500 YEARS OF INVASION: ECO-COLONIALISM
IN INDIGENOUS VENEZUELA'
Manuel Lizarralde
Introduction
Colonialism and invasion have been central to the lives of indigenous peoples in the
Americas since 1492. Colonialism, the exploitation of foreign lands and their peoples,
involves a paternalistic and arrogant attitude towards indigenous peoples. There are many
variants. Neo-colonialism is the economic exploitation of foreign nations and states. Internal
colonialism is the exploitation of indigenous peoples by European descendents within a nation
or state, such as people of Spanish descent in Venezuela. Eco-colonialism, which has
elements in common with neo-colonialism and internal colonialism, occurs when first world
environmentalists take control over the environment, resources and lifeways of indigenous
peoples and third world nations, so as to further their own interests.
From the point of view of many indigenous peoples,2 Western ethnobotanists act like
treasure hunters seeking new medicines known to indigenous peoples to benefit
pharmaceutical companies economically and to fil their cumrcula vitae. Reviewing the long
history of anthropological research in Venezuela and other countries in the third world,
indigenous peoples have repeatedly seen information extracted from them and not returned in a
form they could utilize (see Sponsel 1991).
TMis is not an easy issue to address because there are many interests and worldviews
involved. On the one hand, there is the third world nations' desire to develop. On the other
hand, there are the interests of biologists, environmentalists, and first world nations in
protecting endangered plant and animal species and stopping global warming. Indigenous
peoples' interests have rarely been well represented; rather they have often been presented in a
romanticized fashion. Some environmentalists and naturalists assume that indigenous people
will continue to extract resources from their lands in a sustainable fashion, unaware that many
of them are experiencing great socio-economic change and assimilating a more individualistic
and capitalistic mode of production. In this paper, I will address indigenous views on
conservation, progress and environmental destruction. There is no doubt that biodiversity
reserves are essential for the survival of indigenous peoples and their cultures. Therefore, I
will also explore solutions to protect both biodiversity and indigenous peoples' rights.
Manuel Lizarralde, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720
Eco-Colonialism in Indigenous Venezuela
Currently, there are approximately 472 ethno-linguistic groups and 15.3 million
indigenous peoples who still speak their native languages in South America (see Table 1 and
Map 1). This number is relatively accurate although there is not a current complete census of
South American indigenous peoples available in the literature. The most complete and
accurate is the Venezuelan 1980 census (OCEI 1985).
South          American                Population
mid-1980s               198 6         Percentage of
Indigenous            National         Indigenous
COUNTRY           Population*         Population"*        Population
ARGENTINA            130,699             28,955,000           0.45
BOLIVIA             2,485,614             6,160,000          40.36
BRAZIL               207,134            133,100,000           0.16
CHILE                340,074             11,740,000           2.90
COLOMBIA             221,330             30,285,000           0.73
ECUADOR             2,512,198             9,410,000          26.70
FR. GUYANA             8,316                78,000            10.66
GUYANA                19,675               835,000            2.36
PARAGUAY              45,325              3,575,000           1.27
PERU                9,114,668            19,555,000          43.94
SURINAM                7,815               375,000            2.08
URUGUAY                    0              2,980,000           0.00
VENEZUELA            189,131             15,325,000            1.23
Total           15 l,281,979 9       262,373,000       |     5.82
* Source: M. Lizarralde 1992 (p. 5).
** The World Bank, 1988 (p. 283).
Table l:Estimated South American indigenous populations in contrast to national populations.
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Map 1: Locations of South American Indigenous Peoples in the 1980s.
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Eco-Colonialism in Indigenous Venezuela
These 472 ethno-linguistic groups represent one-third of the total number estimated to
have existed 500 years ago. When Christopher Columbus came to the Americas in 1492,
there were about 57 million indigenous people and possibly 1500 ethno-linguistic groups in
South America alone (see table 2).3 It is known that up to 90 percent of American
indigenous peoples were killed or died within the first century of contact in Central America
and the Caribbean (Denevan 1976). The indigenous peoples in the coastal regions of Latin
America have been almost completely wiped out. Indigenous societies in remote and
geographically inaccessible regions have survived better to the present. Controlling all natural
resources before the arrival of Europeans, today these people have access to only a fraction of
the land.
