41
THE PROBLEM OF RECONSTRUCTING
A PROTOTYPE FOR H?IK'AL
Jeffrey P. Williams
Department of Linguistics
University of Texas
Austin, Texas
Introduction
This paper deals with the problem of reconstructing a
prototype for h?ik 'aZ, or 'black-man.' The origins of
h?ik'aZ have been dealt with most thoroughly by Blaffer (1972).
Blaffer's account focuses upon h?ik'aZ's similarities to
bats and argues that the Mayan bat deity, which has yet to be
proven part of the Classic Mayan pantheon, is the ancestor
of the 'black-man' as we know him today. In order to estab-
lish a relationship between the two, the analysis centers on
the anomolous character of both the bat and h?ik'aZ. However,
such analysis relies on connections and connotations that are
so apparent they should be accepted with caution, especially
in light of the work of Paredes (1977) and Basso (1979) con-
cerning 'the folklore of folklore.'
In the presentation that follows, linguistic, ethno-
graphic and historical evidence is discussed in which h?ik'al
is viewed as a multivocal symbol that has acquired its con-
temporary meaning through a dynamic process involving syn-
cretism and socio-cultural change. While the bat and h?ik'aZ
undoubtedly share some common symbolic features and are re-
lated in such a manner, the probability of a direct and un-
broken link between the two is untenable. A more thorough
study of the ethno-zoological information regarding bats
among the Mayan and Mixe-Zoquean groups, and their represen-
tations in folklore and folk art, suggests that the bat's
place in Mayan civilization arose through contact with other
religious and cultural traditions in Mesoamerica (cf. Wil-
liams 1981).
42
H?ik 'aZ as a symbol
H?ik'aZ as he exists today is a black demon who is pre-
sent in the folklore of the Tzotzil and Tzeltal speakers of
highland Chiapas in Southern Mexico. I believe that this
same black demon motif also occurs in the Cholan Maya commun-
ity of Tila, Chiapas where he is known as nec; a point I will
return to later. H?ik'aZ is conceived of as a small, hairy
black demon with a six-foot-long penis. He is said to live in
caves and generally behave in an antisocial fashion compared
to the non-demonic spirit population. H?ik'aZ is also said to
be able to fly, either by use of his own wings, as in Tzotzil
belief, or by using some vehicle according to Tzeltal belief.
He exists in both a ritual persona and a mythic form. I am
not concerned here with the impersonations of h?ik'al by male
members of the community during religious festivals in high-
land Chiapas, but rather with h?ik 'aZ as he exists in his
mythic form.
H?ik'aZ can definitely be considered as a symbol, in all
meanings of the word. Since I will be dealing with the no-
tion of symbol, examples of different ideas concerning the
nature of symbols will be useful. The Oxford EngZish Diction-
ary defines 'symbol' as follows:
...a thing regarded by general consent
as naturally typifying or representing
or recalling something by possession
of analogous qualities or by associa-
tion in fact or thought.
From this simple beginning definition of what a symbol can be,
it is necessary to consider other aspects of a symbol that
are involved in symbolic analysis. Symbols are often discussed
in terms of the relationship of signifier (signans) to signi-
fied (signatum). The signifier is the object and the signified
is its meaning, sense, designation, denotation or connotation.
Victor Turner (1975:150) states that a symbol has a single
signifier and a multiple of signifieds and that those signi-
fieds often become secondary signifiers.
In brief, a symbol has a multiplicity of meanings, both
public and private. This relationship is not static; new
meanings (signifieds) may be added to old symbols (signifiers)
(Turner 1975:154). Dominant symbols shed and gain meanings
through time.  This is not an arbitrary process but a product
of social dynamics (Turner 1975:155). Most importantly, sym-
bols are multivocal, manipulable and ambiguous (Turner 1975:
43
146). A symbol cannot function as such if it does not have
ambiguity and complexity in situations of conflict and
change (Turner 1975:158). The concepts outlined above can
be applied to an analysis of h?ik 'al as a symbol within the
Maya symbolic system. The concepts of dynamics, change,
multivocality, manipulability, ambiguity and complexity are
expecially relevant to the 'history' of h?ik'al as a symbol.
