20
RELIGION AND ITS EFFECT ON SOCIAL COHESION
IN AN EMERGING ETHNIC COMMUNITY
Deirdre Parker Arntz
Department of Anthropology
California State University
San Francisco
INTRODUCTION
This paper provides a preliminary analysis of social cohesion
in a community of 1newly arrived Tongans in Pacific County, a West
Coast urban area.   My analysis focuses on the role of the churches
and demonstrates that in this new environment, as in their homeland,
churches play an important, but dual role. On the one hand, they
cause divisiveness in the emerging community and on the other, they
serve to unify it. This review of religion is expressed by Clifford
Geertz in his analysis of religion in Java. He states that "con-
trary to some theorists, religion does not play only an integrative,
socially harmonizing role in society but also a divisive one, thus
reflecting the balance between integrative and disintegrative
forces which exist in any social system" (1976:355). The Tongan
case, however, is not strictly parallel to that of Java. In Java,
doctrinal and ideological conflicts are deep and significant. In
Tonga, there is a fairly uniform commitment to Christianity which is
in itself socially cohesive. Conflict among the Tongans appears to
be structural, not ideological, caused by the continuous struggle
for status. Different brands of Christianity and different congre-
gations within churches serve as forums for achieving recognition.
Conflict is actually reflective of the optative elements in
Tongan culture. Church affiliation is but another area in which
Tongans can exercise choice. Tongans of different Christian faiths
and of different congregations agree to disagree. At least at the
local level, using Geertz's terminology, they practice "relativistic
tolerance" (1976:373). At the national level, the conflict is not
as muted, and competition often breaks out into open verbal warfare.
Religious conflict within the Tongan community which I studied in
the United States seemed to have characteristics of both local and
national levels. This may be the result of the community's small
size which has caused normally separated spheres within it to over-
lap.
In exploring Tongan social organization, both in Tonga and in
my study area, the church and family create a unique balance.
Churches link families and families link churches in an interlocking
21
pattern, made possible by the fact that families are multi-dencmina-
tional and that portions of the extended families or kainga and in
same cases entire famili comprise each Tongan church congregation.
As Geertz states "this cross-cutting, balance-of-forces nature of
social life is what allows several antagonistic social and cultural
elements to be contained in a relatively balanced system. It is,
in fact, the absence of such cross-cutting which bodes ill for the
future of a social system" (1976:371).
To give a clear and comprehensible picture of the balance of
forces in an emerging Tongan community in Pacific County, this
paper will present (1) the role of the churches in Tonga with con-
sideration of the overall social and political organization, (2) a
comparison between the political, church, and family spheres in
the emerging community, and (3) the divisive and cohesive aspects
of the relationship among denominations, church congregations, and
families.
My research was conducted over a two-year period in a West
Coast urban area involving an average of 16 to 24 hours of work per
week. Data gathering included participant observation at church
services, weddings, funerals, and community meetings as well as
formal and informal interviews. Since Tongans generally speak Ton-
gan at community events and at home, I relied on bilingual speakers
and informal translations. People, for the most part, were very
cooperative and the community seemed pleased by my interest.
SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN TONGA
Tonga is a politically independent island kingdom in Western
Polynesia known for its monarch and its churches. The main island,
Tongatapu, is located approximately 450 miles southeast of Fiji and
a similar distance southwest of Western Samoa. Of the 150 islands
that comprise this group, 36 were inhabited at the time of the 1966
census. The total land area is 256 square miles, of which 85 per-
cent is estimated to be suitable for cultivation (Maude 1971:106).
The islands are divided into three sub-groups: (1) Tongatapu in the
south; (2) Ha'api, the middle group; and (3) the northernmost group,
Va'vau. Tongatapu has the majority of the population and is the
location of the capital city, Nuku'alofa. The population is esti-
mated to be over 100,000 (Baker 1977:231). The population is in-
creasing at a rate of about 3 percent per year (Rogers 1969:213)
and has quadrupled since 1921.
Tonga has the most stratified social organization in Oceania.
Power is held by the king, a constitutional monarch, and the titled
nobles, many of whom retain hereditary estates. In this system, all
22
directives come frcm this group and the villages have no political
significance. The majority of the population are commoner-agricul-
turalists who have the right to an 8-1/2 acre parcel of land, if it
is available, upon reaching adulthood. There is an emerging middle
class made up of commoners and gentry or untitled nobles who have
achieved success in Western institutions of church, state and educa-
tion (Marcus 1976:17). Despite some new opportunities in Tonga,
population pressure is making land, education, and jobs hard to come
by, thus causing the "have nots," the commoners, to emigrate to New
Zealand and the United States.
