthon. He liked the dance and brought it up to Grindstone." [Nancy Jordan; Wintun.] "They have the Bull- head at Grindstone but niot at Paskenta. It is a no-good dance. Our people never believed in so many things. It came to Grindstone in 1904 or 1905. Charlie Warthon brought it from Chico. They don't believe much in it at Grindstone. It is a quick-moving dance. Only two men dance in it. Our people don't take interest in only two men scratching around like chickens. That is what I have heard the Grindstone people say about it."f Charlie Warthon, who introduced the Big Head at Grindstone, gave his own version of the affair. In the sections 'lRiver Patwin" and "Chico Maidu," was related the quarrel which drove Charlie War- thon to Grindstone. (See pp. 72, 74.) He continued the account as follows: "When I went to Grindstone I took all my feathers with me. I used to make feather things for the Chico dances. Tom Odock went with me. When we got there they were doctoring a sick person. They had only two women to sing for them and they were out of breath. So Tom and I sang for them. When we were through an old man who was a relative of mine began singing a Big Head song and I recog- nized it. The old man said he was old and blind ani that he wanted me to carry on his dances and songs The young fellows at Grindstone were afraid to carry on his work because they couldn't do it right. So I said I would take over his work if the rancheria all agreed to it. I told the people that I felt badly because other rancherias made fun of them when they did not know how to dance." From this statement it is not clear whether the Big Head existed in Grindstone prior to this time. Charlie Warthon said that his relative had given the Big Head previously; the other two in- formants quoted above claimed that it was new to Grindstone. It may be that the old man in question was a Hill Patwin who was familiar with the old form of the Big Head. This supposition is sub- stantiated by the fact that it seems to have been a ceremony which needed no dream inspiration but was transmissible by instruction. Charlie Warthon then gave a description of the dance which he used in Grindstone and which is obviously the Chico form. He gave the dance in imitation of what he had learned among the Maidu. Strictly speaking, therefore, it was not a Bole-Maru per- formance but simply a trait which diffused after the breakdown of the old system. One criterion of a true Bole-Maru performance must always be a dreamed inspiration. ig Head.--"This was the highest [most sacred] dance the Indians have had in my lifetime. In the old days they had higher ones but they could not carry them any longer. In the old days they had the Aki cycle. It began with the Aki proper, then the Hesi or Big Head, the Deer dance and the Bear dance." At Grindstone the Big Head and leader dressed in brush. Big Head wore pin-cushion head- dress tipped with feathers, yellowhammer headband hanging down back, shredded tule skirt; carried split-stick rattle in each hand. Leader wore short yellowhammer headband around forehead, down cap, magpie tail crown, buckskin clout; carried quiver in one hand, bow and arrows in other. Singer standi on roof of dance house; when two dancers shout he begins song,which notifies audience that dance is to begin. Two dancers approach door shouting, whistling, and rattling split-stick rattles. Enter, circle fire. Leader stops on south side of fire, Big Head on north. Each dances back and forth on his side of fire until singer gives a signal, then I 78 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE come together on north side of fire. At another signal repeat first maneuver. Done four times then go to door. From there begin another set of four but with leader on north side and Big Head on south side of fire. Then leave by door. If the rancheria or guests own another set of re- galia the dance continues but with a new pair of dancers. In connection with this northwestern exten- sion of the Big Head at Grindstone it is inter- esting that a considerable lag occurred and that it came from the east rather than in the estab- lished line of diffusion, that is, from the South. It is also significant that the Wintun who did not previously possess the true Hesi, have only recently and grudgingly been receptive to it and then only where they have lived with a group of Hill Patwin on a rancheria artificially created by the government. In this section as a whole, informants are agreed that the differences between the old Hesi ceremony and its secularized form, called the Bole-Hesi, are: (1) admittance of women and children, (2) use of dream or bole songs for the dances, (3) use of a "bullhead" or "big head" made of slender rods (or feathers)143 tipped with cloth instead of down, (4) the deletion of eso- teric features and therefore, (5) the loss of dangerous potency, and (6) the deletion of asso- ciated taboos for dancers. POMO We turn now to the Pomo,who are located be- tween the eastern summit of the Coast Range and the Pacific. It will be necessary to go back chronologically to the early furor associated with the introduction of the Earth Lodge cult. The Pomo received the first news of this move- ment from the Cache Creek and Cortina Patwin. The doctrine therefore emphasized the aspects already adumbrated among the Hill Patwin, that is, stress upon the end of the world and the building of deep earth lodges, either as a refuge gainst the coming catastrophe or as a gathering place in which to await it. The best information on the doctrinal content of the Earth Lodge cult came from Pomo rather than Patwin sources. There were seven centers in which deep earth lodges ere erected: (1) Sulphur Bank, SE Pomo; (2) lark Ranch on Kelsey Creek, E Pomo; (3) Upper lake, E Pomo; (4) Potter Valley, N Pomo; (5) * illits, N Pomo; (6) Robertson Creek in southern iah Valley, Central Pomo; (7) Hopland, Central Pono. The date for the introduction of the doc- 142Kroeber, Patwin, 358. 14"The question of the "pincushion" type of ig Head, constructed with slender rods stuck in tule skull cap, as opposed to the feather-crown ype of Big Head, needs further clarification. impression is that the pincushion type may be atwin and Maidu as opposed to the Pomo feather- rown type. I trine and the building of the earth lodges was the spring of 1872.14 Figure 13 shows the seven Pomo centers and the groups which gathered there. The emphasis upon gathering together in specially built earth lodges represents what might be called, somewhat anomalously, centrifugal diffusion, that is, people gathered in centers where they were inoculated with new ideas which they then carried back to their own localities. It differs somewhat from the linear diffusion described heretofore, in which the doctrine was carried from group to group by a band of proselytizers. In Sulphur Bank the Bole-Maru arose almost si- multaneously with the introduction of the Earth Lodge cult. In some of the other Pomo rancherias there seems to have been a lag in the diffusion of the Bole-Maru. Among the Pomo the latter cult is called simply Maru.145 The term has been used in hyphenated form with the Patwin equivalent, as the Bole-Maru, except where informants are quoted directly. Also the term maru is used for the cos- tume or "Dress dance,," which was referred to among the Patwin as the Bole dance. The term "big head" as used by informants has a number of meanings: (1) the specific piece of regalia, (2) the dance in which that piece of regalia was used, and which in reality appears to be the imported Bole-Hesi dance of the Patwin Bole-Maru, (3) the Kuksu cycle, and (4) the Kuksu dance in the older cere- monial order. I have tried to make the specific application clear in the course of material quoted from informants. Lastly, all these uses of the term "big head" must not be confused with the Big Head cult, which constitutes Part 4 of this paper. The development of these cult religions from the Earth Lodge cult of 1872 until the present will be discussed for each of the major Pomo subgroups in turn. In each section, data on the Earth Lodge cult are given first; these are followed by chronolog- ically arranged material on the dreamers who shaped the Bole-Maru in each local group. Their names are listed in italics. They are not to be confused with informants, who are given in foot- notes. Sulphur Bank (Southeast Pomo) A clear account of the Southeast Pomo activities is contained in the following material from two informants.. 144Powers, Tribes of California, 205. Also the Sentinel v. 6, no. 12, Red Bluff, Tehama Co. Sat. May 18, 1872, quotes the 'Mendocino Democrat of May 9, 1872 as follows: "A great sensation has recently been astir among the Indians of the coast and this region generally, and grand dances have been going on on a large scale. Indians were gathered from far and near in several localities and many white people became fearful.... The whole stir is said to be caused by a prophetic report on the part of some Indians that the ocean is go- ing to rise and roll in upon the land very soon, or that a comet or some other destructive element is to visit the earth and scatter desolation and ruin." 14'The word varies among Pomo subgroups: SE Pomo, abko; E Pomo, maru; N Pomo, matu; coast Central Pomo, batu. t 79 POMO VALLEY CALPEI VALLEY ,UPPER LAKE POMO -' A-LOLSEL LONG V4LLEY YCREei R PAT WIN ~ TSULPHUR BANK S.E.POMO /< MIDDLETOWN WAPPO0 LAKE MI WOK t BODEGA COAST MIIWOK Fig. 13. Pomo Ghost Dance. Triangles, centers of congregation; heavy arrows, direction of Ghost' Dance diffusion; light arrows, groups which assembled at centers. - DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE [George Patch, Clifford Salvador.] "The two men who started dreaming were from the north. They were called Norelputa and Sheephead. 148 Norelputa was the dreamer and Sheephead was just a friend who worked for him. Norelputa's sister died and he felt bad, so he went out not knowing where he was going. He hoped to find his sister 'some place. He traveled day and night. Finally "'he went to sleep one night while he was on his Way. He dreamed that he went somewhere, maybe up in heaven. He went into the dance house that iwas up there. No one was in it, yet someone V-spoke from somewhere. He dreamed about feath- ers and songs, but we don't know what they were. Tere he dreamed he gave his first dance. From there he traveled in this direction [i.e., south- west]. Before that time people knew nothing of Idreaming. Norelputa told the people to build ,dance houses underground. Some of Norelputa's n spread the dance. They came from the north, .from a place called Konkau [name of Maidu in [vicinit of Chico]. They spoke the same language *as the tong Valley and Cache Creek people. [De- ' ite the fact that reference is to Maidu, a tun linguistic group is probably meant.] orelputa never came this far, but Sheephead rought the word to Sulphur Bank for him. Lame Bill was not with Sheephead that time. He came 'later. "When Norelputa's word first reached Sulphur Bank, this world was going to end; there was to be wind and hail, or some kind of storm. People were to destroy all their beads and property. e said to be poor, to die poor. They believed so hard that they buried their things or threw them in the lake. Some, who didn't believe, kept their valuables. [This is in marked contrast to Ghost Dance doctrines prevailing in the Klamath lver area.] "Salvador [Beheo, father of informant] car- ied this message to Kelsey Creek, Ukiah, and as r as Hopland. "When Norelputa's word came, Awutu was the lphur Bank man who dreamed first and took brge of the dance. Lame Bill and Awutu both trted dreaming after Sheephead came here. eephead was like the Old Testament and the ri men were like the New Testament. Awutu reamed about the same things as Norelputa. He reamed that he traveled to a place where there ere no hills, no rocks, no trees. As far as he uld see there were all kinds of flowers. [Note ecurrent emphasis on flowers a trait first ntioned among the Paviotso.) There was a dance use in the middle of this valley and a trail ed to it. He went in the dance house. Someone id, ,My son, go around the fire four times to E right and four times to the left; turn around d sit down on the north side of the house.' He a as he was told and from the north side he ooked araund for the speaker but he could see one. This speaker told him about the songs, 1461No trace of this character was found east f the Coast Range. 147This origin tale bears resemblances to ac- aunts of-shamanistic experiences. costumes, and dances. He told him how to take care of things." Dance house.--All the SE Pomo decided to build a house on the mainland at Sulphur Bank. (Pre- viously their three villages had been located on islands in Lower Lake.) For this first dream dance they built a great big house about 12 feet under- ground, 15 or 20 feet high (i.e., from floor of pit) and about 50 feet in diameter. Halfway up was a wide dirt ledge (or gallery) used for sleepin and accommodating spectators. This was called under house" (nol xwan) because its roof was almost flush with the ground. It had a lad- der from the entrance to the pit floor. Later on they built houses raised higher aboveground with a shallower pit, no gallery, a corridor entrance, and shingled roof. These were dance houses (xe xwan)." When they were building the first "under house," Awutu said that after the builders went off and stopped working no one was allowed to look inside or they "might see something." Some women went by there and one looked in. She must have seen something because she fell dead. That woman was the first one to be buried on the main- land. Before that everyone had been buried on the islands where they lived. Burning bodies had stopped before the maru religion, but bodies had been buried east and west until Awutu dreamed they should go north and south. The first dance was when the world was to end. From then on Awutu dreamed every year, sometimes twice a year, sometimes only every two or three years. He gave a dance every time he dreamed. He continued until his death in ca. 1920. After the first dance Awutu preached that the world was to end sometime, but he didn't set a date. About eight years after Awutu began [ca. 1880], he dreamed that everyone should live in pointed wig- wams made of tule. So everyone made them and lived in them until they wore out. "9 After that they began building lumber houses. When they built the tule houses, Awutu hung flags on all the trees. "When Awutu dreamed he went to the headman, who was his brother Jim, and he called all the people together in the dance house to decide on whom to invite, what dance to Xive [? this was supposedly part of the dreamer s inspiration], and when to have it. They invited usually one or two of the following groups: Cortina, Long Valley, Middletown, KeIsey Creek, Upper Lake. These people brought their own costumes and gave their own dances. Awutu always used the same costumes and flags for his Maru dance [used in specific sense], but he had different songs. When 1""This later Bole-Maru type of dance house at Sulphur Bank was observed by Barrett in 1902. The description of the interior decorations are of interest in being more detailed than anything now available. See S. A. Barrett, Pomo Buildings, Holmes Anniversary Volume, pp. 15, 16, pls. 6, 9, 1916. 149An interesting example of the power of an individual dreamer to affect the more remote phases of material culture. i 81 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS he gave a dance everyone had to wear his dream costumes, even children.150 There were dresses for the women and shirts for the men with pat- terns on them. "The dances lasted four nights and four days. That was the rule, but if there wasn't enough food they might be cut short. Sometimes they de- cided to give old-time sacred dances,like Tsinamafon,151 Kuksu, Bukuk,152 Salis. 153 In the dream religion these dances were put on like moving pictures.' Women were allowed to see the Bukuk and a man imitated Kuksu. Kuksu himself didn't come. But even so the dances had to be just right. To miss a step meant you or a rela- tive might die. Now all who knew how to do the parts are dead so the dances can't be given any more. The differences between the old-time sacred dances and the way they gave them after the dream religion started were: (1) that there was no fixed date, they were given whenever Awutu dreamed; (2) people knew that the spirits were human beings, not the old-time sacred spirits; (3) the dances were just imitations of the old ones--the boys acted as though they were shot, they weren't really killed as they used to be; (4) women were allowed to see more of the cere- monies. "Along with the dream religion was introduced the Big Head dance [xuya xai]. Awutu dreamed it right at the beginning. 51 It was an important dance, rnot just a common one like the Toto or the Ball dance, but it wasn't so dangerous as Kuksu, Salis, Bukuk, or Tsinamafon. If you made a false step you could just do it over again and nothing happened to you. Nowadays the Big Head has taken the place of the old-time sacred dances in the dream religion. They dance the Big Head for two days and two nights, then follow it with the Toto or some other common dance." The informant knew from a River Patwin friend that the Big Head had been a dance as sacred to the Patwin as the Kuksu had been to the Pomo. The flagpoles used in these dances were painted as the dream dictated. One, lying near the pres- ent dance house at Sulphur Bank, had longitudinal strips of red chevrons. The pole is raised and taken down with ritual accompaniments, which in- formants were unwilling to divulge because they are still in use. Flags indicate that a ceremony 35lInformant refused to describe the costumes and flags because he said they were still in use and the present dreamers were etrictly opposed to talking about their activities. It would bring misfortune to the dreamers. 153 ountain men impersonated in Ghost Initia- tion Ceremony (kinaupo) accorAing to E. M. Loeb, Western Kuksu Cult, UC-PAAE 33:135, 1932. Inform- ants considered it the equivalent of the Patwin Hesi dance (as distinguished from Hesi cycle). 152Described as a shooting ceremony, which is not identifiable in the literature. 153Spirit in the Bear dance of the Kuksu cere- monies. Loeb, Western Kuksu, 136. 154This information would indicate that a sec- ularized form of the Patwin Hesi, or Bole-Hesi, was transmitted almost immediately to Sulphur Bank. Xuya may be a SE Pomo rendering of the Patwin t'uya, which was the term for Big Head. is in progress. Those of visiting dreamers are raised on shorter temporary poles. A generalized description of the dances be- longing properly and exclusively to the Bole-Main cult was offered by Clifford Salvador. BLig Head or Bullhead (xia. head, xe, dance).-2 "That is a Maru dance. It came from the Wintun [Patwin] people. Before,only men wore the Big Heads,but now women wear them sometimes. It is a- big cap with sticks and feathers on the ends. So use forehead bands of flowers with the dance now There are just two dancers, a leader and a Big Head. Sometimes they add a second Big Head." La wears customary yellowhammer forehead band, dowm cap and tail-feather crown; carries bow, arrows, and quiver. Dance formation: move rapidly back and forth on opposite sides of fire, leader to west, Big Head to east; during first set of songs pause on north side of house; during second set,; on south side. Dress dance.--More women than men dancers. Dress in rear of house. Men come out first, dance in front of fire. Women, single file, circle fire four form line on north side of house, four on south. After set of four songs, two lines of wome exchange sides. Dance for duration of four more songs. Ball dance.--Dancers come from rear of house. Women form line on north side of fire, men on south side. Partners toss balls across fire for four songs, then sexes exchange sides of dance house and four more songs given. During a ter- minating song each dancer goes one at a time to director and surrenders ball. Eight balls used. Made of rags wrapped and tightly sewn, covered with cloth bearing dreamed esigns. Hintil dance.--"It is an old-time dance. They use it sometimes on the last night." Dancers wear ordinary clothing but use yellowhammer and mink headbands. Form semicircle around fire, men in front, women in back. Men carry a single arrow, clasped in both hands and held in front of body. Women carry bandana in each hand, wave them back and forth alternately with arms bent upward at elbows. From the time that the Bole-Maru was first in- troduced into Sulphur Bank until his death in about 1920, Awutu continued to be the dominating figure in the cult. During this time some minor dreamers lived in Sulphur Bank and others visited the rancheria. Of the visitors, the more distin- guished were Homaldo and Lame Bill. Homaldo is supposed to have come after Awutu had started dreaming and it was from him that the details of Norelputus's putative dreams were learned. This may have been in the course of the trip to Hop- land, which another informant attributed to Paitla. It is quite possible that Paitla accom- panied Homaldo on this occasion and that they actually traveled as far as Hopland (see sec- tion on Homaldo). Lame Bill had a wife and son at Sulphur Bank. In this rancheria he usually went by the name Munkas. Although the Cache Creek Patwin reported that he gave his dances there, he does not seem to stand out in the minds of the SE Pomo as a dreamer of particular importance, or else the informants were reticent i I .1 v I I 82 LU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE on the subject. It seems probable, however, that he either directly or indirectly introduced the Bole-Maru to Sulphur Bank. The Cache Creek Patwin and a Pomo from Kelsey Creek were both under that impression. On the other hand there are also in- dications that Lame Bill's Bole-Maru may have been transmitted to Sulphur Bank via Cortina with Sasa (Salvador) as the medium. A list of Sulphur Bank dreamers who followed Awatu is as follows: Hiram (Butcuduk); ca. 1875 or 1880 to ca. 18Q.--Used Big Head dance, also Dress (Maru) dance, which probably represents a complete re- working of the old Hintil xe or Toto as it is called by the Patwin. Had flags, costumes, but i>no Ball dance. O Jim Kelsey or Stubbs; ca 1916-1926.--Big Read dance, no Dress or Ball dance. Nellie Nick.--Died at Stonyford ca. 1895. Practiced for a short time in Sulphur Bank be- fore going to Stonyford. Her father was a Cache bCreek Patwin. Had no Big Head, used Dress dance -md Ball dance. At present,Sulphur Bank is considered the strongest center of the Bole-Maru cult among the inland Pomo. They possess a semisubterranean house in which two Bole-Maru women still give dances. One of them is Sarah Brigham, the daugh- ter of a N Pomo dreamer called Lewis. Shortly before his death, Lewis moved to Sulphur Bank. .He no longer gave dances at that time but he prophesied that his daughter would become a dreamer, which she did in about 1920 to 1922. She i8 said to have two kinds of costumes; one is a shredded-bark skirt worn by men dancers, and the other is a red-and-white cloth dress worn by tomen (fig. 14). She has also a white flag with Tred stars and triangles applique'd on it. The in- ide of the dance house is decorated with blue oemetric designs like those used by her father "d by Bill of the northern Ukiah rancheria. She es the Big Head and Ball dances but not the ru or costume dance. Supposedly her costumes e used in connection with the Ball dance. The other dreamer is Elvy Patch, a N Pomo from tter Valley, who is married to a Lower Lake . Although they live at the Lower Lake ran- ria, they are closely affiliated with Sulphur group with whom they co-operate in cere- ies. Elvy Patch began as a sucking doctor but ter "started on the maru." 155 At present she is th a Bole-Maru dreamer and a sucking doctor. Her ther died recently and as a result she dreamed t during four years she should not call a geteru ceremony. She and Sarah Brigham "work ther and help each other out." At present the rz dance proper, the Bole-Hesi, and Ball dance e given. One informant said that the Bole-Hesi See subsection, "Bole-Maru and Curing," .103. I is performed by Elvy Patch's husband but under her direction.158 Fig. 14. Sarah Brigham's Bole-Maru costume; Sulphur Bank, SE Pomo. White with red figures; bead and abalone pen- dants from some of diamonds. Verbal description. These two women are reputed to have developed recently a particularly secretive and conserva- tive attitude. They have forbidden any discus- sion of present practices with the white people, a prohibition which is observed only by their converts. Thus Elvy Patch's father-in-law and husband refused to describe ceremonies now in use, although they gave willingly an historic sketch of the Bole-Maru cult. Similarly her fa- ther, John Smith (see section, "Potter Valley," p. 88), refused to describe the Bole-Hesi dance used by an earlier dreamer because it was still practised by his daughter. Some Indians partici- pate in the dance "for the fun of it" without being particularly impressed by the religious aspects. One must rely upon these for informa- tion. Photographs of ceremonies have been for- bidden also, and although white visitors are admitted they should not be told the significance of what they witness. Even greater strictness is found in the Bole-Maru center on the coast at Stewarts Point. "'8Her husband, Raphael Patch, has still more recently become a convert to the Pentecostal church. It probably absorbs his desire for re- ligious expression, which has been checked by his wife's dream prohibition. It will be interesting to see if he returns to Indian cults. Since he is one of the most influential and religiously minded of the younger men in Sulphur Bank and Lower Lake, his decisions will do much to shape the develop- ment of the entire group. 83 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS The material from Sulphur Bank taken in con- junction with Loeb's157 generalized statements should be commented upon to clarify the general situation before passing on to specific data from other rancherias. The Earth Lodge doctrine in Pomo territory dealt primarily with an imminent world destruc- tion. Loeb states that the return of the dead, which was a feature of the old ghost-initiation ceremony of the Pomo, "now became an essential, although still esoteric, portion of the new [Maru] cult." If the doctrine predicting the re- turn of the dead was an esoteric feature of the Bole-Maru religion, it may account for the scarcity of data on this original and widespread phase of the Earth Lodge cult doctrine. However, it also suggests another reason why there was a shift in doctrinal emphasis when the Earth Lodge cult entered the area of ghost-summoning societies in which resurrection was ceremony shrouded in secrecy and mystery. It is very possible that the Patwin and Pomo rejected as sacrilegious the Ghost Dance concept of a mass return of the dead, since the summoning of a few ghosts had always been for them a fearsome and esoteric ceremony. Therefore they choose to stress, as more suit- able, the concept of a catastrophic destruction of the world--a concept which their cosmogonical myths prepared them to accept. The material from Sulphur Bank indicates that the old series of sacred dances were incorporated into the Bole-Maru religion and were perpetuated in a secularized form as long as there were people trained to execute them. As the older generation died off the sacred dances were replaced by the Big Head,which was the secularized Patwin Hesi and which had been introduced to Sulphur Bank at an early date. Therefore the development of the Bole- Maru among the SE Pomo seems to have been (1) an almost simultaneous introduction of the Earth Lodge cult and Bole-Maru, (2) the early introduc- tion of the secularized Bole-Hesi (i.e., Big Head) of the Patwin, (3) the persistence side by side of the Bole-Hesi and of secular versions of the old Pomo dances, and finally (4) the per- sistence of the Bole-Hesi or Big Head after the old Pomo dances were abandoned, leaving it as the major dance ceremony of the older stratum in the Bole-Maru cult. In addition the true Maru dance, that is, the costume dance with flags and other things, persisted and the Ball dance en- tered as new ceremonial elements. It will be seen later that the Big Head was not everywhere ac- cepted by the Pomo. The northern Ukiah Valley and Upper Lake groups definitely and consciously re- jected it in favor of their own secularized ceremonies. The coast Pomo were late in incor- porating it. The Sulphur Bank group alone seems to have received the Bole-Hesi almost simul- taneously with the Ghost Dance doctrine. In other rancherias there was a lag in its diffusion. 157Edwin ML. Loeb, Pomo Folkways, UC-PAAE 19: 394-397, 1926. The dance houses of the Bole-Maru are described by Barrett and Loeb in a generalized form. It should be borne in mind that probably only seven of the large subterranean houses associated with the Earth Lodge cult were built. Of these,not all seem to have had galleries and at least two were never completed. They were characterized by roofs which were almost level with the surface of the ground, by their depth which required a ladder at the entrance, by their size and by a gallery. In their construction a certain number of taboos was placed on the builders. These were sanctuariee against world destruction and were replaced when the immediate end of the world was no longer feared. After that, the corridor houses, such as Barrett describes, were built. There was a gradual modification of dance-house type ufitil the modern round lumber houses without pits were developed. Kelsey Creek (Eastern Pomo) From Sulphur Bank material it was learned that a messenger called Salvador was sent out to dis- seminate the Earth Lodge cult brought by Sheep- head to the SE Pomo. The first group which he visited was the E Pomo of Kelsey Creek at the southern end of Clear Lake. Here one of the most significant gatherings of the Pomo took place. The chief dreamer was a man called Jim (Batci). The local chief at that time was Tolewok. In addi tion to the material in this section a particu- larly good account of the Kelsey Creek affair, given from the S Pomo viewpoint, is to be found in the section, "Cloverdale," p. 95. Material from an E Pomo informant tallies with data from other groups, although details are lacking. [William Benson.] "The maru message came from the east. Jose Salvador, who lived on Kelsey Creek in Big Valley [S of present town of Lake- port], heard about the world ending. He went with three or four others to Cortina or maybe to Cache Creek [both Patwin sites]. They were gone about two weeks. When they came back Salvador called the people together and told them to build a special kind of dance house. No one at Kelsey Creek was a dreamer. They just got the message from the Cortina [?] people. The world was to end in fire. The old people used to quarrel about that because in the creation story there had been four destructions of the world, first by water, then fire, ice, and whirlwind. So they said if the world was to end again it would have to be in some other way." The dance house built on the Clark Ranch near Kelsey Creek in 1872 is described by Powersl58 an seems to coincide with the descriptions of the deep earth lodges already mentioned. However, Powers was under the impression that this new type of house was built after a commission had been dispatched to "surrounding tribes examining different styles of assembly-house architecture." 158Powers, Tribes of California, 205. I I 84 gave up." This situation was probably the result of white antagonism, the removal to Bloody Is- land, and the epidemics which swept through the group. The culminating influence of these diffi- culties might well have sufficed to quash group enterprise. In addition, the E Pomo at the northern end of the lake in the vicinity of the present town of Upper Lake had developed Bole- Maru activities in which the E Pomo of Kelsey Creek could participate. At present the Indians in the vicinity of Lakeport attend the Sulphur Bank dances. Barrett"6' confirms details concerning the dance house, and so forth. According to his re- port, the white people estimated that between three and four thousand Indians were present. "The celebration at this place lasted nearly a year, after which part of their number moved to BehCpal near Upper Lake [q.v.] where the cere- monies were continued." From Kelsey Creek there is no evidence that dreaming began simultaneously with the introduc- tion of the Ghost Dance doctrine as it did in Sulphur Bank. In fact,there is no evidence that it ever gained any very strong foothold for reasons just reviewed. Upper Lake (Eastern Pomo) The northern group of E Pomo who lived at Behepal near Upper Lake received the Earth Lodge cult directly from Lame Bill, who had-invited them to Lolsel. On their return, the Upper Lake people built a deep earth lodge at Behe'pal and awaited a world catastrophe in their own country. Accounts of this first affair were secured from two informants and are quoted below. [Billy Gilbert.] "Bunkas or Captain Bill of Long Valley said the world was to end. He in- vited the people from Behe'pal to go over there. He dreamed that the Upper Lake people should build a dance house so all could be in it and die together when the world ended. Lame Bill had not started yet on his maru dances. He just called the people together for his first dreaming. After the Upper Lake people came back they built this dance house at Behepal. It was so deep that the roof was just about level with the ground. Indians came here from all over, from Mendocino County and as far as the coast. They were waiting all the time for the world to end. After supper all went in the dance house to sleep for the night. Hardly anyone went to his own camp to sleep. Most of the people wanted to die together in a pile. People danced all the time. If they didn't dance, they wouldn't go to the best place. If they believed, they would go to God. If they didn't, they would go to the fire place. People who had never danced before danced then." [Charlie Gunter.] ??Lame Bill preached that the world was going to end in fire. The white people were to die, but the Indians would go to heaven. I was a half-breed and looked white, so I smeared myself with charcoal to look like an Indian. All 180S. A. Barrett, Ethnogeography of the Pomo Indians, UC-PAAE 6:199-200? 1908. Fobably the commission was the group under Jose lvador who went to the Hill Patwin to learn de- ils of the rumored Earth Lodge cult. An inform- t described the earth lodge as follows: [William Benson.] "It was to be underground. eydug a pit about 9 feet deep. They took the ilest man and made the diameter eight times his ngth with outstretched arms [i.e., ca. 50 ft.]. roof was level with the ground. Inside, about feet up, was a gallery. It was about 6 feet ide and was made by lashing the one end of its oor beams to a rafter against the side wall and ing the other end to poles near the center which so supported the roof. No white materials, like Is, wire, and so forth, were allowed in this ilding. No one was allowed even to strike a tch in this house because matches came from *te people. That year the entrance was through he smoke hole, but the next year a dreamer came om Cortina [?] and told them to tunnel a corri- or entrance through the side of the house. "All this started in the s pring. People came om Middletown [Wapp o and Lake Miwok], Dry eek [S Pomo], and the coast. There were seven res full of their camps. They stayed through e summer and fall. The Sulphur Bank people had eir underground house at that time too. Lame 11 [Munkas] was giving the dance there [not rified by Sulphur Bank data]. At Kelsey Creek, ose Salvador directed the dance and he was helped Chicken [Nata]. The year after things began, e Indian agent moved the Indians to Bloody Is- 'nd. They stayed there almost all winter. They ere starving. While they were there the whites ued down the deep underground house. That xt spring the Indians began drifting back to ig Valley [vicinity of Lakeport] because the trmers needed laborers. After that time if the adians built a dance house it was made of white nIs lumber and only had a shallow pit." Powers159 describes a "revival of antique astoms" (sic) and reports that prophets pre- icted that the white people were to be destroyed y an earthquake but that those Indians who fled Clear Lake would be saved. He speaks of In- ians congregating from all directions but espe- ially from the Russian River districts. The ite people became alarmed and finally dancers re dispersed by threatened removal to reserva- Powers attended a dance which he describes. It is difficult to identify it with certainty from is description, but it may have been the Maru ance proper since there was a curved row of ong vo'aen dancers whose only aboriginal orna- ent seems to have been a yellowhammer headband. tIt may have been, however, some "common" dance. In the Kelsey Creek group of E Pomo there ,seems to have been a minimum of subsequent de- Telopments from the first furor. Informants roould mention only one Bole-Maru dreamer at ?Kelsey Creek--a man, called Jo Boggs, who dreamed n 1890 but who "lasted only a year or two, then 159Powers, Tribes of California, 208 f. I m W.' DLJ BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE 85 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS who didn't believe would turn to rock." Everyone had to be married, even little children, although they did not have to cohabit with the spouses as- signed them. The people were to build a dance house. It was deeper than any built before but it had no gallery and had a corridor rather than a smoke-hole entrance. The introduction of the Bole-Maru cult fol- lowed soon after the Earth Lodge cult. It was brought to Upper Lake by Lame Bill himself. After a short period of dancing at Behe'pal, the Patwin group and their Upper Lake hosts moved south- ward to Kelsey Creek to repeat the ceremony. Gif- ford816 reports that the Bole-Maru was introduced to Cigom on the eastern shore of Clear Lake by Poni, a man who was half E Pomo and half Hill Patwin. Further inquiries concerning Poni elic- ited that he was a famous singer and dancer, but my informants did not know him as a proselytizer. On the imported Bole-Maru we have two statements. The second one,by Barrett,clearly indicates the close alliance between the early phases of the Bole-Maru and the Earth Lodge cult. [Bill Gilbert.] "A short time after Bill in- vited the people to Long Valley he started the Maru dances. Then he came to Behe'pal and gave them in the deep earth house. He came very soon after the first message. There were people at Beheepal from Geyserville [Wappo], Middletown [Lake Miwok], the coast, Sonoma County, Potter Valley [N Pomo], Big Valley [E Pomo, W shore of Clear Lake], Sulphur Bank [SE Pomo] and Clover- dale [S Pomo]. From Upper Lake, Bill moved on to Kelsey Creek and everyone went with him. He put on his dances there and then went back home." Some went to Kelsey Creek by boat and seven men were drowned. Lame Bill told the people to look under a certain tree near a knoll. They found a small stone mortar containing about half a cup of water with blood and seven clam-disk beads in it. This was interpreted as a prophecy of seven deaths. Instead of impressing the people with his clairvoyance, he seems to have aroused some suspicion of withcraft. llBarrett.]162 Behe'pal "was the scene of a great ceremony at about that time [1873], the Indians from various parts of the region, even as far west as the coast, having gathered about the lake to await the end of the world. The ceremony was one introduced from the Sacramento Valley re- gion, several shamans from the vicinity of Grand Island [sic! River Patwin territory] having been brought over to conduct it. The series of cere- monies which was celebrated at this time extended more or less continuously over a period of about two years, the principal ones being held at xa'- dalam on Kelsey Creek in Big Valley. At behe'pal a large dance house of special form for the cele- bration of these ceremonies was built." After the introduction of the Earth Lodge cult and the Bole-Maru to the E Pomo of Upper Lake, 16kEdward W. Gifford, Clear Lake Pomo Society, UC-PAAE 18:348-349, 1926. 162Barrett, Ethnogeography, 188-189. there seems to have been a gap of approximately seven years before the rise of autochthonous dreamers. In the meantime the rancheria sites and the dance houses of this E Pomo group had undergone various vicissitudes: Behe'pal; deep earth lodgei destroyed by fire a short time after Lame Bill s first Bole-Maru. Temporary site for two years; no dance house (?). Xabamatolel, present site N of Upper Lake; semisubterranean dance house (?); round lumber dance house with shingle roof destroyed by fire in ca. 1897; replaced by square lumber dance house, ca. 40 by 40 ft., which fell into disre- pair in ca. 1910; present assembly house which was never used for Bole-Maru ceremonies. Dreamers arose only after the occupation of the present rancheria, Xabamatolel. They are listed in approximately chronological order. Unless otherwise indicated, the information was secured from Billy Gilbert and Charlie Gunter. Evan Brown (Tolokobo) (Ca. 1880-1898) "It was about seven years after Lame Bill came that Evan started to be a maru man." He dreamed the following dances: Big Head (kaya. head; he. dance).--He made his own headdresses. There were usually two dancers, sometimes three. Leader (hoagimal-front-running- around) wore yellowhammer headband and down cap. Big Head danced near door; leader on opposite side of fire. Might be danced by two women. Women's dance (maru tarabu. cloth).