Figure 2: Estimates of Pre-Columbian South American indigenous populations
Scientific Discourse, Rhetoric, and Ideology
Scientific and social science research tends to be concerned primarily with theoretical
questions, as is demanded by the funding institutions (Sponsel 1991). In the last twenty years
there has been too little concern with the rights and needs of the people being studied, except
SOUTH AMERICAN INDIGENOUS POPULATIONS
(population figures in millions)
SAPPER   KROEBER ROSENBLAT      STEWARD    DOBYNS    DENEVAN
1924      1939       1954        1949      1966       1976
Andes             13.5        3.0        4.8        6.1     30-37.5      11.5
Lowland
South America      4.0        1.0        2.0        2.9      9-11.3       8.5
Continental Total  17.5        4.0       6.8         9.0     39--48.8     20.0
Density
(pers./km2)         0.99       0.23      0.38        0.51    2.2-2.75      1.13
Source: Modified from Denevan (1976:3, 291, who cites Kroeber 1939:166, Rosenblat 1954:102,
Steward 1949:656, Sapper 1924; Dobyns 1966:415).
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in a small number of publications.4 After a long series of anthropological studies with little
apparent benefit to themselves, many Venezuelan indigenous groups (the Ban', Wayuu,
Wotuha, E'fiapa, Yukpa and Yekwana) have recently refused to allow anthropologists and
ethnobiologists to study them. They believe that anthropologists and ethnobiologists have
betrayed them by extracting their knowledge without giving them a proper share of its value.5
The recent concern with protecting tropical environments where indigenous peoples live
is based on the argument that enough of the world's environment has been destroyed. Thus, it
is time to protect the remaining forests, their organisms, and their native peoples from
destruction. Not all indigenous people's objective is to run around in loincloths using simple
technologies such as bows and arrows or digging sticks and to maintain a subsistence
economy that barely achieves survival. Westerners may admire indigenous people for having
lived this way for millenia, and see no reason for this to change. This view seems to
indigenous peoples to be just another form of imposition from outside. It strikes them as a
new form of colonialism that has a premise similar to the old: instead of "saving" the souls of
the "pagan Indians" from damnation 500 years ago, the focus is now on "saving" the rainforest
and its inhabitants from "destruction" in the present. Many indigenous peoples have now
developed a taste for the lifestyle and goods of the Westem world.
The romantic notion of the noble savage has evolved into an ideal of ecologically
committed people who do not alter their environment and use forest resources in a sustainable
way. On May 12, 1991, the San Francisco Chronicle ran a story headlined: "Trouble with the
Techno Tribe: Are the Amazonian Kayapos turning pro-development?" (Kepp 1991: 4). The
Kayapo, world symbol of Amazonian ecological harmony, are presently "allowing logging
and gold mining" operations on their land, lured by the desire for state-of-the-art gadgetry such
as "TVs, cassette recorders, short-wave radios, parabolic antennae, diesel-powered generators
and bush planes" (Kepp 1991: 4). The Kayapo case shows how the media, and possibly
scholars as well, are surprised to find that the Kayapo are not entirely the ecologically
committed people pictured by anthropologists such as Jason Clay (1990) or Darrell Posey
(1989), but also people eager to become technologically Westernized and to consume lots of
Western goods. The same process is occurring among Venezuelan indigenous peoples.
In order to get beyond pessimistic attitudes about the future of biodiversity, we need to
seek positive solutions with indigenous peoples for protection of pristine environments.
