88
"MAKING IT IN AMERICA" - A PARTICIPANT
OBSERVATION STUDY OF CUBAN REFUGEES
Pedro Noguera
Department of Sociology
University of California
Berkeley, California
In April of 1980, a massive exodus of Cuban dissidents
resulted in the arrival of approximately 120,000 Cuban ref-
ugees on American soil. Large scale migrations from Cuba
such as this one are not unprecedented. Ever since the tri-
umph of the Cuban revolution in 1959 there have been a series
of migrations made up of those who, for personal or political
reasons, would prefer to live in the United States than to
remain in communist Cuba. This most recent group of arrivals
has differed markedly from the earlier groups: there have
been more unskilled workers, they are generally less educated,
and they are made up of a larger number of Blacks and mulat-
toes. These differences have raised the question of whether
or not this last wave of migrants will "make it in America"
as have those of earlier waves. In the following pages I
will describe and analyze the process of adaptation as exper-
ienced by Cuban migrants that were resettled in Oakland.
In early January of 1982 I moved into a dilapidated
storefront apartment in an economically depressed section of
East Oakland with my wife and a roommate. We were able to
work out a deal with the landlord wherein we would renovate
the apartment in lieu of paying rent. It so happened that
this slum dwelling was occupied by a small community of Cuban
refugees who came to the United States as a part of the mas-
sive migration of 1980 from the Cuban port of Mariel.
I was immediately fascinated by the prospect of becom-
ing acquainted with the Cubans. I had read several reports
in the newspapers which characterized the Marielitos (tb~e
term used to describe this last group of Cuban immigrants) as
the rejects of Cuban society. Now that I was living amongst
them I had the opportunity to determine for myself just what
type of people the Marielitos were. Moreover, as a student
89
of Sociology, I was interested in studying and observing how
the Cubans would adapt to life in this society. At the time
I happened to be taking a course on participant observation
as a method of conducting social research, which was being
taught by Professor Michael Burawoy in the Department of
Sociology at U.C. Berkeley. This provided me with a reason
for taking field notes, conducting interviews and observing
as much as possible the lifestyles of the Cubans. The class
also provided me with a forum removed from the field where I
could share my observations and analysis and receive criti-
cisms and suggestions on how to proceed.
My initial contact with the Cubans was based upon their
need for someone to translate letters they received from re-
lief agencies and the welfare department. Within a fairly
short period of time I developed a friendly relationship with
two of the Cubans, Jaime and Miguel, who eventually served as
my primary contacts with the rest of the Cuban community. As
is true in many participant observation studies, my two 'in-
formants' were to a large degree marginal to the community.
Their alienation from the group stemmed from their spartan
lifestyles and somewhat eccentric behavior. Both Jaime and
Miguel had been released directly from prison prior to arriv-
ing in the United States, a factor which also seemed to con-
tribute to their alienation from the community. Nevertheless,
it was my contact with Jaime and Miguel, as well as my occa-
sional dealings with other members of the Cuban community
which enabled me to get a sense of how this particular set of
Cuban refugees was adapting to life in the United States.
This paper is an attempt at explaining that process of adap-
tation.
During the course of my field work I have had to con-
tend with the difficult task of explaining how and why the
Cubans have adapted in the manner that they have. Eventually
I was able to narrow my theoretical explanation of their
adaptive behavior to two propositions. The first concentrated
on the culture of the Cubans, particularly their lifestyles
and values. The second placed emphasis upon the social pos-
ition occupied by the Cubans within the socio-economic class
structure of the United States. As I debated the merits of
these explanations I came to the conclusion that neither is
entirely sufficient, but rather both forms of explanation are
inextricably linked to a complete understanding of the phen-
omenon.
The first proposition explains the process of the Cubans'
adaptation by focusing upon the carry over of behavioral pat-
terns (cultural traits) from Cuba to America. Simply stated,
the adaptation of the Cuban refugees is based upon the inter-
action of their culture with the dominant culture of American
90
society. The outcome of that interaction determines the ex-
tent to which cultural assimilation is facilitated. In turn,
the ability of the Cubans to assimilate American values and
norms has a tremendous effect upon their integration into the
labor market and society in general.
Support for such an approach to studying immigrant adap-
tation can be found throughout the sociological literature on
ethnicity and social mobility. As social scientists have at-
tempted to explain why certain ethnic groups experience vary-
ing degrees of mobility, considerable emphasis has been placed
upon the processes of assimilation and acculturation (Warner
and Lunt 1941; Wirth 1945). For this reason, the perpetu-
ation of socio-economic marginality for certain groups (e.g.,
Black Americans) has been interpreted as being the result of
their "cultural disadvantage." Conversely, the success of
other groups at attaining substantial improvements in their
socio-economic status has been attributed to the adoption of
certain traits associated with the dominant culture (e.g.,
many of the values associated with the Protestant ethic).
Even for contemporary immigrant groups, conformity to the
norms and values of the dominant culture of American society
has been seen as being crucial to the process of adaptation
(Cohon 1981).
During the 1960's a number of sociologists began postu-
lating a new explanation for ethnic group status and mobility
in American society. Rather than attributing the cause of
varying rates of social mobility to the ability or inability
of a group to assimilate American values and norms, these
social scientists focused their analysis on the ways in which
the economic and political institutions of society affected
group status and mobility. As a result, the social hierarchy
created by a capitalist economy was seen as the cause for the
low status of minority groups, and not their "cultural disad-
vantage." Studies such as Elliot Liebow's Talley's Corner
and William Wilson's The Declining Significance of Race placed
emphasis on how the political and economic structure of the
United States were responsible for poverty and the development
of an "underclass." This type of structural explanation has
more recently been used in theoretical explanations of immi-
grant resettlement and adaptation (Kunz 1977).