--Six or eight women dancers in Bole-Maru costumes. No men. Designs on dresses dreamed. Feather or mink headbands. He had no Ball dance. Flag and pole in front of dance house. Flag bore same designs as dresses. "No one ever dreamed to put on the Kuksu dances here. There was an old man who remembered some of the eighty songs that go with the Kuksu cycle, so they put it on during the day. Evan's dances were at night. He had nothing to do with Kuksu." Jim Bateman (Shiye) (Ca. 1890-1920) He seems to have been the most outstanding of the Upper Lake -dreamers. He dreamed the Big Head and womenIs costume dances, but he had no Ball dance and no flag. Two other informants denied that Jim or any pper Lake dreamer used the Big Head dance. He did not believe that the end of the world was imminent but he thought that men, women, and children should dance to prepare for it. He seems also to have left an impress as a prophet. Women's or Dress dance.183--Women wore dream costumes, black and red with triangular designs. Headdress as in figure 15. Was used for various types of common dances and informant believes it was copied from imported Lehuya (see below). Carried tassel of shredded tule or of bunch grass 163William Benson. I 86 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE vv a b Fig. 15. Women's forehead band in dress dance at Upper Lake (E Pomo). a, band of fur, center row of pearl buttons, three rows of wire strung with glass beads; b, detail of wire decoration, tipped with mallard feathers, pendant of short yellowhammer quills and abalone triangle. ri n each hand. Dancers all had whistles. Formed 'crescent line bet-een fire and center pole, fac- Eng entrance; danced in place; pivoted weight on heels; body rotated in semicircle; elbows flexed, ight and left forearms moved alternately up and wn. Jack Walker (Gelaa) (Ca. 1890-1910) Used the women's costume dance but had no Big ad or Ball dance. He frequently co-operated th Evan Brown or Jim Bateman. His flag was then splayed in front of the sweat house as opposed the dance house. Ben Wood: "He never gave noes, he was just a prophet." He foretold auto- biles and airplanes, and believed in the end the world. "The birds and all the world would ywhen that was to happen." He began at approx- tely the same time as Jim Bateman but died be- re the latter. "He was as much of a maru man iJm even though he didn't put on dances." Doctor Lewis (Kaltcau) - (Died ca. 1917) "He 14 came from Calpella [N Pomo] but he mar- ed a Clear Lake woman. He began dreaming about tty years ago [ca. 1880], and came to Upper ke after Jackson Walker stopped giving dances. dreamed that he should give old-time dances, *e Kuksu and the Pole dance. He left out all e dangerous parts. He admitted that Kuksu and spirits were men. Women were allowed to see erything. The old people were frightened at ctor Le,vis doing these things. He got young to dance. Only one or two old men dared join * The maru did away with all those secret ings and came ouit in the open so people could to heaven. "Lewis"'S had been at Round Valley with the ers [N Pomol. When- he left there he went to e at Coyote Valley about seven miles north- at of Ukiah. He built a round dance house of er there. It was painted with stripes of o mud inside, like Bill's house near Pinole- "64William Benson. 105Jchn Smith. ville north of Ukiah [q.v.]. He had flags and costumes too, but he never gave a Big Head or Ball dance. Sometimes visitors from other ran- cherias put on a Big Head in his dance house. He gave a Djadusel dance [ghost initiation], like Bill. Doctor Bill was Sarah Brighan's father [see section, "Sulphur Bank,." p. 79]." From William Benson's and John Smith's account of the N Pomo dreamer, Doctor Lewis, it would ap- pear that secularized versions of the old Pomo ceremonies were incorporated by him into the Bole- Maru cult and that the E Pomo of Upper Lake wit- nessed these hybrid performances when he was resident there. Charlie Gunter made a comparable statement concerning Jim Bateman. He said that Jim's ceremonies were followed by dances from the old Kuksu cycle. He did not claim specifically that Jim dreamed authority to give them,and in fact different leaders were employed to direct the Kuksu dances. He added further that after the introduction of the Bole-Maru, the spirits were known to be simply representations by persons in the rancheria. The dances, however, had still to be performed accurately and participants were re- quired to abstain from meat and water until sun- down. "Those dances weren't dangerous any more." Billy Gilbert impressed me as the most reliable and best posted of the informants on Upper Lake material. His explanation of the apparent amalga- mation of the Bole-Maru and Kuksu cycle by Jim Bateman was that the dances were practiced simul- taneously but that the Kuksu dances were not dream- inspired and therefore were not part of the Bole- Maru. Furthermore, Charlie Gunter and William Benson disagree with Billy Gilbert on the use of the Big Head in connection with the Bole-Maru. I should be inclined to accept Billy Gilbert's statement that the Upper Lake dreamers did use the Big Head. Gifford,"66 in connection with the near-by Cigom rancheria of E Pomo on the eastern shore of Clear "66Gifford, op. cit., 348. i, i I I I V r I i I I 87 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Lake, gives a series of dances which were asso- ciated with the Bole-Maru cult in contradistinc- tion to the old (hindil) sacred dances. They were the Dutuka, Lehuye, Toto, Momimomi and Kayabatu. "In kayabatu a 'big head' feather headdress is worn, as in the guksu of the hindil series. It is said that the dream priest who supervises the maru dances never dreams of Pomo hindil dances, but always of Patwin boli dances. Moreover, hindil dances are said never to be danced in maru cere- monies.. Maru ceremonies last four days and four nights and all five of the maru dances are usually performed." This statement indicates that the Cigom people sharply separated the old or hindil series and the new Bole-Maru series. In this it coincides with Billy Gilbert's data for Upper Lake. However, Gif- ford's series includes four "common dances" not considered to have dream authority in Upper Lake, with one minor exception (see below). Since Gif- ford gives rio description of the dances he enu- merates for the Bole-Maru, it is difficult to identify them. Barrett 17 also fails to throw light on these performances. However, certain comments may be made: Kayabatu: kaya means head, batu is E Pomo for maru. Therefore, Gifford's kayabatu seems to be the Big Head of the Bole-Maru cult. Lehuya or Lihuye was reported by William Ben- son to have been an importation from the grain fields of the San Francisco Bay region, there- fore possibly from Patwin sources, at some time prior to the Bole-Maru or approximately contem- poraneously with it. It is often called "whiskey dance" in English. Toto, according to Benson, had the same his- tory as the lehuya, but its introduction antici- Wated it. Charlie Gunter said that Jim Bateman dreamed songs for a Maru dance which was just about like the toto." Dutuka and Momimomi have not been traced. The last four dances may belong to the large series of common dances which could be inter- spersed simply as diversions in the course of a Bole-Maru ceremony and which did not necessarily require dream inspiration. Of course it is pos- sible that some Cigom dreamer did have super- natural commands to give them. It seems not to have been the general rule throughout the Bole- Maru area. To summarize: Although Gifford's statements for Cigom and mine for Upper Lake cannot be ex- pected to coincide completely, they do serve to reinforce each other. It probably can be said with some assurance that the Big Head existed in both Upper Lake and Cigom, that Upper Lake had the costume dance, that the Ball dance was absent in both rancherias and that common dances were interspersed in the Bole-Maru ceremonies. Whether 1678 . A. Barrett, Ceremonies of the Pomo In- dians, UC-PAAE 12: passim, 1917. common dances can be divided into an old and new series paralleling the Kuksu and Bole-Maru cults is certainly open to question in Upper Lake. Furthermore, there is evidence that secularized forms of the Kuksu cycle were imported by Doctor Lewis into Upper Lake and that comparable secu- larized dances were given there. However, they there represented simply a dying off of the old pattern which overlapped in time the Bole-Marm without having been made an integral part of it by any dreamer. In this it contrasted with cer- tain N Pomo groups. Potter Valley (Northern Pomo) This caption is used to cover the events which occurred both in Potter Valley and in northern Ukiah Valley. After the first Earth Lodge furor in Potter Valley, the N Pomo were moved to Round Valley Reservation. A few years later they began to drift back to various pieces of land which had been granted them. Many of the N Pomo went to Ukiah Valley at this time. The white settlers had been alarmed by the congregation of Indians during the Earth Lodge cult and had urged their removal. After a few years, however, ranchers be- came interested in securing Indian labor and persuaded many who were on reservations to leave. As an inducement, they offered small parcels of land as rancheria sites. At present there are groups of inland N Pomo at Pinoleville, three miles north of Ukiah and at Potter Valley. Guidi- ville, three miles southeast of Ukiah, is a re- cent extension of Pinoleville. It is from these groups that the material for this section was procured. South of Guidiville begin the rancheria of the inland Central Pomo, the northernmost of which is properly called Ukiah Rancheria (q.v.). [John Smith- N Pomo, Potter Valley.] "Charlie. Bowen [Puimikij was not a dreamer but he went some place in Sacramento Valley to get the word. He came back and said that the world was to end in a flood. Napoleon Jack was the captain at Potter Valley who called the people together to build an underground house. It was about 12 feet deep and had a gallery of timber. They used oak and grapevine to build it There was no white man s lumber, wire or nails in it. That was against the rules. The building was considered a place of refuge when the world ended; it was not primarily a dance house. It had a corridor slop- ing down into it. "It could hold six or seven hundred Indians. "At first Charlie Bowen didn't dream or have a flagpole and costumes. He didn't give a dance. But after Charlie came back to Potter Valley from Sacramento Valley, a man called Bill [Tsaka] be- gan dreaming. He didn't say how the world was to end, but that it would. In the meantime word had spread all over that the world was to end. The Willits Indians had gotten together and were dancing all the time. That was just when Bill had begun dreaming. The white people were fright- ened by this and sent all the Indians from around Willits to Round Valley. The Potter Valley Indian I 88 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE decided to go up there too. Bill didn't dare put on his dances when he got up to Round Valley. He said the spirit didn't come right to him when he *was at Round Valley because his people were treated 0o badly. When he came to Ukiah Valley he started dreaming again. But Charlie Bowen dreamed up at Round Valley and he used Bill's costumes and things. They put on two dances at Round Valley, then the Indians got disgusted and burned up all -their costumes and old-time feathers. The agent ,ordered them to do this and there were AXe hun- dred soldiers there to make them do it. They 1never gave the Maru dance up there again. Sometimes koutside people came in and preached about what ithey were doing in other places." The Report of the Commissioner of Indian 'Affairs"S" throws further light on the removal from Potter Valley and definitely establishes the date as 1872. It also reveals the perturba- tion which the Earth Lodge cult aroused among White settlers. Last May [1872] ....a majority of the citizens of Little Lake Valley, in this county, taving decided that the presence of Indians was * detriment to their community forcibly brought ere [Round Valley Reservation) 309 Indians, rt from Little Lake and part from the coast. bout the same time a large number of the citi- tens of Potter Valley, also in this county, petitioned for the removal of the Indians in heir neighborhood.... [With no force or extraor- dinary persuasion] 685 Indians from Potter, Coy- te, Walker, and Redwood Valleys gathered to- ether, and came to the reservation. A few Itraggling parties coming in swelled the number of arrivals to something over 1000. Some of these remained but a short time." An account of the subsequent religious devel- opments in the Potter Valley group of N Pomo is given by John Smith as follows: "After nine or ten years [ca. 1881-1882] our eo ple left Round Valley and went back to Potter alley and Ukiah Valley. They never danced again it Potter Valley, but Bill began putting on dances *gain when our people bought the old Pinoleville rancheria [just N of Ukiah]. He gave dances until he died about thirty years ago [i.e., dreamed ca. 1872 to 1873; quiescent until ca. 1884; renewed ctivity from ca. 1884 to 1900 or 1903]. He put p a round house of white man's lumber because Indians didn't have timber and weren't allowed to cut down trees. The house had a shallow pit about 3 feet deep. It was smaller than the big 18This may refer to an order by the agent hich "abolished all the sweat houses on the eservation" as a health measure to combat colds. Rept. Com. Ind.-Affairs....1873, 325. If we *y accept the agent's reasons for abolishing eat houses, we have a nice example of how a eli-intentioned but ill-advised step served to iscourage a cult whose moralistic qualities a subsequent agent approved (see below). l69Ann. Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs... .1872, 377. underground house at Potter Valley [in 1872]. It held only some two hundred people. The house was decorated inside with blue stripes. He had cos- tumes made and a white flag with a five-pointed red star in the middle. Around the door of the dance house were little blue flags with red bor- ders. The flagpole was in front of the dance- house door and everyone had to pass it to the south." Menstruants were cautioned to avoid it and were forbidden to enter the dance house. Bill's Matu ke (i.e., maru dance proper) had only women in it. They wore the dream costumes and feathers in their hair. The singers sang slowly ye ho tana, while the women came out on the dance floor and circled the fire. Then they divided into two lines, east and west of the fire. Then the same song was repeated at a faster tempo while the women danced in place, elbows flexed, hands at shoulder height and moved in and out from the body. The whole body quiv- ered. They repeated the fornation four times.170 "Bill dreamed the Big Head right from the be- ginning. They dressed out in the brush and shouted to let people know they were coming." Informant refused to go farther in describing the dance be- cause it was still used by his daughter, Elvy Patch, who is a Bole-Maru leader in Sulphur Bank. "Bill never dreamed the Ball dance. He dreamed that they should dance the old Djaduwell7' [ghost impersonation, part of the kuksu cycle, but not the Kuksu dance proper]. He dreamed he should give it in spring when the flowers came out. 172 Evan Brown, a dreamer at Upper Lake, was the first to say that everyone shou1d know the secrets of the Ghost-impersonation dance [see discussion of this matter in preceding section]. Women and children could see it. There was nothing dangerous in it the way Bill gave it. In the old days the devils [ghosts] came from the graveyard; you didn't see natural Indians in those days. They sang old-time songs for it. When Bill gave the Ghost-impersonation dance he used only women in it L?]. All dreamers had the Ghost-impersonation dance in their dreaming. Lemvis [see subsection, "Upper Lake," p. 851 had it, too, but he used all men. "No one ever dreamed the Kuksu dance. Its secrets were never made public like those of the Ghost-impersonation. The Kuksu was the big- gest old-time Indian dance. It was never put into the maru religion." The informant stated that all modern dreamers believed that the end of the world was close at hand. He himself believes this also. "All the old-tinae prophecies,about the whites coming to this country and about guns, have come 170This is probably the Mata ke described by Barrett, Ceremonies of Pomo, 439-440, and Kroeber, Handbook, 267. Barrett gives some additional ma- terial, viz., that there was a male dance leader and that the women held green sprigs in their hands. 17'For description, see Loeb, Folkways, 338 f. 172Barrett, Ceremonies of Pomo, 403, states that the ghost ceremony "was usually held in the spring." Bill's dream, therefore, did not depart from ancient practices but served instead to re- inforce them. I P 89 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS true, so the end of the world is probably true too. All the dreamers preach that if you don't believe you will turn into an animal or a bird. When I was a young man I didn't believe. Then a maru man, called Oregon Charlie, came to Round Valley to preach. They didn't dare give dances but they preached in secret.173 He didn't know me but he could see right away that I didn't believe. That night he preached. When he aas through everyone raised his hand to show that he believed. He told everyone to shut his eyes. Then he made the whole house shake. After that I believed. Our dreamers never did things like that." (Note: The Pomo dreamers did not perform miracles to convince con- verts as did the Wintun and Paviotso.) From this material it appears that the old Ghost-impersonation ceremony (Djaduwel of the N Pomo) was secularized by two N Pomo Bole-Maru men, Bill and Doctor Lewis, just as the Patwin dreamers secularized the Hesi. The Kuksu cult, however, never underxrent the same process. In place of the Big Head of the Kuksu cycle, the secularized Patwin equivalent, the Bole-Hesi, was accepted. Another informant, a cousin of the Charlie Bowen who brought the Ghost Dance doctrine to Potter Valley, substantiated most of the data given by the previous informant, John Smith. He made the following additions, some of which are of particular interest in showing the philosophic speculations of a conservative Indian on the Bole- Maru cult. [Charlie Bowen; N Pomo, Pinoleville.] "The maru is a dream dance, that is why all the In- dians have died off now. The maru wasn't a true thing [he is an old "outfit" or singing doctor] so the Indians got punished for it. They said the world was to end. Our grandfathers and grand- mothers who were already dead were glad when they heard this. The world ending must mean that the people are dying away and that the world ends with the people. Maybe the world will get angry. The Big Man made the -rorld and takes care of it. He doesn't want the world abused. He puts people there for his own purpose. The whites upset everything, they put tunnels through the earth. Maybe the Big Man was angry at this. "The world was to end and all were to build an earth house to die in. When they died they didn't want to lie around on the earth, I guess1 so they built a house to lie dead in. They didn t say exactly how the world was to end. They say that all which is in the world are people--brush, wind, rocks, trees, valleys. They all had a meet- ing, like a trial in a court house. They wanted the world to end in fire, but then they thought that looked bad. Then they said water might be pretty good, it would wash bodies away down toward the south. Maybe they thought the ground would get soft and the bodies would sink down in. The wind was to blow over the people and blow them off. 17 An Assiniboine informed me that his tribes- men ;.ere carrying on the 1890 Ghost Dance in the same fashion because the agency official forbade open meetings. [Much of this is probably the informant's own speculations.] "We were told not to fight or rob, to keep o hearts free. We must all have a good time. Ever one was to believe this word. Charlie said, 'I I not talking for myself but for you people. We a have to die when this world ends. We can't stop. it. We can't escape it. ' Everyone stopped work and started to build a house. The whites were angry because the Indians stopped working so tb sent them to Round Valley before the dance hou was finished. They were building special houses Upper Lake, Sulphur Bank, in the Sacramento Val ley, everywhere. When we went up to Round Vallel the Yuki had already heard the aord. Someone fr the Sacramento Valley had brought the message t them. "The new houses were different. They were deeper and bigger. They were called le [death] [house]. When they built the one at Potter Val no one but the captain was allowed to talk; no could eat or drink unless all stopped and ate gether. That was usually only at the beginning~ the day. Maybe that is what happened up there among the dead. "They used the old-time dances for this mes- sage. The Big Man up there wranted things in th old way. The new Maru dance with striped dresse is what killed off the people. The maru men dr these dresses just for this dance; they make tb up. It came from the east. Those striped dresse were used even before we went up to Round Vall1 After coming back from Round Valley there we two maru men, Bill (Kawotsaka) and Sam Hasket (Kocha). Bill built a dance house at Toldam (fi rancheria site N of Ukiah) and Sam, who started shortly after Bill, had one at Kibukabul (near- site with which Toldam amalgamated after a few, years). When Bill moved to Kibukabul he used Sam' s dance house. Both gave dances there. "Th preached not to do wrong, steal, kill or be bad but to have a good time and have fun while we were still alive. If you believe a maru man it helps him out." The informant denied that these two dreamers had costumes and flags. He insisted that theyu the "old-time" regalia, but he admitted that th had new powers and new songs. These powers came from yamaenemo (our father). Among the Pomo living north of Ukiah the moyv ment came to an end in about 1903 when the site of Kibukabul was sold for the present rancheria site at Pinoleville (yamobida). Bill was still alive at the time but did not build a new dance, house or continue his ceremonies. To summarize: Charlie Bowen, to be distingui from the informant of the same name, was the me senger who obtained the Earth Lodge cult from east. Although he showed some inclinations as a dreamer, Bill was the most prominent Bole-Maru" leader in the vicinity of Potter and northern Ukiah valleys. Despite the denials of the infon ant, Charlie Bowen, there can be no doubt that Bill used the Big Head and the costume dance. the latter, only women performed. In addition h used the flags and flagpoles and the decorated round dance house of lumber which are chl-aracter, I q 90 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE b Fig. 16. Susie Campbell's Bole-Maru regi black decorations; verbal description. b, ground, red triangles, fringe hangs to tip istic of the Bole-Maru. He seems also to have - Bronsored a secularized Ghost-impersonation dance (Djaduwel) drawn from the Kuksu cycle. The in- formant; Charlie Bowen, stressed these activities of Bill rather than his share in the Bole-Maru. John Smith said that Bill dreamed authority to give the Ghost-impersonation dance but that tra- ditional songs were used. Yet personal dream songs were invariable accompaniments of Bole-Maru inspiration. Therefore, I should consider it still open to question whether or not the secu- larized Ghost-impersonation dance should be placed in the Bole-Maru cult. Even if it should not be placed in that category, it is significant that a Bole-Maru leader was instrumental in direct- ing and preserving aspects of the old cult. It will be recalled that in Upper Lake different leaders directed the portions of the Kuksu cycle which persisted. The Ball dance was never given by Bill. It was first introduced to Pinoleville by Charlie Warthon in the last two decades, which means that it came from the Chico Maidu (see sectionsA "River Patwin," p. 72, "Chico Maidu," p. 74, also Wintun and Hill Patwin," p. 59). Willits (Northern Pomo) and Coast Yuki In the preceding section, John Smith stated that the N Pomo in the vicinity of Willits were dancing at the same time as the Potter Valley group i.e., 1872). No satisfactorily detailed material from these northernmost Pomo, now con- gregated on the Sherwood Rancheria, was procur- able. It would appear, however, that not only did the coastal N Pomo from Fort Bragg go to Willits but also that representatives of the Coast Yuki and Sinkyone were present. [Naicy McCoy.] "The Indians from Sherwood, Fort Bragg, Juan Creek [near Union Landing, Coast Yuki] and Usal [Sinkyone] all came together at Willits. They said if they did not come to- ;alia, Fort Bragg, N Pomo. a, white with women's bead forehead band, white back- of nose; from specimen. gether they would be lost. The world was to end and the dead were to come back. The Indians gathered all kinds of food. When the dead came they were to enjoy those things. Those who didn't help would not see their dead relatives. When the dead came, everybody was to die. The world was to burn up. The word about all this came to Willits from Walker Valley to the south.'74 At first they built a brush house in Willits. Then they were to build a deep sweat house underground, but they never finished it. The whites around Willits were afraid when the Indians gathered together. About that time most of the people left Willits to go to Round Valley Reservation. Others went home to their own places. The agent at Round Valley promised everybody a home there. When the Indians left Willits the whites ordered them never to come back again. The Indians must have stayed at Willits four or five months, I guess." This first furor was comparable to that in Potter Valley in three respects: (1) The white people had the Indians removed to Round Valley Reservation before the group disbanded of its own accord; as a result (2) the deep earth lodge was never completed; and (3) autochthonous dreamers arose only after the people drifted back to their own territory. Only very brief accounts of subsequent dreamers among the Coast Yuki and northernmost Pomo were procured. They were all given by Nancy McCoy, a Fort Bragg Pomo now resident at Sherwood. Tcitcuwel (Coast Yuki, Westport) "He started a long time ago when I was still a little girl [i.e., ca. 1880's]. He said the world was not to end. This generation would not see it end. It might come afterwards. He built a sweat 174Walker Valley is some ten miles northeast of Potter Valley, where the other N Pomo deep earth lodge was being constructed. 91 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS house, gathered people there and had a dance. I don't think he had cloth dresses for his dances." Dick Bell (Coast Yuki, Juan Creek) "He was a dreamer. They built a round dance house for him. He died about forty years ago." Susie Campbell (N Pomo, Fort Bragg) (Ca. 1907-1908) "She was my mother. She died in 1927 but she only had dances for about one year, and then stopped. She never traveled anywhere to give her dance. She dreamed the Big Head dance and the Dress dance, but never the Ball dance. That was never known up our way." Used square-lumber dance house with dirt floor. Big Head (kisu ke).-Dreamed songs for it. Danced by two men, no women. Dress dance (matu, tunku. dress; ke, dance).- Made six dresses and bead headbands herself (fig. 16, p. 91). Men only yelloahammer headbands. There were three songs: one for entrance on dance floor, one for main body of dance, and one for exit. Men, two or four, entered first, danced in center; women formed line of three on each side of fire; withdrew followed by men. Susie had split-stick rattle, which no one was allowed to touch. Had no flag. Dance lasted four days and four nights. Between Dress and Big Head dance used "old-time common dances." Did not dream who should be dancers; selected them on basis of ability. Women dancers Nho received dresses might do as they wished with them; no sanctity attached to them. One man appointed to keep dance house in order, procure wood, etc. Called 1imaosh. After dance, feast was given; all helped pay for it. Tildy Lockhart (N Pomo, Sherwood) (Ca. 1900-1910) "She is still living at Sherwood. She only gave dances for about ten years. She got sick, that is hovw she became a dreamer. She used a brush house for her dances. She used to give them every once in a vwrhile. She never had dream dresses or a flag. The men and women just tied bandanas around their heads to dance in. She used about the same dance formation as Susie Campbell. I don't believe she ever had a Big Head." From even these brief statements it is evident that the Bole-Maru existed in its conventional form even among the northernmost Pomo. Although the Ball dance has never reached the region, and the flag does not seem to have been used, the Big Head and Dress dance with their dream songs re- main as the core of the ceremony. No field work was done among the coastal peo- ple north of the Pomo, yet, as -ve have seen, both the Earth Lodge cult and Bole-Maru reached the Coast Yuki. The Sinkyone had contacts with the first Ghost Dance furor at Willits. Kroeber re- ports"7' further that the Wiyot obtained from the 175In note to phonograph record 14-2323 X and 14-2324 XI in Museum of Anthropology, University of California. I Mattole a message that the dead were returning. However, it is probable that there was no markdd development of either the Earth Lodge cult or Bole-Maru among the Sinkyone, Mattole, and Wiyot Ethnographers who have worked with the few sur- vivors of those tribes have failed to secure any trace of the two cults. Ukiah (Central Pomo) The chief rancheria of the Central Pomo who occupy Ukiah Valley is located today some seven miles southeast of the town of Ukiah. Prior to the Earth Lodge cult, many of the Central Pomo had been removed to Noyo Reservation on the coas They had wandered away from the reservation and, in 1872, they were settled on a rancheria called Bosha at Robertson Creek. Here they were brought word of the new religion by Salvador, the East- ern Pomo messenger from Kelsey Creek. At Robert- son Creek, Xalkom supervised the erection of a deep earth lodge and the surrounding tribelets were invited to await the end of the world. Xalk was the chief dreamer of the group from 1873 to about 1883. During that decade the rancheria was moved from Robertson Creek to Burke's Ranch near El Robles, some five miles south of Ukiah, and again from El Robles to the present site, which was occupied first in about 1881. After Xalkom's death, Monk Robertson succeeded him as the chief dreamer. By that time the Bole-Maru was already falling into disrepute among the Central Pomo of Ukiah Valley. The last dances were given in abou 1894. The best account gotten of the Earth Lodge an Bole-Maru developments among the group now occup ing Ukiah Rancheria is given herewith. It is un- usually sophisticated in its description of the historic factors at work. [Steve Knight.] "Word came from the Long Valle Hill Patwin. A man, called Munkash [Lame Bill], invited the Kelsey Creek people to his place. Th first big gathering in this country was at Kelse Creek. The leader there said that the half-breed would be condemned and in order to save themselv they had to tattoo their faces. That is why you see a lot of old women with a line tattooed across their cheeks (diagonally from ear to corn of mouth; not actually observed). From Kelsey Cr it branched out and a lot of dreamers sprang up their home rancherias. "At Robertson Creek Xalkom was the first one. He took it up after the Kelsey Creek dance. He pretended that the Indian God had told him to start these things. There is no word for God in Indian, just a designation, like creator. In the old days they confounded God and coyote [madumda} When the Catholic priests came, they spoke of "oI Father" and the maru men used the same words. Wha complicated things was that the Catholic fathers started coming in at about the same time [as the maru men]. The fathers put on robes in their serv ices and the Indians adopted the robes. Right now viomen have funny-looking dresses for ceremonial dances. 92 I DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE "Xalkom built the first big house at Robertson Creek. He preached that a great wind was to come ad sweep everything from the earth. So they dug i large hole and covered it with timbers and earth. Inside were two or three [sic] galleries .around the side walls. Whenever a storm came, all the Indians went in there and were afraid. Xalkom prayed to God to spare his people. One man who is still alive and took part in it tells a story which always makes me laugh. Two of them were working for a white man pitching hay. A big wind started to blow. They had been told to go to the big underground house whenever a storm came up. Those two men set out for the house that was about a mile away. On the way they stopped to sing and dance as they had been told to do. Now they tell that as a big joke. That is why things died out. .,The dreamers told big lies that never came true. "Xalkom was the chief dreamer for about ten years. When he first began the Robertson Creek ,people invited the people from Point Arena, York- ville, Hopland, and those around Noyo. "Monk Robertson lived during Xalkom's time. When *Xalkom died Monk became the chief dreamer. In 'Monk's time they were beginning already to give up the underground dance houses. Monk built the dance house that is standing now in Ukiah Ran- cheria [octagonal, lumber, completely aboveground]. He gave only a few Maru dances there. After that the priests held mass in it. Lately they used it just for good times. When the world did not end the dreamers said it wasn't ripe [i.e., ready] jyet. Then the Indians in time lost confidence al- together, so that young fellows made fun of Monk until he was so angry he wanted to fight. He got things all mixed up. He heard the Catholic fathers talking about the devil with a long tail, so Monk began preaching about "our Father" with a long stall [yake, our; mae, father; baa, tail; xul, long]. He was a great fraud. He had some new dreams and got four or five old men in the dance ;house to make dance vests decorated with abalone rshells. All the time they were working he talked .to them. He said the creator lived up above four Xheavens. [This seemed utterly ridiculous to the informant.] The Indians always insisted that ,these dances were their salvation. They never preached that you should not steal, but that you should dance. They gave the people new songs and claimed that they had dreamed them. Those dream- ers had good imaginations and thought out some beautiful dresses and motions for their dances. "The maru died out in Ukiah Rancheria in about ,,1894. Monk was the last one to give them. When people made fun of him here he gave up and went to Sulphur Bank,where he preached until about ten years ago Xca. 1924]." Fla.-- All maru dreamers had flags, even lalkom. They probably got the idea from the sol- diers. They got tall thin poles, painted them in '-different colors and stood them up in front of the dance house. These poles were sacred. The center post of the dance house was sacred too in both the old-time religion and in the maru." Big Head.--"The Big Head was a Patwin dance. It does not belong to our people. It was intro- duced at the same time as the maru religion. The Kuksu used a big-head headdress but it was made of buzzard or ea.gle wings tipped with down. In the 93 old days the Kuksu was nude, his body was painted black and he wore only the headdress. He was re- lated somehow to coyote and creator. The Pomo never mixed their Kuksu with the maru religion. In the Patwin Big Head they used sticks tipped with down. Later they were tipped with colored rags. There were two men in the Bole-Maru Big Head dance. One wore the (pincushion type of headdress and carried a split-stick rattle in each hand. The other wore old-time feathers and carried a bow and arrows in his hands. He danced on the opposite side of the fire from the Big Head. At the end of a set they changed sides. It took two active persons." Women never danced in the Big Head at Ukiah but the informant knew of this usage at Point Arena. Dress dance.--"This was a Maru dance." (See subsequent description.) Ball dance.--"It came from the east at the same time as the maru religion or a little later. Monk and Xalkom never used it at the Ukiah Rancheria, but the Pinoleville people [N Pomo] used it some- times." "Picnics".--"They always had picnics after a maru dance at Ukiah, but they never went so far as to make tablecloths for them as they did at Point Arena." This statement contains a number of interesting points. The informant attributes to the Catholic priests the Bole-Maru concept of God, which is usually rendered by "our Father" in the Pomo language. He distinguishes between the coyote who was the old creator-god and the new supreme being. Also to the Catholic priests he attributes the use of ceremonial cloth costumes. I should be inclined to minimize this influence. Cloth cos- tumes were first used by Lame Bill among the Long Valley Hill Patwin. They show no marked resem- blances to Catholic robes but rather to the ordi- nary white clothing of the period. It is true that crosses were frequently used as decorative elements in Bole-Maru regalia, but old design elements, like diamonds, were even more in favor. That flags and flagpoles were entirely inspired by the example of the American soldiery is pos- sible. However, poles and feather banners were used in the Kuksu cult,178 so that there was also native precedent for their use in the Bole-Maru. The fact that they had sacred connotations im- plies that they may have been equated with the pole and feather banners of the old cult. The in- fornant definitely denies any adaptation of the Kuksu to the Bole-Maru. He differentiates between the feather Big Head of the Kuksu cult and the rod or pincushion Big Head of the Bole-Hesi. The latter form of headdress he considers, quite rightly, a Patwin introduction. Women dancers in the Bole-Hesi and the Ball dance were not accepted by Ukiah dreamers. In 1872 Powers'77 visited the Robertson Creek Rancheria. He noted a "unique kind of assembly house," which was doubtless the large Earth Lodge 17i Loeb, Folkways, 372. 177Powers, Tribes of Calif., 163-166. I I ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS cult type. The poles supporting the roof were "painted white and ringed with black, and orna- mented with rude devices." He speaks also of "four officials connected with the building who are probably chosen to preserve order.... They wore black vests trimmed with red flannel and shell ornaments." These are doubtless Bole-Mara costumes which have been met with elsewhere. He describes a ceremony which he believes was a mourn- ing service for a chief recently dead. In it "an old man and a young woman who seemed to be priest and priestess" presided. The first dance of the ceremony seems to have been the Maru or dress dance of the Bole-Maru cult. As it is a vivid and detailed description of an eyewitness, it is quoted in full. Particularly good is Powers's de- scription of women's regalia: "One end of the room was set aside for the dressing room. The chief actors were five men, who were muscular and agile. They were profusely decorated with paint and feathers, while white and dark stripes covered their bodies. They were girt about the middle with cloth of bright colors-- sometimes with variegated shawls. A feather mantle hung from the shoulder, reaching below the knee, strings of shell ornamented the neck, while their heads were covered with a crown of eagle feathers. They had whistles in their mouths as they danced, swaying their heads, bending and whirling their bodies; every muscle seemed to be exercised, and the feather ornaments quivered with life.... "The five men were assisted by a semicircle of twenty women, who only marked time by stepping up and down with short step; they always took their places first and disappeared first; the men making their exit gracefully one by one. "The dresses of the women were suitable for the occasion. They wore white dresses trimmed heavily with black velvet. The stripes were about 3 inches wide, some plain and others edged like saw teeth. This was an indication of their mourn- ing for the dead chief in whose honor they had prepared that style of dancing. [I doubt this interpretation.] Strings of Haliotis and Pachy- desma shell beads encircled their necks, and around their waists were belts heavily loaded with the same material. Their headdresses were more showy than those of the men. The head was encircled with a bandeau of otters' or beavers' fur, to which were attached short wires standing out in all directions, with glass and shell beads strung on them, and at the tips little feather flags and quail plumes.178 Surmounting all was a pyramidal plume of feathers, black, gray, and scarlet, the top generally being a bright scarlet bunch, waving and tossing very beautifully...." Hopland (Central Pomo) The history of the Earth Lodge cult and Bole- Maru in Hopland closely paralleled that of the 1 '8 The forehead band seems to be the same pic- tured in figure 15. William Benson (E Pomo) said that this type of headdress was introduced from the south with the Lihuya dance shortly before the Bole-Maru. See section, "Delta Region," p. 114. Central Pomo in Ukiah Valley. Again Salvador was the first messenger and again a deep earth lodge was built. People assembled on the Hopland Reser- vation from Cloverdale (S Pomo), Stewarts Point (SW Pomo), Point Arena (Coast Central Pomo), and Yorkville (N Pomo). A Hopland dreamer, called Sam, gave successful Bole-Maru ceremonies during the same decade (ca. 1873-1883) that Xalkom was directing the Ukiah cult. However, Sam had no successor who paralleled even Monk Robertson's feeble efforts at Ukiah. Catholic priests an the Hopland reservation probably did much to divert and discourage the Bole-Maru. From ca. 1900 to 1920 a woman curer was active on the reservation who was considered to have Bole-Maru powers, al- though she did not give cult ceremonies. This in- dicates that Bole-Maru ideas had not died out completely with Sam's death. The activities of this woman curer will be discussed in a subsequeni section on Bole-Maru and curing (p. 103). Details of the Hopland affair were given by th son of the first Bole-Maru leader. He was thoroug Catholicized and held the cult in some contempt. attitude was revealed when he spoke of the persis ence of the Bole-Maru at Stewarts Point. "Those people at Stewarts Point are just ignorant savage" They never go anywhere or learn anything. They ar like the Hopland Indians of forty-five years ago. [Sam Allen.] "At Sulphur Bank there was a famiJ of three brothers. One was a fine-looking man. He never went to work like the others, he just staye4 home, but even so he died. One of the other broth' went away after that. He felt badly. He went east some place and there he became a dreamer. [Does t refer to Awutu, the first dreamer of Sulphur Banki When he came back he told the people there was a God somewhere. In those days the priests had not visited all the people yet. Persons were sick and he cured them. People thought he had power and be4 lieved him. He said the world was to end. When th4 world ended all must gather together to die. They built a dance house for this at Sulphur Bank. It so big everybody could get in it at the same timeo "Salvador and another man,called Bourke [?], brought the word to Hopland. Salvador belonged somewhere near Lower Lake. Bourke came from Sul- phur Bank. Salvador was the chief one. He spoke Spanish because the Spaniards used to take men down south to work for them. The man at Hopland who could speak Spanish best interpreted for Sal-i vador. Some of our people went to Sulphur Bank [Kelsey Creek?] and when they came back they buill a big dance house at Hopland. Indians came to Hop land from Cloverdale, Point Arena, Stewarts Point and Yorkville. When the Cloverdale people started north to Hopland they burned all their property, their houses, everything [cf. Wappo]. They thoughl they would never need them again. The people who came here stayed less than a year. They danced al1 the while they were here; only some of the men wet off to work. The dead were supposed to be coming from the east. There was a big band of them who were supposed to be only forty or fifty miles away. On the day they arrived the world was to enj They said it would burn up. When that happened all were to die dancing in the sweat house with all I I 94 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE their relatives. People who could not crowd into the house camped close to it. They cried because the world was going to end soon. They cried for twenty or thirty minutes; then singers and dancers back of the middle post started to perform and everyone ifelt happy for a time. Then people would preach and people would feel badly again. "After that the dreamers started. They preached (to be good. Dreamers always doctored and cured people in some way so that people believed in their ower. Dreamers -ould predict certain things and hree times out of four or five they would come t' rue, but they always predicted troubles, never good luck. My father used to cure four or five people a year. [Denied by other informants.] He ilt a round sweat house for his dreaming. He d new dances and songs that had never been heard fore. I don't know much about these things be- ase I went to the Catholic school on the reser- tion here." The account just given was substantiated by er informants. Besides, they gave supplemen- ry details concerning the first dreamer, Sam: [Jeff and Cecelia Joanuin.1 "When Sam started be a dreamer he had his own dance house. It s about two feet deep and the walls were up- ght pine logs. In front he had two flagpoles. one was allowed to touch them. That meant ath. He had watchmen by each one to guard them y and night. North of the dance house he had a 11 tule house for himself. It was his office. en he gave [a Bole-Maru ceremony] he had run- g races start from there. First four men raced a then four women. After that the people went the dance house. They went in barefooted and one was allowed to wear watches, rings, or yvaluables like that. In the dance house they t on their costumes. When he first started Sam Iwomen make dresses with crosses, stars, and ns on them. They hung Haliotis pendants on se designs. Men had velvet vests with the same signs. His flags had the same designs too. He amed that he saw that flag in heaven. First y danced with these dresses. They circled the re four times in one direction and four times the other. After that they could dance the old on dances. At the end they had a Ball dance th eight balls. There were four men and four en. They did not wear the costumes for this. one was allowed to watch it from outside the ce house. He never used the Big Head dance. er the Ball dance they spread a tablecloth on I ground and had a picnic. The dancers were not .owed to drink water all the time they had been cing. After eating they smoked Indian tobacco the dance house. Sam preached about the world bg. All night they put on these dances and ched. They did this every night [sic] until .died. His maru powers came as a punishment being wicked. God made him do these things 'his sins." In Sam Allen's account we see that Hopland ac- ted the Sulphur Bank version of an autochtho- s origin for the Earth Lodge cult and Bole-Maru. erefore Hopland Indians did not distinguish clearly between the two phases of the modern cults as they occurred in Sulphur Bank. Yet Hopland in- formants did distinguish in their own case between the imported doctrine of an imminent destruction of the world which would occur when the dead re- turned, and their own subsequent development of the Bole-Maru. The ceremonies of the latter cult show three slight variations from those of other rancherias: (1) the use of a separate tule house by the dreamer, (2) the preliminary races, and (3) the use of the Ball dance but not the Bole- Hesi. The Ball dance often was adopted later than the Bole-Hesi. The informants just quoted made the comment that the "Hopland Rancheria was never very strong for the maru because we had a Catho- lic church on our reservation to believe in." Yorkville (Central Pomo) No informant native to this area was found. How- ever, from other sources it was learned that the Central Pomo from Yorkville went to Ukiah and Hop- land during the furor of the Earth Lodge cult. Of subsequent Bole-Maru developments in the vicin- ity of Yorkville only one statement was obtained. It came from a S Pomo who had lived in the community for some years. He remembered only one local dreamer, whose activities are given below. Billy Doc [Pedro Mariano.] "Billy went to Ukiah when the world was to end. He became a maru man after coming back. When he first started he went nine days with- out food. A dreamer can't eat when he is dreaming. He had an old man in the sweat house with him dur- ing that time. He dreamed that he would learn to read and write through his dreaming power. He saw himself with pencil and paper. He really did learn to read and write that way, but after he had learned, he lost interest in dreaming. He dreamed too that stars would fall between Yorkville and Whitehall [?]