The important social units are the kinship groups and the
churches.  The family groups are the api or household and the famili,
which can mean a household or a group of interacting households which
work together. The head of the famili is a senior person, usually
male, called the ulumotu'a.   The api and famili are enmeshed in
diffuse and widespread networks of extended kinship, the kainga. The
kainga is an inclusive term incorporating one's universe of kin
reckoned on a bilateral basis, the ultimate pool of resources avail-
able to an individual. The kainga is visible at funerals, weddings,
and other important life events. The famili, on the other hand, is
an exclusive term referring to a relatively stable group of relation-
ships activated over time.  The famili does not necessarily mean
local group (Marcus 1979:223). Both Decktor Korn (1978:21) and
Marcus (1974:91) recognize the extension of the term in modern times
to mean a "family estate" defined by Decktor Korn as "typically a
network of ranked, adult sibling segments and their immediate house-
holds, situated in Tonga and abroad, and engaging in a variety of
occupations" (1978:21).
A primary function of the famili and the "family estate" is
economic. Goods and services are circulated on the basis of reci-
procity. The expansion of the famili is a function of individual
strategies aimed at attaining economic and social advantage. The
sum of individual choices, continuously exercised, is the reason
for the variability in famili membership and in api composition.
An individual within certain constraints activates kin relation-
ships to maximize rights and minimize obligations.
Another dimension of Tongan culture that must be mentioned is
the overriding concern for rank and status. Ethnographers (Kaeppler
1971 and Decktor Korn 1978) observing both the societal and local
level have commented on this pervasive theme. Marcus most recently
in his article on status rivalry in Tonga stated: "persistence of
chiefly hierarchies, the concern with formal rank, and the preva-
lence of personal and group competition for social status (noted in
both historical and contemporary sources) are major features of
social relations in western Polynesian societies such as Tonga"
(1978:242). He details the activities and the objects of value that
form the substance of status rivalry. These include demonstration
23
of social skill, distinctive performance such as conventional obli-
gations such as giving tribute to the church or king where quantity
is the marker, and the acquisition of valuable objects or resources
such as church office or university degrees.  There is a paradox
since persons compete vigorously to dominate, but at the same time
attempt to maintain a humble stance. Decktor Korn elaborates on
this theme by showing how in the village the churches are a major
source of prestige and status (1978: 402-407).
Variability is a major characteristic of Tongan social groups.
A Tongan can move from one api to another, activate relationships
in several famili or "family estates," serially but not simultane-
ously, and switch church affiliations and affiliations with social
clubs and other voluntary groups. Decktor Korn, who did an entire
thesis on the subject, explains this aspect of Tongan culture in
terms of the well entrenched optative elements. The flexibility in
the Tongan social system is expressed in the idiom fa'iteliha,
translated as "to please oneself."
This idiom expresses a viewpoint about how
people conduct themselves. According to this
view, people have alternatives in ordering
their lives and their choices are freely made.
No adult need ask another's advice. Above all,
a person does not have to explain himself, his
motives, or his actions; on the contrary,
fa'iteliha--he pleases himself. Important op-
tions available to ordinary Tongans include the
possibility of switching denominational affili-
ation, changing household membership, shifting
kin-group affiliation, moving to a different
village, and varying the extent of participa-
tion in various local activities. With regard
to all these elements, Tongans perceive their
society as one in which there are few pres-
criptions or prohibitions, where people have
alternatives in ordering their lives, and
where individuals have considerable autonomy
in exercising their options (Decktor Korn 1977:
102).
In Tonga, Christianity and its churches have a pervasive and
powerful influence. This has been the case since the first king,
Tupou I, was converted by the Wesleyan missionaries, and in turn
converted the populace in the mid-nineteenth century. The impact
of Western Protestantism has been enormous ideologically and struc-
turally. Sione Latukefu, an historian who is also a Methodist
ordained minister, outlines in his book Church and State in Tonga
the process whereby Tupou I consolidated his power in part by in-
corporating Protestant Christian values into the Constitution
24
and modeling his government after that of Great Britain.   Marcus goes
as far as to say that "through the codification of the emancipation
proclamation of 1862 in the Constitution, the introduction of an in-
dividualistic system of land tenure and the enforcement of Christian
morality (for example, in the contingency of inheritance of land and
succession to title upon legitimate birth in monogamous marriage),
the law was the virtual medium of cultural transformation" (1977:
212). Over the last century the Western Christian and traditional
elements have been reintegrated into what Marcus terms a "compromise
culture" (1976:15). The anga faka Tonga (Tongan way) is a compromise
culture and not an ideal pre-missionary construct.
The alliance of the monarchy and the Wesleyan Methodist church
has continued to the present. The Free Wesleyan Church remains vir-
tually a state church. The church and government hierarchies have
replaced that of the traditional system in many respects (Marcus
1977:212). In fact, about half the population is subject to Free
Wesleyan Church dictates. The rest look to the king, who is still
revered, for leadership and moral guidance.
Since Western Christianity arrived, religious belief and church
affiliation have been a source of intense conflict, including war and
widespread persecution. The Wesleyan Methodists fought among them-
selves and with the Catholics. In the twentieth century new missions
sent representatives to Tonga to enter the fray. According to the
1966 census, there are 19 different denominations present in Tonga,
but only seven of these have membership of more than one percent of
the total population. Three of the seven are the Methodist denomi-
nations. The Free Wesleyan Church, the church of the king, claims
about 50 percent of the population and the Free Church of Tonga and
the Church of Tonga have about 15 percent and 10 percent respective-
ly. The Catholic Church has the second largest number of adherents
with about 16 percent.   The Mormons, who arrived in Tonga2at the
turn of the century, have gained between 5 and 10 percent (Decktor
Korn 1978:398).