As I have attempted to understand the process of adap-
tation experienced by the Cuban refugees I have found that
both approaches are useful, though they offer different ex-
planations. Furthermore, unless the two approaches are tom-
bined in a manner which allows them to be used interchange-
ably, neither approach can explain the phenomenon adequately.
To illustrate this point we need only to attempt to explain
91
the criminal behavior of Jaime. Ever since I have known Jaime
he has sold marijuana as a means to earn a living, in addition
to stealing and selling stolen merchandise. On the one hand,
we could explain Jaime's criminal activity as a behavior car-
ried over from Cuba and re-exhibited in his new environment.
It could also be attributed to a failure on his part to con-
form to the values and norms associated with good citizenship
(e.g., respect for the law, honesty, being industrious, etc.).
However, if we take into consideration the way in which
the social structure of society limits and restricts Jaime's
opportunities for upward mobility another conclusion may be
drawn. Jaime, like most of the Cuban refugees, came to the
U.S. with hopes of improving life. It is true that he engaged
in criminal activities when he lived in Cuba, but it is pos-
sible that Jaime would have reformed if given the chance upon
arriving in this country. However, Jaime was not given the
chance to reform himself. Instead, like thousands of other
refugees, he was detained in a refugee campt shortly after
arriving in the U.S. IEventually, Jaime was resettled in a
slum community in East Oakland. Unemployed, residing in slum
housing and being unable to communicate in English, Jaime's
expectations for improving his life were diminished. Disil-
lusioned with his prospects for upward mobility, Jaime, like
many of the other men in this new environment, turned to crime
in order to survive.
Both attempts at explaining Jaime's criminal behavior pro-
vide us with valuable insights. For this reason I have chosen
to combine them into a broad theoretical explanation of Cuban
refugee adaptation, rather than to treat them as competing
theses. In the following pages I will offer an explanation of
the Cuban refugees' adaptation in the United States. I will
begin by describing the circumstances surrounding the massive
exodus of 1980. This will be followed by a discussion of the
stereotypes which have been cast of the Cuban refugees, as
well as an analysis of how these stereotypes have affected the
Cuban's experience. The following section examines the rea-
sons why the Cubans left Cuba and came to the U.S. so that we
can analyze the expectations of the Cubans towards the pros-
pects for their future in this country. Finally, we will look
closely at the behavioral adjustment patterns of the Cubans,
to determine which factors have the greatest bearing on how
the Cubans adapt.
I have chosen to make an explanation of the Cuban refu-
gees' adaptive behavior the theme of this paper for several
reasons. First and least important is that it enables me to
present my field work experience in what will hopefully be a
coherent and meaningful manner. Secondly, because I have had
such extensive access to the Cuban refugees, my explanation
of their adaptive behavior can potentially help to increase
92
understanding of this often maligned group of people. Finally,
through an analysis of this kind I also hope to add something
to the current understanding of deviant behavior among low
status groups. I believe that by identifying the causes of
social conditions such as poverty and crime we can greatly
increase the possibility of effectively addressing them.
Background to the Refugee Crises of 19801
It started out as a small but violent incident and mush-
roomed into a major international crisis. On March 28, 1980,
thirty Cubans seeking political asylum hijacked a bus and
crashed through the gates of the Peruvian embassy, killing a
Cuban guard stationed there. A pattern had developed wherein
those persons who desired to leave Cuba were compelled to use
violence. People who went through official channels in ap-
plying for visas to leave the country were normally not able
to obtain one unless it could be proved that they were in ur-
gent need of political asylum. By using violence to enter a
foreign embassy, a person demonstrated that s/he was politi-
cally persecuted and therefore in need of exile.
The Cuban government reacted to the incident by with-
drawing its guard from the Peruvian embassy and announcing
that anyone who wanted to leave Cuba would be allowed to do so.
Within two days, ten thousand people gathered at the embassy
with the intent of leaving Cuba. Serious difficulties soon
arose due to the lack of facilities at the embassy to feed,
house and care for the medical needs of those who had gathered.
The Cuban government began to provide needed services to the
encamped, but desired to maintain as little involvement with
those seeking exile as possible.
Without the presence of official law enforcers, the sit-
uation at the embassy quickly deteriorated. Although many of
the people who had gathered at the embassy were persons who
had family living in the United States with whom they wished
to be reunited, there were also a number of people who could
best be described as "criminal elements." These persons acted
as bullies on the embassy grounds. Food that was sent to the
area by the Cuban government was seized by these bullies and
sold to weaker persons. Conditions deteriorated to a point
where space under improvised tents was being sold as shade.
To ease the situation, the Cuban government began allowin,
those who were seeking asylum to return to their homes until
measures were taken to provide for their safe passage out of
Cuba.
93
On April 14, flights to Costa Rica and Peru began which
delivered approximately one thousand Cubans to these countries.
The United States offered asylum to 3,500 of those seeking
refuge, but this figure was considered too low and therefore
unacceptable by the Cuban government. Internationally, the
incident at the Peruvian embassy was being used as a means to
discredit Cuba by those who saw the massive departure as an
indication of the failure of socialism in Cuba. At the same
time that a solution was being sought to handle the embassy
crisis, the United States government initiated major naval
maneuvers which included landings at the Guantanamo naval
base. The Cuban government interpreted these maneuvers to be
a mock invasion of Cuba, and subsequently staged their own man-
euvers which involved parts of their Army surrounding the
American base at Guantanamo.