History of a Symbol
Mircea Eliade (1959:104) discusses methodological con-
siderations important to the concept of the 'history of a
symbol.' He discusses the decipherment of a religious sym-
bol in terms of considering all of its contexts and particu-
larly those meanings that the symbol may have held in what he
terms its 'maturity' (Eliade 1959:107). In terms of the pre-
sent discussion, 'maturity' indicates the time frame of the
Classic and possibly the Post Classic periods of Maya civili-
ation.
In discussing a religious symbol, one can not separate it
from the religious system within which it exists. The symbol
will change along with the system in times of conflict or con-
tact. Blaffer's choice of the so-called ancient Maya bat
deity as a prototype for the contemporary h?ik'al makes it
necessary to deal not only with the changes in the symbol
and its associations but also with those of the symbolic or
religious system containing it. Blaffer's failure to consid-
er this aspect is a major problem in the reconstruction she
gives as the classic Maya prototype for h?ik'al.
The Religious System of the Classic Maya
The decline of Classic Maya civilization with its priest-
ly class and ruling elites coupled later with the destructive
onslaught of Catholic missionaries brought about profound
societal changes within Maya culture as a whole. Eva Hunt
(1977:276) has stated that the abandonment of human sacrifice
reflects a fundamental ideological change within the Mesoamer-
ican framework. This radical change in the religious ideology
of Mesoamericans, and in particular the Maya, combined with
the iconoclastic fervor of zealous Catholics to aid in the
downfall of the symbolic hierarchy of Maya deities.
Maya deities in the Classic period were very complex,
44
possessing a multiplicity of 'code symbols' (Hunt 1977:45).
Important deities, if not all, had numerical, calendrical,
astronomical, botanical and zoological code symbols that
could be arranged within a hierarchical framework, giving
layers of meaning that could be manipulated. As deities
lost importance, either through a decline in the esoteric
nature of Maya religion or through Catholic influence and
replacement with saints, they and their attributes or code
symbols became blurred with one another; one deity was con-
founded with another (Redfield 1962:112). Possibly deities
with similar code symbols or deities and their own code sym-
bols were merged to create new symbols. Present-day Meso-
american peasants can provide us with interpretations of
only those symbols which are meaningful in their contempor-
ary social context (Hunt 1977:35). Eva Hunt (1977:36) sug-
gests that formerly connected symbols have become disconnected
and formerly disconnected symbols have become connected.
Thompson states that moral duality seems to have char-
acterized the ancient Maya deities. Among the Chorti of
Guatemala this duality of malevolant and benevolant aspects
still exists today. A good example is ah yum ikar who is a
lord of wind that can be both beneficial and destructive
(Wisdom 1940:397). The Chorti, according to Wisdom, also
confuse deities, especially those that are closely related
(Wisdom 1940:395). This relation may be due to the habitat,
behavior, appearance, function or other connotations of code
symbols that are similar. The Chorti also have a concept of
lesser beings that are 'helpers' of greater beings. It is
not known if this concept was one that existed in the Classic
period or not. However, I feel that it may have been and may
still be responsible, in part, for some of the merging of
deities with other deities, helpers and code symbols.
Thompson also discusses the confusion of deities, es-
pecially in terms of rain and wind gods. He believes that the
wind gods were of little importance to the Lowland Maya.
Thompson also states (1970:225) that the Babatuns (Pauahtuns)
were winds that were servants of the chacs (rain gods) and
later became identified (or confused) with them. He states
that now the Pauahtuns are accepted as chacs; that the former
group has been merged with the later (Thompson 1970:274).
The notion that a confusion of rain and wind deities combined
with that of the blurring of attributes of deities and the
merging of them with their helpers is an important one that I
feel should be considered more thoroughly when determining a
prototype for a present-day symbol.