These pristine environments are the home of indigenous peoples. In fact, recent studies (Balde
1989) suggest that such forests are actually to some degree anthropogenic. Thus, the forest is
not pristine, and the indigenous peoples' relation to the environment is more complex than is
perceived by Western eyes. The view of a Barf is reflected in a statement at a village meeting
(Saimadodyi, October 13, 1991) when he said:
We are tired of the dabagdoara [white men] telling us what is best for us to do
when everything suggested by the dabagdoi7ra was a failure. It is time for
them to listen and to let us decide what is best. The dabagdoura do not
understand our real needs. They only bring their needed items such as
latrines,6 which cause more problems in our life.
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Eco-Colonialism in Indigenous Venezuela
Biodiversity and Indigenous Peoples
The world is experiencing one of the fastest changes in its biological history. Fifty
species of organisms disappear from the earth daily, mostly in the tropical rainforest (Wilson
1988:13). The earth has never seen such massive extinctions, which are 1,000 to 10,000
times those before human intervention (Wilson 1988:13). Rainforest lands of the size the
Netherlands or New England are destroyed every year (Richter 1992). The accumulation of
carbon dioxide is increasing and is the primary cause of the greenhouse effect. The soaring
populations and staggering foreign debts put pressure on the tropical forest and other natural
resources of the third world. This is of great concern to environmentalists, biologists,
botanists and zoologists. There is no doubt that these changes eventually will threaten our
own existence as a species.
Societies that live in tropical rainforests tend to be characterized as societies with
Waditional economies as described by Toledo:
Traditional subsistence patterns of use of natural resources are based on
multiple use of ecosystems. As members of a subsistence non-commodity
economy, indigenous peoples carry out production based more on the principle
of resources and production diversity than on specialization. By utilizing more
than one ecosystem, indigenous peoples achieve the integration of different
practices, multidimensionality of human activities, and diversification of
natural products obtained from each ecosystem. (Toledo 1991: 157)
Once they articulate with the world economy, however, these traditional economies are
asformed.
Western socio-economic relations are the root cause of the destruction of the forest.
The Western world stimulates increased consumption, which increases the demands on third
world natural resources. Because Western nations insist that third world nations repay their
external debts and encourage development, indigenous peoples are forced to change their
economies and demand more of their local resources. Westem socio-economic relations negate
the common environmentalist assumption that indigenous peoples live in harmony with
nature. Once they are engaged by the world economy, even peripherally, this is no longer
possible.
Environmental organizations, such as Greenpeace and the World Wildlife Foundation,
which are directed, staffed and financed by peoples of first world nations, are extending into
many parts of the world, including third world nations in the tropics. Environmentalists, such
as Diane Fossey for the mountain gorillas in central Africa (see Mowat 1987) or Greenpeace
with their action against Greenland Eskimos for fur seal hunting (the economic condition of
these Eskimos was drastically affected as a result, although their hunting tradition had not had
a negative impact on fur seal populations [personal communication, Roy Iutzi-Mitchell,
1992]), want to save the last environments with pristine flora and fauna in the same way that
medieval crusaders wanted to save the Holy Land from the pagans. Are rainforests the
paradise of a new religion? The ideology of eco-colonialism reflects the first world nations'
aim to stop the destruction of the rainforest by protecting these environments and keeping
67
Nos. 75 -76
KAS Papers
indigenous peoples within the framework of a sustainable subsistence economy. I definitely
agree that we need to protect rainforests and biodiversity. But, do we have the right to impose
our first world interests on these indigenous peoples?
For example, Venezuelan officials are preventing Pem6n indigenous peoples from
practicing slash and burn horticulture because it decreases plant cover and increases
sedimentation of the Guri hydroelectric dam (see Map 2 for the location of tribes cited in the
text). This dam produces most of the electricity that is consumed in Venezuelan cities.
Government ecologists were sent to do research and argued that it is necessary to protect
biodiversity in this region and reduce river sedimentation because sediments damage the
hydroelectric turbines.