Amidst this tense atmosphere, no agreement could be made
between Cuba and the United States on how to handle the crisis
at the Peruvian embassy. A spontaneous solution was initiated
by the Cuban community in Miami, Florida.   Boats of all sizes
began to arrive at the port of Mariel to pick up friends and
relatives who wanted to leave Cuba. The Cuban government
cooperated fully with this operation, allowing anyone who
wanted to leave to do so. Between April 21st and 30th, 7,655
Cubans departed for the United States. On April 29th, U.S.
Coast Guard and Navy ships that had been involved in the Car-
ibbean maneuvers became involved in the boat lift operation.
Between May 1st and 31st, another 94,143 Cubans arrived in the
United States.
Meanwhile, the situation in Cuba remained tense as resent-
ment rowards those wishing to leave Cuba grew among large por-
tions of the Cuban population. Huge demonstrations and marches
involving millions of people took place in Havana in an ex-
hibition of support for the revolution. On May 2, a group of
400 people gathered at the U.S. Interest Section in Havana re-
questing visas to travel to the United States. A large crowd
of supporters of the Cuban revolution gathered around the
center,and within a short time a riot ensued. To escape the
large crowd that was encircling the building, the 400 persons
seeking visas broke the glass doors of the Interest Section
and took refuge in the building. Like the earlier exiles, safe
departure was guaranteed for those who had barricaded them-
selves in the Interest Section, even though anger and resent-
ment towards them ran high throughout Cuba.
As the refugees began pouring into Southern Florida, a
major resettlement problem began to emerge. Initially Pres-
ident Carter announced that the Cuban refugees would be re-
ceived with "open arms and open hearts." However, as the num-
94
ber of arrivals rose, the government's response changed sub-
stantially. At first, many of those who arrived in Florida
had family and friends who took on the responsiblity of finding
housing for the refugees. As the number of Cubans seeking en-
trance increased, fewer were able to resettle through contacts
in the United States, and the federal government was forced to
assume responsiblity for their housing.
Beginning in mid-May 1980, the U.S. government officially
shifted its policy towards the Cuban refugees. On May 14,
President Carter requested that the Cuban government close the
port of Mariel. The Cuban government ignored this request
and allowed the mass migration to continue. Carter's request
for the closing of Mariel was prompted by rumors that many of
the Cuban refugees were criminals - rejects of Cuban society.
The Cuban government had made this claim all along, but it
was only when immigration officials began reporting that a
number of hardened criminals were entering the country that
the rumors were taken seriously. Part of the reason why many
of the exiles seemed to be criminals is that the U.S. govern-
ment had made a special request for the release of "political
prisoners." The Cuban and U.S. governments have had a long
disagreement over what constituted a political prisoner. To
avoid the dispute, the Cuban government allowed any prisoner
who desired to leave the country to do so. Thus far, of the
124,779 Cubans who arrived since April 21, 1979, 1,769 have
been detained in federal correctional institutions (1.4%).
This number could have been much larger but certain Cuban
prisoners, such as persons convicted of counterrevolutionary
activity, refusal to work, refusal to join the Army, traffic
violations, loitering, gambling, fighting and petty theft,
were placed with the other refugees.
Fifty percent of the refugees were resettled with fam-
ilies or friends within the first three months after their
arrival. The remaining fifty percent were distributed in ref-
ugee camps thoroughout the country: Fort Chaffee, Arkansas
(19,060 or 15.3%), Fort McCoy, Wisconsin (14,362 or 11.5%),
Elgin Air Force Base (10,025 or 8%), Fort Indiantown Gap,
Pennsylvania (19,094 or 15.3%). After being processed, which
involved being seen by doctors and having an F.B.I. security
check administered, the refugees were gradually released to
individual sponsors and relief agencies who handled resettle-
ment. Although some Cubans were allowed to leave the camps
after a few weeks, several were forced to wait several weeks
due to a shortage of sponsors, and some are still being de-
tained in the camps.   Impatience caused by the drawn-out w,it-
ing period led to a number of disorders at the refugee camps
as well as several escape attempts from Fort Chaffeee, Arkansas.
95
For the Cuban refugees who had left their home in search
of a better life in the United States, the prolonged waiting
period in the camps was a most disheartening experience. Dif-
ficulties with resettlement developed as the news media car-
ried reports that the refugees were criminals and rejects.
It wasn't until November 1, 1981 that most of the Cuban refu-
gees were released from the camps (92%), and the process of
adjustment to life in America began.
Stereotypes
During the time that I have known Jaime and Miguel I have
found that they rarely speak about their lives in 9uba. They
may make mention of how something here is different from how
it is in Cuba (e.g., salsa music), but they seem quite hesi-
tant to openly discuss how their lives were in Cuba. More-
over, Jaime and Miguel have been weary of disclosing much in-
formation concerning their experiences in the resettlement
camps. I believe that much of this hesitancy to discuss their
past has been caused by the stereotypes of them which have
been presented, both by the Cuban government and the American
media.
The Cuban government described the Cuban refugees as the
"rejects of society" and "the scum of the earth." For some
of the refugees, the stereotypes served only as a means to de-
nounce their counterrevolutionary behavior. Many of those who
decided to leave Cuba on the "freedom flotilla" were people
who had formerly appeared committed to the Cuban revolution.
As the author of an article in Cuba Times (Spring 1982:22)
commented:  "...in the general population, an attitude of
great indignation was growing against those who had encamped
at the embassy, particularly against those who just weeks be-
fore, had behaved as if they were true revolutionaries."