45
Blood, Sacrifice, Fertility and Rain
Blood-letting was an important ritual means for assuring
fertility. Thompson states that the cenote cult functioned
as a means for petitioning for rain.1 Blood sacrifice and
blood-letting were frequent offerings to the chacs for rain.
In particular, the blood of the pure - children, was believed
to be the most beneficial. Today in the caves of Belize, the
skeletal remains of children and infants are found along with
objects that have been identified as blood-letting instruments.
Blood is still shed as a means for appealing for rain
(fertility). The main difference in the blood-letting of the
past from that of the present is that today it is not the
blood of humans that is shed but that of animals, particularly
fowl. Today in the Yucatan, fowl are sacrificed in rain cere-
monies. Blaffer tells us that h?ik'aZ as he exists in Zina-
cantan goes about raiding henhouses and eating fowl (Blaffer
1972:20). He is also associated with blood in many of the
tales (Blaffer 1972:35).  In the Aulie and Aulie Dicconario
Ch'ol-Espanol; Espanol-Ch'oZ there is an entry that reads as
follows:
nec - un espiritu malo.   (Dicen que es
un hombre negro que vive en las cuevas.
Sale durante la cuaresma a comerse las
lenguas de la gente.   Se toca la flauta
para defenderse contra el.2
The nec spook is quite similar to the h?ik'aZ spook of
Zinacantan and other Tzeltal communities that are neighbors
of the Gholan speakers of Tila. It is possible that this con-
cept was borrowed from the Tzeltal, however there is one
major difference in the nec and the h?ik'aZ that refutes this
hypothesis.  Nec comes out of his cave during Lent to 'eat
the tongues of the people.'  I can find no example of a simi-
lar action in the corpus of tales concerning h?ik'aZ. I be-
lieve in this case the indigenous Maya tradition of blood-
letting has been placed within a Catholic religious framework.
Lent is a time of self-sacrifice, a giving up of what is
precious to put oneself in a more pure state for the cele-
bration of the resurrection. The ritual of blood-letting for
the ancient Maya had a similar function.   In particular,
blood-letting from the tongue is what I believe is being re-
ferred to through the metaphor of 'eating the tongues of the
people.' The initial meanings of the black demon are thus
retained. What I am proposing here is that h?ik'aZ and nec
are not contemporary adaptations of an ancient Maya bat deity,
46
but instead a product of contemporary confusion of rain and
deities and their associated code symbols and helpers through
time.
Connections with Deities
Instead of arguing that h?ik'al is related to a Classic
period Maya deity that has not been positively identified yet,
I feel it is more profitable to look at deities that have
been identified and thay may possibly be related to h?ik'al.
I believe that Blaffer's tenuous connection of h?ik'al to an
ancient Maya bat deity thrives on superficial similarities
that make the evolution of h?ik'al as a symbol seem very sim-
plistic. There are a number of deities with attributes similar
to those possessed by h?ik'aZ that may in fact be related to
him.
The first of these is found in the Ritual of the Bacabs.
Ekel Ahau (Black Lord) is cited in a particular incantation
concerned with a patient that has an obstructed breathing pas-
sage (Roys 1965:65). Ekel Ahau is one of the supernaturals
linked to this condition and must be invoked in curing it.
This first black deity is related to choking and therefore to
air in the form of breath.
The second is in Thompson's Maya History and Religion and
is called IkaZ Ahau. Thompson states that IkaZ Ahau is a small
death god that wanders at night attacking people. He also eats
raw human flesh and lives by day in a cave, or inhabits a
church tower in one instance (Thompson 1970:323). This de-
scription, it appears, comes from a contemporary group of
Tzotzil speakers of Larrainzar and may be referring directly
to h?ik'al as he is called in Zinacantan. Although there is
no apparent linguistic connection, Castro believes that this
IkaZ Ahau is lord of a mountain near Oxchuc (Thompson 1970:
323). Ikal Ahau may be an earth/rain lord (?anheZ or chac)
due in part to the description of him as lord of a mountain
and also to Castro's belief that Ikal Ahau is a shortened form
of the true name which is Ikal Ahau Chaan, which is translated
as 'Swift Serpent.' Snakes are associated with chacs and
therefore with rain and also in some cases with earth lords.