The multiplicity of churches is not the only characteristic of
church participation which interests observers. Another is the
degree of commitment to religion. The Beagleholes remarked on the
Tongans' "red blooded Fundamentalism" (1941:124) and Decktor Korn
indicates that "everyone is nominally an adherent of some denomina-
tion, and there are few in the village who can withstand the
pressure to attend church at least once a week" (1978:401).
Both the Beagleholes and Decktor Korn discuss the balancing of
divisive and cohesive forces in Tongan society. The Beagleholes
see the four churches in the village they studied as playing a dual
role:
25
On the one hand, the churches provide an ex-
planation of this world and the next, together
with a code or morality. Both explanation and
code serve as integrating elements in the
culture. On the other hand, the fact that
there are four churches means that those in
the village who are unusual, abnormal, a-
social, anti-social--personality deviants in
other words--can find haven in one of the
churches when others do not please. Thus,
changing church-affiliation provides a means
of solving on a social plane interpersonal
conflicts that might otherwise become strong
enough to result in social disorganization and
disintegration (1941:129).
While I think that the Beagleholes are correct in identifying the
dual role of the churches, it is obvious they did not camprehend
the full import of the optative elements in Tongan culture which
permit all adults to please themselves in adopting a church affilia-
tion. They also did not adequately distinguish between style and
substance in religious belief, a distinction more recently clarified
by Decktor Korn and Marcus. A Tongan appears to be a "born again
Christian" in the American use of the term, but the expected
potential for serious controversy regarding doctrine is missing.
The important thing is not what you believe in, but that you be-
lieve. In fact, doctrinal differences are seldom discussed even
among members of the same denomination.
Church participation is an avenue for the achievement of in-
dividual strategies and enhancing prestige. This fact is most
evident when one examines the reasons for switching churches. The
most frequent reason for shifting church affiliation is marriage
between persons of different religions. It is the normal case in
Tonga for a woman to move to her husband's church. Another is
education. Churches provide a large part of the secondary educa-
tion. Children often change religions when they go to secondary
school in order to have access to this resource. Most denominations
give preference to those of their own faith and some exclude non-
members. Still another explanation is what Decktor Korn refers to
as personal retooling. The adoption of a revised life strategy is
a frequent reason for joining the Mormon church since it is the
largest employer in Tonga and a major source of scholarships to
study abroad (Decktor Korn 1978:413-16).
Decktor Korn goes into more detail analyzing the attitudes
between churches and the effect of denominational diversity on the
extended family. The families (famili) and even households (api)
are very frequently multi-denominational. In her village, 30
percent of the households contained members of different denomina-
26
tions. She sees this as the reason that conflict between denomi-
nations is minimized in the village. At this level, the churches
practice tolerant avoidance and proselytizing is kept to a mini-
mum. In fact, there can be cooperation and families will partici-
pate in each others' denominational feasts. In contrast to the
Beagleholes, she argues that "multiplicity of denominations is a
well-integrated element of Tongan society . . . multiplicity of
denominations and the freedom to switch affiliation are thus con-
sistent with the other optative elements of Tongan social organ-
ization (1978:418).
At the national level, there is antagonism and competition
among the various denominations although recently there has been
some ecumenical movements by the Catholics and the Methodists.
The Mormons have declined to participate. Interdenominational
competition is pursued through proselytizing and access to
secondary education. Free Wesleyans and Mormons both have mission-
aries. Neither denomination, consistent with maintaining peace in
the village, permits its missionaries to seek adherents in the home
village although this approach tends to diminish effectiveness.
The most powerful weapon is access to secondary education. All
seven major denominations have some control over secondary educa-
tion except the Church of Tonga. About 85 percent of secondary
students are educated in church supported facilities. Higher
education is an important element of status competition, and there
are not enough places for all to attend. Because of this situation,
a church's ability to provide an advanced education is a powerful
lure to gain new adherents. The Mormon, Seventh Day Adventist and
Anglican churches are the only denominations with places in their
schools to attract converts.   The others must merely attempt to
hold their own (Decktor Korn 1978:408-11).
THE EMERGING TONGAN COMMUNITY IN PACIFIC COUNTY
Significant numbers of Tongans began coming to the United
States in the late 1960s. By 1978, about 500 Tongans were enter-
ing the United States as immigrants every year. This figure does
not include the large numbers of visitors and students who remain
here for extended periods. The first Tongan immigrants were
Mormons inspired by the promise of education and economic oppor-
tunities in Hawaii and the desire to visit the Mormon temple in
Salt Lake City. The Tongan community in my study began to form
in the mid-1960s. The first settlers in Pacific County were
Mormons who later brought family members, including brothers and
sisters, many of whom were members of other religious denomina-
tions--Free Wesleyan, Free Church of Tonga, Catholic. With the
reassembly of the multi-denominational famili and kainga through
the operation of the family estate in chain migration, the
characteristic phenomenon of church proliferation was recreated,
but in altered form.