. As he rode one night with some men, a star fell at his horse's hoof, just as he had said. People believed in him. "Billy had dresses for women and vests for men. I bought one of Billy's vests for twelve dollars. It had a red cross on the shoulder. There were clam-disk money and abalone plaques hung all over the front of it. He did not use the Big Head or Ball dance but he had a women's Dress dance. Twelve or fifteen women dressed up and stood in place around the fire. They waved their arms in time to Billy's song which went with it. "Billy put on a dance at Cloverdale [S Pomo> He used a flag there, but at Yorkville he didn t have one. At Cloverdale he dreamed to have a shinny game and he made people play. He had a nice song for it. He never did that at Yorkville." Cloverdale (Southern Pomo) The Cloverdale and Dry Creek groups of S Pomo participated in the Earth Lodge cult first and primarily at Kelsey Creek. There also seem to have been some S Pomo from Cloverdale at Hopland a few months later when those Central Pomo built their 95 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS deep earth lodge. The Cloverdale people were noti- fied of the Kelsey Creek affair by Salvador, the messenger from the Lower Lake rancheria (SE Pomo). He had already carried the news to the Central Pomo of Ukiah and Hopland. Many of the S Pomo who went to Kelsey Creek stayed long enough to learn of the Bole-Maru. When they returned to their own territory, they accompanied the Wappo group (q.v.). [Pedro Mariano.] "Salvador was the messenger iiho came to Cloverdale. He was a wonderful talker. He spoke Spanish. He had dug for gold for over ten years over in the Sacramento Valley. He said the world was to turn over, to end. He told the people to go to Kelsey Creek in Lake County. "At Kelsey Creek there were people from San Rafael [Coast Miwok], Nicasio [Coast Miwok], To- males [Coast Miwok], Healdsburg [Wappo], Geyser- ville [Wappo], Napa [Patwin], Stewarts Point [SW Pomo], Dry Creek [S Pomo], and Cloverdale [S Pomol. The Point Arena, Fort Bragg, and Yorkville Indians went to Ukiah. "The man who started all this was Jim [Batci] from either Lower Lake [SE Pomo] or Sulphur Bank [SE Pomo], but he preached at Kelsey Creek. There were three brothers and a sister. The sister died. Batci dreamed that he went out to look for her. He iwJent east to the ocean but he couldn't cross, so he went away crying. He went up to a high moun- tain and there he saw his sister. She asked why he had come. He said he wanted to die. She said he would have to go back because he wasn't dead yet. His sister told him all the things he preached to the people. She told him the world would end. She said to build a sweat house so that the water would roll over it when the flood came to wash away this world. The water would not come into the big earth houses. ?Batci was a short, young fellow at this time. He was good-looking and had money because he had been a gold miner like Salvador. He wore a stove- pipe hat and a net veil over his face which hung to the tip of his nose when he preached to the people. He stood there in the dance house with three or four other big men. We were all afraid of him. The chief at that time was Tolewok. Batci preached all night. People went crazy about dreaming but the world never ended. "The maru men said not to eat beef or sheep. I ate some and my father drove me away. They said that those who ate those two kinds of meattiould turn into animals and wouldn't come back to life. "People from Cloverdale stayed at Kelsey Creek for about two years. When the Wappo left, I and my people went with them. Jack Harrison was their leader. "The danjce house at Kelsey Creek was about 80 feet around and about 12 feet deep. They built a house with a gallery at Upper Lake, near Ukiah, and at Sulphur Bank. They all helped each other build these houses. At Kelsey Creek, Batci used the Big Head dance but not the Ball dance.? After the Cloverdale group returned to their own territory they seem not to have developed dreamers or a Bole-Maru cult of their own, although they were cognizant of the movement in other areas. t informan't gave the following reasons for the a h-sr,nce of th- Bole-Maru at Cloverdale. [Pedro Mariano.] "Padre Lucian came to Clover- dale. He was barefooted and bareheaded. He never cut his hair. He looked just like a woman. Cap- tain Charlie wanted to kill him,but my father wouldn't let him. Padre Lucian was against the maru religion. Later Padre Lucian #ent to Stewart Point where the Indians killed him [?].t" The only S Pomo dreamer seems to have been Ja of Dry Creek. His efforts seem to have received very little encouragement. Jack of Dry Creek (Kiayaman) (Ca. 1875) [Pedro Mariano.] "He built a common dance hou above ground with a drum in it. He said the world was to end. No one was to wear gold or silver. He, made all the girls give up their rings. Jack took his word to Stewarts Point and I saw him afterwai with gold rings he had taken from the people ther Captain Charlie, a Cloverdale chief who lived at Dry Creek, and Jack Harrison, the Wappo dreamer, made him stop dreaming because he was no good. Ca tain Charlie said they had been fooled once, and that was enough. "His main dance was the Ball dance. He had tweo balls with a red cross on each one. A line of men faced a line of women across the fire and tossed the balls back and forth. The women wore red dresi but the men had no special costumes. He was the first and only man to use a Ball dance around her "Jack lasted for two or three years. He was killed by a white man between 1880 and 1890.?? Point Arena (Coast Central Pomo) Among the coast Pomo there are at present two centers of Bole-Maru activity--Point Arena (Centre Pomo) and Stewarts Point (SW Pomo). Previously Boonville (N Pomo) seqx s also to have had its cull but there are no Indians left in that region now. Most of the coastal belt received the Earth Lodge cult at Robertson Creek, south of Ukiah, or at Hopland,where they were invited to await the end of the world. According to one informant the worl was to be destroyed by an earthquake. Another sai "The world was to drown." This lack of agreement the nature of the world catastrophe is character istic of the whole Pomo area. The Indians were a badly frightened. "We danced day and night. We to do something to keep alive." When the coastal Pomo returned to their own rancherias they developed versions of the Bole- Maru. The cult development at Point Arena was go ten in osome detail. Although this rancheria was relatively isolated and had features peculiarly its ovwn, its history is undoubtedly representa- tive. Despite their isolation some members of the rancherias were accustomed to pick hops an- nually in the vicinity 'of Hopland and Ukiah and there they undoubtedly tame in contact with other Bole-Maru developments. Today Point Arena and Stewarts Point have a reputation for strictness in giving their dances and for hostility toward I . - - -.. x - lww %, - 11 11 - - .11. ==-L -I .-I I I 4 96 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE strangers, even Pomo, who are not reverent. The dreamers are given below with approximate datings. O'Neil (Tepel or Tcayam tcayam) (1873 or 1875 to 1877 or 1878) [Sealion White.] "When he started dreaming he had a swing put up in the old dance house. He didn't build a new one. The swing was of white man s rope, two or three inches thick. The seat was a round stick painted with red stripes. Some eight or ten people could swing on it at once, and one man pushed them.179 There was no song or dancing with it. He had all the people who came throw arrows into the dirt of the dance house floor. After that,O'Neil stood by the center post and preached. He said the world was not going to end but that the whites would have a war among themselves and kill each other,off. He had six flagpoles and flags. The flags had alternate stripes of black and white. All the adults had dream costumes of white material with black crosses. He did not give a Big Head or Ball dance, or any of the old-time dances. He only gave a Xaru dance in which women alone participated [com- pare to Bill of Ukiah]. They came out from the rear of the dance house and formed a crescent be- tween the fire and center pole. There were spe- cial dream songs for this dance. "O'Neil dreamed for only two or three years; then he turned into a sucking doctor and gave up preaching because nobody believed in him much. the same spirit that gave him dreams also gave him his powers as a sucking doctor. It was yaki baea [our father]." George (Kaodem) (1876 or 1878 to 1879 or 1881) [Sealion White.] George started dreaming about one year after O'Neil became a sucking doctor. He lasted only three years and then he died. He had four (?) flags with red and black horizontal ,stripes and dresses with horizontal bands of chevrons. His flagpoles had horizontal black bands. After a person was buried he said that people should dance and wear those dresses for a ance in the dance house. It was the only time they were used. After George died the custom was abandoned. He also dreamed that he should give a Big Head dance. He was the first one to dream ht.(The informant knew that the same dance was iven by the inland Pomo.) He built a big round ouse of redwood slabs over a pit ca. 4 feet eep. It had a white man's door. It was not inted inside. In his Big Head dance no women rticipated although they were allowed to wit- ss it. There was no leader in the dance, just o Big Heads with black and white feather head- ess. He never gave a Ball dance. [Susie Shoemake.] George started about three ars after everyone had gone to Ukiah (i.e., in . 1875). He didn't believe in the end of the rld. He preached "according to the Bible." 17 '7This seems to refer to the imitation of * down ceremony (damaxai) noted by Loeb, Folk- 7s5 391. It indicates another attempt by a eamer to incorporate old ceremonies into the Ole-Maru. (Tom Pike, interpreter, interpolated that Point Arena was isolated and had developed more nearly Christian customs than other rancherias.) George had dresses (p1. 2,b,c) made for postburial dances. "People are supposed to be buried in their dresses. That is why there are only two left." Men had vests with shells and beads strung on them. John Boston (1882 to 1930 or 1931) [Sealion White.] About six years after George started, Boston began to dream and he kept on until he died two or three years ago. He said the world was going to end in a flood but that he had stopped it with his prayers. He had no cloth cos- tumes but he did dream a pectoral of clam-disk beads and abalone plaques. It had an abalone star on it. Drew, who dreamed after Boston, used the same thing except that he added an abalone cross to it (fig. 17). Boston's Maru dance was Fig. 17. John Boston's and Drew Shoe- make's pectoral for Bole-Maru ceremonies at Point Arena (coast Central Pomo). From specimen. the Abalone dance (wil, abalone; ke, dance). Men and women danced it together. They wore the pec- toral. They circled the fire four times; then stood in place and danced. This was repeated four times to one song. After the dance they had a feast (usually referred to by informants as a picnic) in the dance house. They had a table and a tablecloth. Boston dreamed the tablecloth. It was white and had black cloth stars on it. The stars meant something but he kept that a secret. Later in his life he made two Big Heads, but he didn't start with that dance. Boston was a singing doctor too,but he used dream songs for it. [Susie Shoemake.] "Boston preached the Bible." He said that when a person died he didn't have to work any more, everything would be nice and clean and there would be many flowers (i.e., in after- world). In heaven there was no work, no buying of clothes. Each person at birth had a predestined 97 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS number of years to live. The world was to end, but not within his lifetime. The end would be presaged by a gradual change of weather, colder -'inters and hotter summers. (Informant believed these changes were occurring now.) He was the first t8 dream the Big Head (sometime prior to 1897).1 ? He had no flags, or flagpoles or cos- tumes, just the dream tablecloth and the pectoral worn for his maru dance (wil, abalone; tciukle, pectoral; ke, dance). Drew Shoemake (1919-1926) [Sealion White.]I He began preaching in 1919 and continued until his death in 1926. He used a cross symbol instead of Boston's star. He built the unexcavated round house of lumber now together. If one called a dance the other also gai his Maru dance." "They both preached that if you didn't believe you would go to a place of fire when you died. Yoi would be put in a big pot there. While you were o0 earth you would have bad luck. They preached how to be good, how to get along with people." [Susie Shoemake, wife of Drew.] Drew added crosses and heaven flowers18' to Boston's table- cloth. He had a white flag with eight black crosses on a pole in front of the dance house. When he raised that flag it meant there was to be no drinking, no swearing, no bad habits of any kind in the rancheria. He had a dress dance (tbaun ke). There were about eight women (number indefi- nite) and a man leader. Sometimes both men and wo- men might dance. They circled the fire eight time in alternating directions. The leader carried a c C 1* laq a ttutl.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ d e f g Fig. 18. Drew Shoemake'B Bole-Maru regalia; Point Arena, coast Central Pomo. White cloth, black ornaments. a, skirt, same back and front, four rows of six crosses; b, blouse, same back and front, sixteen crosses, four heaven flowers; c, double seat cover for benches around interior of dance house; unmarried persons had smaller covers with only two crosses; d, headgear. ca. 7 inches high: e. heaven flower. pearl button center, two layers of shirred cloth, r 160 beads, abalone cross; g, hand tassels, gr 10 inches long. From the specimens themselveE standing at Point Arena (p1. 1, a). The center post and door both have black crosses about 2 feet high painted on them. He added a cross of abalone shell to the pectoral used by Boston. In addition he had costumes for men and women of white cloth with black crosses. He added black crosses to Boston's dream tablecloth. He made four Big Head headdresses. In his Maru dance only women performed. They formed a crescent between the center post and fire. They danced in place. In their hands they held shredded tule tassels about 8 inches long with cloth handles on which a black cross was sewed. The women swayed their hands from side to side. "Boston and Drew worked 180Note that Sealion White attributed the first Big Head dance to George rather than John Boston. -I I - __M- I - I -- - _ --_ -_j red and black; f, clam-disk string of rips of cloth, whisk of basket grass ca. flag about 7 by 11 inches with four black crosses on it. The two women in charge of the feast after the dance also had a similar flag. Drew super- vised the making of the first dress (fig. 18). Heaven was to be a place of flowers so everything had to have crosses and flowers on it. People hadg to be buried in their costumes just as in George's dream. Dreamers have to do everything their dreams tel them. They don't rest well at night. They stay awake most of the time until they have done all their dreams directed. Then they feel relief. 181Heaven flowers were rosettes made by super-; imposing shirred circles of cloth having differ- ent diameters. They are another manifestation of the strong association between the afterworld and flowers throughout the whole Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cult area. I I I 98 w DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE Nancy (1931-1932) [Susie Shoemake.] Nancy dreamed for only one year before she died. She had two Big Head head- dresses and was the only local dreamer who used the Ball dance. She had four rubber balls covered with white cloth on which a black cross was sewed. It was "just a fun dance for young people" in which four men and four women stood on either side of the fire and tossed the balls back and forth. There were accompanying dream songs. Since the death of Drew Shoemake and John Bos- ton, the future of the Bole-Maru cult in Point Arena rests with Susanna Frank, one of John Bos- ton's daughters. She is at present custodian of the tablecloth,although it is recognized to be community -property. In about 1931 she began to dream in her own right. At present she is using .Drew's costumes (her father did not originate any), but it is expected that she will soon dream -some of her oiwm. She has already dreamed her own dance and songs. Another daughter of John Boston, nie Bijola, has married an Italian and lives in Bay. She is said to come occasionally to Point Arena to "preach." Both of these recent dreamers are more properly discussed under the subsequent subsection on the Bole-Maru and curing. There is some disagreement as to whether George or Boston was the first dreamer to intro- duce the Big Head (i.e., Bole-Hesi) dance. The re reliable informant said that Boston was the ,first. In all events, there was a lag in the dif- fusion of this dance to Point Arena. At one time re were eight headdresses in the rancheria, o belonged to Boston, four to Drew Shoemake,and t to Nancy. They were crowns of upright sticks r wires on the tips of which were attached ethers or ribbons; in other words, they were pincushion type used in the Bole-Hesi. Men, en,or both sexes might participate in the nce. As many headdresses as were available ld be employed in one performance. The three amers who incorporated the Bole-Hesi dance ed the same steps but had different songs. "It s a quick-moving dance. There was nothing like in the old days." Of the "picnic" or feast which formed so im- rtant a part of the Bole-Maru at Point Arena, lion White said: "Boston was the first to start it about forty irs ago [ca. 1890]. He got it in his dream. He [eight women make the tablecloth. When it is hed four women are chosen to do it. We have a nic whenever we have a big time--at Christmas, of July when a person has been sick and gives to celetrat3 getting well, or after a Maru ce. The eo le who give a feast tell the keeper Y want the tablecloth. Boston dreamed that it for everyone to use. They take it to the dance se and all the children spread it out and march d the fire four times with it. Then it is ad on the table in the dance house. When they ready to eat, each person stands by his place and prays. After that they sit down and are served by women who wear dream dresses. Sometimes two or three servings may be necessary to provide for the crowd. A dance doesn't have to go along with the picnic, but it belongs to the maru religion because Boston and Drew dreamed about it." Stewarts Point (Southwestern Pomo) The only remaining center of the Southwestern Pomo is a rancheria, called Kashia Reservation, some five miles inland from Stewarts Point. In 1872 the Fort Ross Indians attended the Earth Lodge cult assemblies among the inland Pomo. In about 1874 the Fort Ross group moved to the Haupt Ranch near the present reservation. In 1880 they were joined by another group of Southwestern Pomo which had been on the Porter Ranch near Annapolis. Some twenty years ago (ca. 1914) the group on the Haupt Ranch demolished their dance house and moved to the near-by ridge where they are still to be found. The present rancheria is anomalous among Cali- fornia Indian settlements in its close-knit hostility to interference either by whites or Indians. Their solidarity is the direct result of a revival of the Bole-Maru cult within the last twenty years under a "priestess" called Annie Jarvis. Attempts to obtain information from the local Indians on current cult practices were fruitless. Informants were resentful that the existence of the cult and the name of the dreamer were known at all. Guardedly and reluctantly they gave meager data only on Christobal, a minor dreamer who is now dead. The material in this section was secured partly from Stewarts Point informants, partly from white people who had at- tended dances before the present secretive atti- tude developed, and partly from gossip on other rancherias. It is presented therefore with reser- vations concerning its accuracy. In the para- graphs which follow I have assembled such material as I got on the Earth Lodge cult and on the sequence of dreamers. Earth Lodge Cult "Salvador carried the message from Sulphur Bank to Hopland. He said that the first dreamer [loca- tion unknown] had lain by the side of a grave for two days and the ghost had told him that the world was to end and that the dead were to go to a good place. From Hopland the chief, called Tcaialum, carried this message to Point Arena where his relative, Charlie, was captain. The two brought the word to Fort Ross." The Fort Ross Indians then went to join the inland Pomo gatherings. There is some doubt whether they went to Kelsey Creek (E Pomo) and Sulphur Bank (SE Pomo) as well as Hopland and Ukiah. Very possibly they split into various groups or went to different centers in succession. During 1872 they left their own territory from early spring until fall. Among the Lake County Pomo they claim to have learned for the first time the Lihuye, Toto, Gilak and Oho (fire) dances,which vyere at that time recent im- 99 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS portations into Lake County. This substantiates William Benson s claim that the dances were new in the Pomo area shortly before the Ghost Dance furor. Maria Meyers, a Stewarts Point informant, said they had been brought to Lake County from Napa (Patwin or Wappo) by two women, Juana Loretto and Josefa. After their return in the fall of 1872, the Fort Ross Indians remained in that rancheria only two years. In 1874 they moved to the Haupt Ranch, where their first Bole-Maru man arose. Christobal (Kotce) (1874-1900) "He dreamed that the world was not going to end. He said that even if it did, it would end everywhere at once so people might as well stay home. We have never believed outsiders since then. We believe only our way and it always comes true. Christobal built a round dance house on the Haupt Ranch. He had a flag and flagpole in front of it. On the flag was a large red cross. Every time he dreamed, he put up the flag to show that he was giving a [ceremony]. It always lasted four days. He dreamed dance dresses, who should make them and who should wear them. About six months after he dreamed the dance dresses, he dreamed the Big Head dance [tsina, head; bate, big]. He never dreamed a Ball dance. All these dreams came from God [yake, our; apin, father]." In the Big Head a pincushion type of headdress seems to have been used. There were four Big. Head dancers and no leaders according to informants, who were, however, chary of giving details. The same informants said that Bole-Maru dreamers were called yompta. This word is used ordinarily among the Pomo to denote a member of the Kuksu society. Its generalized meaning is extraordinary.182 The Stewarts Point informants denied that they had used this term prior to the introduction of the Bole-Maru. Big Jose (1880-?) Christobal was the only dreamer whom the Stew- arts Point informants would discuss. White people in the vicinity said that he was a minor charac- ter and that the first dreamer who came to their attention was Big Jose. He moved to the Haupt Rancheria from Annapolis in about 1880. He was the leading figure there until he went to York- ville an indeterminate number of years later. In his dances women wore white skirts on which black stripes of cloth and abalone plaques were sewn. Big Jose is said to have used two or four Big Head dancers flanked on either side by a row of women dancers. If the information is correct, this is an unusual form of Big Head dance in the Bole-Maru among the Pomo. Concerning Jose, the S Pomo informant, Pedro Mariano, stated: "He went to Ukiah when a big sweat house was being built there. Then he went back to Stewarts Point and became a maru man. He had dresses for the women and used the Big Head dance. He said all were to marry, little children, widows, everybody. 182Loeb, Folkways, 355, fn. If they weren't married they would go below when the world ended. He came to Yorkville when I was there but he didn't give dances. Then he went to live in Hopland,where he died.? The lesser dreamers whom the white people mentioned were Humbolt Jack and old Anton. Until the time of his death, Humbolt Jack was the chief leader of the cult after Big Jose's departure. The pit of the dance house, which is still to be seen on the Haupt Ranch,is a shallow circular depres- sion some 40 feet in diameter, with a door facing southeast. When the site was abandoned, the dance house was taken down and the sacred center post was either burned or removed to the new location on Kashia Reservation. Annie Jarvis (1912 to present) Annie Jarvis began dreaming two years before the group left the Haupt Ranch for Kashia Reser- vation. It is said that she lost her voice for a prolonged period when her powers were first de- veloping. On the new site she directed the erec- tion of a dance house (fig. 19). It may be entered only on bare feet. During the ceremonies the cen- ter pole is wound with cloth on which "the rising sun, the moon, stars, and crosses are sewn." The interior of the dance house is said to be lined with trunks in which regalia are stored. A Big Head dance is used and all women participants of the cult are reported to own Bole-Maru cos- tumes. When ceremonies are in progress six flag- poles are erected within the enclosure around the dance house. A white flag with three black tri- angles, placed base to apex across the field, is flown from each pole. Black and white are the ceremonial colors now in use. It will be recalled that these were also the colors in Big Jose's Bole-Maru costumes. At certain times every house in the community has hung over its door a wooden or stuffed-cloth cross suspended in an almond- shaped frame. Annie Jarvis lives in a house immediately ad- jacent to the dance house. She avoids ordinary contacts with the community and is seldom seen far from her home. She is reputed to cure through dream powers. Recently she has been assisted by Essie Parrish,who married into the Point Arena Rancheria but who still spends most of her time at Stewarts Point. She has not yet called a dance in her own right. Ceremonies are given only when Annie Jarvis has received dream instructions. The content of her harangues is largely moralistic. Intoxicants are strictly forbidden at all times. Members of the cult are not allowed to attend Christian churches. "We are a different nation and we should stay apart." It is said that the Bible plays some part in ceremonies since Annie Jarvis has become the dreamer. A white woman be- lieved that she detected either the use of Spanish or Latin in the ceremonies. The Indians at Stewarts Point have made a vir- tue of their isolation and have consciously in- tensified the group solidarity which their geo- graphical location makes possible. The activities of the group represent not only a survival but a revival of such customs as survived. I feel that I ; s 100 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE Fig. 19. Dance house for Bole-Maru ceremonies at Stewarts Point (SW Pomo) much of the situation is directly attributable to dthe forceful personality of their leader who had the vision and opportunity to consolidate this isolated remnant of Indian life. The chief of the community was elected in recent years without jpossessing hereditary rights to office. His func- ,tions seem to lie in the relatively unimportant field of lay affairs. The coherence of the social klife centers in the Bole-Maru,and in this realm Anie Jarvis represents the ultimate source of authority. o au In the course of field work one receives a Kdistinct impression that at least within the last three generations, the religious ideology of the north-central California Indians is vague, con- fused, and contradictory; in other words, it seems not to have been formalized and categorized ;for the social group as a whole. An occasional 'individual may attempt an ordering of religious concepts but that seems to be a purely individ- ual feeling for clarity and system which has not the validity of "type" for the group as a whole. .I my opinion the formalization which ethnog- aphers in the area have presented is based on ~such occasional individuals. None such was found among the Pomo. Nevertheless there was a suffi- eient number of casual and isolated statements to permit one to portray certain of the general attitudes which may be considered the underlying ideology of the Bole-Maru cult among the Pomo. Specific beliefs, like a flowery afterworld and a more sharply crystallized concept of the after- ,life in general, seem very definitely to be wrapped up with the Bole-Maru religion. Among other things, the Bole-Maru seems to have opposed the old Pomo custom of cremation and urged burial instead. The lollowing quotation gives some details on the subject. [Pedro Mariano; S Pomo.] "Batci, who was the head dreamer at Kelsey Creek,said that they should not burn people but bury them. If you burn them they won't come alive again, but the body comes to life again in heaven if it is buried. *The last burning at Cloverdale was for my mother just after we got back from Kelsey Creek [i.e., ca. 1875]. My father died about ten years later and he was buried. Batci said that we should say goodbye to the dead people. They walked around the grave and as each person passed the body he turned a circle in place. Batci said they had to sing and give a dance at funerals; not to cry." Although the abandonment of cremation was in- evitable in the acculturation of the Pomo, it is interesting that the Bole-Maru should have as- sisted the change by giving it native sanction. The prophetic significance of dreams received greater emphasis and informants repeatedly at- tempted to explain their attitude toward them by saying, "It is just like the Bible." This is a statement which would undoubtedly have been ap- plied to the body of religious myths in the pre- ceding religious system of tribal initiation and secret societies. With the Bole-Maru there rapidly became associated a series of vague ethical con- cepts which seem most frequently to have taken the form of injunctions by the dreamer against killing, stealing, quarreling, drinking, and swearing. The last two prohibitions are distinctly borrowed from white ideas of behavior, but the first three were old precepts. The general procedure of admonishing the people was the ancient prerogative of Pomo chiefs and priests,which quite naturally was as- sumed by the dreamers when they became the new leaders. The source of authority upon which the new dreamers drew is invariably called "our father."' 3 183SE Pomo, witmee; B Pomo, harik, father, or harik kayu, father above; N Pomo, waimai; C Pomo, yakibaea. I 101 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS This "spirit" is vaguely anthropomorphic and seems on the whole unlocalized beyond the fact that he is "above." His chief function seems to be the inspiration of dreamers. The vague anthropomorphic character of "our father" sets him off in the minds of some informants as a ne.s deity, others do not differentiate so sharply. On the whole, the Bole-Maru cult and the more intimate contacts with Christianity have tended to identify "our father" with the Christian God. Informants are much inclined to use the English word, God, when speaking of these matters and when asked for the native term they give "our father," never coyote or Marumda. [Charlie Gunter; E Pomo.) "Maru men were prophets for 'father above. Marumda was Coyote. He was different from 'father above.?' [George Patch; SE Pomo.] "Dreaming is just like the Bible. It isn't plain sleep dreaming. Dreamers get sick, faint, do terrible things, be- fore they get their dreams. They preach not to steal, not to'drink, not to kill. 'Do good and we shall go to the dance house above.' 'Our father' tells the dreamers these things. He is just like the white people's God." [Clifford Salvador; SE Pomo.] "Dreamers all say they dream from God. If they don't do what their dreams say they will be punished. Marumda [Coyote] is just a story. It isn't true. Dreamers are like the angels coming from heaven to Abra- ham. The whites put that in the Bible,but the.In- dians just carry that in their heads. In the be- ginning there was a story about Coyote and his brother, Kuksu, making this world because there was no place to rest. That creation is just a story. It is different from dreaming. Coyote stories are different everywhere, but the maru God is the same everywhere. No one ever saw God; they just hear him. The maru say dead people are in a different place. All who die go there. When the world ends wre shall meet with the dead. If you believe in maru you go to the dead land when you die. If you don t believe you will go to an- other place which is bad. The world has to end and be cleaned out before the dead can come back." [William Benson; E Pomo.] "Maru means to tell a tale. Maru men believe in God,who appears to them in different forms, sometimes human, some- times as a woman [sic]. They call him waimai. They don't speak of old-time Marumda. They leave him out, but I guess it means about the same thing.?? [Billy Gilbert; E Pomo.] "The word for God in our language is maru. In this maru religion, the three dreamers from Upper Lake all preached the same things as Lame Blil. The world was to end some day. Everybody must believe to go to the best place. If you don't believe you will go to the fire. Good Indians must believe in their preachers,just like the whites. A good person, one who doesn't kill, steal, or lie, goes up to heaven like a bird flying up. The bad go to fire. There are two roads forking. The left one goes west, the right one goes north. The right one is a fine smooth road with flowers along the way and all kinds of good food,like meat, pie, bread, and cake. One man [xo, fire; gauk, person (i.e., devil)] stands at the divide and tries to make people take the smooth road. That fine road leads to the bad place,where there is gambling and whiskey. Chairs and tables are upset. There is fire all around. The other road is just a common road. It looks untraveled because there is grass growing on it. That is the way to heaven. In heaven everyone is young and wears good black clothes. They don't have any worries. There are no bad men. All is clean, and everybody is friendly "Evan Brown talked like Lame Bill for the first seven or eight years. He said the world was just to drop away, not burn or overflow with water. When the world tipped over, all were to drown in the water. After Evan dreamed that way for awhile, he began to dream about giving dances and feasts. Jack Walker was awful when he first started. He had songs and everyone had to go in the dance house and sing them before starting dances. They were just like hymns. After a while he had good dreams to give dances and dinners. These dinners were like giving food away for God. They gave it t all the people who came from other rancherias. Everyone in the home rancheria had to help the dreamer out." [John Smith; N Pomo.] "Maru means to dream some thing. Indians always dreamed, but this maru is new. God gives the dreams to the maru dreamers. [Sealion White; coast Central Pomo.] "'Our father' isn't just like a man. He is more like a spirit. He isn t anywhere in particular. It is just like white religion. The Indians know there is someone above who created them. When Indians die they go to a place of flowers. Going to a good place started with the maru religion. Before that they never said what happened to the dead." (For further comments on the coast Central Pomo concept of the afterworld, see Point Arena data on Drew Shoemake, p. 98.) [Susie Shoemake; coast Central Pomo.] "Dreamers work with power gotten from yakibaea [our father]. Old-time curers also got power from yakibaea, but in the old days he was Coyote. He isn't Coyote any more. He is like a man. Dreamers see things as in a looking glass. They see right through people and their thoughts. Common people don't know about these things." Loeb'84 says on this general subject: "Some unknown person or possibly someone who has recently died appears in the dream as a mes- senger from Maruinda and teaches the dreamer. On the coast, Coyote was supposed to have been the beneficent creator in former days. The modern maru dreams, however, do not come from Coyote, but from the 'Father in Heaven.? The person who tells about~ the dreams says that he saw God in the form of a mist, and that he talked by means of the wind." Some dreamers did make the association between "our father" and coyote, but it cannot be general- ized. It is probable that with the growing influ- ence of Christianity the concept of ??our father?? is being divorced more and more from the Marumda or coyote concept of older days, and attempts to 184Loeb, Folkways, 395 and footnote. I J 7 j? o 102 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE bridge the gap between the old mythology and the newer Christian influences are becoming rarer. Bole-Mara and Curing The manner in which the Bole-Maru dreamers among the Pomo have assumed curative functions is a complex subject whose problems can only be indi- cated in the following paragraphs. Freeland18" has made a preliminary statement of the situation. Of late years, since the introduction of the maru cult....around Middletown, Sulphur Bank, and Manchester, the maru priests have practiced as doctors. The informant described their method as "a sort of faith healing:" They make no diag- nosis of disease, but treat all alike with a single set of prayers which they have dreamed, addressed to Marumda under their own name of gaidu'yiyal, creator of the earth. They do not practice bleeding or sucking, but terform with elaborate motions, accompanying wi h cocoon rat- tles and split sticks the song which they sing to gaidu'yiyal and spirits which they see in dreams. The cure is ended with a big feast given by the family. The maru do not fast. They some- times charge five or ten dollars. By Indians of the old school, they evidently are not consid- ered a very reputable crew. Loeb,"'8 who drew his material in part from Freeland, adds that the maru "are not only dream- ers and leaders of ceremonies, but they engage in healing the sick to a much greater extent than the yompta (secret society members) ever did." The implication of this statement is that Bole- Maru curing is in part a transfer from the Kuksu cures."87 Although none of the specific features are comparable, still the concept of the leader of a cult who functions as a curer is present in both. The feast, which Freeland and my inform- ants report as terminating maru cures, is reported by Loeb"88 as the most common form of vow which patients made when treated by the old outfit doc- tors. The statements made by various informants con- cerning the relationship between the Bole-Maru and curing are given herewith. [Clifford Salvador; SE Pomo.] "In Lower Lake and Sulphur Bank maru dreamers were never curers." [William Benson; E Pomo.] In the course of dis- cussing Elvy Patch, a mara woman from Lower Lake, Benson said, "She started as a power doctor,'89 185L. S. Freeland, Pomo Doctors and Poisoners, ,UC-PAAE 20:58, 192a. 18Loeb, Folkways, 396. 