I feel that Castro's IkaZ Ahau Chaan may be one link between
h?ik'aZ as he exists today and what his ancient Maya proto-
type was in perhaps the Classic period of Maya history.
Another deity previously mentioned is ?anhel. The
?anheZetik has a variety of functions in different Maya com-
47
munities. Among the Chorti, the ?anheZetik are rain gods as
they are among the Tzotzil of San Pedro Chenalho (Blaffer
1972:71). Thompson (1970:273) talks of a deity with combined
features of the rain and earth gods as being called ?anheZ
or TzuZtacah. In one instance in Blaffer's book, an infor-
mant told Evon Vogt that the bat (sotz') is called ?anheZ to
protect the people from having him come and drink their blood
(Blaffer 1972:70).  ?anheZ in Laughlin's (1975) dictionary
also means 'earth lord' as well as 'bat.'    It is here that I
believe the blurring of deities has most obviously occurred.
?anheZ can refer to an earth lord, a rain god or a bat and
through association to sacrifice, blood-letting, fertility,
wind, darkness and caves; all of which I believe are associ-
ations of h?ik'aZ.
Blurring also occurs in the case of the Pauahtuns.
There are four Pauahtuns mentioned in the ChiZam BaZam of
ChumayeZ which are called cangeZes ik in the creation myth
found in that text (Thompson 1970:256). Thompson translates
eangeles ik to mean 'wind canheZs,' but I feel that it could
also mean 'black ?anheZetik' or 'black rain/earth lords.'
These Pauahtuns are thought to have been winds that were ser-
vants of the chacs and have now, particularly in the Yucutan,
become identified with the chacs and merged with them. This
is very relevant to the concept of 'helpers' merging with
greater deities as discussed earlier.
Linguistic Connections
Once again Blaffer does not take into account all the lin-
guistic evidence. The word for 'bat' in most of the Mayan
languages is either sotz' or sutZt.   The word for 'cloud' in
some of the highland languages is sutz'.    In Chorti, the word
for'bat' is sutz' but that is not the word for 'cloud,' which
1s tocar. However, there does seem to be some linguistic
Connection between the words for 'bat' and those for 'cloud.'
This connection is probably related to the ideological one
bY which bats and clouds come from the same locations - caves.
The root of the word h?ik'aZ is another problem. Blaffer
believes that h?ik'aZ stems from ?ik' which fundamentally means
*black' or 'dirty.' She does however mention alternate meanings
as 'wind' or 'air' of the body, but associates these with bad
odors of the body which she in turn associates with h?ik'al.
?ik'does mean 'wind,' 'breath,' 'spirit and by extension may
mean'life' according to Thompson. In Chol and other lowland
languages, hik' means 'to choke' or 'to inhale.' Also in Proto-
48
Zoquean, *hi?k means to breathe with difficulty, suffocate or
choke. The cognate set in all instances has something to do
with breath, wind or choking. This relates to the passage in
the RituaZ of the Bacabs concerning EkeZ Ahau, 'the Black Lord
of choking.' This linkage can be extended to wind gods since
?ik' also means 'wind' as well as 'breath.' In this case mal-
evolent and benevolent aspects of a single deity may have been
diverged. The malevolent aspect manifesting itself in a Black
Lord of evil wind, choking and by extension to death and the
benevolent one in a wind god that brings rain and therefore
fertility and by extension in this instance - life.
H?ik'aZ himself is both a life-giver and a life-taker. He
is ultra-potent sexually, his offspring being born after only a
three-day gestation period; however, the woman whom he rapes to
create those offspring often dies as a result of intercourse
with him. He is life and death at the same time as were many
of the Classic Maya deities, according to Thompson's notion of
moral duality. Blaffer sees h?ik'aZ only as a death-dealing
figure and not as a life-giver, which any progenitor must be in
some way.