The conflict of interest between the Pem6n indigenous peoples and Venezuelan
urbanites running the Guri hydroelectric dam is a microcosm of that between first world
nations and indigenous peoples in relation to biodiversity. The first world inhabitants have
the commodities and the high levels of energy consumption but lack the ability to stabilize
the climate of the planet and preserve biodiversity. The third world nations lack the
commodities and high levels of energy consumption that the first world nations have but they
have most of the rainforest that acts as a great biodiversity resource. "Biodiversity
conservation in... industrialized nations arose primarily as an issue among educated, urban,
upper middle class people concerned about the loss of aesthetically pleasing wildlands"
(Oldfield and Alcorn 1991:119). While these "upper middle class people" from industrialized
nations make conservation decisions about remote resources, the others must make the
sacrifices. These others are poor third world nations, and it is mostly in indigenous people's
lands where the greatest biodiversity is found. It is time to ask the question: What do
indigenous peoples want? They do not share the first world's views: "Indigenous peoples are
not conservationists in the same way as we all too infrequently try to be; for example, they
rarely attempt to get other peoples' houses in order" (Clay 1991:249).
The Bari Indigenous People
Between June of 1989 and December of 1991, I conducted five months of
ethnobotanical fieldwork trying to understand the Barf indigenous people's relation to the
rainforest with the goal of finding solutions for preserving the rainforest (see Map 3). The
Barf are 1,850 agriculturalists/hunters/fishers living in the tropical lowland rainforests of
northwestern Venezuela and northeastern Colombia (Lizarralde and Beckerman 1982). I was
aware that drastic environmental damage had occurred and was produced by cash cropping and
cattle raising. These changes could threaten the physical and cultural existence of the Barn
Indians. I was aware that my scientific approach was itself a cultural construct and not
necessarily welcome to the Barn. As an anthropologist, however, I believe in respecting
indigenous people by treating them as equals and not just focusing on theoretical and scientific
questions. Thus, I had to eliminate my paternalistic attitude to the Barf and learn a different
approach in my fieldwork A paternalistic attitude toward "protecting" indigenous peoples and
their environment is no different from the attitude missionaries have toward saving the souls
of indigenous peoples.
68
Lzrad
Eco-Colonialism in Indigenous Venezuela
Map 2: Location of Ethnic Groups cited in this article and Venezuelan National Parks in Indigenous
Peoples' lands.
Nos. 75- 76
69
Lizarralde
BARI VILLAGES,
*Tukuko (a Mission
|    /    '        a >~...\ Hda. iwn *  Jrokdobakuli.
I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~L0 Expa^^ d        <oles^
| t J osbz jo e t-IcubSSg \ k., ..........................................................................
yba  S bachf   *Bahkubarlafg
9  l3-                                                                 ................................. ()\,,,,,9,N
l   o   J   t   S b a V   & s V k s  B h l d g s   ............................................ ........   . ...
Shishobenda       Oknb9 uahfd&karg.
I O *- S DY6^\J S po Unoo '  _
o  V illJg s_ i  -10 p/e1... .. - :..
o   .e   \   ,   ..........................................................................
(Jf   _  \  \  t....C.             . ..  . ...'
.. . . . . . . . . ..Ri. . . .
.S       w a m p s . .
.                  20.. .
L_ ~ ~~~~~~~B~                   M LzarrTrritorl9S.   ( z   f 0
........... 4 z 1    c30m
1   it  ;   2  Blazil  *  M. Lxzarrslde 1989  O   10   20   30.....   ................
Map 3: Locations of the Bari Indian Villages in the 1980s.
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Eco-Colonialism in Indigenous Venezuela
The Bari Indians, like many Venezuelan indigenous peoples, are engaging in cash
cropping and cattle raising. It is not only because they want to become Westernized, but also
because that is the only way they can protect their land and get some financial aid and approval
from Venezuelans and the Venezuelan government. According to Venezuelan law, forested
lands belong to the state. Any person can own this land by "improving" it, which means
clearing the forest, cultivating it and raising cattle.