187Loeb, Folkways, 322. X 88Loeb, Folkways, 327 G18A form of north California shamanism re- cently introduced to the Pomo by Albert Thomas, sa shaman of Wintu and Achomawi origin. See below for further data. that is, she smoked herself into a trance and then sucked. About five years after she married she started to be a maru. Now she keeps up both the power doctoring and the maru." [Billy Gilbert; E Pomo.] "Dreamers are not doctors. They just help for little sicknesses like headaches and rheumatism. They have no power for big sicknesses. The dreamer takes his own special split-stick rattle that is all painted and decorated. He presses it four times on the person where the pain is. Then he says 'pfu' and whisks the pain away." [Nancy McCoy; N Pomo.] "Anyone who was sick could be doctored by going to a dream dance. The dreamer's song would help them even when no dance was being given. Their dream power did a person good. [John Smith; N Pomo.] This informant gave the clearest classification of curers among the Pomo. It throws light on both specific and general as- pects of the situation. Data explanatory of the first two categories listed below have been de- leted because of full descriptions by Freeland and Loeb. "There are four kinds of doctors: (1) Singing (outfit) doctors,who sing over patients for four days, give them medicine of rock, rattle- snake, water dog, herbs like poison oak and laurel, all that is bitter. They are least powerful. They were old-time doctors. (2) Sucking doctors smoke and call on ghosts (tcaduwel). They use devils, dream, cut and suck. They are also old-time doc- tors. (3) Power doctors are new. They came to Clear Lake about fourteen years ago [ca. 1918]. They smoke and go into a trance. They donl't know what they say so they need an interpreter. That kind of doctor hasn't started around Ukiah yet. Power doctors can go to another tribe and doctor even if he talks his own language because he has an interpreter to talk English for him. The power doctors I know are Conway of Chico [Maidu], Al- bert Thomas, of Anderson tWintu-Achomawi],and Elvy Patch, of Lower Lake. Elvy Patch has morning star and 'above' [?] as her powers. Power doctors have different spirits from sucking doctors. The new power doctors are stronger than the old sucking doctors. They can cure the same kind of sickness. [Here the informant told of a rapid cure by a power doctor called Johnson, who was summoned from Santa Rosa after singing and sucking doctors had failed.] Power doctors give just one kind of herb, worm weed, either internally as a decoction or externally as a poultice.190 (4) Maru dreamers are not really doctors. You wouldn't call them if 190This account of the introduction of a new form of shamanism into Pomo territory is irrele- vant to the discussion of the Bole-Maru cult and curing, but is highly pertinent to the develop- ment of modern shamanism among the Pomo. In this connection attention should be drawn to Jaime de Angulo and L. S. Freeland, New Religious Movement in North-Central California, AA 31:265-270, 1929, which also treats of this subject and specifical- ly of Albert Thomas's influence on Henry Johnson, who is probably the power doctor mentioned above. The authors draw attention to the amicable rela- tion between the Bole-Maru dreamers and the new "power doctors" at Sulphur Bank. We have seen that actually in Elvy Patch the two are recon- ciled. I 103 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS a patient were sick. [This is not generally true.] They don't suck or smoke. But the maru man is a great person among the Indians and their singing should help cure a person. I have seen a person taken sick at a maru dance and they will sing and dance over him right there and he gets better." At Point Arena there are at present two Bole- Maru women, daughters of the old cult leader, called John Boston, whose efforts are usually in- terpreted in terms of curing rather than pure Bole-Maru religion. Loeb"'1 goes so far as to say of the rancheria that "of late years all doctor- ing has been in the hands of the priests of the maru.... cult." To trace the rapprochement between curing and the Bole-Maru cult which has been tak- ing place at Point Arena it will be necessary to discuss briefly the local sequence of dreamers from this angle. It will be recalled that O'Neil began as a dreamer and then forsook it to become a sucking doctor. His successor, George, seems not to have been in any way affiliated with curing. Drew Shoemake "put on dances mostly for a good time, but he did a little curing on the side." He was apparently a singing doctor who used dream songs therapeutically. John Boston "preached religion mostly and his dances went with his preaching. He doctored some." He also was a singing doctor who used dream songs. As one informant said, "Before the maru religion, doctors used old traditional songs for curing, but since the maru religion they use dream songs." Then he went on to say of Annie Bijola, "She has been going about six years. She sings dream songs to cure. She never calls a dance. She preaches about what is wrong with a person; she looks through them and sees what is wrong with them just like an x-ray." Of her sis- ter, Susanna Frank, he said, "She doctors with dream songs too-. She dances when others call a maru dance but she has never called one herself. They are called now mostly to help a person when he is sick. All who have costumes get together and help. If a sick person is able, he comes to the dance. Anyone who can pay for it calls the dance and if there is enough money they have a feast afterward. That helps the sick person." Another informant said, "You can cure by maru dream songs. They are different from the maru dance songs. If a person is sick his family may call a maru man to cure him. The maru man cures by singing the songs he dreamed. Maru dancing is no cure but a sick person may ask for a dance, or he may put one on after he is cured to celebrate. If a sick person asks for a maru dance it may be given during or after the sickness,depending on what the patient wants. Everyone must join in and help. Dreamers work with power gotten from yakibaea [our father]. Old-time curers also got power from yakibaea,but in the old days he was coyote." The Point Arena dreamers seem to be indebted to singing doctors of the old culture in (1) the use of songs and (2) the terminating feast or cele- bration. "9'Loeb, Folkways, 325. KATO The introduction of the Earth Lodge cult and the development of the Bole-Maru among the north- ernmost Pomo at Sherwood were not investigated. However, the thread of their history was picked up farther north among the Kato of Laytonville. They received the end-of-the-world message which characterized the Earth Lodge cult among the Pomo. Among the Kato it was a short-lived affair without subsequent developments; in other words, no form of the Bole-Maru grew up among them. Subsequently the tribe participated in the sale of the Big Head. dance and its regalia,which was transmitted from south to north on the western side of the Coast Range crest. The later movement will be described separately under the section called Big Head Cult (Part 4). In these paragraphs only the Earth Lodge phase will be described. The sole informant used among the Kato was Ray Gill, a well-informed man o sixty years, whose verbatim account portrays the situation nicely. "Before I was born [i.e., before 1873] some kind of spiritualist down south dreamed about the world ending. Word was relayed from Ukiah to Willits, Sherwood, and the Kato Rancheria. So a man from Kato was sent to Sherwood [N Pomo] to see what it was all about. Then all the people were called to- gether at Kato Rancheria. They built a dance house, just like the old ones but bigger so it could hold all the people. Everybody danced day and night without stopping for food. They had four guards watching every night outside the house waiting for the flood to come. The rest were dancing inside the house. Those who didn't believe would drown when the world ended and stay dead. But those who be- lieved would come back to life. They danced to save themselves. There x~ere only two white men in the country at that time. They came to watch and asked what it was about. They didn't know if it was true. There was no antiwhite doctrine because there were so few whites. There was a lot of talk- ing. They preached about God [Tcenes, Thunder]. They wanted to go to him and have him save them. They gave big feasts. The Wailaki on the North Fori of the Eel River came to see what was going on and they took the word back [no trace of Earth Lodge cult found among Wailaki, however]. "One night a guard came in and said that the big flood was coming and the world was ending. Everyone took their goods and climbed up to the top of a high mountain nea,r the village. They stayed up there for four nights and four days. Nothing happened so they drifted back a few at a time and started dancing again. Old Man Doctor [KoteLesh] was the leader in all this. He had dreamed ever since he was a boy,but he didn't dream about the world ending. He tried and tried but couldn't dream it. Others tried too, but couldn't. After a while all the old-time people who were smart and had been to school [Kato in- structed young in tribal lore] Nere gathered to- gether one afternoon by Old Man Doctor. Some said the world wasn't coming to an end. They argued all afternoon. That night they danced. One old man, Luningham, preached. He was smart. He said so in I 11 I 104 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE his talk. He said they had to find out the truth. So he sent four men southwest and four men north, all painted and carrying sticks, to hunt for Na- gaitco [Great Traveler--mythical person]. You have to shout in a certain way under logs, in the brush, in the water. Those who went southwest did not find him, but those who went north located him at Tsebetakut Creek. They brought him a short way and left him in the brush. They went back to camp and said they had found nokta [father].192 All that day nobody went far from camp, they stayed near the sweat house. Everyone was there, women and children. It was the first and only time the women and children were to see Nagaitco. Then four men went out to get Nagaitco and bring him to the sweat house. He circled it to the right four times. We do everything by fours; we are taught that in our schoo ls. Then Nagaitco stood there. He was a big fellow--fifteen or six- teen feet high. He had a top-knot just like a stick that grew out of the top of his head. He never walked, he just spun around. Luningham and some men went up to him and asked him if the world was to end. Nagaitco spun around in one place and then stood still. He said, "No, the world is not going to end." Everyone heard him say there was nothing to all that talk. Then Na- gaitco spun around and danced some more before he vwent home. They sang a song for him as he spun off." This account of the Earth Lodge cult among the Kato is of particular interest because it portrays the Earth Lodge cult without the localized dream features which somewhat overlaid the first move- ment in the minds of Patwin and Pomo informants. It gives additional proof that a furor of excite- ment based on the end of the world swept through this portion of California before, and independ- ently of the Bole-Maru. In addition, the absence of white people in the region had left the Kato culture sufficiently intact for the authority of the aboriginal god, Nagaitco, to be still supreme. The only break in the old pattern occasioned by the furor was that women and children were per- mitted to witness the god. Also, that he was sum- moned to decide the troublesome issue may have been aberrant. Another point of considerable in- terest in showing the influence of individual psychology on cultural development was the state- ment that Old Man Doctor and other dreamers at- tempted to dream concerning the end of the world but failed. Had there been an individual with suf- ficient authority, information, and suggestibility among the Kato, it is conceivable that they also would have developed Bole-Maru features. Obviously, it is unsound to speculate too far on the basis of a single informant's statement. However, the Kato eem to offer interesting points of similarity d contrast with the Yurok. Both groups received Ghost Dance doctrine, both accepted it tempo- arily, but neither developed a subsequent Dream clt. Among the YLarok one gathered that a Dream ult failed to develop because of an aggressive Pejection of the ;,hole idea, whereas among the 192 Loeb, Western Kuksu, 25, says Nagaitco was addressed in prayers as sta' (father). Kato the dreaming failed to develop because the group, which was small, happened to have no in- dividual capable of keeping the ball rolling along the developmental lines generally followed in the rest of northern California. ROUND VALLEY RESERVATION Round Valley has been used for almost eighty years as a reservation into which a variety of north Californian tribes have been imported. They have only partly retained their identity. Most of the material obtained in the region was from Yuki. Undoubtedly, further data could be gotten from the Maidu who are there, particularly on the post- Earth Lodge dreamers. It appears that two early phases of the new religious movements reached the Yuki. One seems to have been the early Earth Lodge doctrine, imported by Santiago McDaniel, a Salt Pomo of Stonyford (see "Wintun and Hill Patwin," p. 59). The other was the Big Head cult described in Part 4. There is some uncertainty as to which was the earlier. Yuki informants are not in agree- ment,but certainly the two movements were not more than a year apart. The N Pomo state that the Yuki had already received the Big Head cult when the Earth Lodge cult was taken to Round.Valley. I am inclined to believe that the situation was the re- verse and that the Earth Lodge preceded the Big Head cult in Round Valley. Santiago McDaniel's Dance All the Yuki agree that Santiago McDaniel was the proselytizer at Round Valley. This, however, is not substantiated by the Wintun and Hill Pat- win,who know only of his later Bole-Maru dances which, they say, began not longer than twenty years ago (ca. 1912). Santiago McDaniel himself volunteered no information on the subjeot and when finally it was broached directly he denied any knowledge of it. [Little Toby and Charlie Gray.] "Santiago brought the word to the hop ranch in Round Val- ley. He never told where he had gotten the mes- sage. It was a dead people's dance he put on. He said you must dance to see your dead relatives. If you didn't you would turn into grass, wood, or something; you will have lizards as earrings. San- tiago's dance was the old-time Feather dance [kopa wok].193 This message of Santiago aas the same one that they were preaching all up and down the Sac- ramento Valley from Dunsmuir to Cottonwood. People in Round Valley gave up their dances and danced what Santiago brought. Dominic Hastings and Jim Fennell [both Wintun] used to say that the Indians died off because they broke the rules of the old-time strict dances, like the Hesi and Saltu." [Ralph Moore.] "Santiago dreamed things himself. He got it froi no one and he didn't pass it on. He had a dance in Stonyford before he came to Round Valley. The dance was a fake. They found that out 193Kroeber, Handbook, 196, describes the dance and speaks of it as "largely social in chlaracter." 105 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS later. They dreamed about a dance and were told what to do. They wanted the Round Valley people to give a feast. If they didn't they would die. Another gift he got from dreaming was to make sticks dance. He wanted to make people pay a lot to see it. They were about as thick as his finger [see next account for description of same miracle]. Santiago lighted a pipe, smoked, and passed it to my father. He smoked, too, then Santiago took the pipe and shook out a fifty-cent piece. That is the way to get money,' he told my father. He said, 'If you want to see your dead relatives you should dance.' My father wanted to see his dead mother, so he gave up sheep herding and did noth- ing but dance. Santiago said, 'You go out and gather wood, go a mile or two. No white man can do that. Build a fire, get it hot, sweat. That is the way we shall conquer the white man. We shall get ahead of them on that. If you dance a lot you will see your mother. We shall have a lot of money by smoking [vide supra]; then we are going to be around the white people, marry white women, we shall all be one people. If you do as I tell you, it will happen so. We shall live in good houses. We shall hire white men to work for us. Your wife won't have to cook. White women will cook for you.' "When Santiago came he had many people with him. Some of the Round Valley people thought he was trying to get something for nothing, so they didn't want to dance. If people didn't believe in the dance some of the poisoners Santiago brought with him would kill them. They danced four nights, then they invited the people to dance at Stony- ford. Many went over there. They expected to see their dead relatives at Stonyford. They stayed about a week,but nothing happened. When they com- plained, Santiago showed them tricks. He said they didn't dance enough and that was why they didn't see the dead. Finally all the Yuki came home. Peo- ple made fun of them afterwards. My mother said to my father, 'You just went crazy. You know these things can't happen. Why do you want to believe them.t [Poni.] "Santiago said he was going to make sticks dance, so I sat right up close to see what would happen. The stick was stuck in the ground and had a lot of feathers hung on it. Santiago danced around it alone. He had a long whistle in his mouth. As he danced he blew on the feathers with his whistle and it made them move. It looked as though the stick moved but really it stayed right there stuck in the ground. But it made peo- ple think it shook. 'He preached that Indians would have more money than whites. He brought a dance and feathers, but he didn't bring the Fig Head this first time." In these accounts of Santiago's activities at Round Valley, reflect, quite naturally, the Wintun and Hill Patwin forms of the Earth Lodge cult and Bole-Maru,which differ in certain respects from the Pomo. For instance, emphasis is primarily on the return of the dead rather than the end of the world. Secondly, miracles are used to compel cre- dence. The stick trick is reminiscent of Homaldo's, although it seems to have been less pretentious. It may be significant in this connection that San- tiago McDaniel was almost as reticent concerning Homaldo as he was concerning himself. If we may assume that Santiago McDaniel, or whoever it was who converted the Yuki, is indebted to Homaldo, then the earliest date for the conversion of the Round Valley people would be ca. 1873 to 1875. I the Big Head cult were earlier, then the Earth Lodge cult came in about 1875. It is significant that the costumed Bole dance, which Lame Bill probably originated, seemed not yet to be part o the cult. It is apparent that the Yuki were not so completely overwhelmed as were some other groups. Santiago's reticence about the rOle he played may be due in part to his lack of success' the animosity or ridicule now felt for the doctr as well as his overt expressions of hostility to the whites,which he seems to have expressed more openly than most converts. All this, of course, over and above the widespread reticence on the p of dreamers in speaking of personal experiences. There is another account of an affair in Roun Valley, which was secured from an Atsuge near Ba ney who had lived on the reservation as a boy. I somewhat at a loss to reconcile it with the data from Yuki informants, but include it herewith in abbreviated form. The informant had a dramatic imagination, which may have invested his account with distorting features. He may be referring to Santiago's visit, concerning which other inform- ants were more prosaic. [Samson Grant.] A prophet came to Round Valley' from the south. He told the chief to build a lar earth lodge because the dead were to return. He promised to come back later. The lodge was almos finished when the prophet came again. He entered the lodge carrying a staff, walked to the center pole, faced south, closed his eyes and sang. The he thrust the staff in the ground, continued sin ing, beating time on his chest. The song was: yolol mi a kam, wala kene no, esa wita kam. 9' After this he preached, ordered everyone present to shut his eyes while he talked. He predicted J rain in ten days and that it would not enter the lodge even though the roof was unfinished. He said he would return and relate his dream. He or-i dered a feast for the occasion. He commanded all to shut their eyes again. They heard a noise out- side. When they opened their eyes the prophet hacl disappeared. In ten days it began to rain slightly. The prophet came with his staff. People gathered in the lodge; the prophet sang the same song; the people feasted, but he ate nothing. When they we through he told his dream. In it he went to the. top of a certain mountain. It was burning, even the rocks. Two men stood in the midst of the fire, They walked out from the fire unhurt. They told him the dead were to return and to make a large earth lodge. Everyone was to dance that the dead might see them. Young women were to dress in the best. Children were to be painted in red pigment. "Red paint is our love and so is white. Get read; 194Dr. Paul Radin is inclined to identify the language as Wintun. Santiago McDaniel speaks both Patwin and Pomo. If this song is Wintun it may be one of Homaldo's. I ?i 106 IYJ BOIS: THE 1870 GHO3T DANCE When you hear something like thunder the dead will be coming. Never put on black clothes. That is no good." The prophet said that those who were good would live in heaven. He told them to dance to the song which he had been singing and which was given him in his dream. They were to see the dead just once, then not again. People danced for about one year. The prophet did not return. People decided the dead were not coming and they would see their dead relatives only in heaven. "Some tried to dream for them- selves but they never got very far." There were no flags, poles, or special costumes. (This makes it unlikely that the account refers to a later Bole-Maru dreamer.) This account adds to previous ones in hinting at a moralistic tone on the part of the prosely- tizer. That it was indeed present may be assumed from the following statement by the Indian agent on Round Valley Reservation in 1874: 195 "Under the influence of their religious teach- ers a remarkable change in character and life of nearly the whole tribe has taken place during the last year, in the renouncing, not only of their pagan customs and beliefs, but the vices of gambling, swearing, drinking, etc., learned by contact with so-called civilization." Bole-Maru From the account of Santiago McDaniel's dance, it would appear that he brought to Round Valley only the doctrine of the Earth Lodge cult as it was known in the Sacramento Valley. Subsequently, various Bole-Maru leaders developed or imported dances in which the Round Valley group shared. A list of these Bole-Maru men follows: Jeff Davis (Stonyford) [Little Toby.] He died about 1930. He dreamed songs and danced at Stonyford for Santiago Mc- Dniel. He danced in Round Valley, too. He put on his own dances until he got old, then he gave his feathers to Ralph Moore (q.v.). These dances were dream dances (inomwok). They re called bole, too. People dream dances and feasts (much emphasis on feasting aspect). There re usually one or two dreamers at a time. The reams tell them what to do. For a while there y be no dreamer, then someone will start again. ey can give their dances either in a dance house r outdoors. Santiago brought the Bole dance here, it started after the Big Head went through. In a ole you can buy your feathers from someone who ows how to make them, but you have to dream irst. A bole man can't sell his feathers but he n pass them on to another dreamer. If he wants o destroy them he puts them in a sack and throws hem into a deep hole in the river. [Ralph Moore.] Jeff Davis started in about 1887 t Stonyford when he was a young man. After a time 5@Arm. Rept. Com. Ind. Affairs, 1874:73. he came to Round Valley and danced the common Feather dance first. Then the head dancers asked for a Bole. Jeff had his feathers and songs,so he put it on. There are just certain songs for the bole. In front of the dance house he had a pole 20-25 feet long with a crown of feathers on top and a yellowhammer headband as a flag. He had two dancers with Big Head headdresses, one large and one small. Three or four women wearing striped dresses danced on either side of the Big Heads. George McCoy [Poni.] In about 1890 George McCoy came from Laytonville (Kato?). He said he was a bole man and put on a dance with Big Head feathers, the upright crown kind. Jo White was with him and danced too. They held a split-stick clapper in each hand. Just two men danced, a Big Head and a companion. No women participated, although they were allowed to witness the performance. Wailaki Tom (Wailaki on Round Valley Reservation) [Ralph Moore.] In about 1908 he started to dream. He dreamed dresses, white with vertical red stripes on the bodice and horizontal ones on the skirt. The men wore ordinary feather regalia. Tom was the first to give a bole at Hulls Valley, about nine miles north of Round Valley. The Big Head (i.e., Bole-Hesi?) was never used there. He put on several dances. He had a pole with feathers on the tip and a flag. A spirit gave him the dream. It was not Taikomol (Yuki equivalent of Kato Na- gaitco), but some other kind. In 1912 he called a dance. It was to bring back the old customs and show friendship. He put on his striped-cloth dance (atnoyam wok, i.e., costumed Bole or Maru dance). It was the dance that started in Pomo country a long time ago. He had a round dance house with a roof of shakes, one center post, and it was entirely aboveground. The fire was between the center post and the entrance. In the rear of the house was a board drum partly underground. Women dancers wore old-fashioned dresses, white with stripes. They put them on in the rear of the house behind a curtain. People came from all over and put on their local dances. The informant took a band of Yuki,who gave the Feather dance. Ralph Moore (Round Valley Yuki) [Little Toby.] "He dreamed dances too. Jeff Davis gave him his feathers. He danced at Ukiah two or three years agoA but it was just for hire." Autobiographical.-- I started dreaming in about 1915 [note: after Wailaki Tom's dance at Hulls Val- ley], but I haven't dreamed for about five years now. [Informant during these five years has sup- ported the Pentecostal church,but he did not give this as his reason for not dreaming. He is somewhat apologetic to white people about his Pentecostal leanings.] I had started dreaming when Jeff Davis gave me his feathers. That is why he gave them to me. He was an uncle of mine. I dreamed two songs but didn't do anything about them. Jeff read my mind and told me I had dreamed songs. He said I 107 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS had better give a dance, so I did. At night I sing and see visions that tell me to give a feast. I see people dancing in other places. Then if I don't give a dance something goes wrong with me. When I dream a dance I can aIways get lots of help from the people. It seems to get into other people and they are willing to dance and make things go easily. If people hire you to put on a Bole dance, the dreamer has to ask the spirit if it is all right." Sally Bell [Ralph Moore.] She was brought up in Lake County (Pomo), but she has become bole since she came back here. She stopped in about 1916. Her father and mother were Wailakis. She only put on one dance. Jim Stevens [Ralph Moore.] He was a dreamer who lived at Round Valley and put on feasts and dances. He started a long time ago. He lives now in Redwood Valley (Huchnom territoi-y). Obviously, more material on the Bole-Maru in Round Valley would be desirable. There were in all probability more dreamers than are listed here and more should be learned concerning the details among them of the Bole-Maru cult, of the Bole dance proper, that is, the striped-dress dance, and of the Big Head or Bole-Hesi history, and so forth. On the whole, the data procured were con- fused and unsatisfactory. By far the best accounts were of the Big Head cult transmitted through Round Valley, which is discussed in Part 4. From this fact I should be inclined to assume that the Big Head cult was the most significant movements to the local group even though it was short-lived. WAPPO The preceding three sections traced the north- ern diffusion of the Earth Lodge cult from the Pomo to the Kato and its manifestations on the Round Valley Reservation. A consideration of the Wappo to the south of the Pomo brings us back to the early Earth Lodge cult phenomena in the vicinity of Clear Lake. Earth Lodge Cult The Wappo were invited to Pomo territory when the imminent destruction of the world was antici- pated. Both Powers'96 and informants agree in re- porting that large numbers of Wappo went to Pomo territory in 1872 to await the catastrophe. The following is an account by two Wappo: [Mary Eli and John Trippo.] Tolewok was a dreamer at Kelsey Creek (actually was local chief). He said the world was to end and every- body was going to die. They should all come to- gether to die. He thought the world would burn up. The half-breeds were to turn into rocks and 19"Powers, Tribes of California, 209-210. stumps. After the end of the world everybody was to come back to life except the half-breeds and the white people. The Indians were not supposed to eat meat or grease. They shouldn't eat white men's foodj like hogs, beef, and bread. "Mary burned up a new pair of shoes because they were white people's things. I don't see why he didn't. tell us to burn up our blankets too." When the Indians heard this they all came to- gether. They called the Indians from all over. 4 the Wappo went and all the Indians from the coast They all came together. This was just when the railroad came to Healdsburg (spring of 1872). The Indians at Kelsey Creek just starved. Then the white people threatened to kill them, so the' moved on to Sulphur Bank, but they just starved there too. So a group of Wappo went on to Middletown (Lake Miwok and Wappo rancheria), but. no one was there because they had all gone to Sulphur Bank. From there they went back to Alexs ander Valley (Wappo settlement, place from which informants had started). Before going to Kelsey Creek they had burned up everything they couldn' carry so there was nothing in Alexander Valley when they got back.197 At Kelsey Creek there was a large undergrounda sweat house. It was different from any seen be- fore. "It was so big it could hold about a thou, people." It had a down-sloping corridor entrance oriented eastward, a square smoke hole, and a rear exit. Around the interior was a raised beno (the gallery described in the section on the Poi There was a cotton-wood drum in it and a man play it by dancing on it. The center pole was painted with white clay and had charcoal chevrons painte on it. Outside was a flagpole and a flag with de signs in red, white, blue, and black "like a quilt. That was the first flag we had ever seen like that." In the dance house everyone danced all the time. They danced naked. Tolewok's spirit told him how everything had to be. "His spirit was a ghost (ote.u), the spirit of someone who had die Only one dancer went out of his mind. He got a song. He sang for Tolewok and worked for him." When we went on to Sulphur Bank everything was fixed up the same way. [Marion Maranda,] "The maru started in Lake County about sixty years ago. The world was go- ing to come to an end. That is how it started. Everybody from rancherias everywhere went to Sulphur Bank because the world was going to end. The white people were afraid because there were so many Indians together. They thought they were going to make war on the 'whites' so they wouldn sell the Indians' powder and ammunition, but the let them keep their guns. They got some soldiero in. The Indians made a big swea house, maybe 12 feet deep. It would hold two, three, or four 197The prophecy is now considered ridiculous and the whole incident a ludicrous joke on the Wappo. "I no die" is the amused comment of the informants. Despite this good-humored attitude, the destruction of property which occurred be- fore their departure must have been a severe blow to the resumption of economic existence upon their return. I II I .i? .1 i 108 thousand people [sic]. On top the n talked to the people, said the worn to an end. Everybody went inside bu 'pened. This happened day after day, X ened, but the people began to starv ome. The maru man claimed only thc 'weat house would be saved. The ear .Up, rocks, trees, water would- burn A lot of people died from huinger. I a flag on a pole outside the sweat Uaf blue and half white. "That was how the maru started. "spread out and more dreamed." Bole.-Maru o The Wappo seem to have had about or maru dreamers. They are listed i iate time sequence and with very a Jack Harrison (1874 [?]-1882) (Martha McCloud. ] Jack (holopute ty) was the first Wappo around F rt dreaming. In a dream, his dea him and told him what to do. He built a special dance house for tle bigger than the old-time one thers ung on strings from the c walls. He had been told to do t The center post was sacred. h it without his permission. In house down, the post might not ped up. It had to be thrown in tdea th to burn it or chop it u like other center posts in dan no special name for it. It wasn people in Lake County painted t special dance costumes or a fi est dance was the Lihuye and o til olol). He didn't make up da the Big Head (hututca). He too or places, like Stewarts Point (S tral Pomo), Hopland (Central Po: ary Eli and John Trippo.] "Jac mushroom] led us back to Alexi Sulphur Bank. He became omewil 'worTh wasn't going to end. We w 'One by one, not all together. H g a fine young man all dressed rve him a piece of acorn bread it grew bigger and bigger. ,a little water in a mussel she it all. When he left the youn an old, old man with a cane an( all of a sudden he was gone. H like an Indian. This was omew "The Wappo know, and frequentl term maru. Their equivalent is ans doing as you dream. Olol lish olol are Bole-Maru dances -hintilolol, which are old-time d down from one to another. Or R hintcome." Paul Radin, Wappo 27:163, 1929, translates omewi LX Xa translation which Pomo f uru . DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE 109 aaru man19" When Jack called a dance he told everything he Ld was coming had seen in his dream. His ghost [ote.u] told it nothing hap- him that the Wappo were not to burn people when , nothing hap- they died. It looked bad. His spirit didn't like re and went it. [Informant made no association between pro- )se in the hibition against burning the center post and cre- ?th was to burn mation. This was made a point of particular in- just like oil. quiry in view of the Wintu data in which the pole Phis man had was called "person," and Lame Bill's term of house. It was "chief" for the center pole.] Jack said he would live only eight years after he began dreaming From there it and after eight years he died. Some didn't be- lieve, just as some now don't believe the priests. "Jack had the headman build a dance house. Everybody got together for a picnic. Everrone brought food. The center pole [hala] wasn t t SiX omewilish painted but it was special. Jack went out and Ln their approx- measured it, told how to cut it. He took care of Lpproximate dat- it. Not everybody could touch it. People who cut it down weren t allowed to have meat or water. He took the same care of his flagpole [tsewo]. He had an American flag [?] for it." No menstruant could go in the dance house or touch either of the poles. After the dance the flagpole was taken oshak, basket down and hidden in the brush. [ealdsburg to Jack danced the Lihuye. It was a common dance Ld uncle came and his songs were no different. He never had the called a dance Ball dance or Big Head. it. It was a s. He had One of the best accounts of Jack's dances was enter post to procured from an old Lake Miwok called Salvador ;his in his Chapo: No one could i case they took Maru in Lake Miwok is called huni. The first be burned or huni man Salvador remembers and the first one who the water. It ever dreamed was Jack from the Russian River in Lp. It was called Sonoma County. "He sent two boys over to invite Ice houses. There the people on Putah and St. Helena creeks. Every- 't painted but one went and stayed four days. ;heirs. He didn't "Jack preached that the dead had only just ag and pole. moved out of this world. He dreamed and saw those ild-time dances who had died. He saw his relatives who had died nces. He never before him. There is a God up in heaven called kk his dances to lila wali utel.19" This God had been known in the W Pomo), Ukiah old days. It was nothing new with Jack, but Jack mo). said that God made him dream those things and see k [tsowile, a people in heaven.200 Before,people used to suffer ander Valley when their relatives died. They got sick from ish. He dreamed feeling badly and never got over it. So God told rere all going to Jack to teach the people not to feel so badly, to le dreamed of tell them that the dead relatives just moved on up. The young to another place and that you would see them again ,but when he when you died. He told them to be good, be nice, It was the same be happy and dance his dance. He preached all these 11. He couldn t good things. We shall see our relatives again if we g man turned are good in this world. Whoever believes in God and d a white beard. does right will not die in middle life but will live e was white, not ilish dreaming. l99ila, high up; wali, whole world; utel, powerful, was the translation offered by the in- terpreter. Dr. I. T. Kelly, who has worked with y use, the the Coast Miwok, suggested the following trans- omewilish. lation on the basis of that language: lila, is to dance. heaven; wali, sacred; utel, ghost. different 200It is interesting to compare the three dances dinary dream- sources of inspiration suggested by three inform- > Grammar, UC- ants. Martha McCloud attributed Jack's inspira- lesi as "tell tion to his dead uncle's ghost. Mary Eli laid it 'requently give to a visionary "fine young man" and later to a ghost (ote.u), while Salvador Chapo considers a supreme being as his source. ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS until he is blind and can't walk.201 Then he will go to the next world. When a person dies he stays buried for four days, then he goes to the top of Mount St. Helena and stays there one night, from there he junips up from a large flat stone on the mountain and goes south. In utel yomi [ghost place] the dead all bunch together and watch for the new dead to come, just like a big dance, or watching a horse race. Jack preached against burning. He sai*d it made it too hard for God to make the dead over again in the next world where they were to live. No Indians were to burn the dead any more. We [Lake Miwok] had stopped burn- ing before Jack preached. Jack told them he was glad to hear it. Jack dreamed over and over again and he mas bothered. That was why he called the people together and taught them what God had been telling him. "Jack's dance lasted four days. He used the Lihuye--that was just a common old-fashioned dance. He had a dance house and in front of it a flagpole Nith a spiral line running around it. His flag was white with a blue cross. At the end of four days he took down the flag to show the dance was over. Then everybody sat down at a long table and feasted before going home. He told everyone to have a huni [i.e., Bole-Maru] dance just like his in their own rancherias." [Pedro Mariano.] "Jack [Ishin] led his people back from Kelsey Creek after about two years. He never used the Big Head or Ball dance but he dreamed the Lihuye. He had a willow stick like those used in baskets, which his brother's wife had made for him. On the tip were a few glass beads. He made it disappear in broad daylight in the sweat house. That was his dreaming power. He said the world would not end, but that people would die one at a time. He had no flags. He built a dance house about 12 feet deep at Asti [?1. "He was working for a white man hauling hay. He told his brother Jim that he [Jackl would die at four o'clock that afternoon. Jim was making clam-disk money and didn't pay much attention to what he said. At four o'clock Jack went in the brush house and lay on his bed. A whirl of wind came and broke down the house and Jack was killed right there." John Trippo (Matasatala) (1884-1886) [Martha McCloud.] "He was the second one to dream. He brought in special clothes and the Big Head headdress. It w-as the first time the Wappo had it. A little owl [wodti] came to him and told him to put up the dance. He had a special house built. The Big Head [hututca] is different from the Kuksu because it has sticks standing upright instead of feathers. The Big Head is danced by four men. Two wear the Big Head headdress and the two others danced with them on the other side of the fire. Those two did everything the Big Heads did." Concerning the Big Head and the Bole-Maru cult another informant stated: P0lThe informant suffered both of these dis- abilities! [Marion Maranda.] "The headdress used for Kuksa is called Kuksu ho, that is, Kuksu head. It was made of long feathers tipped with white down. The hututca is different, it is maru. It is made of long sticks wrapped with rags and with a tuft of feathers on the ends. It started when the maru did when the world was coming to an end. Only four met danced the Big Head [hututca]. They put on their feathers in the dance house and then danced up near the fire. When the dance was over they stored the feathers in a trunk. The; were strict about handling the Big Head dance. (Probably we are dealing here with the Bole-Hesi as contrasted to the Kuksu.) The maru dances lasted two, three, or four day depending on the dream. They got songs in their dreams. They sing at the dances. Before the dance they teach the songs to the singers. They are afraid of these songs. To sing them at any time when they aren't dancing makes them sick. To talk about one's own maru is dangerous. It makes a maru man sick and kills him. Frank Peet (Ta'mo) (Ca. contemporaneous with John Trippo) [Marion Maranda. He started about the same time as John Trippo. He was at Middletown then, but when he came to the Russian River Reservation (north of Healdsburg) he was a Maru man. He gave dances there. He had the Ball dance, just like Rosie Thomas. He had a fla pole too. "If you don't have the pole it isn t Maru." He used the Big Head headdress, but he kept his dream secret. [Mary Eli and John Trippo.] Frank was an ome- wilish man. He came from Santa Rosa (?). He dance the Big Head, dreamed songs, and had a flagpole with a flag. He danced an old-time common dance, too. It was just for four women. They wore bands around their heads from which beads and abalone pendants hung over their faces. Jim Trippo (Tupe yokuma, quail crest trail; Lutcetuku, tobacco pouch) (1895-ca. 1919) [Mary Eli and John Trippo. ]202 "He was John Trippo's uncle [father s brother] but he started after John. He had the Big Head in his dance, too. He dreamed it for himself. He was married to Rosie Thomas [see below]. [Martha McCloud.] He did his Big Head when she was through with her Ball dance. "It looked as if theT worked together with the same omewilish. I don t know if they had the same dream and spirit but they always worked together." Rosie Thomas (Sala taope, bead pile middle) (1895 to present) [Martha McCloud; sister of Rosie Thomas.] "Rosie got sick all the time and had fits. At ni when she was asleep a dream came to her to put on the dance. She had special clothes. The women wore 202The latter refused to mention his own ex- periences es an omewilish man, although he has long since given up dancing. I i p 110 Dli BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE solid- green dresses. The men wore a strip of green cloth diagonally across their chests. There were four men and four women who danced with balls. There were sixteen balls for these eight dancers. They threw them back and forth over the fire. The balls were made of cloth, green, red, black, and white. They were about the size of a baseball. This was the most sacred dance of all [usually a common dance]. The balls were put in a bag and kept in the house when they weren't being used. No one but the dancers were allowed to touch them. Rosie gave a dance every year in the spring until two years ago [1930]. She gave her dance in a brush fence. She picked her dancers and they prac- ticed ahead of time. She always put up all the food and paid for the dresses. "Her flag was green with three red balls in the corner [lower right]. The flagpole had four stripes on it and was secret, just like Jack's center Vost. My husband cut down the flagpole and he aasn t allowed to drink any water the day he cut it. He brought it in the night of the dance. 8s he came up close, Rosie blew her whistle. Then they raised the pole and the dance began. The ball dancers had to go without water for one day, too. Rosie didn't have the hututca [Big Head or Bole- 8esi] but her husband, Jim Trippo [q.v.], did." Among the Wappo the development of modern cults parallels the Pomo situation. The Wappo partici- lated in the Earth Lodge cult on Pomo territory. Upon their return the first dreamer, Jack, seems .to have acquired only some of the Bole-Maru elab- orations. It will be recalled that the Bole-Maru cult and the Earth Lodge cult were practically contemporaneous at Sulphur Bank where the Wappo ent after the collapse of the Kelsey Creek af- air. Jack's claim to be classed as a Bole-Maru eader was that he drew his inspiration for dances d doctrine from dreamed revelations communicated r ghosts. Informants gave conflicting testimony soncerning his use of a flag,which one informant ertly stated was diagnostic of the Bole-Maru ult. It is probable that he possessed one. How- ver, the Bole-Hesi and Ball dance were intro- ced later and probably were inspired by Pomo ample. They represent the same cultural lag corded for the coast Pomo. The Big Head is the twin Bole-Hesi, to jud?e from the dance forma- on and the "pincushion headdress,which was ted to be different from that used by the WaVpo impersonator. It is interesting that Jack s ctrine reflects the general attitude which de- loped after the failure of the Ghost Dance phecies--the crystallization of concepts con- rning afterlife, communication with the dead, d a modification of mourning. Also his influence abolishing cremation is an example of how emo- onal content was injected into the diffusion of trait already known to the Pomo and Lake Miwok. MIDDLETOWN RANCHERIA It seems desirable to consider the situation at ddletown geographically rather than tribally. Middletown is located in Coyote Valley, which was originally Wappo territory. However, after 1872 the Wappo, Lake Miwok, and even one Coast Miwok of importance were all present in the valley. The best account of the Middletown development came from an old Lake Miwok, Salvador Chapo. Of the Pomo Earth Lodge cult in 1872 he said: "Jim [Batci] and Jack Grant called people from all the rancherias to Sulphur Bank. They weren't huni [Bole-Maru] men, but to the north was a huni man who preached that the world was coming to an end and that everybody was to stay together in one sweat house when that happened. I never went to Sulphur Bank, but a lot of my people did and so did the people from Russian River." Salvador Chapo then went on to enumerate the various Bole-Maru leaders he remembered. The in- fluence of the Wappo, Jack Harrison, has been dis- cussed in the preceding. section. He seems to have been the first dreamer of importance known to the informant. The next one was Tom Smith, a Coast Miwok. A former wife among the SN Pomo sketched Tom Smith's earliest contact with the Ghost Dance and Bole-Mara. Tom Smith [Rosie Sheard.] He went with the people from Fort Ross to Lower Lake. He stayed there all sum- mer and finally returned with the same group to Fort Ross. He then went on alone to the Russian River. In approximately 1875 or 1876 he began dreaming. He built a dance house on the Russian River,but there were very few Indians left in the vicinity to participate in his ceremonies. He then went to Stewarts Point and Middletown to give dances. In both of these rancherias he had a wife and children. His last dance was given at Stewarts Point as late as 1921 or 1922. At this time he no longer owned regalia, but in his earlier dances he had used both the Costume and the Ball dances. [Salvador Chapo.] "Tom Smith was the next huni man after Jack a pol. He came from Bodega Bay. He got his power there and then came to Middle- town [old rancheria site of Hukuyume, on Putah Creek, ca. 5 miles NE of present site. Tom Smith had never heard Jack preach,so far as Salvador knew.] He preached just the same things Jack did. He said that God [lila wali utel] told him just the same things. That shows it must be true. He was a young man when he came from Bodega Bay. He married a woman from Middletown [Lake Miwok]. He got the people to build him a dance house. He invited his own people from Bodega [Coast Miwok] to come over. "When Tom turned huni, stripes grew all over his face and body. They looked like paint but they wouldn't wipe off. After a while they went away by themselves. Many came to his dance and saw him that way. He didn't put them there him- self. "His dance lasted four days, like Jack's." The dancers had to fast on meat during that time. If they were careless death would result. He had I ill 112 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS special dream songs for the dances. The only one and was completely aboveground.. The main entrance. recalled was: was oriented south. To the north was a small rear (1) he he exit. The foot drum was in front of the rear exit (2) helinai o and consisted only of board laid over a pit about (3) wilinai o. (12121212 13131212) two feet deep. The walls were of upright logs. The costumes worn by the dancers are indicated There was only one center post, said to have been in figure 20. In addition,the women wore a crown- painted with alternate bands of black and white. like headgear of crow feathers. The men wore Bole-Hesi.--"Carrie was the first to bring in yellowhammer headbands with a chicken-hawk feather the Big Head dance [uditsana]. They danced it stuck in the back. Later, dancers substituted cloth three nights and on the fourth used the Ball danc Carrie called the Big Head 'shaltu.' That means spirit. "' Either two men or two women danced it, but never a man and woman. The leader wore a net cap filled with down,with three white feathers behind each ear. He carried a bow in one hand and a wildcat quiver in the other. He came in the entrance, danced to a place between the fire and center pole and from there called the Big Head. He wore a tule cap into which were stuck slender rods tipped with down. This was the first: time the "pincushion" headdress had been seen in Middletown. The Big Head had a whistle in his mouth, which Carrie had made, and in either hand carried a split-stick rattle. He and the leader danced facing each other across the fire. At a b|q||||ga signal from the singer the two came together and danced on the same side of the fire. A special song dreamed by Carrie was used for the dance. (1) shaltu wea, spirit drill (i.e., dance figu (2) bole wea, bole.d,XillI (3) wile wea, good health drill (4) shaltu we. (11112233114; (2) and (3) are sung in a raised key.) "All this was new with Car ae." The Lake Miwok did not have the Kuksu cerem Ball dance.--"This was new with Carrie too. Fig. 20. Bole-Maru regalia used by Tom Smith, They danced on the last night and it was just a Coast Miwok, at Middletown. Black with white or- fun dance.? Six men stood on one side of the fire naments. a, women's dress; b, men's trousers; c, and six women on the other. They used twelve balls flag. Verbal description. which were tossed from one line to the other. The balls were of white cloth with red crosses on headgear for feather bands. A flagpole and a flag them. All the dancers had bone whistles in their (fig. 20, c) were also part of the regalia, mouths. They wore white cloth headbands with red chevrons on them. The dream song for the Ball Carrie Smith dance was: (1) haton ela, toss [Salvador Chapo.] "She was Tom Smith's daughter (2) olom wali, toward south by a Lake Miwok woman. She stayed in Middletown (3) huni lama, dream dance earth lodge. (11123- ifter her father went back to Bodega Bay. She be- 1111231; all in same key; (2) and (3) are sung in came a huni dreamer in 1900 or 1902. She was al- a faster tempo than (1).) ready middle-aged at that time. She went on giving Carrie directed the four nights of dancing. She lances for ten years until she died. She said if preached, gave the singers the songs, and told the she didn't give dances she would die, so all her people what to do. She stood in the rear of the relatives helped her out. She said she would live house near the singers and drum. "Huni [i.e., Bole Dnly if they believed in her. If they didn't she Maru] means showing something; a huni man showed said she would go back to her father. She died what he saw in a dream. It didn't have anything to because they didn't treat her right, I guess." do with curing, only the dreamer got sick if he Regalia.--"She had two sets of costumes. The didn't give dances. All the huni men had the same first was red and white. She danced with that for spirit, lila wali utel [see p. 111]. Huni didn't three or four years. The second was black and have anything to do with the dead coming back. The ihite, just like her father's. She made costumes dead came back in the old-time yompta business.205 for everyone in the rancheria. She had a flag and pole [measured as it lay on ground: 25-30 ft.). It was kept in the dance house when a dance wasn t going on. You have to be careful of it. The man who put up the flagpole had to go Nithout meat and grease for one day. Carrie did not eat meat or grease all the time her dance was going on." Dance house.--The ruins of the dance house were still visible. It was 40 or 50 feet in diameter Obviously, Carrie Smith was an important inno- vator in the Middletown rancheria and was respon- sible for the introduction of local versions of the Bole-Hesi and Ball dances. The Bole-Hesi may 503Loeb, Western Kuksu, 121-123. Yompta were "doctors" who called, in the ghosts in the ghost initiation. I I I I e c I c E I c L I I i v DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE have been used by her father, Tom Smith. The Ball dance seems definitely to have been included in his dance series. The somewhat aberrant practice of permitting women to wear Big Head headdress may be attributed possibly to a feministic incli- nation on her part. It was made possible by her evident influence, as well as by the fact that the regalia was new, so that no traditional atti- tudes toward it had to be overcome. Her debt may be to Patwin rather than Pomo sources, as indicated by the use of the word "bole," not "maru," in her dream song. The use of the word "shaltu" is ob- viously the word "saltu," common to both older Pomo and Patwin cult terminologye. There seems to have been at Mildletown another development which can probably be attributed to Bole-Maru influences. Its inspiration was also drawn from dreamed revelations, but its expression was not in dances. Accounts of two individuals so inspired are given below. One is Jo McGill, Sal- vador Chapo 's uncle, who began shortly after Tom Smith's Bole-Maru dances and who is now dead. The other is Henry Knight, whose supernatural powers are still in the process of crystallization. Jo McGill [Salvador Chapo.] "He lived in the old ran- cheria at Hukuyume on Putah Creek. He didn't call dances or have outfits,like Jack and Tom Smith. He just called people together to preach to them. All he had was a split-stick rattle of elderberry. He made it himself and no one else was allowed to touch it. He rattled that before preaching. In his sleep he dreamed about dead people. Every ,time he dreamed he called the people together in the sweat house to tell them what he saw. He called them together right -away. He didn't have to wait like huni men. People had to be quiet, not talk, while they were in the sweat house. Jo ttalked very low and then Francisco [Teksa], who was his interpreter, told what he had said. The people in Sulphur Bank called him over to preach. Be dreamed things one doesn't see in this world. lIe told people how to live." Henry Knight (Meatalpa; Wappo) [Salvador Chapo.] "The present dance house at addletown was built six or seven years ago [1926 r 1927] by Henry. About six years ago a big crowd e and Henry told them he had dreamed of a pirit who said he was to preach to the people, ell them how to live, to be good to one another, ot to steal, not to drink wine because it makes r mind think in a different way. Henry had been heavy drinker but he became a wonderful man for while. He could tell when people on other ran- rhenias were going to be sick and it would always rn out to be right. ie, could tell two or three nths ahead of time vvhen anyone was to die. He has song and he sings it before preaching or tell- gwhat will happen. He sees things in the song. this two sons drank all the time. They didn't derstand what he was doing. They came in drunk r with liquor on them and it spoiled his spirit. o tried to tell them not to, but they wouldn't stop. A couple of months ago Henry lost his power and went back to drinking. Now his wife is sick because his spirit was spoiled. They got Wilsey Lewis [Hill Patwin] from Cache Creek to doctor her. He brought his grandson along who can see through everything. This grandson said that Henry's sons were making their mother sick and they had to pray for her. One son is trying." This manifestation of supernatural power be- longs partially, I believe, to the influence of the Bole-Maru cult, and Jo McGill shows there was precedent for Henry Knight's efforts. De Angulo and Freeland,204 on the other hand, speak of Henrg Knight as a convert to the "Chesterfield Cult' at Sulphur Bank in 1927. The cult is de- scribed as an outgrowth in part of the new power doctoring introduced by the Achomawi-Wintu sha- man, Albert Thomas. Undoubtedly, both influences, the Bole-Maru cult and the northern form of sha- manism, are at work, as indicated under "Pomo." COAST MIWv'OK The influence of the Earth Lodge cult and the Bole-Maru among the Coast Miwok was indicated in the paragraphs dealing with Tom Smith in the pre- ceding section. Only three Coast Miwok survivors remain. Maria Frias, formerly of Nicasio, is a relatively young wanan and unable to give much information. At Bodega Bay there are two half- brothers, Bill Smith, a half-blood who is unwill- ing to serve as an informant, and Tom Smith, a full-blood. Despite the advanced age of the lat- ter, Dr. Kelly was able to secure certain data which amplify the material from Middletown. Dr. Kelly was kind enough to permit me to use her mate- rial from Maria Frias and Tom Smith. [Maria Frias.] "There was a man called Salva- dor in Lake County. This happened before I was born or when I was very small. He got the people to dance, saying the world was coming to an end. He didn't come to Nicasio [near San Rafael] but the Nicasio people heard about it from the Hop- land people Iinland Central Pomo]. Very few Nica- sio people believed. My mother went to Ukiah for the end of the world. Salvador had them all sweating, men and women. Then they jumped in cold water. He said all the young girls must marry old men and all the young men must marry old women. He said everyone must have a little money in his pocket when the world ended. Then they "would be rich when they came back. They thought the dead would come back too. The dead people play the ball game. They hear them shout- ing. It sounds just like a woman's voice.' [Bill Smith.] "Tom Smith went to Sulphar Bank for the end of the world. He married a woman from Middletown. He was a dreamer and traveled all over Lake County and to Ukiah." [Tom Smith.] "Once I saw my bi-other-in-law's sister who had been dead a lonS time. She came up to Russian River. I was living in a house up there. She came down through the ceiling. She had a fine dress, with abalone shells attached 204De Angulo and Freeland, op. cit., 267. 113 so they made a noise when she walked. She asked me, 'Do you know me?' I said no because I v&as frightened. She didn't want my brother-in-law to marry again [?]. He was married to my sister. She told me to get up in the morning and go down and tell him I had seen her. In the morning I didn't feel like eating. The next night I was asleep and dreamed that she came in with a feather. She was singing. I dreamed that I sang with her. I got up and smoked. I dreamed this woman asked me to sing with her. I told her yes. Next day I didn't stay home. I went up a hill, taking a piece of bread and a small bottle with me. I was thinking about her all the time. I didn't see her any more. May- be she was outside,like the wind)but I didn't see her. "Afterward I moved down the Russian River to where the bridge is now [Jenner]. I worked there. I built myself a sweat house because of that ghost. I set eight forked sticks in a circle, dug down about 4 feet. I built that house for myself; old people were all dead. I put one post right in the middle and posts to it from the other forked sticks. We worked two months on that--my own brother, my brother-in-law, and my own half-broth- er. I put a little dirt on top of this sweat house. "I told my people, 'I am going to have a dance.' My father -asked, 'What kind of dance can you have? Everyone is dead.' I said I dreamed a song; it was in my head. I said I would dance myself. 'I'll get people to come from the coast and from Healdsburg.' I -went up the coast and in- vited people. I sent two boys. "My father talked to the people. He called me and said, 'This is my boy,who is making a dance now. All the old people are dead. This is another kind of dance.' I prayed before I danced and when I was through I prayed to the people. We danced four nights and then stopped. I had that kind of dance for six years. Then my brother was poisoned and I quit that dance. I burned all the things. "Polo hote [ball throw] is a dance with balls. I made this dance when I was living the other side of Ocean View and once up the Russian River. Young people dance it. It was held out in open space. Men and women were partners on opposite sides of the circle. They toss balls back and forth across the fire. They catch with one hand. About ten or twelve young fellows and about eight eirls played at once. When you miss much, they don t want to dance with you,and get another partner. The ball [polo] was of wood, burned and rubbed into shape. When they got through dancing they wanted bead money. I had eight foot-lengths of clam money and I paid the girls with that. I gave the young fel- lows unworked shells." From these statements it is apparent that the Coast Miwok heard through the Central Pomo of the Earth Lodge. At this time Tom Smith seems to have been one of the few Coast Miwok who went to the Earth Lodge gatherings of the inland Pomo. Later he became the only Bole-Maru dreamer among the badly disintegrated Miwok of the coast. Dr. Kelly reports that there were ties between the Coast Miwok and the Pleasanton group in Alameda County east of San Francisco Bay, but there seem to be no AL RECORDS indications that the Earth Lodge cult or Bole- Maru complexes spread any farther southward than the Coast Miwok. The subject is considered in t next section. DELTA REGION In the central portion of California which lies to the north and south of the Sacramento delta there occurred during the 1870's an inter- change of dances and ceremonies. Gifford205 de- scribed a portion of these movements when he presented data concerning the Pleasanton revival. One man from Pleasanton, called Yoktco, took the Kuksui and other dances to the Nisenan of Ione; while Sigelizu, also of Pleasanton, imported a series of dances to the Central Miwok of Knights Ferry. Gifford is inclined to attribute the Pleasanton "revival" and the spread of dances from there to the 1870 Ghost Dance. Beals ,206 Gayton,207 and Kroeber208 have followed Gifford in attributing these movements to the stimulation of the 1870 Ghost Dance. Gayton suggested three possibilities to account for the Pleasanton re- vival of 1872: (1) Either it was the result of a northern introduction of the Ghost Dance, or (2) the Ghost Dance had a separate introduction into California via the Washo, Southern Maidu, or Northern Miwok. These first two possibilities are discarded by Gayton as unlikely, and my subse- quent field work indicates that her judgment was accurate. The third suggestion made by her was that the Pleasanton revival was due to a Yokuts or Southern Miwok introduction of the revivalis- tic cult. A quotation from Powers209 to the effect that there was among the Northern Miwok in 1875 a great orator and prophet" is cited to strength her suggestioh. Unfortunately the last survivor of the Pleasan- .ton period is unable to throw light on the tenta- tive suggestions of Gifford and Gayton. Repeated attempts to elicit information were useless be- cause of his physical disabilities and senility. North of San Francisco Bay there were no indica- tions that either the Ghost Dance (i.e., Earth Lodge cult) or Bole-Maru was taken southward. As matters now stand the hypothesis of the Pleasantont revival as an offshoot of the Ghost Dance stimulus cannot be proved or disproved; However, except for the approximate simultaneit in time, I see no reason for linking the general exchange of dances between tribes of the Delta re- gion with the Ghost Dance and its proliferations. In my opinion the so-called "revival" at Pleasan- 205B. W. Gifford, Southern Maidu Religious Ceremonies, AA 28:214-257,. 1927; Miwok Cults, UC-PAAE 18:391-408, 1926. 20R. L. Beals, Ethnology of the Nisenan, UC- PAAE 31:399 and passim, 1933. 207Gayton, op. cit. 208Kroeber, Patwin, 309. 2?0Powers, Tribes of California, 352-353. I 114 ANTHROPOLOGIC DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE ton was merely part of the general state of unusual To leave that out would bring bad luck." Meat, mobility in the interchange of tribal customs and water, and sight of menstruants taboo to dancers. ceremonies among the California Indians during the Women dancers stood in line to one side; had no nineteenth century. special dance regalia but let hair hang loose First, there seems to have been in the dances over shoulders and wore fur headband with wire exchanged at that time nothing diagnostic of the prongs (fig. 15). William Benson said this head- Ghost Dance and its subsequent developments. Sec- piece was introduced with the Lihuye. It may be ondly, there is material to prove the particular the prototype of Bole-Maru headband illustrated fluidity ofhere 1Sulture of that proveriod. th F r i in various text figures. Women held grass whisks fluidity of the culture of that period. For in- in each hand. Arms flexed upward at elbow and stance, when a Nisenan informant (William Joseph) moved up and down alternately. was questioned concerning the introduction of the Men entered on hands and knees. When song Kuksui to Ione by Yoktco, he stated that the changed, arose, did shuffling side step in place. ceremony had previously existed among the Nise- With one hand, held up feather skirt in rear; nan but had more or less fallen into disuse. other arm flexed upward. Reversed arm positions Yoktco, who brought the Kuksui dance to Ione, had in time to side shuffle. Two kilak songs were: made the acquaintance at Fort Sutter of Motos, who (1? hai mo hula ho was one of the Nisenan purchasers of the regalia. 2 we le hina ho The different headmen who met each other there 3 yo wila ha a ho. (1111122331111122331) were simply interested in seeing each other's (1) huni kani wahe huni dances, therefore Motos invited Yoktco to bring (2) huni kana wahe hinti the Kuksui and related dances to Ione. (3) huni kana wahe gilak wawe. (1111231123112 Similar transmissions of ceremonies which oc- Meaning of these words unknown to Pomo informant, curred independently of ascertainable influences who thought they were in Petaluma language (Miwok by modern cults are illustrated by the Lihuye and Kilak. They seem to have been introduced into Pomo Lihuye or Whiskey Dance territory shortly prior to the Earth Lodge furor of 1872. These two dances have been mentioned History.--Four informants agreed that the Lihu t in the description of the Bole-Maru and are se- came fromthe south. Two said it was introduced lected for special discussion at this point be- from Napa (Patwin?) by two women called Josefa an cause of possible affiliations with that cult. Juana Loretto. The date seems to have been in the middle 1860's. "They were just griving fun dances. 3) lye Id II Kilak or Gilak HisLtoy.--Three Pomo informants agreed in be- ieving that the Kilak came from the south short- ly before the Earth Lodge cult. Two informants estimated that it was brought in the 1850's or 1860's. One informant believed that it came from lnut Creek, which is Costanoan territory,.although xed groups must have been living there at the me. The same informant, William Benson, told eb 10 upon another occasion that it came from e Wappo. Pedro Mariano, on the other hand, said e Kilak was introduced to the S Pomo from San afael or Nicasio, Coast Miwok territory, by one uel,who said that the Coast Miwok in turn had ceived it from the vicinity of San Jose. This y represent the influence of the Pleasanton re- v1a previously mentioned. Loeb2l lists the lak as a hawk or monster dance and reported it g four Pomo groups, Yuki-Wappo, Coast and Lake ok, Nisenan, and three Hill Patwin groups. Description.--Men strip; paint chests and cheek es with red pigment on which eagle down is ek. Wore feather skirts; down cap with tail- ther crown on top of head instead of back as 5 customary; yellowhammer headband hung from rehead over tail-feather crown, which was parted, d down back. Tremblers thrust in at temples ther than behind ears as was usual. Organizer of ce preceded men performers on to dance floor, ttering clam-disk money or seeds. Firetender hered them and kept them. "This is not just a on dance because the leader made an offering. 10Loeb, Folkways, 393. 212Loeb, Eastern Kuksu, see table 1. _~~~~~~c _1 _ _- _ _ _5 _ -_ v -_- - _ _ ^ The Lihuye vvas incorporated into the Bole-Maru by Jack Harrison, the chief Wappo dreamer. A few years after the Earth Lodge furor, Jim (Batci), who had been the leader of the Kelsey Creek gath- ering, visited the Wappo. He learned the Lihuye at this time and "spread it all over the north." Jack Harrison, meanwhile, had given his Lihuye at Nica- sio among the Coast Miwok. Descrijtion.--Men dressed in rear of dance house. Wore feather skirts and headgear similar to that described for Kilak, except that yellow- hammer headband was tied across forehead and did not hang down in back. Songs differed from Kilak. "Those two dances belong together, but the Lihuye is a faster dance." From ten to fifteen women dancers sat in rear center of house and assisted singer while men dressed. Then women arose, formed arc facing rear of house. Five or six men dancers came out, one at a time; danced through line of women and took places facing entrance. At signal, women wheeled to face entrance also. Men then circled fire, shouting hai, hai; returned to original position in front of women. Both lines move sideways first to left and then to right. Alternate formation was to have women in two arcs on either side of fire, instead of in one semicircle back of fire. The Pomo differentiated the Earth Lodge cult and Bole-Maru,which reached them from the north and east,from these other introductions which came earlier from the Delta region. An occasional dreamer may have incorporated the Lihuye and Kilak as such into the Bole-Maru. But the significant similarities occur between these dances and the 115 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Costume dance of the Bole-Maru. The position of dancers seems to have been the same. In both, women formed an arc either back of the fire or on each side of it, and kept time by waving whisks or bandanas with arms flexed upward and forward. The forehead bands in the Bole-Maru costumes are reminiscent of those supposedly introduced with the Lihuye. As part of the Bole-Maru these modi- fications of the Lihuye and Kilak spread over most of the area covered by the Bole-Maru and seem to have invaded Wintu, Shasta, and Achomawi terri- tory at an early date. In discussing the general state of flux throughout California, the mission system of the Spaniards and the reservation system of the Ameri- cans, which antedated the economic exploitation of American entrepreneurs, must have been enor- mously influential. How important they were, will not be fully appreciated until a detailed history of forced removals of Indian populations is writ- ten. We have some evidence from these examples of the widespread state of flux in cultural matter within at least the last six or seven decades. q the whole, therefore, the points to be made are (1) that the south-central Californian Ghost Dance cannot at present be linked with the nortb ern manifestations, (2) that the spread of danc' occurring in so-called Delta region may legiti- mately be considered a result of the new and closer contacts established between tribes as a result of the exploitation of Indian labor by th whites, and therefore it need not be associated with the stimulus of the Ghost Dance, particular since diagnostic Ghost Dance and Bole-Maru fea- tures are lacking. Moreover, the insistence upon a state of flux, if it is legitimate, is signif- icant in setting the stage for the extremely rapid diffusion of the modern cults in the north and the fluidity which characterized its subse- quent proliferations. The reverse flow of the Bole-Maru carried northward with it elements of recent introduction from the Delta area. I 116 PART 4. BIG HEAD CULT In Part 2, which dealt with the Oregon mate- - rial, informants stated that Bogus Tom and par- . ticularly Frank had promised them that a Big Head ance would be brought to them. In Part 3, the ,BectiQn on Round Valley Reservation contained in- ications that a Big Head cult had passed through te area. In the following pages these strands and additional material will be drawn together into a description of a somewhat aberrant modern cult,which seems to have been linked definitely to other religious developments in northern Cali- ornia, although its manifestations were quite iStinct. Diagnostic of this cult"1' was the sale of par- ticular regalia (pl. 2, d) from the Pomo northward. ith the feathers went specific dances. In the ollowing sections the progression of the cult rom south to north will be described under tri- 1 headings. Figure 21 diagrams this northward rogression. POMIIO ORIGIN There is some uncertainty as to the particular oup of Pomo who gave the movement its northern etus. The Kato say that it reached them from llits (N Pomo) through Sherwood (N Pomo). oeber2 1 says: "The Ghost dance of 1872 came to the Huchnom edwood Valley Yuki] from the central Pomo of e coast, who in turn had it from the eastern 0. From Round Valley and vicinity it was car- ed north, according to modern survivors, to the yfork Wintu and Hupa. The latter statement is robably not to be taken in a literal geograph- cal sense, but it corroborates the inference, ready derived from the existence of circular ce houses among the Whilkut, that this dis- inotly northwestern group derived the type of tructure through a northward extension of the sot dance. Since the Big Head cult was the only modern vement which extended into this region, Kroeber St be referring specifically to it, although he ses the term "ghost dance." His statement may be en literally, at least in part. The movement id reach the Hayfork Wintu. There is no informa- ion, however, that it reached Hupa. Whether the ircular dance house of the Whilkut is due to rth Lodge or Big Head cult influence has not en ascertained by specific inquiry. The diffu- *on of the Big Head cult does not include the lkut, nor for that matter the Chilula214 ther, who also seem to have had two circular ce houses of southern type. 212The name Big Head cult is adopted because 11 the tribes which came under its influence Bed a term for it which can be so translated. K13 roeber, Handbook, 207-208. 14'P. B. Goddard, Chilula Indians of North- estern California, UC-PAAE 10:271, 1914. Cahilula erritory lay west and somewhat north of the pa. [ll7 In Kroeber's account, the coast Central Pomo are named as the group which gave impetus to the transmission of what is now known to be the Big Head cult. Loeb215 definitely identifies Point Arena as the point of departure. He secured the information from a Wailaki, John Tip. In the fol- lowing section on Round Valley and the Wailaki, further material by the same informant is given and evaluated. Inquiries at Point Arena on the subject not only drew forth a denial, but the in- formants seemed rather shocked at the idea of transmitting regalia in this fashion. One N Pomo informant, John Smith, knew vague- ly of the movement and attributed it to Salvador, of Kelsey Creek, who has been mentioned repeatedly as the messenger for the Earth Lodge gatherings. A second N Pomo made the following statement concerning the Big Head cult in Pomo territory: [Nancy McCoy.] "A Big Head dance was brought to Little Valley, a N Pomo rancheria about seven miles east of Fort Bragg, by some people from down south. My uncle Bill was chief at Little Valley. The people danced four nights with the Big Heads and then they went back to their own place. Bill took the dance up north to the Sher- wood eople and they took it to Laytonville [KatM." There were men and women's dance rega- lia. Men wore Big Heads of pincushion type, but with feathers lashed along the length of the up- right wings. This headgear and the dance called Kisu ke. The real old-time Big Head was differ- ent. He was called Dasap." The person or location responsible for creat- ing the Big Head cult has not been satisfactorily established. The movement could not have been of much importance in Pomo territory since most in- formants were completely ignorant of the cult. This is in contrast to the northern tribes. KATO The Kato were intermediaries between the N Pomo, of Sherwood, and the Round Valley group in the transmission of the Big Head cult. Only one in- formant, who was not wholly satisfactory, was pro- curable among the Kato. His account follows: [Bill Ray.] "The Big Head was sold from Willits to Sherwood, to the Kato and to the VWailaki on the North Fork of Eel River. Captain Jim bought it for the Wailaki. This Big Head was Nagaitco's. It was a devil dance.218 They dressed just like Na- gaitco. This happened when I was still in the cradle [ca. 18741 217 First,four Pomo brought a 2 115 Loeb, Western Kuksu, 74. 218Loeb, Western Kuksu, 25 (fn.), says "mod- ern informants call Tcenes 'God' and Nagaitco 'Devil.'" 217On another occasion the informant gave his age as six or seven, which would date the event in 1880 or 1881. The earlier date is probably more accurate. His birth was definitely placed in 1873. 