There is also a Cholan word nec ek na which is translated in
the Aulie and Aulie (1978) Dictionary as "an adverb related with
the sound of falling rain." The appearance of the word nec
within this adverbial form seems to signal a linguistic associ-
ation, especially if the previous connections with blood-letting
are correct.
Ethnographic Connections
Ethnographic works by Redfield and Villa Rojas in the Yuc-
atan reveal final connections. In the Yucatan, cenotes and
caves are the mouths of hell. They have associations with the
underworld and therefore with evil; however, they are also the
residing places of the rain gods and the sources of winds and
rains (Redfield 1962:205). Again the malevolent and benevolent
are grouped together, and again through association, life and
death are intimately linked as I believe they are in h?ik'aZ.
H?ik'aZetik, ?anheZetik (earth lords), chacs (rain gods),
yumtziZob (lords) and bats all share the same habitat - caves.
In the Yucatan, bats share the same habitat with the yumtziZob
and through this association become sacred creatures and are not
to be harmed or eaten (Redfield 1962:207). I believe the idea
of 'helpers' merging with a greater deity can be applied in this
case. Possibly in other parts of the Maya area, bats were once
49
more closely associated with cave deities but in more recent
times have been merged with them. In the Yucatan, the yumtziZob
are given offerings of fowl in order to keep them from sending
sickness in the form of evil winds (Redfield 1962:128). Bats
are not mentioned as bringing sickness, however it is possible
they were associated with this aspect in an earlier time period.
It is a biological fact that bats are carriers of many types of
respiratory diseases, those most closely associated with chok-
ing and shortness of breath.
Conclusions
All of the deities mentioned throughout this paper share
some common attributes and functions; some definite adaptations
to local conditions have through time probably also occurred.
The loss of esoteric connotations within Maya religion may ac-
count for a great deal of the blurring and merging that has
occurred. Redfield and Villa Rojas seem to believe this is an
ongoing process. They state that the status of gods is dimin-
ishing to the level of spooks and goblins (Redfield 1962:121).
In brief, the exact named prototype for h?ik'aZ is prob-
ably lost to history. However, a probable candidate can be
reconstructed in terms of common associations and also through
linguistic, ethnographic and religious connections previously
mentioned. The prototype most logical for h?ik'aZ is a deity
associated with caves and the underworld that possesses both
bevevolent and malevolent apsects. H?ik'aZ as he exists today
may be an embodiment of only those malevolent aspects, since
he possesses no positive qualities in any of the folktales con-
cerning him. This deity prototype was connected with wind and
rain and may have controlled one or both. Through this associ-
ation the deity would be linked to fertility, life, sickness and
death. Sacrifice and blood-letting are intimately bound to
those concepts in Maya ideology.   This serves to link h?ik'aZ's
association with blood and eating human flesh to those of his
prototype. Thompson (1970:273) states that passages in folk-
tales concerning the eating of people are references to human
sacrificial practices as they existed in the past. Both nec
and h?ik'aZ are said to eat parts of people at least, completing
Thompson ' s hypothesis.
The bat was associated with this prototypic deity, either
through a shared habitat or as a code symbol or possibly in a
'helper'/greater deity relationship. The bat may have been
more important to the 'common people' as a more concrete and
natural symbol than the more highly esoteric connotations of the
50
greater deity. If so, the greater deity may have been merged
with the bat creating a highly dynamic, ambiguous, multivocal
symbol that is known today as h?ik'al in Highland Chiapas.
Looking strictly at the bat deity as a prototype for
h?ik'aZ ignores other larger connections in the realm of Maya
symbolic and religious systems. This interpretation also ob-
serves the complexity of syncretization that must have occurred
as the entire social universe of the Maya was altered by intern-
al and external events through history.
NOTES
Acknowledgments. I would like to thank Brian Stross and Richard
Bauman for comments on earlier drafts of this paper. Any mis-
interpretations are my own.
Cenotes are considered the symbolic equivalents of caves in
the Yucatan.
2 nec - an evil spirit. (They say that it is a black-man who
lives in caves. He comes out during Lent to eat the tongues of
the people. One should play the flute to defend oneself from
him.)
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