The Bari as well as other indigenous peoples need and want our medicine, medical
services and technological power to make their subsistence easier (Anderson 1990a). In order
to achieve this, they integrate cattle raising7 and cash crops8 into their economies.
Missionaries, civilians, governmental officials and the military all pressure indigenous
peoples to develop their economies in Western forms (Lizarralde and Beckernan 1982). They
also subsist on wildlife and hunt many endangered animals, including jaguars. While there, I
was concerned that jaguars will disappear from Perija and asked the Bari not to kill jaguars. I
was told that jaguars did not exist on dabagdoara (Eurodescendents') lands because dabagdoilra
kldled them all. The Bari men told me there are plenty of jaguars in their lands. In fact,
between the Barn villages of Bashishida and Bokshi, there are a great number of jaguars
judging from their footprints on most of the trails I observed between September and
December, 1991.
The jaguar's abundance in the Sierra de Perija is attested to by the fact that a Ban hunter
recently encountered a female jaguar in heat surrounded by four males. Clearly jaguars enjoy a
relatively high population density in Ban' territory, and the Barf do not appreciate being told
not to kill them in order to preserve what other people have wiped out elsewhere. The Bari
wanted to know how I, as a dabagdoa, could ask them to be environmentally responsible
while white Venezuelans were not. Eighty-five percent of Barf territory was taken by
Venezuelans and deforested between 1910 and 1970 (Lizarralde and Beckerman 1982). The
remaining fifteen percent was converted into a national park.
Forest, Savannas, and Parks: Home of Indigenous Peoples.
Major national parks are on indigenous territories. Some environmentalists see human
inhabitants as a problem in eighty-six percent of South American parks (e.g. Amend and
Amend 1992:5). Even though there are many reasons for parks to exist, they are controversial
fron the indigenous perspective. Indigenous people lose control of their land and resources by
living in national parks. In Venezuela, there are 39 national parks and 15 national
monuments covering 14 percent of the national territory (R. Lizarralde 1992). Eight of these
are on indigenous territories: 9,799,656 hectares: Perija with 295,288, Cienagas del
Catatumbo with 270,000, Cinaruco-Capanaparo with 584,368, Yapacana with 320,000,
Serrania La Neblina with 1,360,000 ha., Parima-Tapirapec6 with 3,420,000 ha., Canaima
with 3,000,000 ha., Mariusa with 550,000 ha. (R. Lizarralde 1992). Nine ethnic groups with
304 indigenous communities live in these eight parks (R. Lizarralde 1992). Although the
creadon of parks is a way to protect indigenous peoples from progress, it is not a coincidence
that indigenous peoples are in the largest parks. Parks are rarely created in the land of the rich,
powerful and educated who propose them. However, environmentalists who promote parks in
Venezuela and Latin America have started in recent years to acknowledge the rights of people
Nos. 75 -76
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who lived on the lands before the parks were created (e.g. Amend and Amend 1992). The
creation of parks brings indigenous lands irreversibly under state control, with no guarantee
that the next government will not relocate indigenous people to less productive lands.
Let me quote a relevant statement by Brazilian Indians who "complained to the
environmental establishment in Washington which has been eagerly promoting parks":
We are concerned that you have left us, the indigenous people, out of your
vision of the Amazon Biosphere. The focus of the environmental community
has typically been the preservation of tropical forests and their plant and
animal inhabitants. You have shown little interest in its human inhabitants
who are also part of that biosphere. (Hecht and Cockburn 1990:276)
West and Brechin (1991) also point to the same issue by criticizing first world nations
for hurrying to protect ecosystems and biodiversity, but paying little attention to the
indigenous peoples living in the areas that are about to be protected.