7] *JAC KSONVILLE X ~~~~ COPCO V3BOGUS CZEEK SHASTA / * YREKA SHASTA FORT JONES SHASTA EDGEWOOD t\SHASTA DUNSMUIR 7 WINTU /m /LA MOINE WEAVERVILLE NjLEWISTONTU 'WINTU NVWNTU 4 AYFORK / WINTU BLOCKSBUkGA LAS SI ISLAND MOUNTAIN VWA1ILAKI GARBE RVI LLE SiNKYONJE\ oPLASSIK ROUND VALLEY YUKI A'KITONVI LLE + KATO A SHERWOOD N. POMO PM FORT B RAGG A tN.O N. pomo t ?WILLITS 1?COAST CEN POMO E.POMO Fig. 21. Route taken by Big Head cult. Triangles, sites of major dances. DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE pole 10 or 12 feet long with charcoal and blue designs on it. They had feathers and beads, too. They stuck the pole outside the chief's house. That meant there was to be a big time. The captain made a speech and everyone brought beads to pay for the big time. Then the four men left the pole and went back with the beads. After a while a big band came from the south. They stopped about a mile from the rancheria. Two captains went out to meet them. They were weighed down with all the beads they carried. The people who had come bung even more on them so that they could hardly walk. Then the man carrying the Big Head headdress came. The Big Head dancer lies down, he doesn't drink water or eat food. He gets power to fast from the people who believe in him. The dance started and they called in the Big Head dancer. They danced the Big Head for a while, then the captain made a speech and they had other common dances. Toward morning the Big Head danced again. In the morning they ate breakfast and rested. Then the Big Head danced again, after that they had common dances and toward evening the Big Head. This went on for four days and nights. Women weren't allowed in the sweat house while the Big Head was going on, but they came in for the com- Ion dances. They were allowed to stay outside and listen. The Sherwood women stayed outside too. "After four days the Sherwood people who weren't good walkers went home, but the stronger ones and Bore Kato took the Big Head on to the Wailaki on the North Fork of the Eel River. Although the informant referred to this dance s one which was bought and sold, he said that the eads exchanged between the two groups were of out equal value. The informant knew of no doc- ine connected with the dance except the compul- ion to sell it to the north. "It was just for a od time." I have the impression that Bill Ray a confusing in his mind aspects of the indige- s dance in which Nagaitco figured218 and the ported cult which passed through. Also his ac- t differs radically from those of other in- mants in the exclusion of women. Everywhere in more northerly groups, women participated in Big Head cult. Also the northern groups de- ibe two Big Head headdresses, not one. Despite se discrepancies, which may be attributed to in- quate information on the part of Bill Ray, re is little doubt that the dance he had in d was the same described by Round Valley in- mants as coming from the Pomo via the Kato. ROUND VALLEY RESERVATION AND WAILAKI The fullest account seclured at Round Valley from the Wailaki informant, John Tip. Com- ts and data from other Round Valley informants 1follow. [John Tip.] "The Big Head [siten tcal] started oint Arena. From there it was taken to Sher- d and then to the Laytonville people [Kato]. brought it to Round Valley,where they wanted Loeb, Western Kuksu, 28 f. to sell the feathers, but the Round Valley people had them already so they didn't buy them. [Ralph Moore, a Yuki who was present, inserted at this point that the Round Valley people just bought ordinary feathers from them since they wanted to sell things. "The Yuki had their god, Taikomol, who had a big feather horn, and they didn't like to represent him in that way. It was like mocking Taikomol."] The Wailaki in the old days never had Big Head feathers. All these feathers were new, so they bought the feathers for white man's money. I don't know how much was paid. Everyone joined in and bought them piecemeal. They told Captain Jim [Kiltcindha] who bought them if he did not build a sweat house and keep the feathers in there, he would die. "There were six sets altogether. There were two Big Head feather hats, two sets of beads for men, and two sets of striped dresses, bead headbands, and necklaces for women. There was a stick about 5 feet long with cocoons on the end to rattle for the dancing, but there was nothing about a long pole or a flag. "The feathers were powerful. If you eat meat and aren't careful when you dance with them you will die. People went drunk with this dance. If you talk or laugh while it was going on, you got dizzy in the head. You had to be quiet. It was a dangerous dance. There was nothing about the dead coming back with the daince." (Particular pains were taken to establish the accuracy of this state- ment. The idea seems to have been absent, as it was among the Kato in the same connection.) After Captain Jim bought the feathers he began to travel northward with them. Word was sent ahead to the rancherias. The host rancheria was not re- quired to build a dance house to receive the guest regalia. The itinerary,as given by John Tip,was the following: They took the feathers to Horse Ranch across from Island Mountain (Mailaki territory) on the Eel River,where they stayed for about one week. Then they were moved to Fenton, which was Captain Jim's home (Wgailaki). There is some doubt of how long the feathers remained there. The informant said they were there for a year, then later he said they went on after a week's stay. The next stage was across the Eel River to Bill Wood's place, where they stayed two nights. The next stop was at Jewett's place for three or four days. The group then passed through Garberville (on border of Sinkyone and Lassik territory), where they stayed only one night. The next stop was Burdick Creek (Lassik), some ten or fifteen miles farther north, where they stayed a week. At Blocksburg (Lassik) the feathers were sold to two men, Waielthlele and Sedibinta, who were said to be half Hayfork Wintu and half Wailaki. Their names are definitely Wintu. Captain Jim stayed in Blocksburg some ten days to teach the dance to the new owners. He then left, but in a month he was called by the new owners to accompany them to Hayfork. After two or three weeks in Hayfork they were taken on to "Weaver." (Informant probably meant Weaverville. Wintu data indicate they were taken from Hayfork to Lewiston, a town some ten miles east of Weaverville.) This was as far north as Captain Jim aent with the regalia. The inform- ant was not consistent in the time consumed travel- 119 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS ing from Round Valley to Hayfork. In one instance he insisted that it took only one summer. If this was the case, it was a remarkable journey, par- ticularly over the rough terrain of that section. John Tip lent plausibility to his assertion when he said that Captain Jim and his party returned only after the fall rains had begun. The same informant who gave me the above ac- count of the purchase of the dance and regalia by Captain Jim (a Wailaki) from the Kato or Pomo at Round Valley told Loeb2g1 that Captain Jim had seen Ketanagai (our father) when he was hunting in Lake County (Pomo territory),and as a result of his vision he instituted the new dance. He also gave Loeb the information mentioned previously, that the Big Head came from Point Arena. We have accumulated a series of conflicting places and persons in connection with the origin of the Big Head cult. Point Arena has been given by John Tip in his conversations with both me and Loeb. Kroeber also indicated the coast Central Pomo as the place of origin. Since Kroeber, in conversation, said that he never interviewed John Tip,who was consulted by Loeb and me, his printed statement represents a second and corrob- orative source. T4e Point Arena origin is open to question, however, as long as the natives of that place deny any affiliations with the sale of the Big Head. Furthermore, this localization is reported by one informant at least who was quite remote from the putative place of origin. Another possible place of origin is the E Pomo territory. This is based on the statement of John Smith, previously quoted in the section, "Pomo Origin," page 117. The actual originator is also indefinite. John Smith,who has just been mentioned, believed that Salvador, of Kelsey Creek, was the originator of the cult. On the other hand, the Wailaki, John Tip, attributes the cult to one Captain Jim who secured a permissive vision when he was hunting in Lake County. This Captain Jim, the Pomo, must not be confused with the Captain Jim, a Wailaki, who purchased the regalia in Round Valley.920 The Pomo called Captain Jim carried the cult from his own territory, supposedly somewhere in Lake Coun- ty, to Willits, Fort Bragg, and Sherwood groups of N Pomo, to the Kato and to Round Valley. The Wailaki Captain Jim transmitted the cult from Round Valley northward to the Wintu. Although it has been possible to disentangle the two Captain Jims concerned with the first stages of the Big Head cult, the actual originator and his place of residence is still in doubt. The Pomo Captain Jim from Lake County is considered the originator by the same informant who gives Point Arena as the 2 19 Loeb, Western Kuksu, 74-75. 220The Pomo Captain Jim was nicknamed by the Yuki, Kop pesos ("two pesos"). It is curious and confusing that so many of the purchasers of the Big Head regalia were called Jim, viz., Two pesos Jim (Pomo), Captain Jim (Wailaki), Jim Feder (Wintu), Tyee Jim (Shasta). place of origin. The inconsistencies of his state- ments are not irreconcilable, since Captain Jim m have gotten his vision ahile hunting in Lake County and then have gone to Point Arena in Men- docino County to organize the movement. However, the whole subject hinges upon some still undis- covered informant, who can clarify the matter. In Round Valley, Yuki informants were also conM sulted concerning the Big Head cult. Their accoual were not so complete as that of the Wailaki, John Tip. The best Yuki account is quoted below. It gives some supplementary material and substantiatq John Tip's account, except in the matter of doctr Little Toby believed that the Big Head was to mak the dead return. From the Kato, Wailaki, and west Wintu informants this doctrinal aspect was denied' By the Yuki and Shasta informants it was asserted be part of the cult. The number and quality of tha informants who held the former opinion incline me to believe that the return of the dead was not everywhere an integral part of the cult,although some individuals may have inserted that aspect. [Little Toby.] "About a year after Santiago McDaniel brought the message to Round Valley [i.e Earth Lodge cult] the same word came from the La tonville Indians tKato). It was brought by Two pesos Jim [Moshum konk auk, "live oak acorn knee"] and a man called Forster. Jim could speak Redwood Valley latguage [Huchnom], but maybe he was from the Kato tribe. These two carried the word on to Blocksburg with the help of some Round Valley peo- ple. Those feathers went as far as Trinity Center Iwestern Wintu]. They brought the feathers to Round Valley but they didn't sell them here. They just danced with them and then took them farther on. The feathers stayed in Round Valley about two years'. "Jim preached before the dance. He said all must join in to see their dead relatives. If they didn't join they would turn to grass or a tree or something. When the dance came, old people who could hardly move got up and joined in. They neveW said when the dead were to come, no day was set for it. There was nothing about the world coming to an end. "They danced in the sweat house near the hop ranch in Round Valley, but they could dance out.. doors or anywhere. Only the two leaders, Jim and Forster, could handle the feathers. At' dance time they gave them out to those who were to dance. The headman of this dance was given a stick about 1 foot long by each of the three tribes who went' to the dance. I don't know what it meant or what became of the sticks. They had special and diffe ent songs for this dance, but the feathers were like those we have always used here in Round Val- ley. This Big Head isn't tied up with the Big Head or Bullhead they dance here now [i.e., with.. the Bole-Hesi of the surviving Bole-Maru cult]. In the Big Head that came from Laytonville four 0 men danced with the feathers in the middle and two women danced on either side of them [i.e., four women altogether]. The women wore headbands; and carried handkerchiefs but they didn't -wear special dresses [this does not agree with the statements of John Tip and subsequent informants I f i i 120 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE WESTERN WINT?U The next clue in tracing the northern movement of the Big Head through an area which is now prac- titally devoid of Indian population was in the Upper Trinity subarea of the western Wintu. It will be recalled that the eastern Wintu were en- grossed by various aspects of the Earth Lodge cult and Bole-Maru. They did not participate in the Big Head. The two western Wintu informants were John Towndolly, one of the dancers,and Jim i Feder, one of the purchasers. [John Towndolly.] "The Big Head [bohem poyok] ,:came from Ukiah and went to Yreka. Captain Jim from Ukiah way brought the dance as far as Hay- fork. He brought two Big Head dancers called Bill | ~ ~J I B(. / L-- \. + + L-' ' a a. . Fort Jones. After dancing there two weeks they left the feathers and went home. Tyee Jim [Shasta] was the one who bought them there. He had them for about two years and then gave them to Bogus Tom [Shasta]. "The Big Head had nothing to do with the dead coming back, but the down below Indians [i.e., those to south] put the idea into it. When you danced with the feathers, you mightn't eat deer meat or fish until you were through. It would kill you to eat them. If you lost a feather or fell while you were dancing, you had to stop. When you were through dancing you had to swim in the creek and wash yourself, take the paint off and get clean. "The dancers were the two men who danced in front of the Big Heads. They were called front-up- dancers [tune eI tconos]. There were two Big Heaas b Fig. 22. Big Head dance described by Wintu informant. B.H., Big Head dancer; L., leader; nu- merals, order of entrance. a, first cycle (dotted line, first position taken; solid line, secord position); b, second cycle. And two front dancers called Tip and Yellow- jacket [Hubit]. There were about twenty of them. They danced about two weeks at Hayfork, then they rent home. The chief at Hayfork called Tom PilikaL] bought the feathers for about two hun- Rred dollars. There was no fixed price. They danced at Hayfork for four or five years. While they were at Hayfork they took the feathers to usch Creek [ca. 8 miles NW of Hayfork] and nced there with them. Then Jim Feder bought he feathers and took them to Trinity Center. Jim eder had them for about five years. Then they ok the dance to La Moine where Alexander had a ig dance house. They danced there two weeks, en they went on tc Dunsmuir but they didn't nce there with the Big Head. They didn't dance ith it when they were just camping. Next they itt to Shasta Valley near Edgewood and from there .to Yreka,where Bogus Tom was chief. They danced on dances and the Big Head for about two weeks Yreka. From there the feathers were taken to ott Valley to a place about eight miles from [bohem pojok]. There was one watchman [tcimat or tcimato , 21 who carried water, watched the fire, and woke up the dancers in the morning because the dancers must not sleep much. There were eight wo- men dancers. The two singers wore special vests and had sticks with five or six cocoons on the end. They struck the butt end of the cocoon rattle on the ground to keep time. That kind of rattle was new to Hayfork and Trinity Center." Regalia.--Big Heads: two big hats of eagle fea- thers, two forehead bands from which strings of heads hung over the face to the mouth, two chicken- hawk feather coats reaching from shoulders to ankles, four long bird bone whistles. Leaders: four tremb- lers. Singers: black vests with red flannel stars, in centers of which abalone plaques were sewn. Women: eight white dresses, and pronged tremblers like those of the two leaders. The informant said 221The relation of this term to the Patwin one was pointed out previously. It seems to have been current throughout the Sacramento Valley and wherever the Bole-Maru cult made itself felt. I i I I I 121 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS there were other articles which he cotuld not re- call. He knew nothing of a special pole or flag. There was no formalized way of painting,according to him. The footdrum was introduced into area by the Big Head. It was not played with the feet, but was beaten with the butt end of a vertically held staff. Dance house.--The dance might be held indoors or out. Dance houses at Hayfork, Rusch Creek, Trinity Center, La Moine. At Yreka and Scott Val- ley brush enclosures used. Jim Feder built a dance house for the Big Head just east of Trinity Cen- ter. "He used the old kind of sweat house but made it larger." Was 5 or 6 ft. deep, had ca. 4 center poles. Door faced east. No rear exit. Drum built in at rear of house (i.e., west, facing door). "When a Big Head dance was given they danced the Big Head first, then other common dances. These common dances were new, too. The Big Head would be put on only once or twice during a big time lasting a week or two." Big Head dance.--Dancers dressed outside in small brush-enclosure. Whistled to announce their readiness. Singer raised cocoon rattle. Big Heads whistled four times, then singers began. Two Big Heads came in, one at a time; then two leaders followed, one at a time. The movements of the first cycle are indicated in figure 22a. The ex- change of places indicated in figure 22a took place four times, after which the first cycle was terminated by having the leaders (L) jump over the fire and withdraw to one side. After a slight pause they began the second cycle (fig. 22b), which consisted simply of having the leaders resume their places one at a time, danc- ing in place opposite the Big Heads who have re- mained in situ during the pause. The combination of first and second cycle is repeated four times, then all the four dancers leave the floor one at a time. When the floor is cleared the head singer circles the house singing and the Big Head prop- er is finished. It is followed immediately by the women's dance. The women also entered one at a time. Each dancer held a small bunch of feathers in each hand. Figure 23 suffices to describe the dance formation. [JLm Feder.] Informant believed that the dance came originally from the Round Valley Reservation (Yuki territory) where it was very old and well established. He said, "I guess if any of them are alive today, they would still be dancing it." Some time before the Big Head dance reached them, the Indians who were to be in its path had heard of it and were anticipating its introduction. The first performance of the Big Head, of which Jim Feder knew, was held at a place called Xentintcau, south of the present town of Hayfork. Here Jim Feder said the dance remained one year before its owner, Captain Jim, took it to Lewiston. To the Lewiston performance came Jim Feder and a group of people from Trinity Center and other settlements north of Lewiston on the Trinity River. Alexander, an Eastern Wintu chief from the region around La Moine, was also present. He must have traveled a little over forty miles to get there and have crossed the Trinity Mountains by an Indian trail which begins at Delta. He was ac- companied by three men and two women. At this per- formance it was announced that the dance was to be sold only in a northerly direction. At the Lewiston dance, Jim Feder,who was a chief near Trinity Center, and Bear Tomn, a dancer of reputj among his followers, agreed to purchase the cer9 mony and the regalia from Captain Jim. The prico was twenty dollars for each of the two sets of 2 Big Head regalia consisting of a headdress and feather cape. With the purchase went instructio in the dance and songs. Pantitewis, who was th1 host at this gathering, did not buy the dance, g though he did purchase some of the women's cos which anyone might procure but without securinS claim to give the dance. a II, > a.7 0 0 o 5, 5.0 4 + c0 Fig. 23. Women's dance, which follows Big Head dance according to Wintu informant. a, en2 trance in single file; b, lines exchange sides; c, exit single file. Jim Feder and Bear Tom introduced the Big He to their village, Tcenakbuli, on the East Fork 4 the Trinity, three miles east of Trinity Center; It remained there for about two years. Then thej galia and ceremony were taken to Yreka in Shastl territory. A stop was made at Portuguese Flat Alexander was chief. Here Jim Feder said a dano4 was held but that it was not the real Big Head.o' Bender, an Upper Sacramento informant, saw this performance and was under the impression that i was. At Yreka a full performance was given but', purchaser came forward. From there Jim Feder toi the dance to Scott Valley. Here a purchaser was, found in Tyee Jim. The price was again twenty dy lars for each set of regalia. According to Jim-,, Feder, it was one of the stipulations accompany the purchase of the dance that it not only be rj sold to the north, but that the price should no be altered. At the time of a sale all the regal1 is spread out on the ground and sung over. The' syllables of the song are "noi man. Jim Feder J then returned to Trinity Center. He heard subse: I .1 "I I I .1 ?l 4") "I v I Ii I - I 1,I I 11 ;. ? 1 .1 I i I I 122 A I b c DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE quently that the dance had been taken to the head- waters of the Klamath River but that Tyee Jim had been unable to interest anyone else in its pur- chase. The purpose of the Big Head dance seemed vague in the mind of Jim Feder. To witness a perform- .ance would redound to one's personal welfare. In $V'a minor way it was supposed to insure a bountiful supply of food for the following year. At one point in the performance the Big Head dancers (?) spoke to the audience,instructing them to "be good, act good. When you die your spirit will be good and later on maybe you will come back to this earth." These elements, in addition to the fact that some individuals lost consciousness in the course of the dance, would indicate that a [ certain revivalistic atmosphere surrounded the .ceremony. Upon questioning, Jim Feder said that 'the supreme being, NomLestawa, was probably im- manent in the ceremony, but he definitely denied E that the two Big Head dancers were god impersona- tors. The costumes worn by the dancers have already been described. Jim Feder added the Big Heads had 'their faces and trunks covered with black paint. 'On their legs were scrolls of white clay. The leaders were stripped to the waist but were un- painted. In Jim Feder's account, the women did not dance after the Big Heads but stood on one .side in two lines while the four men danced. He also said there were two watchmen (tcimato), not ,one. This is contrary to the consensus of opin- ion among informants. His duties -were to tend the fire, keep order, and to see that no one lept. No one was allowed to leave the dance DUse without asking his permission. Furthermore, person was not allowed to leave alone but must a accompanied by someone else. They were warned ot to look about them but to look straight head. To disobey this injunction would give un- Ieky dreams and "would make them turn sorry." iso they ran the risk of seeing the spirits or osts of the dead who were supposed to be imma- ent in the ceremony (?). A solemn and respect- 1 demeanor was demanded. Whiskey was considered jurious to a participator. Anyone who entered k, or behaved in a rowdyish fashion, was ither tied and placed in a corner, or was ex- illed. The atmosphere of tension and awe created ften produced a distraught behavior in the audi- ce even before the actual Big Head dance began. Some people would seem to lose their minds, but y always came to afterwards and were all right." twas the tcimato's duty to care for persons so ffected. The actual dance ceremony began early in the Tening with the customary local dances. The er of the dance house was in charge. If any- e wished to dance he was led to the owner by a urd person,whereupon the owner took him by the nd and led him four times around the fire in e center of the house. Those who did not offer dance gave usually a voluntary contribution in iods or money. They then withdrew against the lls of the house. The headman during the pre- .ary portion of the evening welcomed new- ers in the manner customary to Wintu chiefs. told them to "feel at home, to sleep or gamble tween dances, to do what they wanted." Further- I more, he announced each new dance. Fihally, be- tween nine and ten o'clock the Big Head dance it- self was announced. The participators had with- drawn shortly before to dress outside in the brush. The singers then repeated four times the following song,the meaning of which was unknown to Jim Feder. Hoho wili le (repeated twice) Tcomo mati mat (repeated three times) Hoho wili le (repeated foir times) Tcomo mati mat (repeated twice) Yu he (prolonged shout). This song was never sung by the women. The audi- ence meanwhile stood and kept time by stamping their feet and singing ya ya. Then the Big Head dancers outside were heard to whistle four times. They circled the dance house or brush enclosure four times. The Big Heads, accompanied each by his aid, then entered backward and danced to the center of the floor. The six or eight women fol- lowed and took their places in two lines on either side of the center circle. They danced in place throughout the performance. (Note descrip- tion differs from John Towndolly, who is probably the more accurate.) As soon as the Big Head dan- cers entered, members of the audience who had chewed wild celery root, spewed it out on the dancers and wished for luck. During the pauses the audience again spewed wild celery root at the dancers or lighted a piece of dried root and waved smoke in their direction. "They prayed for luck and good health. They were kind of worshipping the Big Heads." According to Jim Feder a second set of Big Head regalia existed. No other informant corrob- orated his statements. Briefly his account of the second set was as follows: Approximately four or five years after the sale of the first set to the Scott Valley Shasta, Captain Jim again offered Jim Feder another pair of Big Head costumes at Lewiston. This time Jim Feder was the sole purchaser and each set of regalia cost only ten dollars. In the meantime, however, interest in the dance had flagged and some of the dancers, from Jim Feder's village at least, had died. In all events the feathers were never resold until 1930 when they iere purchased for the Museum of Anthropology at the University of California. A dance was given with the later regalia in Jim Feder's village immediately after they were procured, and another was given a year or two later in Redding. This latter performance was disparaged by Jim Feder as a money-making af- fair of no significance. The explanation of the second set may lie in either Captain Jim's desire to make money at Jim Feder's expense, or Jim Feder's desire to make money at the ethnographe.r's expense. The latter, however, seems improbable because the white peo- ple of the vicinity testified that the feathers which were bought had been in Jim Feder's posses- sion for at least thirty years. It is also pos- sible that Jim Feder regretted the sale of the first set and himself made a second to use or to resell to other Indians. I 123 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS SHASTA It has already been mentioned that the Big Head cult was diffused to the Shasta from the western Wintu. This was the third and last wave of the modern cults to reach the Shasta. It had been preceded by the Ghost Dance and various early Bole-Maru importations. [Rosie Empter.] "We heard about the Big Head coming every year for a while before it was brought. The people down south kept saying it was coming. Then Trinity Jim [Jim Feder] brought it. They passed through Alexander's place at La Moine. Then Tyee Jim from Fort Jones bought it from Trin- ity Jim. After that Bogus Tom, who lived at the mouth of Bogus Creek, bought it from Tyee Jim.222 They danced only four times with the feathers, once at Yreka, once at Fort Jones, then at Yreka again, and then once at Bogus Creek. The feathers are near Copco [a few miles NE of Bogus Creek]. They are kept in a small sweat house (pl. 1, e). They are going to pieces but they are still pretty powerful. A rattlesnake lives in.that sweat house with them." Participants and regalia.--There were two Big Head headdresses (kimpi tcaduweu), the feathers of which hung over the face as well as standing up like a crown. If one of the Big Head dancers lost a feather he was fined twenty-five cents. There were four or five women's dresses made in two pieces. The skirt was gathered and stitched to the blouse. The dresses were made of a heavy white material,like muslin, trimmed with red flannel (fig. 24). Women also wore short yellow- hammer headbands. There were two men's vests of black cloth on which abalone plaques were sewed "so the whole vest front glittered." These were worn by Bogus Tom and another man appointed by him. They were called chiefs [kuwehexa]. There was a tcimato who watched the fire and saw that no one misbehaved. "No one was allowed even to smile while the dance was going on. He gave the Big Heads water to drink if they raised their fingers." Dance.--The dancers dressed in a small parti- tioned section to the right of the entrance. In it was a drum on which they stamped before coming out on the dance floor (?). The chief gave the signal, then the Big Heads whistled an called from outside. "People got excited and felt faint when they came in. Everyone cried when they saw those feathers because they said the dead had made them." The women came in after the Big Heads, us- ing little short steps. The two Big Heads circled the fire from right to left, facing each other and keeping the fire between them. "They drew their legs way up when they danced. It was a hard dance." They carried split-stick clappers and 222 Emma Snelling, another informant present, insisted that he paid $200 for the regalia. This is the same sum that John Towndolly claimed Jim Feder paid for the two sets. Jim Feder said he paid only $40 for them and sold them for the same price to Tyee Jim. The discrepancies in price may depend upon whether the informant was referring to the headdress proper, or to the whole set of regalia. Since they might be sold piecemeal, this is a possible explanation. bone whistles. The women circled the fire and a two Big Heads. They had folded bandanas in the.i hands. They held them with bent arms in front o them at shoulder height. The arms and shouldersD were then swayed from side to side. Dance house.--The dance house at the mouth 0: Bogus Creek had two center posts, which were p a with alternating spirals of red, white, and bla8 "It didn't have any meaning, it was just pretty, only menstruants were forbidden to go near them' Fig. 24. Women's costume in Big Head cult, described by Shasta informant. White with red flannel trimming. Son .--The only Big Head song recalled was:] loma he he me pelma kitu tutu saltu mahe. Its meaning was unknown, but the word saltu, which: a Patwin and Pomo term, is probably significant: "When the Big Head came in there was the idei that the world was coming to an end with fire. The world was going to turn over and the old world was coming back. The whites and the India, were to go and the land was to be as it was bef the whites came. They preached that you mustn't steal. They preached that all were to believe 3i it. If you believe you will go to heaven. If ym don't believe you will turn into some kind of animal. If you believe, you will dream after a while and see your dead folks and talk to them. The Big Head started people dreaming.22 No one is supposed to see the feathers except at a dance. They paid to come in and see the dance [of. Jim Feder's account]. Only certain peoples supposed to handle them. In the crown of the Bil Head headpiece are four bones of dead people. T dead people are supposed to have made those feal 18P-This last statement is probably false. "Dreaming" had begun as a result of the earlier movements. The informant may have confused the earlier cults and the Big Head, or it is possibl that the Shasta welded earlier concepts to the Big Head dance,as the subsequent statements indi cate. 124 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE 'a. You can hear these bones whistle and sing at ight if you go near them. You can hear them even iw in the sweat house where they are kept. The iad people are still expected back and the world 3 expected to turn over. All who are left still 3iieve this. " Another account by a Shasta informant follows. khad been speaking of imported Bole-Maru fea- 1res which had reached the Shasta from the Mc- od and Upper Sacramento Wintu. He then went on , say: [Sargent Sambo.] "Then the people from the ith said they had a Big Head which belonged to a. same dance. They brought it to Yreka. All the sath River Indians from all over went there." ey set a day for their arrival. One or two men wt back and forth telling how near the visitors Le coming. The Yreka people were waiting in a g brush enclosure with a fire in the center. visitors came but they put the Big Heads to side so no one could get near them. Then they rted dancing right away. They danced around outside of the brush enclosure five times in direction and five times in the other. Then y entered the enclosure and joined the Shasta were already there. After dancing for about hours, the visitors unsaddled their horses a rested. They danced at Yreka for about a Dance.--There were two Big Heads. They whistle thbIrd-bone whistles when they are coming. on they come in everyone must cover his face a-wait until the tcimato tells you to look up. pre were two other dancers who danced facing Big Heads. There were about eight women, in 0 lines of four on either side of the Big Heads. p.Big Heads carried a split-stick rattle in E hand. They wore only trousers and headgear feather cape?) and they had their chests Lfted. The two others wore knee-length trousers, Shirt and yellowhammer headbands. The singers Pe vests and shook cocoon rattles. During the Ik there were many common dances which were mr before the Big Head was brought on. The Big a dance was the climax of the week's perform- pe. Most of these common dances were new to Shasta. (When questioned on the common dances informant was vague. I am not sure that those aaed were actuall used at this time.) The co dance was a lot like the Big Head, but it just for fun and the songs were different. round dance (kaprik)224 was the only old-time oata dance used with the Big Head. The Dream ae (kihai, dream; kostambik, dance) was used ce house.--Tyee Jim built a dance house in t Valley for the Big Head. He had a shed near- i which he kept the feathers, because no one supposed to go near them. The first time they It a house just to dance in was for the Big . It was built on the same plans as the large at houses (okwa'ama)225 and it was called by S"*For description, see section on Shasta 34, p.12). "3Dixon, Shasta, 418-419, for description of '6e square sweat houses. the same name. It was larger than the old sweat house, however. Sometimes they erected a fir pole in front of the dance house. It was tall and slender with foliage still on the tip. It was painted with bands of red, black, and white. "When the Big Head first came to Yreka they said there were men carrying that pole but they didn't put it up at that time. They didn't always put up the tole. It was called xuti like the center poles in he old sweat houses." The informant knew of no significances attached to it. In the dance house there was "a box half underground." When the Big Heads danced they kept time by pounding the box with the butt end of the cocoon rattles. There is no native term for this foot drum and it was un- known to the Shasta prior to the Big Head Purchase.--"Tyee Jim, of Scott Valley, bought the Big Heads. The headbands and other things anybody could offer to buy. The Shasta bought everything. Tyee Jim must have had it several years. I'm not sure if Bogus Tom bought them or just danced with them. They took the feathers to Jacksonville in Oregon. Some people there said they might buy them, but they never came to meet them so they came home." These last accounts from the Shasta describe the terminal dances in connection with the Big Head movement. However, information concerning the cult had spread to the Oregon reservations chiefly through the efforts of Frank. In Shasta accounts, Bogus Tom is given credit for taking the regalia to Jacksonville, in southern Oregon, in order to interest Indians of that state in their purchase. In Siletz the prime mover is given as Hbumbug John. The following section deals with the Jacksonville gathering. JACKSONVILLE The meeting at Jacksonville was between a group of Shasta and two delegates from Siletz Reservation who had been appointed by the Indian superintendent. The Siletz delegates were in- structed to investigate the truth and worth of the Big Head cult and to pass upon its importa- tion into Oregon. A circumstantial and detailed account of this conference was secured from an excellent informant on Siletz Reservation. His statements are quoted almost in full, but in a somewhat paraphrased form. [Coquille Thompson.] The agent from Siletz sent a letter to the agent for the Yreka (Shasta) Indians, telling those Indians to meet his in- vestigators at Jacksonville. The Shasta agreed to be there on a certain day with their dance. George Harney and John Adams, both Indians living at Si- letz, were appointed by the government to go to Jacksonville. Before they left, Depot Charlie 28 told them to be on their guard, not to be fooled. He said they should find out the truth. He said, "I dance all the time for this. I sweat hard and I want to know if it is true." The two investi- gators arrived at Jacksonville, which was a 226 The Ghost Dance proselytizer of the Tolowa. 125 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS thriving community at this time. At about ten in the evening they heard the Shasta arrive in town with forty or fifty horses. Some six tcimato erected a canvas enclosure on the evening of their arrival. The following morning everyone gathered in the enclosure. The meeting was di- rected by "one big fellow, called Humbug John, who wore a stovepipe hat.' Frank was there, too. To one side there was a small enclosure in which men dancers dressed. The songs started and every- one sat down. "They had fine songs." At about noon the dancing began. Humbug John shouted, hi, hi, hi, and started to circle the fire. Everyone was quiet, even the whites who had paid a dollar to come in and see the dance. Then a dancer came out of the dressing room, circled the fire and stood to one side. He was followed by three others. "They held their heads down so that you couldn't sec their faces. It looked pretty good." Their dance was just about the same as the Earth Lodge dance at Siletz. That afternoon they held a council to decide "if the dance was good and true." Humbug John spoke Shasta and had a man interpret for him. John Adams' mother'was a Shasta so he could under- stand what was said, but he pretended not to. Hum- bug John hurled defiance at them for trying to stop the dance. He called them slaves of the whites and said they could never stop him from giving his dances. He said no one tried to inter- fere with the white man's church. About five Shasta spoke. Then George Harney called on Frank to speak. He said that the dance was all right, that it didn't do any harm, that it was a good way to pray. Humbug John talked again. He was angry. He said the Shasta were men, not slaves. There were recriminations about the Rogue River War and general hostility was current. Then Hum- bug John said they would dance there for three nights and on the fourth day they would go home. He said that since they had asked him to come, they had better pay him. So when the council was over, George Harney and John Adams took Humbug John into town and bought provisions enough to feed all the Shasta. That night they danced until about midnight. The tcimato were posted all around. Humbug John said the Big Heads were to come out that night. They hadn't been seen yet. They heard whistles. They started the right song. One man came out dancing and stood near the fire. "Then the Big Head came. It was the first time they had seen anything like that. He had on a great big feather headdress with feathers standing out all the way around. It was awful. Everyone blew on him as he went by." After that dance, John Adams got up and made a speech. He answered what they had said before. He said that the Siletz Indians were trying to become civilized and become law-abiding citizens. He tried to calm the Shasta. He said they didn't want to stop the dance. He said they did not want to buy those Big Heads. The next morning at about ten o'clock the Shasta went back to their own place. It was not clear from the informant's account whether the Shasta remained in Jacksonville one, two, or four days, but four days was certainly the maximum length of their stay. The feather regalia were taken back to Shasta territory and disposed of in the fashion described in the pre- ceding section. The dating given by the informant for the Jack' sonville council was 'sometime after Depot Charli4 took the message about the dead coming back down to the Tolowa [1872] and before Chetco Charlie an I traveled with the Warm House dance [1878]." SMUMRY OF BIG HEAD CULT It would be desirable to date the various stages of the northward progression of the Big Head cult. This cannot be done with any certainty' but Table 1 gives some idea of the estimates by informants. From it wre can at least say that the decade from 1875 to 1885 covers the major activi- ties of the Big Head cult diffusion. I am incline~ to accept the year 1874 as the one in which the Big Head regalia left Pomo territory and to con- sider 1877 as the latest probable date for its arrival among the Shasta. In all likelihood the statements by western Wintu, which give the peri- ods during which the regalia were kept in each settlement, are gross exaggerations. Now that the data on the Big Head cult have been presented it seems desirable to justify its definition as a separate movement in the general religious upheaval in northern California subse- quent to 1870, and also to point out its major relationships with that upheaval. The discussion resolves itself into three parts: (1) its dif- ferentiation from the Earth Lodge cult, (2) its differentiation from the Bole-Maru, and (3) its possible relationship to the Bole-Hesi. Of course, superior to any analysis by an ethnog- rapher attempting to establish its identity as a separate movement, is its recognition as such by informants. The reason for separating the Big Head from the Earth Lodge cult is, first, the time element. It developed subsequently to the Earth Lodge cult and after the Bole-Maru was under way in Patwin and Pomo territories. Second, it seems only occa- sionally and secondarily to have had associated with it the doctrines of the return of the dead and the end of the world. Third, its ritualistic features are rooted in the old Patwin and Pomo ghost-initiation ceremonies. It is therefore a post-Earth Lodge cult development which arose in central California. More convincing than any of this inferential reasoning is the specific in- formation concerning its origin and its histor- ical course. The reasons for differentiating the Big Head from the Bole-Maru as a whole are the following. First, the Big Head cult here described attached itself to one specific set of regalia which was essential to the religious observances. This spe- cial attachment of cult observances to one par- ticular set of regalia is not duplicated in any of the other cult manifestations. Another facet of the same question is that regalia were passed from tribe to tribe (a new concept in the area) U I 126 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE Table 1 Estimated Dates of Northward Movement of Big Head Cult Tribe Informant Date Basis of estimate Kato Bill Ray 1874; 1880-1881 On basis of informant's ascertained age. Con- tradicted himself on his age when Big Head came to Kato. Round Valley Little Toby Ca. 1874 One year after Santiago McDaniel's introdtuc- tion of Earth Lodge cult--in 1873 (?). Wailaki John Tip Ca. 1881 Before cook house burned on Round Valley Res- ervation in 1883. Western Wintu John Towndolly On approximate age; and memory of period feath- ers remained in one place. Hayfork 1878-1883 Trinity Center 1888-1890 Yreka 1890-present Jim Feder On vague estimate of age. Hayfork 1880 or 1885 Trinity Center 1881 or 1886 Yreka 1882 or 1887 B. Lancaster In 1880's Sophisticated informant; depended on memory. Shasta Dixon* 1870 or 1874 Jake Smith 1876-1877 Four or five years after the Earth Lodge cult (1872) Emma Snelling 1875 Three years after the Earth Lodge cult (1872) Rosie Empter 1876 or 1878 (1) Six years after Ghost Dance. (2) When about 10 years old. _______________ Sargent Sambo Ca. 1882 When about 15; established date of birth 1867. Jacksonville Coquille Thompson 1874-1877 After introduction of Earth Lodge cult to Si- letz (1873)> before Thompson's Warm House dance (18785. *Dixon, Shasta, 491. and that the cult lasted in any one tribe only as long as it possessed that essential regalia. Furthermore, there is no evidence that the Big Head movement anywhere gave rise to dreaming. It detached itself from the Bole-Maru and was [:-launched on a separate career of its ovn divorced Ifrom dreamed inspiration of local prophets. On the other hand the Big Head does seem .closely allied to one phase of the Bole-Maru, namely, the Bole-Hesi. It will be recalled that the Bole-Hesi is the secularized form of the old Patwin Hesi ceremony which arose under the influ- ence of the Bole-Maru cult. In speaking of modern religion, Pomo and Patwin informants use Bole-Hesi synonymously with Big Head because the large "pin- Gushion headdress" (tuya) of the Hesi ceremony be- Game the distinguishing piece of regalia in the ew Bole-Hesi or Big Head (or Bullhead). The Big ead cult probably detached itself from the Bole- N cult and attached itself to a specific set I regalia. It then embarked upon a brief and imited career. It seems to have contained, how- ver, Bole-Hesi and generalized Pomo-Patwin fea- res in (1) the use of the Big Head headdress, hich seems, however, to have been o'r the Pomo ksu feather, rather than pincushion,type; (2) e incorporation of women in the dance either participators or as speptators in a form reminiscent of the specific Bole (Maru) dance; (3) the official watchman,whose functions and very title (tcimato) reveal his Patwin affiliations,2N (4) the long cocoon rattle, (5) the foot drum, (6) the split-stick rattles wielded by the Big Head dancers, (7) black paint on the upper body of the Big Heads, (8) the high steps employed by the Big Heads, etc. All these features might be a synthesis of the Bole-Hesi, Bole (Maru) dance, and certain features of Pomo kuksu regalia. These specific features, as well as the cult as a whole, were then carried to the Wailaki, western Wintu, and Shasta, to whom almost all of the traits as well as the cult itself were quite new. The Shasta in some details present an exception because they had received the Bole (Maru) dance costumes for women and possibly the foot drum a few years before from the eastern Wintu in connection with an early phase of the Bole-Maru cult. It must also be stressed that although the Big Head cult discussed in this section may now be considered extinct, the Big Head as the Bole-Hesi is still occasionally performed in central Cali- fornia. 