However, there were also persons among those who left for
whom the phrase "scum of the earth" was intended to be taken
literally. These were people who refused to work, who placed
an overly high value on material goods, were users of drugs
and alcohol, and who had never made a full contribution to
society. While people who fit this description might not be
considered deviant in this society, they certainly were devi-
ant according to Cuban standards.
The stereotypes propagated by the American media changed
as the policy of the federal government changed. Initially,
the Cuban refugees were described as freedom fighters and
haters of communism. These images went hand in hand with the
government's "open door policy" towards the Cuban migration
96
during the early stage of the crisis. The mass exodus was
portrayed as a failure of communism, and members of the State
Department were predicting mass uprisings and political up-
heaval due to the collapse of the Cuban economy. However, as
the numbers of refugees swelled, and as rumors of their crim-
inality spread, the policies of the government shifted and so
did the portrayal of the Cuban refugees presented by the media.
One news article on the Cuban refugees said that most were
"gays, thieves and hoodlums" (L.A, Times 1980:16). This type
of negative characterization was later combined with reports
of violent outbreaks at refugee camps such as Fort Chaffee.
Increasingly, the image of the Cuban refugees as presented by
the media stressed the fact that the Cuban government had de-
scribed the refugees as rejects; this commentary had not been
made previously.
The existence of stereotypes such as these has made ad-
justment difficult for the Cuban refugees. Aside from con-
tending with the loss of their families, culture shock, the
distasteful experience of the resettlement camps, language
barriers, unemployment and general hostility towards foreign-
ers, the stereotypes which have been cast of the Cuban refu-
gees are in many ways the greatest obstacle of all. Even
though the government has made special provisions for the Cu-
bans which enables them to work without green cards (which
prove that they are legal entrants), several Cubans have ex-
perienced difficulty in obtaining work due to the stigma
which has been attached to their refugee status.
The presence of these negative stereotypes not only cre-
ates obstacles for the Cubans in making their adjustments to
life in this country, it also has severely limited the under-
standing of the American public with regard to their knowledge
of the refugees. My observations of the Cubans living near
and around me has exposed me to the intricacies of their value
systems and therein helped me to see beyond the stereotypes.
Although my two primary contacts with the Cuban refugees,
Jaime and Miguel, would be regarded as deviants in Cuba and
the U.S., they are not at all representative of the rest of
the Cubans. On one occasion Jaime told me of his desire to
one day become a pimp. He said that his father had been a
pimp in Havana prior to the revolution, and that he sought to
be just like him. On the other hand, Miguel informed me that
he had always been a delinquent, and considering that he is
now 37 years of age, it seems fair to conclude that he may
remain one. Based on the lifestyles and aspirations o& Jaime
and Miguel it might seem as though the stereotypes cast of
them were in fact accurate characterizations. However, if
one examines the personal lives of these men closely, a less
"hardened" side becomes evident.
97
For example, Miguel once came to my house with a little
girl about three years old. It was about 10:00 p.m. and it
seemed unusual to find a small child outside so late. Miguel
informed me that the mother of the child was a heroin addict
and that she was presently unable to take care of her child.
He said that he had brought her to my house so that I could
give her some food and let her keep warm indoors. Miguel
spoke strongly against the use of heroin and said that such
practices were not permitted in Cuba. He also expressed deep
concern for the child's well-being and said that her mother
did not deserve to have any children.
This display of compassion, coupled with his expression
of disdain for heroin addiction, provided me with greater in-
sight into the values of Miguel. Although Miguel considered
himself to be a permanent delinquent, he did not view himself
as a bad person. His pilfering had been the cause of his im-
prisonment in Cuba, and he continued to steal in his new en-
vironment. Yet, despite this criminal behavior, Miguel tried
to live according to certain morals which he regarded as most
important.
The stereotype which depicts Miguel and the other refu-
gees as rejects seems to be an accurate characterization given
the fact that Miguel steals. However, accepting the stereo-
type as the truth tells us nothing about what kind of person
Miguel is, nor does it tell us anything about why he commits
the crimes. If we consider the fact that most of the refugees
viewed their migration to America as a chance to start life
over, then we must recognize that the prevalence of negative
stereotypes acts as a major obstacle in the self-transfor-
mation process.
While the stereotypes limit our understanding of refu-
gees like Jaime and Miguel, they completely blind us from un-
derstanding other Cuban refugees such as Beto. Beto is typi-
cal of the non-criminal refugees.    Like 65% of the refugees,
Beto was a semi-skilled laborer. In Cuba he had a job paint-
ing automobiles.   Except for his occasional use of cocaine
and belief in Santeria (an African religion practiced through-
out Cuba), Beto was the typical law-abiding Cuban citizen.
Beto told me that he was not interested in politics while in
Cuba, but is more concerned with cultural activities like
drum playing and singing. Since coming to Oakland, Beto has
enrolled in an English class offered by Catholic Social Ser-
vices, and has also participated in a job training program
designed to teach the Cubans how to behave during a job inter-
view. Despite these efforts, Beto has experienced great dif-
ficulty in finding a job. He tells me that once an employer
discovers that he is a Cuban refugee his chances for getting
the job are ruined. He recently got a job working at a ship-
98
yard in Oakland harbor, but he informed me that he told his
boss he was a Puerto Rican.
The stereotypes of the Cubans have made their adjustment
to life difficult and has greatly lowered their expectations.