The Ideal of the Noble Savage and the Progress of Indigenous
Peoples within Biodiversity Reserves
The formation of parks and biodiversity reserves threatens indigenous peoples' rights to
control their resources, cultures and lives. They see it as yet another imposition of foreign
views, interests, ideology, and laws. They would like to participate in the process as equal
partners, not be treated like another species of endangered animal. This is a delicate problem
that has no simple and easy solution. Both isolation and exposure of an indigenous society
(like the Bari) to the dominant culture (such as non-indigenous Venezuelans) have negative and
positive sides. Bodley writes:
The cultural autonomy alternative has unfortunately been misunderstood and
misrepresented by those who have obscured it under the misleading category of
isolation policies where it could be ridiculed with false emotional arguments
about "human zoos" and "living museums." As a so-Walled human zoo policy,
cultural autonomy has been criticized as "sheer cruelty" (Williams-Hunt
1952:79) because it would "deny them the chance to progress"; and has been
labeled "inhuman and inefficient" and "morally wrong" because it would
perpetuate famine, disease and ignorance (Goulet 1971:208, 249)... (Bodley
1975:170)
Although these are Western views expressed by Western people, I have heard similar
arguments from Venezuelan indigenous people. We need more research on indigenous
perspectives on the issue, and I hope to bring more insight on this from further field research.
72
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Eco-Colonialism in Indigenous Venezuela
What are the Solutions?
What is uncertain, however, is whether [indigenous peoples'] rights to the land
they occupy-guaranteed by virtually all the constitutions of Latin American
countries-will be respected (Clay 1988:73).
We could start seeking solutions by reducing the arrogance of environmentalists and
increasing understanding of indigenous peoples. It is clear that human needs in the future can
be achieved by increasing sustainable use of the environment, not only in tropical forests but
in first world nations. We should not expect indigenous peoples to be the only
conservationists while developed nations waste many times more resources and produce much
more pollution per capita than third world people. However, the survival of indigenous
peoples depends on the protection of their environment and resources as well as the protection
of biodiversity. To protect indigenous peoples and biodiversity, we should not impose
solutions but construct them together with indigenous peoples for the protection of global
climate. In a book review (Gradwohl and Greenberg 1990), Padoch writes:
Reviewing reserves in Mexico, Belize, Costa Rica, Panama, Colombia,
Ecuador, Peru, Thailand, Indonesia, and Gabon, the authors find that including
indigenous peoples within reserved land, allowing multiple uses, and
consulting local people throughout the park's creations and administration are
characteristics that distinguish promising reserves from failed ones. Good
planners don't just discourage populations from invading neighboring parks,
they often aid them in getting title to their farm lands and assure them of
employment as park guards or guides-jobs that may keep them from cutting
down forests in their search for income. (1990:32)
Toledo points to a classic problem in the third world that is also present in the first world:
Perhaps the most difficult problem faced today in the effort to accomplish
biological conservation in the Third World is the inability of educated people
such as scholars, conservationists, and policymakers to recognize and
comprehend the enormous ecological value of the modes of subsistence of
traditional cultures that inhabit rural areas. Most recent evidence suggests that
indigenous peoples play a key role in the conservation of biological diversity
(1991:168)
Toledo's statement may apply to Southern Mexico where the Mayan people live, but
my fieldwork experience and work such as Hames (1991) provide fuel for an opposite
argument. The problem is that we must take into consideration how the Western world has
disrupted the indigenous sociopolitical order and its relation to natural resources. Indigenous
economies were based on communal management of unlimited or abundant resources in the
past. Resources are now more limited and quite reduced from precontact periods, and their
economies are in a transitional state between self-sufficiency and Western capitalism.