227For the term, tcimato, really tsimatu, and his functions in the Patwin Hesi, see Kroeber, Patwin, 325. I I 1? i I r i I i t 127 SUMMARY OF CHRONOLOGY A summary of chronology and diffusion can be made most conveniently and concisely by the use of the map in conjunction with the following tabu- lation. Definitely established dates are starred. A knowledge of the route of diffusion permits the dating of intermediate tribes. Ghost Dance Wodziwob, Walker Lake Paviotso, originator, 1869.* Frank Spencer (Weneyuga), Pyramid Lake Paviot- 80 (?), converted Washo,* Pyramid Lake Paviotso, Surprise Valley Paviotso, Klamath Reservation Paviotso, some Klamath (?) and Modoc on Klamath Reservation, 1871. Doctor George, Klamath Reservation Modoc, con- verted Tule Lake Modoc, 1871. Tule Lake Modoc transmitted doctrine to Shasta, 1871. Sambo, Shasta, converted Karok, 1871.* Several Shasta transmitted doctrine to Siletz Reservation Tututni and to Grand Ronde, 1871. Depot Charlie, Tututni, converted Tolowa, 1871 or 1872. Naigelthomelo, Yurok, or Hena Tom, Tolowa, con- verted Yurok, 1872. Hupa rejected doctrine, 1872. Yurok brought second wave to Karok, 1873. (This constituted a closed unit with no indi- cation of how the doctrine reached north-central California. The second ingress was via the Acho- Emawi.) Biritcid, Honey Lake Paviotso (?), converted eastern Achomawi, 1871. Achomawi transmitted cult to N Yana, 1871. Abortive attempt to convert Mountain Maidu by group of Paviotso, 1871 (?). Earth Lodge Cult Norelputus, N Yana-Wintu, inserted deep earth- lodge element, stressed end of world motif, and :arried this transformed doctrine to Wintun and ill Patwin, 1871 or 1872. Lame Bill, Long Valley Hill Patwin, converted outhern Hill Patwin at Cortina, 1871 or 1872. Cortina and (or) Long Valley Hill Patwin con- erted inland Pomo, 1872.* Inland Pomo at Sulphur Bank, Kelsey Creek, Up- er Lake, Potter Valley, Willits, Ukiah, and Hop- and converted by congregating in their terri- tories the Lake Miwok. Coast Miwok, Wappo, S Pomro, and Coast Pomo, 1872.* Paitla, or Frank, convert of Homaldo, took Earth Lodge cult to Wintu and Achomawi, 1872. Achomawi movement culminated at Fall River, 1873.* Wintu transmitted cult to Shasta, 1872. Bogus Tom, Shasta, took cult to Siletz and Grand Ronde, where it was kno-wn as Warm House dance. Made abortive attempt to convert Columbia River people, 1872. Klamath responsible for abortive introduction to Oregon City, ca. 1875 (?). Bole-Maru Homaldo, Wintun, and Lame Bill, Hill Patwin, contemporaneously created Bole-Maru while Earth Lodge ?ras diffusing, 1872 and 1873. Homaldo's Bole-Maru features took northern and northeastern course, following the Earth Lodge cult into Wintu, Achomawi, and Shasta ter- ritory, 1873 onward. Lame Bill's Bole-Maru carried to southern Hill Patwin at Cortina. Southern Hill Patwin converted River Patwin. Charlie, River Patwin, converted Chico Maidu. Inland Pomo transmitted Bole-Maru to all groups which gathered at Earth Lodge cult centers, 1872 to 1873. These groups established Bole-Maru cults shortly after returning to their own areas. From this time onward Bole-Maru underwent fragmentary dissemination and alterations, which make sharp dating impossible. The Bole-Maru has persisted until the present, particularly in Pomo and Patwin areas. Big Head Cult This was an early offshoot of the Bole-Maru, which was launched on a separate northerly dif- fusion. It spread from probably 1874 to 1877. Pomo to Kato. Kop pesos, or Pomo Captain Jim, to Round Val- ley. Wailaki Jim, Wailaki at Round Valley, through Wailaki and Lassik territory to western Wintu at Lewiston. From Lewiston to Jim Feder, western Wintu of Trinity Center. Jim Feder to Tyee Jim, Shasta. Tyee Jim to Bogus Tom, Shasta. Terminated after unsuccessful attempt to in- troduce cult at Jacksonville, Oregon. [129] SUMMARY OF Part 1 of this paper described the origin of the Ghost Dance among the Paviotso and its diffu- sion in northernmost California along the Klamath drainage. The idea of the imminent return of the dead can be attributed to Wodziwob, a shaman prophet of Walker Lake in western Nevada. He was not himself a proselytizer but his doctrine was carried by a disciple, variously called Frank Spencer, Doctor Frank, Weneyuga, or Tsawenega. Frank Spencer converted the Washo at Carson City, the mixed Washo and Paviotso group near Reno, the Pyramid Lake Paviotso, and those on the eastern portion of Klamath Reservation who were living in close contact with part of the Modoc tribe. On the vray back from Klamath Reservation, Frank Spencer also converted the Surprise Valley Pavi- otso in the vicinity of Fort Bidwell. The Klam- ath Reservation and Surprise Valley Paviotso sent delegates to visit the original dreamer, Wodzi- wob. If we may trust recently gathered data, the delegates returned with skeptical reports. Wod- ziwob repudiated some of Frank Spencer's ideas and at the same time tried to impress his guests with transparent hoaxes. As a result of these missions, the Ghost Dance was discredited among these two groups. Meanwhile, a Modoc, Doctor George, carried the message from Klamath Reservation to a band of his tribesmen at Tule Lake. This group was under the leadership of Captain Jack. The following year they were embroiled in the Modoc War, which can only indirectly be attributed to the Ghost Dance. The doctrine also spread to the Klamath tribe on the western part of the reservation. From the Tule Lake Modoc, the furor spread to the Shasta, who were lukewarm in its reception, partly, I believe, because it reached them through their arch enemies, the Modoc. Neverthe- less, a Shasta called Sambo transmitted the doc- trine to the upriver Karok. Reverberations of the Ghost Dance also reached Siletz and Grand Ronde reservations in Oregon. This was the result of visiting back and forth between Shasta who were still in their original territory and those who had been moved to reservations. At least five Shasta were involved in disseminating Ghost Dance ideas to Oregon during this first year of diffu- sion. A group of Tututni under Sixes George on Siletz Reservation seems to have been markedly affected. One of their group, called Depot Charlie, carried the message directly to the Tolowa from Siletz. The Tolowa, in turn, were re- sponsible for the conversion of the Yurok. The Hupa were attending a White Deerskin dance among the Yurok at this time and, although they were exposed to the revivalistic furor, they rejected it completely. The Yurok cult spread up the Klam- ath River and met the Karok version,which was coming downstream. Contemporaneously with the introduction of the Ghost Dance via Klamath Reservation, two other in- 'CONTENTS troductions occurred in northern California. These are discussed in the first sections of Part 3. The Mountain Maidu at Susanville were introduced to the doctrine by a group of Paviotso, but they took no interest in it. Simultaneously, a Paviot- so, called Biritcid, and his brother, who came probably from the vicinity of Honey Lake, intro- duced the idea of the return of the dead to the easternmost Achomaw-i at Madeline Plains. From there it was carried westward with that minimum of ritual behaviour which characterized the Ghost Dance. The message reached the western Achomawi and Northern Yana. There it found a new and zeal- ous proselytizer, called Norelputus, who was re- sponsible for the further diffusion of the Ghost Dance and for its transformation into the Earth Lodge cult. His activities will be referred to again later. This northernmost and early movement was char- acterized chiefly by the psychological excita- tion engendered by the doctrine of an imminent return of the dead. The army of the deceased were pictured marching back from the south or east. Among the Klamath and Karok the tribal culture hero was in the van of the returning horde. To hasten the dead on their way, faith and continual dancing was essential. The immediacy of the ex- pected advent fostered the rapid diffusion of the doctrine. Skeptics were threatened with trans- formation, usually into rocks or animals. Anti- white ideas were present but they were minimized by informants. In no instance do there seem to have been plans for overt aggression. The vhites were to be exterminated at the time of the ad- vent and there was no need to basten matters by armed efforts. Half-breeds xere threatened with the same fate as the whites, at least among the Washo and on the lower Klamath. Each group learned the doctrine from a proselytizer, who spoke simply as a messenger for a dreamer. How- ever, almost immediately after the message was received, local persons copied the example of the dreamer known only by hearsay, and confirma- tion of the adveiit was sought in their own dre experience. At first, under the influence of mass excitement, dreaming was generalized. Some- times commanications from the dead were secured during sleep or in trances induced by dancing. After a year or two, the general excitement quieted down and dreaming was concentrated in the hands of those few who were most able in com- posing new songs, directing dancing, and in ha- rangaing the group. Besides these doctrinal and psychological as- pects of the Ghost Dance there were certain rit- ual observances. The outdoor round dance was used everywhere except among the Tututni on Siletz Reservation, the Tolowa, and the Yurok, who had an established pattern of indoor dancing. The outdoor round dancej is attributable to the Paviotso, among whom it was [130] I I DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE practically the only dance form. It was used in connection with the Ghost Dance by all Paviotso groups, by the Washo, Modoc, Klamath, Mountain Maidu, Achomawi,and Shasta. The indoor circular dance of the northwest coastal groups was com- parable. The round dance was not new to Califor- nia, but its choice in connection with the Ghost Dance doctrine was probably influenced by Paviotso precedent. In northern California the raund dance had been associated primarily with girls' ado- lescence ceremonies. The double concentric cir- cles reported for the Shasta, Karok, Tolowa, and Yurok seem to have been merely an adaptation to a large number of participants and possibly to indoor dancing in the case of the last three tribes cited. This form was not new with the Ghost Dance. Immersion, which informants often render into English by the word baptism, was also common to ,all groups touched by the Ghost Dance doctrine. It seems to have figured less prominently in the minds of the Tolowa, Yurok, and Karok. Among these -three tribes there seems to have been instead a water and ash marking of participants. Among the Paviotso the morning swim after a night of danc- ing is customary. In California it is also wide- spread in association with sweating for men. The EPaviotso custom was made doctrinal in the Cali- fornian adoption of the Ghost Dance. It not only laced the local antecedent in a different set- ing, but also extended it to women and children. The inclination to view post-dance bathing as ptism is probably the result of the complete- ersion practices of Christian cults, like the entecostal church,which subsequently prosely- tzed in the area. The concept of baptism may be retroactive interpretation. The use of a pole in connection with the round nce is far from clear. Park reported its use ong the Paviotso as a point of orientation in rge round dances. On the other hand, Frank encer was reported to have carried a staff, obably of the type used by Paviotso shamans, hich he planted in the dance circle. The use of center pole is more frequently denied than re- rted. Among the Karok two decorated poles seem finitely to have been employed at Cottage Grove. e use of poles as flagstaffs in connection with e Bole-Maru was in all probability based on Pomo d Patwin precedent and has no genetic connection th the problematic use of the pole in the Ghost nce. A few other traits of sporadic occurrence among o tribes under consideration might be mentioned. ere is the use of cowbells among the Yurok and estionably among the Klamath. The killing of gs is noted for the Yurok. Face paintings and nce regalia were unstandardized and followed cal aboriginal patterns. Aspersion with a sage- sh twig was reported for the Paviotso and for th Reservation. It is part of Paviotso sha- istic practices. There are indications of the yance of sex restrictions at dances in some oups. In others, the idea of mixed bathing, for example, was shocking and was reported not to have been accepted. The idea that participants must all be married, even the children, was also common. In the northwest coast tribes--the Tolowa, Yurok, and Karok--the wealth emphasis and wealth display elements of their old culture were important local incorporations into the Ghost Dance. On the whole, it may be said that the Ghost Dance in northernmost California and Oregon was largely doctrinal and psychological,with a mini- mum of ritualism, and even that minimum contained few elements new to any of the participating tribes. Part 3 of this paper contains the major dis- cussion of the more elaborate central California outgrowths of the Ghost Dance. These are the Earth Lodge cult and the Bole-Maru. It will be recalled that the Ghost Dance trav- eled across Achomawi territory from east to west until it reached the Northern Yana. From there a mixed Wintu-Northern Yana, called Norelputus, car- ried the doctrine to the Wintun and Hill Patwin. Since he had been definitely established as the proselytizer, those alterations of doctrine and practice which constitute the Earth Lodge cult may be attributed to him. He carried the message in person through Wintun country and at least as far south as Stonyford to the mixed Hill Patwin and Salt Pomo group located there. However, he was known as the protagonist as far as the South- eastern Pomo of Sulphur Bank, who claimed that the Earth Lodge cult was brought them by another messenger-missionary, called Sheephead. Of this individual no traces could be found in other groups. Unfortunately, the Wintun and Hill Patwin tribes are today only scattered remnants,so that adequate material on the Earth Lodge cult is im- possible to collect. More satisfactory material was procurable among the Pomo. Among the Pomo, Hill Patwin, and Wintun the end of the world was the dominant doctrinal con- tent, although the dead were also expected to re- turn. The world catastrophe was to be either by flood, fire, or wind. To meet this emergency the doctrine demanded that all Indians gather in groups. Large deep earth lodges were definitely known to have been built for this purpose in Long Valley (Lolsel) and Cortina by the Hill Patwin and by the Pomo at Sulphur Bank, Kelsey Creek, and Upper Lake (Behepal). A few months later similar, deep earth lodges were built at Potter Valley and Willits by the Northern Pomo and at Ukiah and Hopland by the Central Pomo. In the seven Pomo centers gathered not only representa- tives of all the Pomo tribelets, but also of the Coast Yuki, Sinkyone, Wappo, Lake Miwok, and Coast Miwok. There seems to have been among some of these groups, notably the Wappo, a destruction of property at this time. Worldly goods were en- visaged simply as encumbrances. This is in marked contrast to the Yurok, Tolowa, and Karok attitudes previously noted for the Ghost Dance. After a pe- riod of feverish intensity, expectations of a 131 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS world catastrophe were deferred or rejected and the various groups dribbled away. Some persons returned directly to their own territory. Others moved on to another center of congregation before abandoning their beliefs. Meanwhile, rumors reached the Kato from the Northern Pomo of Sher- wood that the world was to end and they had their own assembly at the rancheria of that name. Also Round Valley received word chiefly concerning the return of the dead from a Salt Pomo to their east. During this time, to the east and north of the Coast Range, the Earth Lodge cult had spread back over much of the area covered by the Ghost Dance proper. The most widely traveled proselytizer in this area was a Wintun, variously called Paitla, Chico Frank, and Yreka Frank. He may already have been, at this time, under the influence of Homaldo (or Mexican Jo) of Dachimchini, a Wintun site near the present rancheria of Grindstone. In any event, he spread the Earth Lodge cult to the Wintu,who had not been touched by the Ghost Dance,and to the western Achomawi. This movement swept through Achomawi territory from west to east, culminating in the Fall River dance of May 1873. The Earth Lodge cult took a far stronger hold on their imaginations than the Ghost Dance.of the preceding years. From the Central Achomawi, Klamath Reserva- tion received the Earth Lodge cult at this time. Meanwhile the Shasta had received the Earth Lodge cult from the Wintu. This was the second wave of modern movements to reach them and, as among the Achomawi, the impress was far stronger than that of the Ghost Dance. Under the influence of the secona and more convincing movement, Bogus Tom, a Shasta, carried the cult to Siletz and Grand Ronde reservations. It was known locally as the Warm House Dance and was markedly successful for several years. Encouraged perhaps by this success, Bogus Tom is supposed to have made an abortive attempt to convert the Columbia River people. Within the next five years two other unimportant offshoots of the Earth Lodge movement arose. One was its abortive introduction to Oregon City. The other took the form of Thompson's Warm House Dance, which traveled down the Oregon coast from Siletz to Coos Bay. It has been indicated that the major doctrinal stress of the Earth Lodge cult was an imminent world catastrophe. This is only partly correct. The idea of the return of the dead was also pres- ent, but it was minimized particularly in Pomo and southern Hill Patwin territory. On the other hand, in the northernmost part of California and in Oregon,which had been affected directly by the Ghost Dance, the end of the world was minimized and it was the return of the dead which was the major doctrinal emphasis. The line between the two areas of emphasis lay between Hill Patwin and Win- tun territory. Throughout the Earth Lodge cult area, the punishment of skeptics by transforma- tion and vague antiwhite doctrines existed, just as it did in the Ghost Dance. The necessity for distinguishing between the Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cult lies in the idea of the earth lodge itself. This is obviously a central Californian innovation and is diagnostic of the new and reversed spread of the cult in the northern part of the state. The deep-gallerieO earth houses of the Pomo centers did not occur, however, among more northerly tribes. Although th Wintu and Achomawi built larger houses than they had previously known, and adopted the corridor en- trances, still the structure varied from that if the Pomo, for instance. The eairth lodges on Klam- ath, Siletz, and Grand Ronde reservations were ne architectural features in those areas, but they were not comparable to the Pomo houses. In fact, square structures were used at Siletz and Grand Ronde. With the introduction of the earth lodge was associated also a change in dance formations, and new songs. It has been found impossible to de termine the exact ritual concomitants of the Eart Lodge cult because it preceded by so brief a pe- riod a whole series of Bole-Maru waves of influ- ence. At best, it is possible to indicate new features acquired by tribes like the Wintu, Acho- mavvi, and Shasta during a period of some three to. four years, and these have been listed in the ap- propriate sections. During the time that the Earth Lodge cult was spreading outward from its place of origin among the Wintun and Hill Patwin, the Bole-Maru had been taking shape. As with the Ghost Dance, the Earth Lodge cult everywhere stimulated dreaming in local converts. The Bole-Maru represents a particularly elaborate and original form of a local Dream cult which spread with great rapidit Probably Lame Bill, of Lolsel, a Long Valley HiU Patwin, was mainly responsible. However, Tele, o Tebti, another Hill Patwin, and Homaldo (Mexican Jo), of Dachimchini, contributed to its formation Homaldo's influence lay to the north. Paitla (or Frank) was one of his most forceful and diligent messenger-missionaries. Groups of Wintun seem to have traveled northward for several years in succession with new songs, dances, and items of regalia. It was this proselytizing fervor which makes it impossible to sharply differentiate the content of the Bole-Maru and Earth Lodge cult in the north. Impressions of Homaldo as a personaJit have already been expressed in the body of this paper. He seems to have made an impress more by his command of legerdemain than by his religious sincerity. The area of his influence is the only region where sleight-of-hand was used in connec- tion with the modern cult developments. The excep tion to this is Walker Lake, where it was used byg Wodziwob. Lame Bill disseminated the Bole-Maru chiefly the southern Hill Patwin and the Eastern Pomo. H carried it to Cortina and from there it spread to the River Patwin and Chico Maidu. The two latter groups had not been touched by the Earth Lodge cult. There can be little doubt that the South- eastern Pomo of Sulphur Bank were also influenced by Lame Bill, whose rancheria lay only some eight miles to the north. However, Sulphur Bank inform- ants insist upon the local origin of their Bole- I 132 DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE Maru under the dreamer Awutu. Eastern Pomo from Upper Lake frankly admit that Lame Bill brought them the Bole-Maru shortly after the Earth Lodge furor, and they report that many of them accompa- nied him when he moved from Upper Lake to Kelsey Creek at the southern end of Clear Lake to give further dances. It would appear that most of the visiting tribelets were still present when the Bole-Maru entered Pomo territory. On almost every rancheria of importance which had accepted the Earth Lodge cult invitation, there arose dreamers with characteristic Bole-Maru traits when these groups returned to their ovvn territory. The vari- ous local developments need not be summarized at this point since the material can easily be found under the various geographic headings in the body of the paper. It seems appropriate, however, to summarize briefly the content of the Bole-Maru in north- central California where it had its most elab- orate development and to make a few comments up- on its affiliations with older patterns. It is significant that this most complicated of the modern cults arose in the area wxhere ceremonial- ism was most elaborate in prewhite times. : The doctrine of the Bole-Maru was the creation ..of dreamers, supposedly inspired by God, whom ,they generally called by a native term meaning our father." The dreams dealt not only with ethical and eschatological material, but also furnished the authority to give certain dances. The details of the dances, the costumes and the songs were all contained in dreams. During the ceremonies, Bole-Maru leaders imparted to the people the content of their revelations and reached a moralistic code. They inveighed against inking, quarreling, stealing, and so forth, and rged all to believe and to dance. It cannot be tressed too strongly that dancing was the pre- minent form of religious expression to these entral Californian Indians. Reward for faith was ife in an afterworld of flowers, plenty, and eace. Today the concept is generally rendered ito English by the word heaven and is envisaged s a reward of the good. An ethical dualism re- lected in the concept of heaven and hell, and en in that of a God and devil, was often pres- nt and undoubtedly shows the influence of early hristian missionaries. Ritually, the content of the Bole-Maru is to o found in three dances which were dreamed again '' again with minor variations by the various lt leaders. These were the Bole-Hesi, the cos- e or dress dance, called either Bole or Maru, d the Ball dance. Other diagnostic features ore the patterned flag and flagpole, and the loth costumes. The flag was overtly stated by one informant be a borrowing from the American soldiery. ether or not this is an historical fact, the ag does seem to be an imitation of a Euro- rican feature. However, there was an aborig- al parallel in the feather pennants attached to les in the Pomo Kuksu cult. Similarly, the pole may be considered a feature common to both aborig- inal and European culture. The sacredness fre- quently associated with these poles suggests that its antecedents lay, in part at least, in the Kuksu cult. The presence of one or more flags fly- ing in front of a dance house was the sign that a Bole-Maru ceremony was in progress. At the end of the ceremony, the flag and pole were usually taken down and stored in the dance house. The women's costumes, which are so frequently diagnostic of Bole-Maru influences, were definitely patterned on rural American dress of the period. They consisted either of flaring one-piece dresses or of a plain blouse with a full gathered skirt. Men often wore decorated vests and trousers. Al- though the basic garments vuere obviously European, many of the patterns, the abalone pendants, and clam-disk decorations were of Indian origin. The patterns and colors used by any one dreamer on his costume were usually repeated on his flag. The use of a cross as a pattern on dresses and flags was probably based on Christian prototypes. The fa- vorite colors were red, black, and white,which were also aboriginal pigments. The costumes were used in various ways. Sometimes all members of the cominunity possessed them and wore them through- out the four-day ceremony. In other communities they were worn only for the Bole (Maru) dance or for the Ball dance. In some cases the costumes were cherished as burial clothes. The dreamer di- rected the making of all regalia and costumes, but the dresses were the personal property of their owners. The Bole or Maru dance is often called the dress or womenIs dance. The formation varied in detail from place to place, but on the whole the princi- pal feature was two lines of women dancers on either side of the fire who danced in place with one or two bandanas in their hands. Grass whisks sometimes replaced the bandanas. A small number of men dancers performed between the women and the fire. Frequently the women formed a semicir- cle between the fire and the rear wall with the circle open toward the entrance. In some instances no men performers were used. The costumes and songs served primarily to differentiate this Bole- Maru feature from older common dances, especially the Kilak and Lihuye, introduced from the south shortly before the Earth Lodge cult movement. The Ball dance consisted of two lines of dancers on either side of the fire, with the men on one side and the women on the other. Each dancer had a ball,which he tossed across the fire to his partner. The ball itself was usually made of rag strips which were wrapped and stitched into proper shape. It was then covered with a piece of cloth on which dream patterns were appliqued. Tne Ball dance seems to have been a Patwin contribu- tion whose cultural antecedents are undoubtedly European. Its assimilation into a dance form I am inclined to attribute to the River Patwin dreamer, Charlie, of Kusempu. However, it is pos- sible that Lame Bill, or Tele, w ere the origina- tors. It is interesting that the Ball dance, like 133 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS the Bole-Hesi, lagged in its diffusion. Today it is the principal surviving element of the Bole- Maru. At present Ball dances are held occasion- ally at Colusa, Rumsey, Cortina, Stonyford, Grindstone, Sulphur Bank, Pinoleville, Point Arena, and probably Stewarts Point. They are now often only one-day affairs, held either on Saturday or Sunday and followed by a feast. Kroeber suggested that the Ball dance is "pure ghost dance"228 on the basis of its reappearance among the Arapaho in connection with the 1890 Ghost Dance. Since the publication of that suggestion, it has been learned that the Ball dance does not belong to the Paviotso version of the 1870 Ghost Dance but it is Bole-laru addition. In view of the twenty years intervening between the two movements, the geographical hiatus, and the absence of descrip- tive material from the Arapaho, I should hesi- tate to connect the two Ball dances. The Bole-Hesi has already been discussed in a separate section, but a brief summary may be de- sirable. It is the secularized Big Head dance of the old Patwin Hesi cycle. It became an integral part of the Bole-Maru ceremonies after Lame Bill introduced it. Two dancers were used. Usually they were men, but in later times and in certain communities, two women might also be used. The Big Head dancer is so called because of a large pincushion headdress which he wore. Usually hazel twigs were fastened to a basketry skull cap. The ends of the twigs were originally tipped with down. In the Bole-Hesi there was a tendency to tip them with pieces of colored cloth instead. The Big Head carried a split-stick clapper in each hand and sometimes wore a shredded tule or feather skirt. The other dancer who performed opposite the Big Head was generally called the leader. He is characterized by headwear consist- 22 8Kroeber, Patwin, 311, fn. ing of a short yellowhammer band, a down cap, a magpie tail feather tuft. He carried a bow, rows and a quiver. In its secularized form thi dance spread almost everywhere within the area strong Bole-Maru influences, although it lagge somewhat behind the use of flags and costumes. It has only lately extended into the Wintun re gion and, so far as I know, it has never reac the Wintu and Achomawi. Another feature of the Bole-Maru was the teo minating feast, which was a communal enterpris much like the terminal feast of the older cere monies. In some places it seems to have been given ritual elaboration. Thus at Point Arena a tablecloth for this event was part of the dr inspiration of two Bole-Maru leaders. In the of less religious individuals, the feast was great attraction which served to swell attenda Although, theoretically, Bole-Maru ceremonies given whenever a leader secured dream instruc- tions, actually, I feel sure that economic sur2 pluses were also a factor. Informants have sai& repeatedly, for instance, that dances have not been given in the last few years "because timeB wvere so hard." Lastly, in Part 4 the Big Head cult was dis- cussed. This was a separate cult, which must be differentiated from the Bole-Hesi which inform- ants also call Big Head. The Big Head cult origi nated in Pomo territory and spread northward to the Kato, the Yuki, and Wailaki of Round Valley Reservation, the Lassik, western Wintu, and Shasta. The Shasta failed to interest Siletz Reservation Indians in the cult when a joint meeting was held in Jacksonville, Oregon. Char- acteristic of the movement was the sale north- -ward of regalia. Each group was supposed to dance with the paraphernalia and then pass them on to the next tribe. The cult appears to have con- tained Bole-Hesi and other Bole-Maru features, which have been listed in the summary of Part 4. 134 CONCLUSIONS AND SPECULATIONS In this section I have allowed myself a cer- tain latitude in summarizing. and speculating upon the various factors involved in the growth of modern cults in northern California and Oregon. First, a brief comment concerning terminology may be pertinent. It is apparent from the mate- rial presented in this paper that, strictly speaking, the 1870 Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cult cannot be called messianic movements, since the appearance of no great saviour was antici- pated. More properly it might be called an ad- ventist or revivalistic cult. No single leader can even be considered mainly responsible for these religious phenomena. They were the creation of many religiously-minded individuals of varying cultural backgrounds. The Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cult depended for their strength more upon febrile psychology than upon established institu- tions. As the cults developed, imaginative per- sonalities attempted to create, especially in the Bole-Maru, a new system based on foreign and aboriginal ideas. It represented the last flash in that area of creative Indian culture and the last attempt to establish native values. Diffusion has been obviously one of the major processes which functioned in the history of the modern cult movements under consideration. I feel that the processualists have failed to stress the importance of this old anthropological con- cept. It is one which has been used incessantly by both anthropologists and historians, yet we have relatively little detail about the manner in which it functions. On the whole, it has been made a tool for historical reconstructions rather than being recognized as a major cultural process itself deserving of study. Until diffusion as a process is clearly understood through the study of historically substantiated cases, it seems premature to use it as a tool in cases where his- tory fails us. Different types, varying veloci- ties, and different mechanisms of diffusion are to be expected. In the examination of the mate- rial on the modern cults several factors affect- ing diffusion suggested themselves. Intertribal marriage has often been suggested asa device which facilitates or precipitates the transmission of cultural traits. In the Ghost Dance, at least three cases have been established. There may have been more. Thus Sambo, the Shasta rho carried the Ghost Dance message to the Karok, was married to a woman of that tribe. The Yurok who brought the same message back from the Tol- owa had been there on a visit to his wife's rela- tives. Depot Charlie, who brought word to the !olowa, was a Tututni whose sister had married a olowa man and was living with that tribe. Another factor which affects diffusion is the bvious one of language. Thus, one of the prose- ytizers of the Ghost Dance who covered the wid- et territory was the Paviotso, Frank Spencer; et with the exception of the Washo, he was everywhere within his own linguistic group. The multiplicity of linguistic groups in northern California is directly correlated with an in- crease in the number of missionary-messengers. The greater the number of persons involved in transmitting such concepts, the greater seems the possibility of alteration and change. For example, certain distortions arose somewhere be- tween the introduction of the Ghost Dance doc- trine to the eastern Achomawi, who stressed the return of the dead, and its introduction to the Hill Patwin and Pomo, where stress was laid on an imminent world catastrophe. In such cases, sta- bility of doctrine may depend in part upon the proficiency of a bilingual individual who acts either as a missionary or as his interpreter. Parenthetically, attention may be drawn to the fact that bilingual individuals are usually the result of intertribal marriages and therefore these two mechanisms of diffusion, namely, mixed marriage and language, are closely related. In a consideration of language, dialectic differ- ences also should not be neglected. Cases can be envisaged in which direct communication by a proselytizer with a group speaking a different dialect might produce greater distortions than would occur in instances where languages are so entirely different that a bilingual interpreter is necessary. I should suggest that this may ex- plain, at least in part, the difference of doc- trine which first appears among the Hill Patwin and for this reason: Norelputus was a N Yana who spoke Wintu (the result of an intertribal marriage). He carried the Ghost Dance doctrine received from the Achomawi to the Wintun, whose language differs only slightly from Wintu to the north. Among the Wintun the doctrine still cen- tered around the return of the dead. However, Norelputus pushed on farther south into north- ern Hill Patwin country. Here the dialectic change was marked and at the same time we find it correlated with an alteration in doctrinal emphasis. I should not like to stress too strongly the linguistic factor as the cause of the distortion, since I secured no confirmatory statements from informants to this effect, but it is a possibility which should be borne in mind. On the other hand, a third language may greatly facilitate the communication of ideas between two linguistically unrelated groups. English and jargon were two such mediums. In the mixed groups of Grand Ronde Reservation, jargon was used as the common tongue. Bogus Tom had no facility with this language and therefore used an interpreter. His junket to the Columbia River tribes may have failed in part because he lacked a medium of communication. Only an unusual inter- preter could overcome the hostility toward a com- plete stranger attempting to introduce a new cult. Often when proselytizers like Bogus Tom, [135] ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Frank Spencer, Frank, Norelputus, and Lame Bill were in different cultures, they were still with- in areas where they were known. For example, Bogus Tom was a Shasta known to other Shasta on Siletz and Grand Ronde reservations and was able there- fore to make a far deeper impress than Wintun Frank, who was a complete stranger with no one to vouch for him. Being known could compensate some- what for the lack of a common language. The reservation system was also undoubtedly an influence in the dissemination of modern cults. It brought tribes into contact with each other at the same time that it also split tribal groups into two areas of residence. Both of these situ- ations had their repercussions upon diffusion. Por example, Paviotso who had beer gathered together on Klamath Reservation were in closer contact with Modoc and Klamath groups than they would or- dinarily have been. When Frank Spencer brought the news of the Ghost Dance to the Paviotso it naturally reached also the Modoc and Klamath. On Siletz and Grand Ronde reservations were groups of Shasta who kept in close touch with their Cali- fornian relatives still in situ. Any movement of significance was naturally transmitted. Once it reached a conglomerate group like that on both Siletz and Grand Ronde, it spread outward again to other areas in which there were nonreservation groups with relatives on reservations. Similarly, when the Pomo wvere moved to Round Valley Reser- vation, they helped familiarize the Indians al- ready there with the new ideas which were current to the south. Postwhite methods of transportation probably affected not only the range but also the velocity of the diffusion of modern cults. Almost all the proselytizers who traveled marked distances were reported to have traveled on horseback. In a minor fashion, the fluidity of these modern cult diffu- sions were a duplication of the increased mobil- ity of Plains culture after the introduction of the horse. Another case in point are the comments of the Chico Maidu informant. She was aware that wealth and the means of transportation which it afforded facilitated the interchange of dances. She gave the Hill Maidu as an example of a poor tribe who could not afford to travel to cere- monies. Still another postwhite factor affected the spread of cult ideas. This was the exploitation of Indian labor in agriculture. The hop fields of Ukiah Valley drew Pomo from the coast each summer. This brought them in more intimate contact than they had previously had with the inland Pomo and their Bole-Maru developments. Even before the Earth Lodge cult, the system of gathering Indians as harvesters in the grain fields of the Delta area was a distinct impetus to the diffusion of new dance forms. The importation of dances from Pleasanton to the Nisenan and Miwok, which has been discussed in the section on the Delta region, is another example of the cultural interchanges resulting from the economic exploitation of In- dian labor. Intertribal marriage, language, reservation systems, transportation and employment of Indian labor all influenced the diffusion of modern cults in northern California and Oregon. In addition to these mechanisms there were t types of diffusion which were evident. One might be called linear and the other centrifugal. In linear diffusion each tribelet learned the cult in its own territory. For example, the Karok re- ceived the Ghost Dance from a Shasta who brought it to them. It might also have been introduced b a Karok who had learned the doctrine among the Shasta and carried it back home. The essential point is that one tribe at a time learns a new complex by having it imported to its own terri- tory and into its own cultural sphere. In the Pomo centers of the Earth Lodge cult, however, a heterogeneous gathering representing many differ- ent tribal groups gathered together for joint ceremonies. The guest groups then carried back the new ideas to their own territories. This type. of dissemination might be called, somewhat anoma.b lously, centrifugal diffusion. Once an idea or complex has been introduced to, a group there are factors making for its accept- ance or rejection. Certain factors which made for the rejection of modern cult elements are discus first. Insufficient deterioration of a culture as a whole served to quash the cult movements. This R true for the Hapa and to a lesser extent for the Yurok. The matter has been discussed at length in Part 1. A similar situation seems to have obtain for the Kato. Even when the whole group did not act negatively to religious changes introduced after 1870, certain conservative individuals wit it rejected them. The not infrequent appeal to myths on the origin of death to prove the absurd- ity of the doctrine of advent is an instance of this attitude. On the