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PART THREE:
SUBCOMMUNITIES
44
45
The Education of the Deaf:
A Sub-Community in the Making
Barbara LeMaster
Research on the deaf is increasing in popularity.
Linguistics, education and the social sciences have
each contributed to recent studies. Still, there is a great
deal of research needed on the life habits and com-
munication processes of the deaf.
In the two years that I have been associated with
deaf people, I have seen that their unique needs and
problems have set them apart from the mainstream of
American society. Deaf people arejoined together by a
common condition but, more importantly, by a com-
mon visual orientation and a particular mode of com-
munication. This bond has led to the formation of a
distinct sub-culture.
In this paper, I will discuss the separateness of the
deaf community and demonstrate that its boundaries
are defined by the language used in communication. I
chose to study its educational systems and institutions
to discover how these often integrate the deaf child
into the deaf community. With this focus, I conducted
my fieldwork at the California School for the Deaf
(CSD) in Berkeley in Spring, 1976.
Communication
Before discussing the structure, teaching (socializa-
tion) methods and members of the school I will de-
scribe the various modes of communication currently
used by the deaf themselves and with the hearing
world. Most deaf people are fluent in two or more.
Which is used in a particular situation depends on the
context as well as whether one is addressing a deaf or
hearing person.
Ameslan, an acronym of American Sign Language,
has been described as "real deaf sign language" or as
the" 'deaf deaf sign language," because it is the most
commonly used medium of communication among
the deaf. It does not follow the English grammatical
scheme or use English vocabulary. Ameslan is more
closely affiliated to the Chinese language. As in
Chinese, each character in Ameslan is iconic. Its root
form can come to represent a number of complex
conceptual ideas depending upon the placement of a
gesture. Presently little research has been completed
on the structure of Ameslan grammar, but it has been
suggested that the grammatical and syntactical order-
ing is also similar to that of the Chinese language.
Because it relies on other-than-English vocabulary
and structure, and because it is a visual rather than an
auditory mode, Ameslan has proved to be less efficient
in communicating with the hearing community.
Hence, other communication systems were developed
which have come to be used for the hearing and deaf
populations.
Siglish, for example, is an acronym of "Signed En-
glish" and is an attempt to blend English and Ameslan.
It uses Ameslan vocabulary, English syntax and was
developed in an effort to teach English to deaf chil-
dren.
A third option, SEE, is a relatively recent innovation
in sign language. The initials stand for "Signing Exact
English." SEE attempts to illustrate English visually on
the hands. Some Ameslan vocabulary is included but it
follows English syntax exactly. Only those people who
are fluent in English use this system effectively. Be-
cause English is a second language for the deaf, this
system has not been widely accepted to date. It is
suspected that a better understanding of the English
language will provide greater ease with SEE and, in the
long run, greater chances of achievement within the
hearing community. Current research is investigating
the educational value of SEE sign, with an interest in its
overall long-term communication benefits.
The condition of deafness places emphasis on vision
and visual communication. Ameslan, Siglish and SEE
sign are all visual languages. Ameslan, ideographic
and, at times, iconic, is an efficient communication
method used primarily when interacting within the
deaf community. SEE sign is English expressed visu-
ally on the hands. Siglish is a blend of Ameslan and
SEE. Both SEE and Siglish are popular because of
their strong relationship to English. Because the deaf
community must integrate, to a certain extent, with the
hearing, English-speaking community, the latter two
are often emphasized in deaf educational settings. Still
other methods of communication are needed when
interacting with the hearing community whose com-
munication system is principally auditory.
Oral communication, the process of speaking and
lip-reading, is often required from a deaf person when
dealing with the hearing population. Many deaf
people have, therefore, developed intelligible speech.
Those people who lost their hearing at least several
years after birth tend to have less problems acquiring
this faculty. Though it is possible for those who have
never heard to acquire speech, for them, the learning
process is more complicated. Because the production
of sounds is so interconnected with the capacity to
hear, deaf people who learn to speak often retain a
"deaf accent." Still others are unable to acquire speech
due to physiological reasons.
Lip reading or speech reading are synonymous
terms which mean the ability to understand what a
speaker says by watching his or her mouth. Most hear-
ing people rely (often unconsciously) on lip reading as
a communication device. It is also practiced by most
deaf people, although, on the average, only about
20-30% of a conversation can be grasped.
A fifth mode of expression, paper and pencil writ-
ing, is used by all deaf people to communicate, primar-
ily with the hearing world. Of all eleven students who
completed the questionnaire, eight use paper and
pencil when interacting with the hearing community.
Even given the number of possible methods of
communication, there are cases where a deaf child is
not permitted to learn a language or have an educa-
tion. Parents of these children equate the inability to
hear with an inability to think. Fortunately, these cases
are few, but they reflect a bias that hearing people
often have which assumes that deafness is associated
with lesser intelligence. This bias complicates the
communication process in situations of interaction be-
tween the deaf and the non-deaf no matter what
methods of expression are used.