27
There are now approximately 8,000 Tongans living in the United
States and about 3,000 live in or near Pacific County. The Tongans
have not chosen to live in the central city, but in the less dense
suburban cities in the county surrounding the international airport.
Pacific County is a suburb of a major West Coast metropolitan area.
The land area is approximately 400 square miles with an overall
population of about 500,000. The County has ten cities with popula-
tions of over 25,000. These cities stretch North to South and are
connected by several North-South transportation routes.
The Tongan coammunity is spread in a linear pattern over approxi-
mately 250 miles. In fact, one person responded to my question con-
cerning where people lived by saying they were "scattered." In a
sense this is true, but there are population concentrations and im-
portant landmarks. Four sizeable population concentrations presently
exist with another in formation. These are: (1) Woodville, in the
Northeast which, while outside the study area is part of its sphere
of influence and is included in the population estimates; (2) Santa
Marta, in the North, the site of the original settlement directly
adjacent to the airport; (3) Pacific City, in the center, the largest
population center; and (4) Smithtown, the newly developing settlement
area in the South. Within the communities mentioned, the Tongans
gravitate to certain neighborhoods. In many cases, Tongan families
live near one another.
The two major landmarks for the Tongan community are the air-
port and the Elmwood Funeral Home. Elmwood is a smaller city be-
tween Santa Marta and Pacific City. The large Mormon owned funeral
home is nearly in the geographic center of the community. The
churches, same of which have separate Tongan congregations, are
other points of orientation.
Ethnic and economic factors in a push-pull dynamic have strongly
influenced the formation of the Tongan community and led to its
present configuration and location. The economic pull was exerted
by the airport as a source of employment. The very location of the
first settlement in Santa Marta and the present job distribution
reflect the economic pull of that occupational center. A great
many Tongan men and women are employed at the airport. Typical
male occupations include refueling airplanes and loading baggage.
Both men and women pack meals for the food services. One informant
told me that about 400 Tongans work at the airport, which is a sub-
stantial portion of the adult population. Other employment for men
outside the airport includes yard work, and factory assembly line
work. The Tongan women do housework and are "live-ins" caring for
invalids in their homes. They are also maids in hotels and con-
valescent homes, nurses' aides and secretaries. Few Tongans have
professional jobs, but there are presently students in local
colleges and universities. A large proportion of the population is
under the age of 18.
28
The ethnic factor contributing to the present location and dis-
tribution of the Tongans in Pacific County is the avoidance of the
Samoans. Informants have stated that Tongans stay away from the
central city because the "Samoans live there." To my knowledge, only
one or two Tongans live in the central city. Other persons, includ-
ing the Director of the Elmwood Funeral Home, reported that Tongans
were replacing the Samoans in that cammunity. So while there is not
an absolute segregation of the two communities, there is evidence
that Tongans have tried to stay out of the Samoan territory and
vice versa.
Two similarities are striking when one compares the social
organization in Tonga with the emerging one on the West Coast.
These are: (1) the transplanted multiplicity of denominations and
the associated antagonism and competition, and (2) the cohesive role
of the extended family, the famili and kainga. There are also two
critical differences: (1) the complete absence of members of the
noble class and, therefore, of all traditional political leadership
and social stratification, and (2) the predominance of Mormons.
The Tongans in Pacific County belong to at least six denomina-
tions--Mormon, Methodist, Catholic, Seventh Day Adventist, Pente-
costal, and Bahai. The Methodists are both Free Wesleyans and
members of the Free Church of Tonga. There are no wholly Tongan
denominations or churches as there are in Tonga. Instead, two
models are evident: The Methodists have associated themselves in
a variety of ways and to different degrees with the United Methodist
churches in Pacific County as separate Tongan congregations. These
congregations have their own ministers and generally their own
services. They are largely financially separate and independent.
The United Methodist churches provide a facility, sometimes free
of charge, and may give other assistance. Four Tongan Methodist
congregations existed in 1978. Of these, two are Free Wesleyan
and two are Free Church of Tonga, while one more Free Wesleyan
congregation is now being formed.
The Mormons and Catholics conform to the second model. In
Tonga, these denominations have always been integrated into the
highly centralized main church organizations. This centralization
is in contrast to the Methodist denominations. One, the Free
Wesleyan, is an independent member of a loosely federated World
Council of Churches and the other two are totally Tongan. The
situation has not changed in the United States. Mormons and
Catholics join and are then part of existing American congregations.
They participate in regular services and do not have their own
ministers or priests although they could, if they rose within the
normal hierarchy. The Mormons do have several bishops, but they
are without churches. Their title is a mark of respect. Apparently,
to compensate for this total integration, the Mormons and Catholics
have formed Tongan denominational associations which are for Tongans
29
only and meet regularly for fellowship and to discuss religion and
sometimes social issues. The associations have elected officers
and written charters. The Tongans are members of ten Morman con-
gregations or Wards and the Catholics are scattered in churches
throughout the County. There are two Mormon denominational associa-
tions and one Catholic.