other hand, too great sophistication wa also a deterrent to acceptance. Statements were made repeatedly that the young people did not bo lieve in the new religious ideas. The rejection speech made by John Adams when the Siletz Indians refused to accept the Big Head cult was definite the rejection of a sophisticate. With no groundi in the old culture, an adventist and revivalistio doctrine was meaningless. There was no emotional need for even diluted forms of the old life. The cults to be acceptable had to strike a group at that precise time when the old culture had dete- riorated but faith in it had not. Skeptics, whether they were allied with Euro- pean or aboriginal culture, must everywhere have raised obstacles to cult acceptance. There are many cases of skeptics who opposed the religious innovations cited in the course of the paper. The two Paviotso delegations, one from Klamath Reser- vation and one from Surprise Valley, returned wit; negative reports because they had not been misled by Wodziwob s attempted "miracles." Similarly, a delegation was sent from Ingot to visit Homaldo's rancheria, where the dead were supposedly appear- I I 'I 136 IDJ BOIS: TEE 1870 GHOST DANCE ing among the living. The envoys saw through the hoax and their adverse report must have had de- terrent results even though it did not definitely end the Earth Lodge cult. Skeptics and conserva- tives both were opponents of cult movements. In addition, certain specific doctrinal ideas must have blocked the receptiveness of some in- dividuals to the cults. For instance, the teach- ing in some tribes that half-breeds would suffer the same fate as the white people must have aroused a good deal of resistance in the offspring of mixed marriages. A fear of ghosts and the dead in general must have been overcome before certain persons could envisage the advent of the deceased |with any pleasure. Balanced against the rejective factors were an equal number of factors which must have made the u1clts acceptable. The first and most general ap- peal lay, of course, in the hope which the doc- trine offered for the rehabilitation of the shat- red aboriginal culture and the attendant im- tovement of economic conditions. A real esthetic appeal undoubtedly helped to make the cults ac- ceptable. Informants remarked even more often their quoted statements reveal that "they awfully pretty songs; those dances looked 1 nice." In addition to esthetic appreciation ere were also opportunities for esthetic crea- on in many tribes where dreaming became epi- c. Another factor was the direct emotional eal to recently bereaved persons. Whether or ot the psychology employed was conscious, it was vertheless excellent when it couched its prom- s in the specific terms of "seeing your dead ther and your dead father." This has been ght out from time to time in the body of this r when material dealt with the experiences of ticular converts. Once a complex has been accepted it is fre- ntly adapted to local cultural forms. This omenon has been observed frequently and has labeled by anthropologists with the catch se "pattern theory." In the decade from 1910 1920 it was suggested in various articles.229 ce that time the concept has altered and ex- d,but little overt discussion in print has rred. The phrase, pattern theory, although criptive, seems unfortunate in giving a static lity to what is in reality one of the funda- tal cultural processes. It might be more de- le to give the concept an active connotation sing a word like patterning. Certainly this process which deserves to be placed along- of diffusion as one of the major forces in ing culture. Whereas diffusion represents process of expansion in history, patterning sents the process of absorption. Both of the 9For example: A. A. Goldenweiser, Origin of ism, AA 14:600-607, 1912. R. H. Lowie, Some iems in the Ethnology of the Crow and Village s, AA 14:68-71, 1912. C. Wissler, Cere- 1 Bundles of the Blackfoot Indians. AMNH- .1OO-106, 1912. C. Wissler, in F. Boas (ed.), opology in North America, 120-123, 1915. terms are perhaps too general to be specifically useful, but at least they vaguely delineate trends of cultural growth. In the strict accuracy of the word, accultura- tion might be used whenever a diffused trait or complex is accepted by a culture upon which it impinges. That is, patterning and acculturation might be practically synonymous. However, accul- turation seems to have been given special mean- ing. It is used most frequently to describe mini- mal cases of patterning; that is, cases in which dislocations accompanying the absorption of for- eign features exceed integrations. More specifi- cally, it seems to have been used to describe the manner in which a shattered aboriginal culture makes the best of a bad bargain. It may be legit- imate to distinguish between external contacts which can be integrated to the dominant social values without destructive dislocations and those which cannot. In the modern cults of northern California there has been a continuous and pro- gressive change from 1870 to about 1920. When the Bole-Maru cult first developed it was defi- nitely recognized as a substitute for the old esoteric ceremonies. The ceremonial organization was already partly shattered. The old Kuksu, Hesi, and Waisaltu ceremonies had been dangerous affairs for which participants needed rigorous training. By 1870 the number of men capable of directing the ceremonies was already dwindling. It was assumed safer to abandon the old religion and adopt the less potent forms represented by the Bole-Maru cult. Although the Bole-Maru had definite features showing white influence, it was in essence and in much of its detail adapted aboriginal practices and as such seems to have been a highly satisfactory religion. However, as it changed and developed, Christian ideas and the white man's paraphernalia became more and more important,until now little separates the Bole- Maru from some of the marginal Christian sects which proselytize among the Indians. Where pat- terning ends and acculturation begins in such a sequence, I should hesitate to say. The differ- ence between patterning which represents integra- tion and acculturation which represents at best only a partial integration is not always obvious in cultural phenomena. A nice example of the development involved in acculturation in the sense of patterning as well as in the narrower sense can be traced in rela- tion to eschatological beliefs. The communication of shamans with the dead was a concept frequently met in northern California. Soul restoration in cures was also known. If a soul could be restored to a body it had left, and the shaman could com- municate with the dead, it was apparently not difficult for the Indians of many tribes to en- visage a mass return of the dead as predicted by dreamers. The return of the dead, in turn, was logically and historically an intermediate step to the Christian idea of resurrection,which is now widely held by the Californian Indians, prob- ably because of the combined influence of Bole- 137 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Maru and Christian doctrine. These steps, in turn, assisted speculation on the concept of afterlife and the flowery heaven of the earlier Ghost Dance and Earth Lodge cult. Christianization had pro- gressed far enough, it seems, even to have led to the concept of hell. A concept of heaven and hell is, of course, bound by an inner necessity to the Christian concept of ethical dualism. Mor- alistic discourses had been part of the chiefs' harangues in the older cultures. It was part and parcel of the early dreamers' speeches. Before long this old pattern of moralistic discourse centered around ethical dualism. In conjunction with the development of escha- tological concepts might be considered the con- cept of a supreme being. I should like to suggest tentatively that much of the Californian idea of a supreme being is a post-Ghost Dance crystalli- zation. Quite probably prior to Christian influ- ences a supreme being was immanent in Califor- nian ideology, but it was vague and without at- tributes. Christian and Ghost Dance stimuli were necessary to crystallize the concept into a clarity which now permits the Indians to render it by the English word "God." Norelputus is a case in point. Curtin's Creation Myths of Primi- tive America has been used as an example par ex- cellence of a supreme God concept in aboriginal California. Norelputus, however, was the sole source of Curtin's myths. Quite apart from any tampering with the data by Curtin in the inter- ests of journalism, we know that Norelputus had a definite share in the Ghost Danc.e doctrine and that he was an apologist for adaptation on the part of the Indians. This impression of recency in connection with a crystallized concept of the supreme being is not susceptible to definite proof at this late date. It was gratifying therefore to discover that my impressions, formed independ- ently, were also those of Powers,230 who said in 1875, "With the exception, perhaps, of a few tri'bes in the northern part of the state, I am thoroughly convinced that a great majority of the Californian Indians had no concept whatever of a Supreme being. True, nearly all of them now speak of a Great Man....but they have the word and nothing more. This is manifestly a modern graft upon their ideas, because this being takes no part or lot in their affairs, is never men- tioned in the real and genuine aboriginal mythol- ogy or cosmogony, creates nothing, upholds noth- ing." Specific illustrations of patterning and/or acculturation could be multiplied indefinitely. Ho-,vever, before leaving the subject, I should like to contrast briefly the acceptance and re- jection of the Ghost Dance in three Klamath drain- age tribes--the Shasta, Yurok, and Hfpa. They il- lustrate nicely the relative stability of the three groups involved and they may indicate ten- tatively that patterning is in proportion to sta- bility. That is, the greater the stability of a 23 ?Stephen Powers, California Indian Charac- teristics, Overland Monthly 14:306, 1875. I group, the more pronouncedly it will pattern for- eign traits to established institutions. The Shasta were badly disintegrated at the t they received the Ghost Dance. They accepted all three waves of the modern cults--the first Ghost Dance doctrine from the Modoc, the second con- firmatory wave of the Earth Lodge cult followed by certain Bole-Maru features, and lastly the Bi Head cult. They then amalgamated some aspects of these waves into their deeply rooted pattern of shamanism. The Yurok accepted the cult but only-' reluctantly. Many features they adapted to their ceremonial requirements. Their Ghost Dance had wealth-display features; they used a separate house for the prophet comparable to that used by the priests in many Yurok ceremonies, and so. forth. However, certain elements were not made palatable by patterning. Mixed bathing was shock ing to Yurok sensibilities; a real fear of ghost inhibited easy acceptance of resurrection; a strong sentiment against speaking of the dead wa also involved. Possibly the best example of their traditionalism which made for stability was the demand for precedent in myths and formulae for religious behavior. We see, therefore, that de- spite certain attempts to make the cult acceptab to Yurok religious life, the resistive factors were many and strong. The older people and the aristocrats with vested interests in the estab-' lished order formed the backbone of the resistan After approximately a year and a half, during whi the tribe was divided against itself, there was violent revulsion of feeling and the Ghost Dances movement was quashed. It was not able to survive failures of prophecies. The resistive factors in the long run outweighed the acceptive ones. So fa as historic consequences are concerned, they served to cut short any continuance or transmu- tation of the cult after the first excitement wor off. In this the Yurok are in marked contrast to the Shasta, for instance, who went on adapting themselves to disappointments, perhaps for want o a better alternative in the shattered remnants of their old culture. The Hapa had been present when the Ghost Dance was first introduced to the Yurok. However, the cult was completely rejected and even today dis- approval is keen and outspoken. Hupa informants overtly state that the new doctrine was rejected because it was so antagoni,stic to traditional att tudes. Their objections were much the same as th of the Yurok but seem to have been more deeply en, trenched so that they were able to exclude com- pletely any innovations. Therefore, among these three tribes, who were territorially contiguous, we find three degrees o stability. The Shasta, who enthusiastically em- braced the new cults with a miniTmm of patterning; the Yurok, who accepted the cult provisionally but- largely on their own terms, only to reject it sub- sequently; and the Hupa, who were completely re- sistive to it. These three grades of receptive- ness suggest that social integration and stability' are closely allied. 138 I. ? 1 I IXJ BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE In very general terms, I have considered suc- cessively the mechanisms and types of diffusions observed, the factors making for acceptance or rejection of diffused concepts, and the manner in which accepted changes are patterned. Obviously, this discussion is not exhaustive and a single historic unit does not exhibit all the possible types of even those cultural processes which are known. I have also not lost sight of the fact that cultural processes may vary under postwhite and prewhite conditions. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ABBREVIATIONS USED AA American Anthropologist. BAE-B -R Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletins. Reports. CNAE Contributions to North American Ethnology. JAFL Journal of American Folk-Lore. UC-PAAE University of California, Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology. UW-PA University of Washington, Publications in Anthropology. 139 APPENDIX INFORMANTS Approximately one hundred and forty inform- nts were interviewed from the fall of 1932 irough the summer of 1934. Only those quoted in he body of the paper are listed here. Where in- erpreters were used, they are listed under the ames of the informants for whom they translated. he evaluations are obviously superficial, but hey may serve to reflect the degree of rapport hich I established with informants and my esti- ates of the worth of quoted material. Paviotso Blind Bob. Wellington, Nevada. Late 80's. Eng- ish almost incomprehensible. Willing, garrulous, ncoherent, probably senile. Henry Wil iams. Schurz, Walker Lake Reserva- ,ion. Ca. 50's. Prefers to use native language. lling, careful, not very intelligent. His wife, ennie, probably more alert. Their son a willing id able interpreter. Gilbert Natchez. Nixon, Pyramid Lake Reserva- on. Ca. 50's. English good. Dull, uninformed, derately co-operative. Jackson Overton. Nixon, Pyramid Lake Reserva- on. Ca. 60's. Needs interpreter. Taciturn, .l informed, needs prodding. Gilbert Natchez, Dterpreter (see above). Rawhide Henry. Pyramid Lake Reservation. Ca. English very poor. Willing, thoroughly unre- ble, but probably well informed. Doctor Sam. Beatty, Klamath Reservation. Ca. 's. Needs interpreter. Coherent, wvell informed, terested, clear mind. David Chocktoot, inter- ter; willing, interested, conscientious. Pete Polina. Beatty, Klamath Reservation. Ca. Needs interpreter. Meager in presentation; *eds questioning. David Chocktoot, interpreter ee above). Washo Lnnie Jo. Carson City. Early 80's. No English. ent, informed, talks without questioning, prob- y accurate. Frances Brown, grandniece, good trpreter. ,Dick Bender. Carson City, Steward Indian school. .72 English fair. Willing, garrulous, in- ed but not careful as to accuracy. Modoc Hrrison Brown. Beatty, Klamath Reservation. 'ly 70's. Needs interpreter. Bedridden; much tomation he is eager to have recorded, needs istioning for detail, otherwise is fluent and rent. Interpreter, Winnie Schiffbauer, inter- ad, willing, intelligent, but does not possess erfect command of Modoc. Peter Schonchin. Sprague River, Klamath Reser- lion. Over 80. English poor, but insists upon Lfg it. Willing, self-important, careless. Wife real bulk of information,which she skilfully rts. Took part in Modoc War; son of old Schon- ,who was hanged after war. Jennie Clinton. WIilliamson River store, Klam- Reservation. Late p0's early 70's; claims greater age. English good. Bumptious, given to religious harangues, most of life spent in Okla- homa after Modoc War. Shasta Sargent Sambo. Near Hamburg on Klamath River. Ca. 69. English excellent; intelligent, coherent, well informed, friendly. Trained as informant by R. B. Dixon. Rosie Empter. Hornbrook, California. Ca. 67. Eng- lish good. Nell informed, clear mind and presenta- tion, good detail, hostile until confidence is gained. Jake Smith. Hornbrook, California. Middle 80's. Needs interpreter. Friendly but uninterested; inco- herent but probably well informed. Blind. Good singer and myth narrator. Rosie Empter, interpreter (see above). Emma Snelling. Yreka. Late 60's. English good. Fluent, effervescent, friendly but only moderately well informed, probably not reliable. Karok Henry Joseph. Happy Camp. Ca. 86. English ade- quate. Willing, well informed, friendly. Ira Stevens. Crescent City. Ca. 66. English ex- cellent. Sophisticated, talkative, not very sell informed. Tolowa Emma Vilastra. Crescent City. Middle 50's. English good. Friendly. Presentation confused; moderately informed. Jenny Scott. Smith River. Ca. 70. Friendly, talkative, assured. Well informed but incoherent and confused in presentation, perhaps due to poor English. Henry Johnson. Smith River. Ca. 70. English poor. Reticent; needs constant questioning; shy and withdrawn. Probably well informed. Resentful attitudes on several subjects. Yurok Robert Spott. Requa. Middle 40's. English ex- cellent. Co-operative, unusually well informed, exceptionally retentive memory for detail, co- herent. Hupa Sam Brown. Hupa Valley. Ca. 55. English ex- cellent. Intelligent, well informed, fluent, co- operative. James Marshall. Hupa Valley. Ca. 71. English excellent. Co-operative but only moderately well informed, lacks fluency. Trained by Goddard as informant. Siletz Coquille Thompson. Lower Coquille; born at Myrtle Point; taken to Siletz as an infant. Ca. 84. English fair. Clear mind, willing, well in- formed, accurate. Does not need questioning. Cir- cumstantial and detailed data. Blind. [ 141] 142 ANTHROPOLOGIC1 Louis Fuller. Tillamook. Ca. 71. Catholic schooling on Grand Ronde Reservation. Willing but reticent. Either not well informed or too shy to talk freely after brief contact. Needs constant questioning. Billy Metcalf. Tututni; born among Tolowa; moved to Siletz. In middle 60's (?). English good. Only moderately interested and informed. Skeptical, indolent, amiable. Abe Logan. Tututni; born at Siletz. Ca. 74. English excelle'nt. Clear mind, well informed in certain fields, willing, self-respecting. Strong Shaker. Hoskie Simmons. Half-breed; born on Siletz; has always lived there. English e?xcellent. Sophis- ticated, self-respecting, intelligent. Inclined to disparage old culture. Only moderately well informed. Amiable, willing. Highly religious. Grand Ronde John Simmons. Half-breed; born on reservation. Middle 70's. Self-assured, intelligent, willing, friendly. English excellent. Coherent, needs no questioning, but distractable. Jennie Riggs. Yakima-Tualatin (?). Almost 100. Born in Oregon City. Married Umpqua on Grand Ronde. Frail, delicate, friendly. Well informed but difficult to secure coherent information. English poor but comprehensible. John Watchino. Clackamas. Ca. 86. Brought to Grand Ronde as a -^hild. Has lived there ever since, but has traveled. Well informed, intelli- gent. English fair. Willing, friendly, fairly co- herent, skeptical in general but does not reject old culture. Coastal Oregon Annie Peterson. Coos; living at Empire on Coos Bay. Lived on Yahatc Reservation; married at Si- letz. Returned to Coos Bay in 1880's. Late 70's, early 80's (?). Pleasant, willing, moderately informed. English good. Trained by Jacobs as in- formant. Frank Drew. Coos; living at Florence in Sius- law territory. Born on Yahatc Reservation; left there ca. 1876 for Florence, has been there ever since. Middle 60's. Pious, pompous, verbose. Eng- lish good. Presentation digressive; moderately well informed. Interpolates his own religious speculations. Informant for Frachtenberg and Ja- cobs. Lottie Evanoff. Coos; living near Marshfield. Ca. 60 (?). Willing but needs questioning. Eng- lish fair. Moderately informed but not very in- terested. Slovenly. Achomawi Jack Fulsom. Alturas. Ca. 70's but claims greater age. English good. Co-operative but self- important, unwilling to admit limitations of his knowledge. Johnny Steve. Alturas. Late 70's. English poor. Shy, but friendly, probably pretty well in- formed if his diffidence can be overcome. Jack Fulsom, interpreter, was overbearing and probably not accurate. John Lake and Budkas Pete. Likely. Both ca. AL RECORDS middle 70's. Interpreter used, probably not nec sary. Alert, moderately informed, but not given elaboration. Jack Fulsom, poor as interpreter, estimate of informants difficult. Pete Otter. Ash Valley. Ca. 75. Needs inte er. Intelligent, informed, coherent but reserve "Preacher." Samson Stonecoal (now dead) as inti preter; interested, himself well informed. Bill Wrailer. Stonecoal Valley. Ca. 90. Nee interpreter. Willing but incoherent, limited terests. Interpreter, Sam Spring, 59, sophisti- cated, intelligent. Sally King. Adin. Middle 80's. Needs inter- preter. Willinp, incoherent, moderately inform Modoc captive in youth. Loula Eppie, interprete dull but willing. Harry George. Adin. Early 80's. Needs inter- preter. Interested, clear mind, fluent. Jeff Ed a nephew, as interpreter, was also interested. able. John Snooks. Burney. Ca. 80. Needs interpret Willing and informed, inaccuracies probably due to faulty memory. Daughter Mattie as interpret was poor. Davis Mike. McArthur. Ca. 53. English excell Fluent, well informed, co-operative, intelligen Mary Grant. Goose Valley, near Burney. Ca. , Needs interpreter. Moderately well informed, wi ing. Daughter good interpreter. William Halsey. Big Bend. Ca. late 80's. Eng fair. Garrulous, bumptious, confused, but a mxa of information if used carefully. Lily Taylor. Upper Hat Creek. Ca. 75. English fair. Reserved, moderately well informed. Julia Bob. Hat Creek. Early 70's. Needs inte preter. Willing, garrulous, incoherent. Son, Ik very poor interpreter. Samson Grant. Goose Valley, near Burney. Ca. 83. English good. Dramatic sense which probably. leads him into inaccurate elaborations; eager to talk. Spent boyhood on Round Valley Reservation. Yana Malcolm Cayton. Anderson. Between 60 and 70. English good. Pretentious, uninformed, willing avaricious. Wintu Fannie Brown. Antler. Early 70's. Needs inter.d preter. Well informed but incoherent. John Stacy., interpreter; able, interested. Sarah Fan. Anderson. Early 60's. English good.' Mass of localized, detailed information; willing; moderately coherent. Jim Feder. Trinity Center. Late 80's. Needs n terpreter. Much information, interested, oratorios needs questioning for detail. John Stacy, inter-' preter, intelligent and interested. John Towndolly. Dunsmuir. Middle 70's. English good. Willing, moderately interested, much accu- rate detailed information. Wintun Billy Freeman. Paskenta. Ca. 75. English ade- quate. Careful, full knowledge but geographically circumscribed, slow, coherent, friendly. DU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE Nancy Jordan. Paskenta. Ca. 77. English excel- ,lent. Careful, reliable, but limited information, too much white influence. Jeff Jones. Grindstone. Ca. 66. English excel- lent. Willing, intelligent but uninformed; too much white influence. Charlie Warthon. Pinoleville, Ukiah. Ca. 77. English excellent. Knows no native language. Mother from Paskenta. Brought up by white father in Round Valley; married and lived with Chico Maidu; moved to Grindstone among Patwin and Win- tun; now among Pomo. Intelligent, narrow sphere of information but accurate within its bounds. Patwin John Wilson. Grindstone; born at Stonyford. Ca. 75. Needs interpreter. Taciturn, probably in- formed if he would talk. Jeff Jones, interpreter. Jim (Tomaso) Smith. Grindstone; lived at tonyford. Ca. 75. English poor. Information geo- grathically limited; careful, not very intelli- gen , religiously-minded. Santiago McDaniel, Stonyford. Middle 70's. English fair, but insists on his son as inter- preter. Is last Salt Pomo; married to Patwin. Fnd of information, intelligent, friendly but definitely secretive and given to falsification about his rOle in modern cults. His son, Oscar, as interpreter, intelligent, interested, himself informed; abets father in secretiveness. Susie Lewis. Long Valley. Ca. 70's. Needs in- terpreter. Willing, reasonably well informed, omewhat incoherent and unwilling to admit ig- orance. Her son, Harry, poor interpreter, unin- terested and stupid. Her grandniece, Evelyn Mc- 4wniels, better as interpreter-but loses interest n translating details. Wilsey Lewis. Long Valley. Ca. 80. Needs in- erpreter. Apathetic, dull, probably informed if e would make the effort to recall. A shaman. In- rpreters same as above. Pedro Wright. Cortina. Ca. 66. English fair, illing, slow, careful but reserved. Sarah Lowell. Rumsey. Ca. 80's. Needs inter- reter. Fund of detailed information, coherent, o-operative; was unreserved on subject of modern its until her daughter interfered. Interpreter, bel Jake, painstaking, self-effacing, moderately ntelligen t. John Lowell. Colusa. Middle 70O's. English good. lling, careful, not fluent, fairly weil informed William Benjamin. Colusa. Over 70. English ade- ate. Willing, but garrulous and tangential, irly intelligent, moderately informed. Susie Clemens. Chico. Ca. 68. English good. Ig- rant of Indian life except for fragments remem- red about her mother's part in the Bole-Maru. Maidu (Valley) Mandy Wilson. Chico. Ca. 70. English fair. Ac- ive emphatic mind; moderately informed; assured, cattered presentation. Maidu (Hill) George Martin. Enterprise. Ca. 50's. English od. Intelligent, willing, good stock of hear- y information, retentive memory. Maidu (Mountain Roxy Picano. Susanville. Ca. 77. Needs inter- preter. Willing, clear mind, detailed but geo- graphically limited information. Daughter, Inez Picano, interpreter; alert, intelligent, inter- ested. Inez and Lena Picano. Susanville. Both in late 50's.English fluent. Alert, intelligent, moderate- ly well informed, but marked white influence. Pomo (SE) George Patch. Lower Lake. Late 70's to middle 80's. Needs interpreter. Slow, careful, moderately informed, capable of orderly presentation. His son, Raphael, interpreter; himself well informed, interested, willing. Both were involved in Bole- Maru cult and therefore guarded on this subject. Clifford Salvador. Lower Lake. Ca. 61. English good. Friendly but uninterested, not very well in- formed, no reserves. Pomo (E) William Benson. Mission, near Lakeport. Ca. 70. English excellent. Sophisticated, professional in- formant; no interest in Bole-Maru. Bill T Gilbert. UVper Lake, northern rancheria. Late 60 s, early 70 s. English good. Willing, flu- ent, well informed within narrow geographical lim- its, unreserved. Charlie Gunters. Upper Lake, southern ranche- ria. Late 60's. English good. Facetious, moderately informed, uninterested. Pomo (N) Nancy McCoy. Sherwoqd. Ca. 60. English good. Lived at Fort Bragg until ca. 40. Slow, careful, serious, reserved; much information which comes gradually. Charles Bowen. Pinoleville, near Ukiah. Ca. 70. English fair. Friendly, painstaking, accurate, well informed; religiously-minded and given to this type of speculation. Is a singing doctor. John Smith. Pinolevil e and Potter Valley. Ca. middle 80's. English limited. Well informed but mentally lazy; reasonably accurate except when he becomes impatient with material which bores him; no marked reticences. Pomo (Central) Steve Knight. Ukiah rancheria. Ca. 54. English excellent. Intelligent, alert, coherent sequential accounts, information largely from hearsay. Cecelia Joaquin. Hopland. Ca. 60. Needs inter- preter. Intelligent, alert, much anecdotal informa- tion, willing once goodwill has been secured. Her son, Dave, alert, persistent and intelligent, in- terpreter. Jeff Joaquin. Hopland. Ca. middle 80's. Needs interpreter. Dancing is dominant interest; slow, unaggressive; data come slowly. Interprete?2 same as above. Sam Allen. Hopland. Ca. 50. English good. Will- ing, garrulous, uninformed, rejects old culture. I i i 143 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Pomo (Coast Central) Susie Shoemake. Point Arena. Ca. 80's. Needs interpreter. Has lived close to old life; probably needs efforts of her daughter, Jennie Pike, to tap information. Much of information comes from Jennie,who is herself well informed. Reserved but not unfriendly. Tom Pike, husband of Jennie, served as further interpreter; is inconsequential. Sealion White. Point Arena. Middle 80's when consulted; now dead. Needed interpreter. Willing but rambling, not very intelligent but lived close to old life. James Harvey, interpreter; anxious to please, reasonably intelligent and informed. Pomo (5) Pedro Mariano. Cloverdale. Ca. 84. Has always lived at Cloverdale except for ten years spent at Yorkville among N Pomo. Wife from Yorkville. Eng- lish poor but comprehensible. Willing, well in- formed. Elaborates with little questioning. Prob- ably fairly accurate. Pomo (SW) Maria Meyers. Stewarts Point. Ca. 85. Needs interpreter. Intelligent, alert, well informed and probably relatively unreserved, but held in check by son, Herman James, who acted as interpreter and who was markedly opposed to divulging infor- mation on Bole-Maru. Rosie Sheard. Stewarts Point. Ca. 75. Not very intelligent or alert, but probably knows much of old life; also markedly guarded on subject of Bole-Maru. Her son-in-law, Herman James, inter- preter. Herman James. Stewarts Point. Ca. 50. English good. Intelligent, friendly, but extremely reti- cent on Bole-Maru; probably helpful on other topics. Kato Ray Gill. Laytonville. Ca. 60. English excel- lent. Willing, coherent. Infonmation is abbrevi- ated hearsay. Yuki Poni and his wife. Covelo, Round Valley Reser- vation. Early 80's. Needs interpreter. Uninter- ested and poorly informed, friendly. Ralph Moore, interpreter. Little Toby and Charles Gray. Covelo, Round Valley Reservation. Ca. 70 and 80, respectively. Need interpreter. Both moderately well informed but uninterested, not very co-operative. George Moore, interpreter; interested, persistent. Ralph Moore. Covelo, Round Valley ReservationI Ca. 52. English excellent. Semiprofessional in- formant; information largely hearsay; co-opera- tive, reticent only on own religious activities; inadequate as interpreter. Wailaki John Tip. Covelo, Round Valley Reservation. Ca. 75. English poor. Willing, well informed, specific data, but probably not very accurate, Wappo Mary Eli and John Trippo. Geyserville Reserva" tion, near Healdsburg. Ca. 65 and 75 respective1 English of both poor. Well informed but incohere presentation; pronounced interest in supernat u Marion Maranda. Russian River Reservation, Healdsburg. Ca. 70's. English good. Uninformed, no intimate knowledge of old life. Makes no pre- tentions concerning his information. Martha McCloud. Russian River Reservation, Healdsburg. Early 60's. Needs interpreter. Unor- ganized presentation, fair comnand of detail, only moderately willing and intelligent. Grand- son, 0. K. Williams, interpreter; intelligent, conscientious. Henry Knight. Middletown. Middle 50's. Eng1is good. Willing but not well informed, assisted by his father, Jack Knight, who seemed apathetic an4 unintere sted. Miwok (Lake) Salvadore Chappo. Middletown. Ca. 80's. Needs interpreter. Fund of information, moderately spe- cific, interested, not very coherent. Grand- daughters, Doris Yee and Marie Sebastien, inter- ested, adequate. Miwok (Coast) Maria Frias. Marshall. Born in Nicasio. Midd1 60's when consulted; now dead. English poor. Will ing but garbled hearsay information. Nisenan William Joseph. Auburn. Ca. 77 when consulteda now dead. English good. Friendly, well informeda coherent, interested. Born near Ione. Trained inl' formant. k 144 ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS EXPLANATION OF PLATES Plate 1. a, Bole-Maru dance house at Point Arena. b, brush dance house,used at present by Santiago McDaniel at Stonyford for Bole-Maru performances. c, dance house erected at Grindstone for Bole-Maru dances. d, drum in rear of structure shown in "b." e, place where Big Head cult regalia are stored at present in Shasta territory, near Copco. f, center post in structure shown in "b." Note bundles of regalia hung to left of rear entrance. Plate 2. a, Coquille Thompson, leader of Thompson's Warm House Dance on the Oregon coast. b, c, front and rear views of Central Pomo Bole-Maru costume at Point Arena,dreamed by George. d, two Big Head headdresses used in Big Head cult. 146 b a c d e f BOLE-MARU DANCE HOUSES b d COQUILLE THOMPSON; POINT ARENA BOLE-MARU COSTUME; BIG HEAD HEADDRESSES c a INDEX Aspersion, 9, 10, 14, 15, 131 Albert Thomas, shaman, 59, 103, 113 Annie Jarvis, SW Pomo dreamer, 100 Awutu, SE Pomo dreamer, 81 f., 133 Ball dance, 2, 71-75, passim, 82, 89, 93, 95, 96, 97, 99, 110-112, passim, 114, 133-134 Bateman, Jim. See Jim Bateman Batci. See Jim Bell, Dick. See Dick Bell Ben, Dixie Valley. See Dixie Valley Ben Big Head cult, 117-127, 134 Big Head dance. See Bole-Hesi; Hesi Big Jose, SW Pomo dreamer, 100 Bill, Doctor. See Doctor Bill Bill, Lame. See Lame Bill Bill (Tsaka), N Pomo dreamer, 88-89, 90 ''Billy Doc, C Pomo dreamer, 95 Biritcid, Paviotso proselytizer, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44, 130 Blanket dance. See Toto dance Bogus Tom, Shasta proselytizer, 13, 25-32, pas- sim, 54, 125 Bole-Big Head. See Bole-Hesi Bole dance, 2, 67, 68, 82, 86, 87, 89, 92-95, passim, 97, 98, 133 Bole-Hesi, 1, 67, 72, 75 f., 79, 82, 84, 86, 92, 93, 95, 07-100, passim; 110, 111, 112, 113, 127, 134. See also Hesi, Big Head cult Bole-Maru, 1, 2, 49, 53-55, passim, 58, 59 f., 66-67, 69 passim, 79 passim, 101-103, 129, 132 f. Boston, John. See John Boston Brigham, Sarah. See Sarah Brigham Briscoe, Wintun dreamer, 70 'Brown, Evan. See Evan Brown Bukuk dance, 82 Bullhead. See Bole-Hesi Camp bell, Susie. See Susie Campbell Captain Charlie, Wintun dreamer, 70 ptain Tom, Wintun dreamer, 70 aretakers." See Tcimato arrie Smith, Lake Miwok dreamer, 112 harlie, Captain. See Captain Charlie rlie, Chetco. See Chetco Charlie rlie, Depot. See Depot Charlie arlie (Wima), Patwin dreamer, 72-74, passim, 133 etco Charlie, 32-34 ico Frank. See Paitla ircle dance. See Round dance stume dance. See Bole dance istobal (Kotce), SW Pomo dreamer, 100 ring, 18, 19-20, 28, 30, 31 49, 509 58, 95, 97, 103-104, 113. See also ~hamanism Vis, Jeff. See Jeff Davis pot Charlie, Tututni proselytizer, 18-19, 25, 15., 130 traction of property, 16, 18, 19, 20-23, passim, 81, 1098, 131 ok Bell, Yuki dreamer, 92 ie Valley Ben, Achomawi dreamer, 49-50 aduwel dance (ghost impersonation), 87, 89-91, pa8sim eta, Tolowa dreamer, 19 I Doctor Bill, Achomawi dreamer, 48 Doctor George Modoc, 9-11, passim, 130 Doctor Lewis {Kaltcau), E Pomo dreamer, 87 Dream dance, 34-36 Dreamers. See also Awutu, Big Jose, Bill Tsaka, Billy Doc, Briscoe, Captain Charlie, Captain Tom, Carrie Smith, Charlie Wima, Cristobal, Dick Bell, Dixie Valley Ben, Djuweta, Doctor Bill, Doctor Lewis, Drew Shoemake, Elvy Patch, Emma Phillips, Evan Brown, Frank Peet, Fred Wilson, George Kaodem, George McCoy, Henry Knight, Homaldo, Jack Kiayaman, Jack Frango, Jack Harrison, Jack Walker, Jack Wilson, Jake Smith, Jeff Davis, Jim Batci, Jim Bateman, Jim Smith, Jim Trippo, Jo McGill, John Boston, John Trippo, Lame Bill, Mark Hinen, Mike Harm, Monk Robertson, Nancy, Nanny, O'Neil, Pete Otter, Pike, Patevin, Ralph Moore, Rosie Thomas, Rosie Wylie, Sam Santiago, McDaniel, Susie Campbell, Tcitcuwel, Tcontahesa, Tele, Tildy Lockhart, Tom Smith, Tuntiri, Wailaki, Tom, Welthnesat, Widunduni, Xalkom Dress dance. See Bole dance Drew Shoemake, C Pomo dreamer, 98 Earth quake, 42-43 Elvy Patch, N Pomo dreamer, 83 Emma Phillips, Patwin dreamer, 74 Evan Brown {Tolokobo), E Pomo dreamer, 86 Face painting, 4, 8-10, passim, 15-17, passim, 19, 27, 42, 45-47, passim, 57, 62, 64, 71, 94, 106 Feather dance, 34, 75 Flag, 1, 62-65, passim, 68-74, passim, 81, 86, 89, 93, 95, 97, 98, 100, 108-112 passim; 133 Flood, 6, 60, 62, 66. See also World catastrophe Flowers, 3, 57, 81, 89, 97, 98, 101 f., 133 Frango, Jack. See Jack Frango Frank, Chico. See Chic-o Frank Frank Peet (Ta?mo), Wappo dreamer, 110 Frank Spencer, 4-11, passim, 39, 43-44, 130 Frank, Yreka. See Yreka Frank Fred Wilson, Achomawi dreamer, 50 Gelaa. See Jack Walker George, Doctor. See Doctor George George (Kaodem), C Pomo dreamer, 97 George McCoy, Round Valley dreamer, 107 George, Sixes. See Sixes George Ghost Dance(1890), 3, 6, 51, 59 Ghost-impersonation dance. See Djaduwel dance Gilak dance. See Kilak dance Harm, Mike. See Mike Harm Harrison, Jack. See Jack Harrison Henry Knight (Meatalpa), Wappo dreamer, 113 Hesi, 1, 71, 75 f. See also Bole-Hesi Hinen, Mark. See Mark Hinen Hintil dances (tono), 71, 72, 82, 88 Homaldo (Mexican Jo), Wintun dreamer, 55, 59, 60, 63 f., 82, 132 Ikhareya, 15, 16, 18 Jack (Kiayaman), S Pomo dreamer, 96 Jack Frango, Maidu dreamer, 75 Jack Harrison, Wappo dreamer, 109 [149] I k? v I ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS Jack Walker (Gelaa), E Pomo dreamer, 87 Jack Wilson, 1890 Ghost Dance prophet, 3, 4, 6, 9 Jack Wilson, Achomawi dreamer, 50 Jake Smith, Shasta dreamer, 14 f. Jarvis, Annie. See Annie Jarvis Jeff Davis Round Valley dreamer, 107 Jim (Batcil, SE Pomo dreamer, 81, 96, 101, 111 Jim Bateman (Shiye), E Pomo dreamer, 86, 87 Jim Smith (Tomaso), Wintun dreamer, 71 Jim Trippo, Wappo dreamer, 110 Jo McGill, Lake Miwok dreamer, 113 Joe, Mexican. See Homaldo John Boston, C Pomo dreamer, 97 John Trippo (Matasatalo), Wappo dreamer, 110 Jose, Big. See Big Jose Kaltcau (Doctor Lewis). See Doctor Lewis Kaodem, George. See George Kaodem Kareya. See Ikhareya Kayabatu dance, 88 Kiayaman, Jack. See Jack Kiayaman Kilak dance, 99, 115, 133 Killing of dogs, 20, 46, 131 Knight, Henl'y. See Henry Knight Kotce. See Cristobal (Kotce) Kuksu, 71, 76, 82, 89, 90, 91, 93, 110, 115 Lame Bill (Munkas), Patwiin dreamer, 2, 59, 60, 66 f., 71, 82, 85, 86, 92, 132, 133 Lehuya dance. See Lihuye dance Lewis, Doctor. See Doctor Lewis Lihuye dance, 86, 88, 94, 99, 109, 110, 115, 133 Lockhart, Tildy. See Tildy Lockhart Mark (Hinen), Patwin dreamer, 74 Maru dance. See Bole dance Matasatala. See John Trippo McCoy, George. See George McCoy McDaniel, Santiago. See Santiago McDaniel McGill, Jo. See Jo McGill Meatalpa. See Henry Knight Mexican Jo. See Homaldo Mike Harm, Achomawi dreamer, 49 Miracles. See Sleight-of-hand Modoc War, 11, 130 Monk Robertson. C Pomo dreamer, 93 Moore, Ralph. See Ralph Moore Munkas. See Lame Bill Naigelthomelo, Yurok proselytizer, 21-23, passim Nancy, C Pomo dreamer, 99 Nanny, Patwin dreamer, 72 Nelelputa. See Norelputus Norelputa. See Norelputus Norelputus, 13, 14, 40, 43-45, passim, 52-55, passim, 59 f, 81, 130, 131 Numataivo, 3-6, passim O'Neil (Tepel or Tcayam tcayam), C Pomo dreamer, 97 Otter, Pete. See Pete Otter Painting, face. See Face painting Paitla, 13, 14, 28, 29-31, passim, 40, 44, 45, 47, 52. 54, 56, 63, 66, 82, 132 Patch, Elvy. See Elvy Patch Peet, Frank. See Frank Peet (Ta'mo) Pete Otter, Achomawi dreamer, 50 Phillips, Emma. See Emma Phillips "Picnics," 93, 95, 97, 99, 109, 110, 134 Pike, Patwin dreamer, 74 Pleasanton Revival, 114 f. Poles, 1, 7, 9, 15, 17, 27, 28, 30, 31, 33, 35, 55-56, 58, 63, 67-71, passim, 82, 89, 100, 107-112, passim, 119, 131, 133 Prophet. See Wodzivob Proselytizers. See Biritcid, Bogus Tom, Depot Charlie, Naigelthomelo, Sambo, Utcolodi i Rainbow, 33 Ralph Moore, Round Valley dreamer, 107 Robertson, Monk. See Monk Robertson Rosie Thomas, Wappo dreamer, 110 Rosie Wylie, Patwin dreamer, 74 Round dances, 3, 6, 8, 9, 12-13, passim, 16-17, passim, 21-22, passim, 40, 42, 45, 46, 55, 130-1 Salis dance, 82 Salvador, 81, 84, 85, 92, 94, 96, 99, 113, 117,4 Sam, C Pomo dreamer, 95 Sambo, Shasta proselytizer, 12, 14, 16, 18, 130 Santiago McDaniel, Salt Pomo dreamer, 71, 105- 106 Sarah Brigham, 83, 87 Shamanism, 3, 6-7, 9, 10, 14, 15, 18, 20, 31, 42, 43, 45, 48-50, passim, 55, 56, 58-59, 74, 83, 97, 103-104, 113 Sheephead, 81, 1& Shiye. See Jim Bateman Shoemake, Drew. See Drew Shoemake Sixes George, Tututni, 25, 130 Skeptics. See Transformation of skeptics Sleight-of-hand, 5, 7-9, 45, 63-66, passim, 70, 73, 90, 106, 110, 132 Smith, Carrie. See Carrie Smith Smith, Jake. See Jake Smith Smith, Jim. See Jim Smith Smith, Tom. See Tom Smith Songs, 6, 12-14, passim, 17-18, passim, 21, 28, 37, 42, 45, 47, 48, 52, 56-57, 65, 70, 73, 75, 106, 112, 115, 123, 124 Sototli, 55-56 Spencer, Frank. See Frank Spencer Staffs, 6, 8, 14, 15, 45-48, passim, 62, 131. See also Poles Supreme Being, 1, 20, 48, 93, 101 f. Susie Campbell, N Pomo dreamer, 92 Swing, 97 Tablecloth, 97, 99 Ta'mo. See Frank Peet Tavivo, See Numataivo Tcayam tcayam. See O'Neil Tcimato ("caretakers"), 27, 28, 30, 55, 58, 121, 123, 126 Tcitcuwel, Coast Yuki dreamer, 91 Tcontahesa, Tolowa dreamer, 19 Tele, Patwin dreamer, 66, 71, 132, 133 Tepel. See O'Neil Thomas, Albert. See Albert Thomas Thomas, Rosie. See Rosie Thomas Thompson's Warm House Dance, 32-36 Tichenor affair, 36-37 Tildy Lockhart, N Pomo dreamer, 92 Tolokobo. See Evan Brown Tom, Bogus. See Bogus Tom Tom, Captain. See Captain Tom Tom Smith, Coast Miwok dreamer, 111-112, 113-114 150 I I i EDU BOIS: THE 1870 GHOST DANCE Tom, Wailaki. See Wailaki Tom Tomaso. See Jim Smith Tono. See Hintil dances Toto (blanket) dance, 67, 72, 82, Transformation of skeptics, 7, 9, 17, 20, 21, 22, 24, 27, 30, 32, 68, 86, 90, 105, 108, 130 Tricks. See Sleight-of-hand Trippo, Jim. See Jim Trippo Trippo, John. See John Trippo Tsaka. See Bill Tainamafon dance, 82 Tntiri, Patwin dreamer, 72 88, 10, 33, 99 12, 14, 16, 43, 45, 54, Jtcolodi, Paviotso proselytizer, 39, 40, 42, 44, passim Wailaki Tom, Round Valley dreamer, 107 lalker, Jack. See Jack Walker Warm House Dance, 1, 25-27, passim, 29-31, pas- sim. See also Thompson's Warm House Dance Welthnesat, Tolowa dreamer, 19 Wenega. See Frank Spencer Weneyuga. See Frank Spencer Whiskey dance. See Lihuye dance Widunduni, Maidu dreamer, 39-40 Wilson, Fred. See Fred Wilson Wilson, Jack. See Jack Wilson Wima. See Charlie Wodziwob, Paviotso prophet, 3-7, passim, 130 Women's dress dance. See Bole dance World catastrophe, 1, 20, 81, 84, 85, 90, 91, 94-96, passim. See also Flood Wylie, Rosie. See Rosie Wylie Xalkom, C Pomo dreamer, 92-93 Yreka Frank. See Paitla 151