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Whatever we do, whether isolation or progress, will change their future. I believe in a cultural
dialogue in which we can hear from them and we could inform them of the implications of
deforestation and destruction of their biodiversity. Indigenous people are quite divided on the
issue and many are still exploring solutions. Many of my Barf informants are aware of their
uncertain future and are hoping my research will help to find a solution, about which I myself
am relatively skeptical. The Barf, as well as many other indigenous peoples, are aware of the
current world economic crisis.9
In order to achieve worldwide understanding and harmony, we should guarantee
indigenous rights. If their lands are not in constant threat of being taken at any moment, they
may have less need to develop them in the Western way (e.g. converting them into cattle
ranches or plantations of cash crops). Indigenous people want intellectual and material
benefits for their contributions to the earth's stability. If their involvement is accepted and
recognized by Westerners, our efforts to protect our planet might be successful. Even though
many conferences such as the 1989 International Ethnobiology Conference in Belen (Brasil),
1992 Intenational Park Conference in Caracas (Venezuela) and the 1992 Earth Summit in Rio
de Janeiro (Brazil) have presented stimulating and positive declarations and agendas, the
political forces of the North and the South, or the first world and the third world, may render
these fruitless as long as we are looking at issues such as who should pay for biodiversity and
who should protect it. The Barf see their priority as getting the Western medicine, technology
and food for their survival, while the Western world sees their biodiversity as necessary for its
survival. With a fair trade, we might be able to have both justice and biodiversity well into
the twenty-first century.
Acknowledgments
I would like to acknowledge the help of Katharine Milton, Matt Gutmann, Rebecca Dobkins,
Takeyuki Tsuda and Rissa Russell, who provided valuable comments on an early draft of my paper. I
alone am responsible for any misrepresentations. Without the help of my friend Bill Stewart, from
the Department of Forestry at the University of California at Berkeley, I would not have been
exposed to key references cited in this paper, nor his valuable comments. The material from my
fieldwork was possible thanks to a Center of Latin American Studies Travel Grant (1991), Robert H.
Lowie Graduate Scholarship (1990, 1991), and an Intercontinental Linguistics Center Research
Grant from the University of California at Irvine (1991). I received special help and official support
from Dra. Teolinda Guerta Farias, Regional Director of the Oficina Regional de Asuntos Indigenas
del Estado Zulia (ORAIZ), Dra Maria Luisa Alaais, Director of the Direcci6n de Asuntos Indigenas
(DAI), Dr. Eligio Nucete, regional director of Instituto National de Parques, Dra. Irene Pecoff from
the Instituto National de Parques, all the Hermanas Lauras from Machiques, Padre Victor and the
personnel at the Hacienda El Rodeo. Great thanks are due for the immeasurable support, help and
care I received from the Barn people, especially Andr6s Achirabu, Mercedes Achirabu, Nora
Achirabu, Adrian Oshoo, Akirida, Antonina Ashkor6, Ram6n Dadeshke, Agustin Akiriba, Gabriel
Abea, Sara Aglaob6, Daniel Karibagdo and especially David Aleobag'da. Without them, my
fieldwork would have been impossible. With the teaching, time, help, experience and information
of my father, Roberto Lizarralde, my fieldwork site was like home with old friends and fictitious kin
everywhere. My wife Nerissa Russell has played an important role in editing, criticizing and
clarifying my ideas.
Ljzwralde
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Eco-Colonialism in Indigenous Venezuela
Notes
1 This is a revision of a paper presented at the joint Annual Meetings of the Southwestern
Anthropological Association and Kroeber Anthropological Society in Berkeley on April 11,
1992.
2 It has been difficult for me to define whose views I am representing. I intend to represent
the Barf's views as accurately as possible. I am not a Ban. However, my early contact with
the Barf in 1964 at age six as the son of an anthropologist, Roberto Lizarralde, who was
involved in the "first contact" in 1960, shaped my "voice" on this issue. Even though I have
only spent 15 months with the Barf since 1964, I have heard about them all my life, speak
sDme Bari and in many respects I am well acquainted with them. Through all these years, the
Bari have asked me to return, and more recently to "teach" the dabag'dotlra (white people)
about their ways, needs, and views in a symbiotic exchange. A Bari view was not articulated
by a specific indigenous informant; rather, I have understood it as a result of various hints and
statements provided to me by many informants. According to Ailton Krenak, a Brazilian
Kayapo Indian, a "true indigenous voice" is the indigenous "analysis and point of view that
[indigenous people themselves] could articulate" (cited in Hecht and Cockburn 1990:243).