There is a great deal of controversy as to which
mode of communication should be taught to
youngsters, whether one should be an exclusive choice
and, if not, which should be taught at what age. The
first great controversy is between oralism and manual
communication. Advocates of oralism (which includes
lip reading and oral communication) usually forbid
the use of sign language. The manual method pro-
vides the child with a visual language. Ameslan and
Siglish have been the preferred dialects. Most
educators favor the useage of Siglish in the classroom,
whereas Ameslan is commonly learned outside the
classroom: in the dormitories or at home where the
majority of family members are deaf.
This selection of methods, oralism versus manual
communication, defines contingencies within the deaf
community. Primarily because oralists tend to reject
sign language, two camps develop. The "manualists"
are more flexible and usually use oralism methods in
combination with their sign system. Speech and speech
reading are used primarily when communicating with
the hearing population, but often carry over into
intra-community communication. Ameslan is almost
never effectively utilized by the hearing community so
that it is rarely used outside of the deaf community.
The Deaf in the
Hearing World
My study at CSD has led me to believe that the deaf
population is a unique sub-community in American
culture which is formed primarily in response to
communication barriers.
American culture is one requiring the ability to hear.
Its habits, institutions and markers cater to the hearing
population. Deaf people can function in the hearing
world and few formal restrictions bar the deaf from
gaining employment, joining clubs, enjoying enter-
tainment, etc. But in order to do these, they must
accommodate themselves to practices and procedures
geared for the hearing. Because of the demands, few
deaf people do.
In addition to the practical difficulties of function-
ing in a hearing world, the deaf population must con-
tend with others' attitudes and assumptions regarding
deafness. Most hearing people do not comprehend the
condition of deafness and often treat deaf people as
inferior to themselves. The hearing population feel
they cannot understand or are not understood by deaf
people. These situations make it uncomfortable for
hearing people to include deaf people among their
social friends or business acquaintances.
The deaf population is indeed a sub-group in
American culture with group membership defined by
a common condition. Their lack of hearing capacity
led to the emphasis on and development of visual
communication. Because they rely on a unique lan-
guage, the deaf are forced to organize separate institu-
tions and variant patterns of activity.
I believe that the reason the deaf population is a
sub-community in American culture is not so much
because of their deafness, per se. It is a result of their
mode of communication. Their visual orientation and
resulting visual mode of communication are instru-
mental in forming their smaller community within the
larger, hearing, American society. Overall, their lan-
guage barrier isolates them from American culture.
CSD, as an agent of socialization, provided a good
opportunity to investigate the group-defining process.
California School for the Deaf
CSD was established to give the best possible well-
rounded education to its students. Classes are small
and geared toward preparation for college entrance.
In addition, emphasis is placed on acquisition of a
usable trade skill for those students of average or less-
than-average academic ability. The staff hopes that
they are equipping the students with skills that will
facilitate their integration into the mainstream of
American society. To a certain extent this occurs, but
due to the boarding-school nature of CSD, students
form a common foundation with their deaf school
friends that will be important to them throughout
their lives and on which they will tend to rely for vital
support and camaraderie.
At CSD, 363 students were enrolled during the time
of this study (May 1976). There were 70 elementary
students, 66 junior high school students, 34 multiply-
handicapped students in the special unit and 193 high
school students.
CSD employed 28 deaf teachers and 48 hearing
46
teachers to handle these elementary through high
school age students. In the small classes of about ten
students, the deaf teachers especially come to be posi-
tive role models for the maturing students.
The students at CSD are joined together by a com-
mon condition: deafness. Those who are hard of hear-
ing are normally considered ineligible for admittance
to CSD, but there are exceptions (Students nos. 4, 5, 7,
11, and 12, for example). The students' education is
different from that of their hearing peers because of
its emphasis on the acquisition of particular communi-
cation skills. The philosophy of CSD as found in The
California Schoolsfor the Deaf, Berkeley, Riverside (March
1968) states the following:
The techniques employed in the education of deaf
children differ from those used in the education of
hearing children, even though we have the same objec-
tives. The fundamental problem facing our schools is
the necessity for developing means of communication
in children who are without normal oral and written
skills in communication because of their hearing im-
pairment. The problem of teaching deaf children is
complicated because deaf children, generally, do not
have normal communication skills...
Methodology
My primary research method was the use of ques-
tionnaires. This seemed the most efficient tool for
accumulating large amounts of data within a limited
time. The questionnaires were completed anonym-
ously. This method was used in the hopes that it would
facilitate a willingness to divulge personal information
that might be embarrassing to discuss in a face-to-face
interview. I administered the first questionnaire to
eleven CSD students. All were high school seniors at
the time (Spring 1976). The Dean of Students selected
them according to their representativeness of the
school population. There were eight females and
seven males, but only four males chose to participate.