My data on the other denominations, while less complete, in-
dicate that Tongans are members of at least two Seventh Day Adventist
congregations which appear to have a degree of unity. The Pente-
costals and the other denominations are integrated with American con-
gregations. None of these denominations has an association.
The Mormons represent from 70 to 80 percent of the Tongan
population and the Free Wesleyans about 10 to 15 percent. The
Catholics and Free Church of Tonga each represent about 5 percent.
The other denominations range in size, but are much smaller. As
one can see, the balance between Methodists and Mormons is the
reverse to that in Tonga. In Pacific County, the power of numbers
is with the Mormons. They are also more established and generally
have better jobs and better incomes. All these facts point to
leadership for the Mormons in the emerging community. This is a
contradiction of the status quo in Tonga, where the Methodist
church plays the major role and is identified by Marcus as having
assumed major societal functions. Dislocation and turmoil may be
anticipated, as it does appear that there is a power vacuum and
the logical leaders in terms of current realities have not come to
the fore.
The relationships between the various denominations and con-
gregations in the Tongan community do not replicate precisely those
in Tonga. Here, there is not a clear distinction between the
national and local level with antagonism and competition characteriz-
ing one and "relativistic tolerance" the other. Both attitudes
exist, but are more intertwined. Since there is no national field
of action, all relationships must be worked out on one plane. The
formal attitudes between the denominations could generally be
characterized as studied indifference. The population and congre-
gations are dispersed so that denominations are able to avoid un-
wanted contact and the instances of open conflict seen in Tonga do
not occur. At the same time, there is no cooperation and when
opportunities occur for joint action, they are thwarted.
The greatest degree of antipathy exists among Tongan congre-
gations of the same denomination or, in the case of the Mormons,
between the two denominational associations. Within the Methodist
denomination, the proliferation of congregations has been caused
by historic and contemporary conflicts. Current conflicts stem in
many instances from status rivalry.
30
The Free Wesleyan and Free Church of Tonga are products of an
intense conflict in Tonga which occurred during the reign of Queen
Salote. She attempted to create a unified Methodist church from
existing factions, but many Free Church of Tonga members wished to
remain independent (Wood and Ellem 1979:198-99). This stance has
been proudly recalled to me by a Free Church of Tonga minister.
This incident establishes the basis for the division between Free
Wesleyan and Free Church of Tonga in Pacific County and while the
adherents may have initially joined together in worship, as soon as
there were enough persons to form an independent group, the Free
Church members split and moved to another location.
Internal strife has caused the subdivision of the Free Wes-
leyans, Free Church of Tonga members, and the Mormons. The Free
Wesleyan controversy is overtly centered around the competition of
two ministers. The minister of the original church is a lay leader,
and not a fully ordained minister. However, he was able to establish
a thriving congregation in Pacific City. The second minister, who
is ordained, came fram Tonga several years after the first Tongan
congregation was formed. The two ministers were not able to co-
operate in the same congregation so the second minister moved to
Santa Marta to establish his own congregation taking his family and
several others with him. Subsequently, he has helped to set up two
other Tongan congregations in Pacific County cities.
A second area of divergence between the Free Wesleyans is the
disagreement about the type of relationship that should be de-
veloped between the host United Methodist Churches and the Tongan
congregations. One congregation is moving to establish close ties
and some members would like to be part of the host church. The other
congregation is intent on eventually becoming an independent church
within the United Methodist Church structure. They feel that
having their own church would enable them to maintain the anga faka
Tonga. There is no intent to establish branches of the Free Wes-
leyan Church here; instead the Tongans are being encouraged to
associate with the United Methodist Church.
The break between the two Free Church of Tonga congregations was
sparked by the disagreement about affiliation with the main church
in Tonga. One group within the church wanted to stay affiliated with
the mother church while the other wanted to retain its autonomy,
electing its own officers and maintaining financial independence.
The controversy eventually ended in a court battle over church
assets.
The most recent example of intra-denominational fighting in-
volves the Mormon denominations' association. Originally, there was
one association meeting once a month in different churches in the
County. A bitter controversy occurred over leadership. Finally,
the Mormon church exercised its authority by decreeing that the
31
association must split in two with each half meeting within its
separate jurisdiction. Previously, Mormon church boundaries had
been ignored in order to form this single group of Tongan Mormons.
Unlike the situation in Tonga, there seems to be relatively
little church switching among Tongans in the United States. When
this does occur, the change is usually to the Mormon church. My
evidence shows that there are two reasons for switching to Mor-
monism in Pacific County. The first reason is marriage. A
denominational change by the wife to her husband's church is the
rule in Tonga and generally here also. This issue may be a growing
area of annoyance, however, because the predominance of Mormons
means that to have a choice of mates, Methodist girls are marrying
Mormon boys. Furthermore, Methodist males are converting to the
Mormon religion when they marry Mormon women, contrary to established
Tongan tradition. A second reason to become a Mormon, I am told, is
in order to participate in their many activities for young people as
well as adults. The concern for the young either switching denomina-
tions or leaving the church altogether has been expressed to me by
many adults, particularly non-Mormons. They are attempting to de-
velop youth activities, but with only marginal success. I also
have evidence of church switching from certain denominations to
non-Mormon ones.