In an interview with the director of Catholic Social Services
in Oakland, I was informed that the stigma attached to being
a Cuban refugee was breeding a defeatist attitude among many
Cubans. He said that several Cubans have given up trying to
find work after having been fired, or after being turned
away from so many jobs. According to the director, most of
the Cubans want to work and secure a promising future for them-
selves in this country, but given the many obstacles they face
and the negative stereotypes which are completely out of their
control, many are giving up hope.
The negative stereotypes that have been cast of the Cuban
refugees are creating a self-fulfilling prophecy.   By accepting
the stereotypes of the Cubans, employers, policemen, politi-
cians and the general public severely limit the Cuban's op-
ortunities for mobility within this society. Deprived of the
chance to earn an honest living and thereby become integrated
into the mainstream of society, the refugees turn to crime
and confirm the stereotype. Even though some of the Cubans
were criminals in Cuba, many were not, and may not have turned
to crime if other opportunities were available to them. Even
those who were criminals in Cuba came to America with the hope
of starting their lives over, and perhaps turning a new leaf.
Though such a transformation may not have been likely in any
case, the possibility of any sort of reform is extinguished
by the lack of opportunity.
It must also be noted that the discrimination which the
Cuban refugees encounter as they attempt to acquire housing,
employment and other basic needs are not entirely caused by
the negative stereotypes which have been generated by the
media. These stereotypes certainly have added to the discrim-
ination they experience, but the hardships they experience are
also directly related to the existence of racism in the U.S.
Racial discrimination and the notion of white supremacy are
aspects of the dominant culture in the United States which
have penetrated the social structure of the society. As non-
white, Spanish speaking people, the Cuban refugees encounter
discrimination in the same way as black Americans, Mexicans,
Filipinos and other racial minorities. The negative stereo-
types have added to the extent of the discrimination they ex-
perience, but the primary source of the Cuban refugees dogra-
dation may be found in the dominant value system of American
society.
99
Expectations and Reasons for leaving Cuba
If asked, nearly all of the Cuban refugees would say that
they came to the United States to escape communism. The dir-
ector of Catholic Social Services felt that the Cubans must
have decided during their stay in the resettlement camps that
they should claim to be political exiles so that passage out
of the camps and into American communities would come easier.
The director claimed with great confidence that the vast
majority of Cuban refugees were not people who had been poli-
tically persecuted. Rather, he felt that the Cubans came to
the United States in order to better their lives socially and
economically. His assertion was supported by the author of
an article which appeared in the May 1981 issue of In These
Times (May 1981:16) magazine. The author claimed that the
overwhelming majority of Cuban refugees had left their country
for economic rather than political reasons. Further support
for this view is provided by an interview conducted by report-
ers from Cuba Times with refugees as they arrived in Florida.
With the exception of homosexuals who claim to have left in
order to escape what they regarded as persecution, nearly all
of the respondents cited a desire to obtain material posses-
sions and financial well-being as the primary reason for their
departure.
Why did the Cubans express political reasons for leaving
Cuba rather than economic ones? In order to qualify as a
"Cuban entrant," the special status designated by the federal
government for the refugees, one had to claim that they were
seeking political asylum. The Haitian refugees who began
making their way to the United States at approximately the
same time as the Cubans were denied admittance and then placed
indefinitely into resettlement camps (many of which were in
fact prisons) precisely because they were seen as economic and
not political refugees. Furthermore, the Cuban refugees
might have felt it wise to claim political motivations for
their departure so as to avoid possible hostilities which may
have been directed towards them for being communists. In all
the conversations that I have had with the Cuban refugees,
denials of adherence to communist beliefs have consistently
been expressed. Even though none of the Cubans in my study
have displayed any interest whatsoever towards politics, all
claim to have left Cuba for political reasons.
However, in conversing at greater length with the Cubans,
they spoke of more economic reasons for leaving their home-
land. Aside from the desire to obtain material possessions,
several of the Cubans cited the prospect of upward mobility
as a primary motivation for coming to this country. Mario,
the most financially successful of all the Cubans in my study,
told me that he knew he could better his life by coming to
100
this country. He said that he had worked in a plastic fac-
tory in Cuba, and that his chances for promotion and an up-
grade in salary were unlikely. Since arriving in this country,
he had obtained a stable job at a clothing factory in West
Oakland, and with the English classes that he was now taking,
he felt certain that his chances for success in the near fu-
ture were quite good.
This industrious attitude displayed by Mario was not at
all typical of the other Cubans in my study. Most of the Cu-
bans wanted to achieve financial success, but their ideals
were not based upon a pragmatic strategy such as Mario's.
Rather, most of the Cubans seemed to have unrealistic visions
of one day striking it rich. For example, Jaime told me that
he wanted to become a pimp and make a lot of money. Another
Cuban named Carlos told me that he too wanted to become rich,
but he also told me that he didn't like to work. Cubans such
as Jaime and Carlos were undoubtedly motivated to come here
because they felt that this was a country abundant in wealth,
a land where the dream of making it from rags to riches could
be fulfilled. These hopes were based largely upon unrealistic
expectations and not upon the type of ambition demonstrated by
Cubans like Mario.
Interestingly, the Cubans' illusions of succeeding in
this country are very similar to those expressed by black Amer-
icans of lower class backgrounds. In a study conducted on the
career goals of black schoolchildren, John Ogbu (1980:84)
found that black children often expressed desires to become
professionals, highly paid athletes, politicians and business-
men. What is striking about such goals is that it is highly
unlikely that the majority of poor black schoolchildren will
ever succeed in achieving them given their social class within
the U.S. The desire is therefore more of a dream than a real-
istic goal, for the children have no conception of how such
goals can actually be attained.