Six of these students had hearing parents, five had
deaf parents, and one did not indicate which.
The students were also classified by their degree of
deafness: hard of hearing, moderately deaf or pro-
foundly deaf. "Hard of hearing" pertains to those
students who have some degree of distinctive hearing
with or without a hearing aid. "Moderately deaf' indi-
cates those who hear noise but cannot distinguish
sounds. The "profoundly deaf" have no hearing what-
soever. Each category was represented by two to four
students. I tried to balance the various degrees of
deafness between those with hearing parents and
those with deaf parents.
I was mainly concerned with the impact of the family
on education, language and future goals. Many of the
questions probe this aspect. The results and signifi-
cance of the responses of these two groups will be
presented and compared later in this paper.
The questions in the second questionnaire focused
on personal beliefs, values and attitudes. I was particu-
larly interested in how the condition of deafness af-
fected adjustment, self-image and ambitions. I was
also interested in the acquisition of language profi-
ciency - particularly in English. I wanted to see what
sort of problems the students encounter when, for
example, translating from Ameslan to English when
communicating with the hearing population.
Some problems arose through the use of question-
naires generally. I tried to word the questions so that
the intent could be easily understood and I tried to
include a wide range of questions to cover aspects
necessary to give a good foundation for research in-
terpretation. But this proved to be a less than satisfac-
tory approach since several of the students did not feel
comfortable communicating in their second language.
With some exceptions, deaf people are rarely at ease
with or competent at written English expression. It was
later suggested to me that a "none," or "nothing" re-
sponse (which occurred frequently) is often a tactic
used to avoid embarrassment from this lack of skill.
Interviews
Interviewing was the most enjoyable method for me.
I could gather information unique to the individual's
experience. Twelve deaf students and five teachers
were interviewed. Due to the students' busy schedules
and the time limitations of the study, I found it neces-
sary to ask a friend to help me interview half of the
students. Mark Dey is an accomplished signer and was
an asset to the study. All of the students were inter-
viewed using Siglish. Thus the language barriers
found in the questionnaire and survey diminished.
Most of the students felt quite comfortable in the in-
terview situation, and all were willing to divulge more
information than I asked for, or anticipated.
The first four interviews were conducted individu-
ally and privately. Due to circumstances, the other
eight interviews were conducted in a room with other
deaf students. Because Sign Language is a visual lan-
guage, it is difficult to hold a private conversation.
Fortunately, this did not seem to be too disturbing to
the students, perhaps because of the boarding school
nature of CSD and student closeness.
Of the twelve deaf students interviewed, four also
filled out both questionnaires. I asked them to give me
their questionnaire numbers so that the information
obtained in the interviews might be compared with
that from the questionnaires.
I also interviewed five teachers. Four were female
and one was male. I did not ask their ages, but they
appeared to range from about 30 to 50 years old.
I was mainly interested in whether the students and
teachers perceived the deaf population as a sub-
community. If so, I was interested in their opinions as
to what were the factors in the formation and con-
tinuance of the sub-group. The results will be pre-
sented in the next section.
The biggest problem with this method was the li-
47
mited time. It would have been advantageous to live
among the people studied.
The Family, Self-Image and
Language Acquisition
A key factor in the development of a deaf child is her
parents' reaction to her deafness. It makes a consider-
able difference if a child is born to deaf parents or
hearing parents. Though reactions vary greatly, deaf
parents tend to accept their offspring more than hear-
ing parents. A deaf parent's negative reaction to the
child's deafness is usually due either to the parent's
projection of her feelings of self-rejection onto her
offspring or to an oralist parent's rejection of her
child's choice to use manual communication. These
cases are rare. For the most part, deaf parents empa-
thize with their deaf offspring and tend to function as
positive role models for them.
In contrast to the supportiveness of deaf parents is
the negative reaction of hearing parents to the deaf
child. Six students' interviews were in the deaf child/
hearing parent category: four had lost their hear-
ing after birth and two were born deaf. Two of the six
students had parents who they felt rejected their deaf-
ness completely. This is especially characteristic of
hearing parents whose child became deaf after birth
and who find it hard to accept that their child will
never hear again. Whereas their child was once nor-
mal, they can only perceive the severe limitations of
the child's condition. They fear that a deaf person can
never function in society.
Hearing parents who do not accept their child's
deafness often do everything they can to make their
child appear normal. Though they have low expecta-
tions, they insist on the child conforming to the be-
havior of a hearing child. She is taught how to speech
read, speak (if possible) and is discouraged from using
sign language. These hearing parents usually send
their deaf children to a hearing school were they can
interact with "normal" hearing people.