The Bari discourse, our language barrier, and our different cultures (worldviews) were factors I
had to overcome in order to reconstruct their view culturally and linguistically in terms
comprehensible to Western discourse. My intimacy with Bari ways provides me with an
understanding of their worldview. For example, one moming the Saimadodyi Bari chief
Andr6s Achirabu asked me: "Do you sell the dried botanical specimens in the cities?" I
explained that the botanical specimens go to herbariums, which are plant libraries. Either
Andr6s was not satisfied with my answer or he did not understand it entirely. A few days later,
the fishing leader, Daniel Karibagdo asked me: "Where does the money for your research come
from?" My explanation produced another unsatisfied look. One of the school teachers,
Agustin Akriba, asked me a difficult question: "Do your publications produce money?" These
ftree questions show an awareness of the economic aspect of academic work. The Barf are
aware that my intentions are complex: I am helping them but I could be exploiting them for
their knowledge and resources. A statement by Daniel Karibagdo (December 10, 1991) that I
"surely had many helicopters in Berkeley" was a complex statement that I could not forget.
The indigenous perception of the economic world in the West can also be illustrated by a very
sad experience of a prominent Hungarian anthropologist, L. Boglfir, with the Piaroa Indians in
Venezuela. The Piaroa would not permit Boglir to do fieldwork, believing he had made large
profits from publishing a book about their myths (BoglAr, personal communication in 1986).
BoglAr has not been able to clarify this misunderstanding with the Piaroa and has not been
able to do fieldwork in Venezuela since the mid-1970s. I wish I could provide more material
and insight from the indigenous perspective on eco-colonialism, but my field research has
boen centered on the knowledge and use of the rainforest plant resources.
3 Denevan's figures are the most accurate, though those of other authors disagree with his
estimates.
4 The most important of these are: A. B. Anderson 1990a, 1990b, 1990c; J. N Anderson
1974; Arvelo-Jimenez and Cousins 1992; Bal6e 1989; Beckerman 1976; Bodley 1975, 1990;
Caballero 1987; Carbono 1987; Clay 1988, 1989, 1990; Denslow and Padoch 1988; Dostal
1972, Head and Heinzman 1990; Hecht and Cockburn 1990; Khor Kok Peng 1992; R.
Lizarralde 1992; Oldfield and Alcorn 1991; Padoch 1988; Padoch et. al. 1985; Peluso and
Padoch 1991; Posey 1990; Posey and Balee 1989; Sawyer 1990; Shiva 1992; Sponsel 1991;
Nos. 75- 76
75
KAS Papers
Sponsel and Holme 1992; Taylor 1988; Toledo 1982, 1987, 1991. Cultural Survival is a
quarterly journal and Survival International is an important newsletter focusing on in
indigenous rights throughout the world.
5   This is also observed by indigenous peoples in the rest of the world (cf. the letter by a
North Indian farmer printed in a recent Anthropology Newsletter (Pandey 1992)).
6 I asked a Barf about the latrines the Venezuelan government installed in Saimadodyi. He
laughed and said that the whole village was stinking, and there were more mosquitoes than any
old person could remember. No Barf could sleep because of the mosquitoes. They put
kerosene in them but it did not work and fmally abandoned the idea of using the latrines.
7 Cattle raising was introduced by the missionaries in the late 1960s. By 1991, almost all
the Barf villages had cattle but not all individual Bari have cattle.
8 The most common cash crops are cocoa, rice, black beans, manioc, plantains and oranges
(in order of importance).
9 In my last fieldwork, some Barf informants asked me why people are dying of hunger in
Ethiopia and why the U.S. military forces attacked Iraq in 1991. They were wondering if such
a fate could happen to them, too.
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