This type of unrealistic expectation about the future is
similar to that of the Cubans, but there are some important
differences. The Cubans' expectations were shaped in Cuba
through exposure to American propaganda which portrays the U.S.
as the land of milk and honey. This type of propaganda has
largely made its way into Cuba through the visits of former
Cuban citizens who now reside in the United States. These ex-
patriates returned to Cuba displaying the latest modern fash-
ions in clothing, pocket radios, digital watches and other
material items that are impossible to purchase legally inr'Cuba.
Many Cubans have been led to believe that such items could be
easily obtained in the United States. This certainly was true
of Jaime who once told me that he didn't like Cuba because
each person only received two pairs of pants per year. Showing
101
me his new pair of Jordache jeans, he explained that such
clothing could not be bought in Cuba.
Hence, part of the difference between the expectations
of Cuban refugees and lower class black schoolchildren is that
the Cubans' expectations were shaped in Cuba, while those of
the black children developed here. Even though the Cubans
have been living in this country for nearly two years, they
continue to express unrealistic expectations of achieving
success in the future. Although Jaime and Carlos are unem-
ployed, both men expect to make substantial improvements in
their financial status within the near future. Neither man
possesses concrete career goals, but rather both maintain the
belief that one day they will "make it." Despite the fact
that Jaime and Carlos have recently been fired from their
jobs, and despite the fact that they live in slum housing,
their commitment to a successful future remains firm. This
may be due to their ages (Jaime is 21 and Carlos is 27), be-
cause Miguel, who is older, seems to have resigned himself
to life as a poor thief. However, the other Cubans, many of
whom are in their thirties, also possess bright outlooks on
the future, even though their expectations are not as high as
those of Jaime and Carlos.
In order to understand the reason why many of the Cuban
refugees cling to the belief of success, we must view their
expectations within the context of the dominant value system
of this society. The fact that elements of the Cuban popu-
lation possessed such non-socialist values indicates a fail-
ure in the socialization of the revolution's ideals. But
while such values were inappropriate in Cuba, they are well-
suited for American society. Success, as measured by finan-
cial and material well-being, is a value that permeates Amer-
ican culture. The dream of success comes through advertise-
ments and commercials on television and radio, and is heavily
stressed in much of American literature. Even though the Cu-
bans find themselves at the bottom of the class hierarchy,
the dream that they may one day rise to the top and "make it"
reaffirms their belief in success as a goal that is within
reach. They, like many poor people in this society, continue
to cling to the belief in the American Dream, for without it,
their hopes would wither and leave them in utter pessimism.
President Reagan recently signed a bill which cut off the
aid the refugees had been receiving, even though the Carter
administration had guaranteed it for another eighteen months.
These funds had provided for housing, health care and food
stamps until the refugees were able to find jobs. Consider-
ing the difficulties the Cubans are experiencing in finding
employment, it seems as though there will be hard times ahead
for many of them. Perhaps such hardships will lead to the
102
erosion of their belief in the American Dream.
Patterns of Adjustment
The Cubans' adjustment to life in the United States has
been primarily affected by two factors: (1) the presence of
a small but significant Cuban community, and (2) their re-
settlement into an economically depressed community that is
largely made up of minority residents. Factor (1) enables
the Cubans to retain certain aspects of their culture and
acts as a support system. Factor (2) determines the Cubans'
class position in this society and affects their patterns of
assimilation. By analyzing these two factors in the next
few pages, we will see more clearly to what extent the ad-
justment patterns of the Cuban refugees are affected by cul-
tural values and norms carried over from Cuba, and by the
class position they occupy within this society.
The existence of a small Cuban community for the refu-
gees in my study has greatly benefited the individual members
in adjusting to life in this country. With approximately 10-
15 Cubans living in my apartment building, and another 15-20
living in a building one block away, the Cubans have been
able to develop their own niche within this section of East
Oakland. This small community has functioned as an effective
support system through which aspects of Cuban culture are re-
tained. It is interesting that none of the Cubans in this
sub-community knew each other before coming to America. Many
of them come from Havana, but were unacquainted with the people
they now regard as friends. The aggregation of this group
has come about as a result of the resettlement process, where-
in the Catholic Relief Agency made an effort to locate the
refugees into communities as groups rather than individually.
Despite the newness of their acquaintance, the Cubans ap-
pear to have become a fairly cohesive group within a relative-
ly short period of time.   Cuban men can often be seen assoc-
iating together on streetcorners in the neighborhood, and the
women often visit each other but stay indoors. Even Jaime
and Miguel, who are the most alienated from the small Cuban
community, are regarded as members. Jaime and Miguel's mar-
ginality is caused by the fact that the others view Miguel's
behavior as eccentric (he is often referred to as toco), and
their lack of trust for Jaime, who is generally regarded a,p a
devious youth. In spite of this social distance, Jaime and
Miguel are seen as an integral part of the Cuban community.
This became most evident to me when a Cuban woman's dog was
hit by a car and killed. This minor tragedy drew most of the
103
Cubans in the area to come outside and console her. Even
Miguel, who was down at the other end of the block waiting for
a bus, came back to the site to show his concern.
This small crisis was an occasion when the cohesiveness
of the Cuban community manifested itself outrightly. Most of-
ten, however, the closeness of the Cuban community is demon-
strated through socializing. Occasionally, Cuban men get
together to play drums and sing Afro-Cuban songs. This acti-
vity is regarded as a very pleasant occasion because it allows
the men to reminisce together about Cuba. More regularly,
Cuban men can be seen gathered together drinking beer and
smoking marijuana in an informal session of light discussion
and humor. This form of group activity, like the drum play-
ing, corresponds to social norms that were carried over from
Cuba. Both activities are regarded as pleasant and relaxing
occasions, and could only occur with the existence of a small
Cuban community.