A new dimension to this more open environment in the United
States is the choice of non-participation in church activities.
This appears to be becoming widespread, particularly among young men.
This non-participation is sanctioned by adults, even by ministers.
The reason most often given and accepted for non-attendance is work.
Either Sunday is not a day off or it is the only day of rest for
someone who is often holding down two jobs. Members, however, will
maintain ties in the church and attend important events there.
One element that serves to integrate the community is an
emerging sense of ethnic identity. Tongans are in the process of
defining a unique ethnic identity and establishing ethnic boundaries
in the new environment of ethnic pluralism. The process is an overt
one. In many instances, members of the community comment on what
elements in the Tongan cultural repertoire are advantageous to keep
and what ones are not and should be discarded. The bases are a
common birthplace, a shared language, and the commitment to the
anga faka Tonga and its components are visible at funerals. A
funeral is an event of great magnitude in the life of any Tongan
and for the community, both in Pacific County and in Tonga. The
centrality of the funeral in Tongan culture is described by Kaeppler:
An individual's funeral is probably his most im-
portant "rite de passage," for at this time are
recorded for all to see and to pass down through
oral tradition how the individual was related to
32
others, his dignity, rank, and how much and by
whom he was beloved. Funerals are also the
most important societal occasions, for here can
best be seen how various elements of Tongan
society fit together and it is here that much
of the enculturation of the young in Tongan
tradition takes place (1978:174).
In Pacific County the funeral mobilizes persons and resources. It
is the vehicle for the display of symbols of ethnic identity and
the essential unity of the community. The funeral, a celebration
of ethnic values, cuts across church divisions and demonstrates
what all Tongans have in common rather than how they may differ.
On many occasions in the course of my fieldwork, I was told
that if I wanted to see Tongans, and learn how many there were in
Pacific County, I must go to a Tongan funeral. I went to not one
but many and the experiences were dramatic. Community members are
notified through families by word of mouth of the death of a Tongan.
As many as 300 to 400 persons routinely gather at only one or two
days' notice. Persons attend the funeral because of family ties
and the bond of ethnicity. One person told me that she attends
funerals whether or not she is related to the deceased because
"I know it is a Tongan man" (i.e. person). Another said he
attended funerals because "we are all Tongans." He further em-
phasized that the death affects the whole community. The gathering
of from 10 to 20 percent of the entire community despite short
notice, distances and the difficulties of setting aside activities
in and of itself indicates the significance and the unifying nature
of the event.
The wake, a traditional part of Tongan funerals, is always held
at the Elmwood Funeral Home in the geographic center of the Pacific
County community. In a community of this size, deaths are relatively
frequent and there will be perhaps twelve in a year, thus providing
a frequent opportunity for the community to assemble. Many men and
women wear the toavalu and the traditional mourning procedures are
followed to a varying degree depending on the religion of the de-
ceased. The composite nature of the Tongan culture is evident in
the mixture of Western and Tongan elements in the service. The
mourners are organized by church choirs and the leaders of the de-
nomination of the deceased leads the service. The famili and kainga
play important roles (cf. Kaeppler 1978:174-203 for more detail on
the famili and kainga). After the wake, a large community meal is
served in the church or community hall. Persons who have not par-
ticipated in the wake come to the meal, which usually consists of
a plate of sweets and coffee. These additional participants in-
crease the number of persons affected by the event, as do those who
take food and gifts of money to the home of the deceased, and those
who go to the interment the following day. The funeral entails a
33
large scale redistribution of resources. A family may receive
thousands of dollars and vast quantities of food. The money is
used to defray the cost of the funeral. The food brought to the
home is redistributed in the community. One family member told
me about late night forays in pick-up trucks with young men
delivering cakes, watermelons, pork and cooked food. Also large
quantities of uncooked meat are distributed at the community meal.
The community-wide organizations constitute attempts to
achieve social cohesion and community leaderhsip. Unfortunately,
they are largely subverted by the church divisions which reflect
the national level politics in Tonga. Status rivalry is also a
factor, as is the Tongans' resistance to making long-term commit-
ments. The oldest organization is an ethnic society formed
several years ago. It is based on a model used by other ethnic
groups. The leadership reflects that of the churches and acts
out the conflicts between them. The President is a Mormon bishop,
one Vice-President is a Free Wesleyan minister and another Vice-
President is an elder in the Free Church of Tonga. The Secretary
and Treasurer are from the leadership of the Catholic denomina-
tional association. One of the Free Wesleyan ministers and his
congregation do not participate, reportedly because of a feud.
While the organization is now virtually inactive, its original
purpose was to "help" the community, but there were no specific
objectives. The officers are selected in order to encourage
participation from church congregations. The fact that a Mormon
is President is based on their predominance in the community.