By enabling the Cubans to socialize together, the sub-
community eases some of the difficulties caused by social dis-
junction and cultural shock. None of the Cubans in the group
can speak English fluently, which limits the extent to which
they can establish friendships with non-Spanish speakers.
With the exception of myself and my household, the Cubans have
very little contact with Americans. Jaime has become close
friends with a Chicano named Manny, but this was made possible
by the fact that Manny spoke Spanish. Without a Cuban commun-
ity, it is very likely that the refugees would not make many
friends. As foreigners who are unfamiliar with American cus-
toms and norms, adjustment to this society is made much easier
by being integrated into a group of people who are in the same
situation. Together they can share the unsettling experience
of adapting to a new culture.
The cohesiveness of the group is based partly on the fact
that all within the group are Cuban. The fact that the Cubans
are in a common plight of near destitution serves as a basis
for group solidarity. Their shared misfortune acts as an im-
portant bond and serves as a reason to extend various forms
of support to one another. For example, the Cubans generally
look out for each other's apartment when the resident is not
at home. This service was also extended to me as a result of
the relationship I had developed with the Cubans. However,
Mario, the ambitious Cuban mentioned earlier, became alienated
from the other Cubans as he began to achieve some financial
success. Mario's apartment was burglarized by another Cuban
while he was out at work. When he returned and asked the
others if they had seen anyone suspicious around his place,
the other Cubans responded with smug indifference and offered
104
no help even though all knew who the perpetrator had been.
Jaime added to Mario's loss by stealing his clothing, small
pieces of furniture and silverware while Mario was in the
process of moving out of his apartment. Although Mario had
once been regarded as a friend and a part of the group, his
drive for financial success and his close association with
white Americans had deprived him of the group's support.
Even though he too was a Cuban refugee, he was outcast by
the group because of his desire to become economically and
socially integrated into the larger society.
Hence, the small Cuban community has an effect upon how
individual Cubans adjust to life in their new environment.
By providing certain forms of support, and by acting as a
basis for cultural retention, the sub-community reduces the
degree of culture shock that the refugees experience. In an
article in Cuba Times, the director of a Cuban resettlement
center in New York City noted that Cubans who are isolated
from other refugees generally experience the most alienation
and therefore have the greatest difficulty in adjusting
(Spring 1981). Isolated refugees have a higher chance of
turning to crime and ending up in prison. Being part of a
sub-community of Cubans may not keep the refugees out of
trouble or out of jail, but it will at least make life a bit
easier to deal with.
The second factor which influences the adjustment of the
Cuban refugees is the type of community into which they have
been resettled. The vast majority of Cuban refugees arrived
in this country penniless and completely dependent upon the
federal government to provide for their welfare. In such a
state, the Cubans joined the ranks of America's underclass:
the unemployed, underemployed, the lumpen proletariat who
subsist on crime and vice, and the thousands of Americans
whose existence is dependent upon receiving social security,
welfare, food stamps, and other forms of government assis-
tance. Funneled into America's inner cities with the rest
of this underclass, the Cubans become marginal in relation
to the economic and political structure of this society. It
is within this marginal status that the Cubans' adaptation
to American culture takes place.
To illustrate the circumstances into which the Cubans
have been accomodated, I will briefly describe the community
into which they have been placed. The section of East Oakland
where the Cuban refugees and I now reside is probably one of
the poorest areas in the city, and maybe even the entiW Bay
Area. The neighborhood encompasses four city blocks and is
conveniently sectioned off by railroad tracks on the east, a
main road on the west, a large supermarket to the south, and
105
some warehouses to the north. The only businesses in the area
are two liquor stores, seven bars, a drug store and a small
grocery store. I was told by a repair man from Pacific Gas
and Electric that the neighborhood was once a thriving commer-
cial district. The presence of an abandoned Bank of America
building two lots away from our building makes me believe that
the man from P.G. and E. was accurate. The building where the
Cubans and I now reside was formerly a record store and a
television repair shop. It is terribly run down and would
probably be condemned as a fire hazard if it were ever in-
spected.
The inhabitants of the community are from a diverse ar-
ray of backgrounds. The majority of the people are black Amer-
icans, but there is also a sizeable number of Mexicans, South-
east Asians, American Indians and even a few white people.
All of the people in the neighborhood are poor, and it seems
from the presence of several adults out on the streets during
day time working hours that many of them are unemployed.
There is a methadone clinic in the area which caters to a
large group of heroin addicts who can be seen on the street-
corners late at night searching to satisfy their demand for
drugs. There are also a number of prostitutes in the area who
operate out of the bars and can also be seen on the streetcorn-
ers arguing with the addicts late at night. Most of the bars
open early in the morning and close late at night, and cater
to what seems to be a substantial number of heavy drinkers in
the neighborhood.
This is the neighborhood where the Cuban refugees have
been placed. Within such an environment the Cubans will as-
similate some of the norms and values of those around them.
To an outsider, it might seem as though the Cubans fit in well
with their environment. They are not the only inhabitants
who do not speak English, and certainly are not the only ones
who are unemployed. Seeing Jaime and Miguel selling marijuana
out on the corner late at night, one might think that they
had been part of this community for some time. They wear the
same type of clothing as many of the black Americans, and
listen to the same kind of music on the same type of large
radios. Watching Carlos bee-bop down the street, one could
easily mistake him for a black American (he too is black) be-
cause of his style of walking. Yet, to the other people who
live there, the Cubans are a distinct group.
The fact that the Cubans have adapted as they have might
lead one to think that the Cubans possessed a disposition which
inclined them to behave in manners similar to lower class Amer-
icans. However, much of the Cubans' behavior is the result
of the assimilation of social norms. The similarities that
the Cubans have with the other residents of the community such
106
as clothing styles, criminal activity and music, represent
adaptations that the Cubans have made. The clothing styles
and music were known to the Cubans while they were in Cuba,
but they were out of reach. The criminal behavior such as
drug selling, stealing and selling goods, gambling, etc.,
were practiced in Cuba, though not as openly, and have had to
be re-learned in order to be applied successfully in this en-
vironment. For example, Jaime learned how and where to sell
stolen goods from his American friend Manny. Adopting these
behaviors has been part of the Cubans adjustment to this soc-
iety.
As unemployed, poorly educated, impoverished people, the
Cubans share some important characteristics with the other
community residents. They find themselves at the bottom of
America's class structure, and like their American counter-
parts, they are without the power to alter their situation.
Many of the male refugees have run into trouble with the law
and have spent time in prison. Being unemployed most of the
time, they find themselves spending a great deal of time soc-
ializing on the streetcorners just like the other men in the
community. It is as though their adjustment is completely
out of their own control, and they are simply becoming like
those around them. Of course some of them acted in similar
ways prior to coming to this country, but the circumstances
were different. In Cuba they alienated themselves by refusing
to work or by not participating in political activities. In
this country, they desire to become a part of the mainstream
of society, but are systematically denied the opportunity to
be integrated. Though they are Cuban refugees and therefore
different in many ways from the people who live near them,
they are now a part of the same social class, and consequently
have a great deal in common with their neighbors.
The adjustment of the Cuban refugees has been affected
in different ways by the factors mentioned at the outset,
namely (1) the presence of a sub-community of Cubans; and
(2) the type of community in which they have been resettled.
Both factors influence how the Cubans adjust, yet they oper-
ate differently. Which factor plays a greater role in deter-
mining how they adjust? I would have to say the second one,
for it is much easier for Cubans to re-orient themselves to
U.S. culture and thereby gain acceptance, than it is for them
to challenge the social forces and actual structure of society
which limits their range of growth and development.
Conclusion
Proposing an explanation for the adjustment of the Cuban
107
refugees is complicated by the fact that the two dependent
variables - culture and structure - interact, and therefore
must be considered in relation to each other. Yet despite the
complexity involved, arriving at an appropriate theoretical
explanation for the Cuban refugees' adjustment is a worth-
while and important endeavor, in that by so doing, we further
our understanding of refugee resettlement and adaptation.
America is a nation of immigrants, and has historically acted
as a magnet in drawing people to it from all part of the
earth. Each immigrant group has had a different experience
in adjusting to life in this country, partly because of changes
in structural conditions which have taken place over time,
and partly because of how their cultures have interacted with
the dominant culture of this society. Other factors could be
considered in explaining how groups have adapted, but the two
dealt with in this paper - culture and structure - are the
most essential.
The information in this paper has been presented in a
way that enables culture and structure to be considered sep-
arately. In the first section on stereotypes, we examined
how negative stereotypes of the Cuban refugees created by
the American media and the Cuban government have limited
their opportunities for social and economic advancement.
These stereotypes, coupled with the prevalence of racist val-
ues in the dominant culture of this society, act as a super-
structural constraint upon the Cubans. The negative attitudes
towards the Cubans limit their chances for mobility because
these attitudes are so firmly rooted in the dominant culture
of the U.S. and are manifested in institutionalized forms.
In the section which followed on why the Cubans left
their country, we examined the expectations of the refugees
towards life in the United States. Through such an analysis,
we were able to identify some of the attitudes and values de-
veloped in Cuba and carried over to this country. The fact
that many of the Cuban refugees came here with the desire to
acquire material possessions and achieve financial success
provides us with an indication of what their values were in
Cuba. These values shaped the Cubans' disposition towards
life in the United States, and thereby influenced their be-
havior.
Finally, in the last section, we analyzed the observations
of how the Cubans adjusted, distinguishing between two factors
which contributed most heavily to their adaptation. The first
to be considered was the presence of a sub-community of Cuban
refugees. This sub-community acted as a system of support
for the refugees and helped in easing the trauma of resettle-
ment and culture shock. The sub-community also helped the
Cubans to retain certain aspects of their culture by providing
108
them with an outlet for various forms of cultural expression.
The second factor cited as influencing the adjustment of the
Cubans was the type of community into which they were reset-
tled. The community played an important role in determining
what types of values and norms the Cubans assimilated.  The
fact that the community was economically depressed leads the
Cubans to become integrated into the lowest socio-economic
class in this society.
In the next few years, we will undoubtedly continue to
hear reports about problems and disturbances created by the
Cuban refugees. The American media will probably continue
to malign the Cubans, calling them criminals, rejects and
other names of degradation, and perhaps few Americans will
ever come to undbrstand the Cuban refugees. Hence, they may
blend into America's underclass, becoming part of that mass
of people who are alienated and marginal to middle class
America. However, it is unlikely that the Cubans and the
rest of that class will accept their marginality, no matter
how many prisons are built or how much welfare is cut. It
will only be when we come to realize why and how people be-
come trapped at the bottom of this society that we can begin
to formulate workable solutions to these kinds of problems.
NOTES
1 The statistics used throughout the following section are
derived from the Report of the Cuban-Haitian Task Force
1981.
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