Previously, the President of this organization was the only male
member of a high ranking noble family to migrate to the United
States. He was also a Pentecostal minister. He has since re-
turned to Tonga to assume the family title. During his tenure,
the organization was able to cooperate with other ethnic groups
and receive funds from a local government to run a summer school
for Tongan youth.
The other community organization is a kava club. Its leader-
ship is entirely Mormon, but there are members from many denomina-
tions. They are more active, meeting twice a month and sponsoring
many social activities. The leaders of the group have said they
would like to serve as a link to other groups and local governments
and provide community services. They too are experiencing diffi-
culty developing a course of action and members' interest is
beginning to wane.
The lack of leadership becomes most evident when Tongans are
asked to interact with other better organized groups such as the
Samoans and the Japanese. The Samoans have two active associa-
tions who have been able to win government grants, provide help
to families, and new migrants. They are increasingly able to
influence local and national public policy. For instance, the
34
a prominent role at all of the minister's family events and she finds
jobs for several family members. Another example of the family
linking churches is a family where one brother is the leader of the
Catholic denominational group; another is the head of a Free Church
of Tonga; and yet another is or was a member of one of the Free
Wesleyan churches, until he criticized the minister once too often.
There are also numerous family ties between Tongan church con-
gregations of the same denomination. In effect, the community is a
loose network of churches linked by family ties, and of course, the
underlying dimension of ethnicity.
Ethnicity for Tongans is a sense of what one might call
"Christian Tonganness" reflecting the composite nature of Tongan
culture in the twentieth century. The congregations and church
participation foster and even promote actively the awareness of
ethnic identity. This is logical since their existence depends
upon this awareness. Tongans are participating because they are
Tongan and on these occasions often speak the Tongan language and
wear Tongan clothing. Also, socially and economically they can act
like Tongans. They can and do employ personal strategies and
mobilize resources as they would at home. This, in fact, is part
of the rationale for the structure of the community as it exists
today. Tongans, to pursue their personal strategies, want access
to as many resources as possible and the church serves as a
traditional source.
CONCLUSION
This paper has described the role of the Tongan denominational
associations and congregations as they operate in the emerging
Tongan community in Pacific County. An attempt has been made to
show how religion plays both a divisive and cohesive role, a
paradox not unlike many others in Tongan culture. At the same time
other social forces were presented, if only briefly, in the same
context. This analysis has shown that, as Geertz found in Java,
there is a balance of forces with cross-cutting relationships
which permit the community to cohere despite strong divisive forces
exacerbating conflict. In the Tongan community there are several
factors which promote conflict and several that mitigate against it.
Those promoting conflict are:
1. The transplanted multiplicity of religious denominations
and the tendency for the churches to reflect the optative
elements in Tongan culture. Hence, the churches become
the forums for status rivalry.
2. The high degree of individualism expressed in the idiom
"to please oneself." The Tongan way of life involves the
35
Samoans will be counted in the 1980 census, but only after long,
hard bargaining with the Census Bureau. This step is important
for achieving wider recognition as an ethnic group in the United
States and gaining access to resources. The Tongans are asked
to send representatives to conferences held by other Pacific
Islander groups on such issues as health and education, but are
generally unresponsive. The two representatives who do come are
both educated and interested Tongan women. Unfortunately, they
are not leaders and have no power to make the cammunity act.
Tongans also do not participate at school meetings and other local
events. At various conferences and meetings held by other Pacific
Islanders the frequent question is "where are the Tongans?"
What holds Tongans together and creates a viable community
when the denominational controversies have been transplanted but
the corresponding political and social structures have not? (This
is unlike the Samoans whose ranked chiefs provide leadership).
Paradoxically in structural terms, the Tongan congregations and
denominational associations which are the major divisive forces
in the community are also key elements in its unification. They,
along with the famili and kainga, form a loosely overlapping
structure with churches linking families and families linking
churches. The denomational associations and Tongan congregations
are composed of varying members of famili who worship together and
frequently pool their resources in order to meet specific goals
such as building a new church in Tonga or Pacific County. They
also provide a resevoir of resources for occasions such as funerals
or weddings when large expenditures are called for. The size and
internal organization of the church groups vary. The Methodist
groups are relatively small and meet weekly in the same location.
In the case of the Free Wesleyan Church, a community meal is served
each Sunday. The Mormons and Catholics are dispersed, meeting
monthly and sometimes cooperating in church-related feasts. They
become the only effective supra-family organizing body aside from
the weak community organizations. Without them, there would be
no recognizable structure in the community except the relatively
socially and geographically isolated famili linked by the kainga
ties which in fact only become occasionally operative at important
life events.
Since the church groups are composed of famili and kainga
members, they are linked by family relationships.   The famili are
multi-denominational which enables them to form bonds of varying
strengths between churches. The higher the rank of the family
member, or the closer or more numerous the ties, the stronger the
bond. I have found also that certain relationships are activated
here that were apparently not acknowledged or activated in Tonga.
For example, during my fieldwork a young Mormon woman, an active
community organizer, suddenly discovered that she was related to
one of the Methodist ministers. Subsequently, her family played
36
pursuit of individual strategies within a fairly broadly
defined cultural prescription.
3. The absence of the hierarchical structure represented by
the nobility and the Free Wesleyan Church in Tonga has led
to a community which lacks indigenous leadership.
4. The predominance of Mormons in Pacific County is a sharp
reversal of the situation which exists in the homeland.
This reversal causes a sense of dislocation and fosters
competition for power.
Factors moderating conflict are:
1. The multi-denominational famili and kainga creating bonds
of varying strengths between the frequently contesting
denominations and Tongan congregations.
2. The denominational associations and Tongan congregations
which link families and form the nuclei of the community.
3. The growing sense of ethnic identity based on the sense
of common culture and a common language.
The resulting social organization is in itself a paradox much like
the double image discussed by the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein
who noted that it is impossible to see both aspects of a double image
simultaneously. Alternative interpretations of the same image cannot
be seen at the same time. If, for example, an image is both a duck
and a rabbit, some see a duck and some see a rabbit or, an individual
can see one or the other alternately. In actuality, what is being
seen is a duck-rabbit (Carpenter 1980:72). This same difficulty is
encountered in the analysis of social structure and social organiza-
tion. In the example of the Tongan community, there is a sort of
double image created by the overlapping and interlocking membership
of families and churches. Primacy can be assigned to either uni-
fying or divisive forces, thus determining the emphasis of one's
interpretation, but without necessarily negating the other equally
demonstrable forces. The reality is a cohesive-divisive community.
The structure created in the U.S. Tongan community is based on
the same principles noted by Decktor Korn (1977) in her analysis
of local organization in Tonga. But in the American case, the
environment and hence the ultimate result must be different. Here
the overarching hierarchy formed by king and nobles is missing.
With the predominance of Mormons and the reluctance of the Free
Wesleyan church members to colonize, the Free Wesleyan church
hierarchy is also lacking. There are, nevertheless, new demands
that call for some unified action and leadership. Two examples
are the initiatives taken by other ethnic groups and the desire
37
to gain access to new resources--local, state, and Federal funds.
There are also pressures to become more individualistic entailed
in the effort to make a living for the famili and to assist
members of the family estate remaining in Tonga and elsewhere.
Another unfamiliar pressure is the secular nature of American
life which is a direct challenge to the integrated Christian com-
promise Tongan culture. Already there are apparent divisions
between Tongan adults and their children who are being educated
in American schools and among those who have established them-
selves and the recent arrivals.
While a balance of divisive and cohesive forces now exists
in the Tongan community, circumstances may occur which challenge
this already relatively unstable structure. The most likely
possibility with disruptive potential is a change in the com-
promise culture now based on the integration of Tongan and
Western elements, "Christian Tonganness." The secular nature of
American society and the development of ethnic identity in the
American mold should cause ethnic awareness to focus on tradi-
tional Tongan ethnic symbols. Christianity and being Tongan may
no longer be necessarily associated elements. This ethnic aware-
ness can in itself be a very unifying and cohesive force, but
will probably diminish the influence and importance of the de-
nominational associations and Tongan congregations. Religion
and the churches then would no longer be able to play either an
ideological or structural role in unifying the community. In
addition, the Mormon church could gain increased dominance, and
would most probably sever ties with whatever other churches
there might be and with those Tongans who have chosen not to
belong to any religious denomination. The dynamic tension of
the community based on opposing forces may disappear.
Tongans will continue to be linked to some degree by family
ties, but given the only sporadic activation of the kainga and
the increasing importance of the nuclear family, particularly
encouraged by the Mormon Church, cohesion based on the family
may decline. The sense of ethnic identity could play an im-
portant role if it is not vitiated by the tendency to pursue
individual strategies which, while they may please oneself, can
also be destructive to the community.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to acknowledge the generous assistance provided by
by advisors Doctor Atwood Gaines and Doctor Luis Kenmitzer.   Also,
Doctor Shulamit Decktor Korn provided invaluable advise and counsel.
Because of the necessity for confidentiality, I cannot thank by name
the members of the Tongan community who cooperated during my field-
work and also read and commented on this paper.
38
NOTES
All places have been changed to preserve the anonymity of the
community.
2The figures provided are the most recent since the material in the
1976 census is not yet available. It is probable that the figures
for denominational affiliation have changed and that the new reli-
gions such as the Mormon Faith have gained adherents. But to what
extent this is true must await the release of the new census figures.
3Virtually all the migrants are commoners since no titled nobles or
high ranking members of noble families have migrated permanently to
the United States. The reasons are most probably economic and reli-
gious. First, in Tonga the nobles have land, power, and prestige.
Many have no reason to leave and those who do may be held back by
family ties. Second, the nobility tends not to be Mormon so that
this pull to the United States is negated. All this is speculative
because there are no data available. There are some fragments of
noble families and the wife of one titled noble lives in the United
States so that her children can get an education there.
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