Though the aim of this sort of training is to prevent
the child from becoming a social outcast, this is, in fact,
often promoted by trying to make the child "hear." She
begins to feel that something is "wrong" with her. She
is taught that the deaf world is not desirable and yet,
she has trouble relating to the hearing world. She
begins to feel like an outcast of both worlds: a loner,
rejected and misunderstood. Sensing her extreme
limitations, she tends to lower her ambitions.
Student #7 is an example of this syndrome. He
became hard of hearing at the age of three. The cause
is unknown. When asked if his parents accept his
deafness he answered, "No." Questionnaire #2, ques-
tion two probed: "If you could be anything you wanted
to be, what would you be like? If you were perfect?"
"Hearing," was his reply. [Hereafter I will indicate
questionnaire and question number such that ques-
tionnaire #2, question 2 would be denoted #2(2).J
His parents sent him to a hearing elementary school
which was attended by approximately eight other deaf
students. When he is at home, he never uses sign
language but tries to conform to his parents' desires by
using speech reading and the English language as
much as possible. He uses Siglish at most other times
and is interested in learning SEE sign which follows
the English syntax exactly. This emphasis on acquiring
English skills is based on the theory that if a deaf
person has a good command of the English language,
opportunities for success within the hearing society
will be enhanced. The student's sense of incomplete-
ness undoubtedly stems from his parental rejection.
He is using the acquisition of English skills in a com-
pensatory manner. Unfortunately his feelings of in-
adequacy are bound to be compounded by his prob-
lems with written English skills. His difficulties are
apparent in his response to the question: "What do you
like to do alone or with a group?" - "I like to over
house or my house. We visits everything people." De-
spite his formal training in the language, he has little
grasp of English syntax and construction.
Student #6's answers provide other examples of the
impact of parental reaction. She also feels that her
parents reject her deafness. When asked if she prefers
group- or individual-oriented activities, she chose sol-
itary ones. In response to another question, she ex-
pressed a desire to return to her childhood.
As we have seen, children of hearing parents who
cannot accept their child's deafness tend to be increas-
ingly dissatisfied with themselves. They see themselves
as being different, incomplete and deformed, and this
self-image adversely influences every facet of their
lives. It affects their educational experiences, social
interaction, future family, employment expectations
and so forth.
In contrast to students #6 and 7, student #13
was born deaf and says his hearing parents accept his
deafness. They apparently did not try to make him a
hearing child but sent him at an early age to a deaf
elementary school. His first mode of communication
at home was oral. Now he uses sign language at home
and, at most other times Ameslan, which he learned in
school. The answer to the question: "If you were per-
fect what would you be like?" was "If I could be any-
thing I wanted to be I race the car." He stated a
potentially-attainable ambition rather than a negative
aspect of his personality as the other two had and he
did not refer to deafness as an imperfection. To the
question: "What does it mean to fall in love?" he re-
plied, "I never fall in love but girls will fall in love with
me." His answers indicate a very positive self-image.
He apparently perceives himself to be a normal, heal-
thy and attractive individual.
Those parents who accept their child's deafness help
him gain a positive self-image. Their support and en-
couragement add to the chance of having a healthy
normal maturation process. Student #13's grasp of
48
English and ease with a variety of communication
methods undoubtly reflects his parents' acceptance of
his deafness.
When a baby is announced in the delivery room as
healthy, the dreams parents envision for their child
become real possibilities. When their child is born deaf
or loses her hearing after birth, their expectations
become confused and are often shattered. It has been
found to be somewhat easier for parents to adjust to
their child's condition if they are told in the delivery
room. It is particularly difficult for parents to achieve a
positive attitude when their child becomes deaf some-
time after birth.
Only two out of the five students with deaf parents
lost the capacity to hear after birth. Student # 11 be-
came hard of hearing by tonsillitis at the age of two.
She went to a hearing elementary school that had a
special program for the deaf. (Most schools for the
deaf, like CSD, usually do not accept hard of hearing
students). She has good speech and can speech read
well. Even though student # 11 is proficent in com-
munication skills used by hearing people, she some-
times lacks confidence and will rely on "expected"
modes of communication and aids (ie, those antici-
pated by hearing people). For example, she uses an
interpreter for important situations, such as a trial,
and will sometimes use paper and pencil in the pre-
sence of hearing people.
A hard-of-hearing person can usually function ef-
fectively in either world: hearing or deaf. Because this
student is from deaf parents, the deaf world and a
language of the deaf probably feel most comfortable to
her. She revealed her over-all positive self-image when
answering #2(3): "Is there any student here at CSD
that you wish you were like?" "No. I'm perfectly satis-
fied with myself." Her ambitions are high. She plans to
attend Gallaudet College and become a teacher of the
deaf or a psychiatrist.
Another student who revealed a positive self-image
is student #12, who was also hard-of-hearing from
birth. According to him, it was caused by family here-
dity. His preferred language is Ameslan, but he uses
speech and speech reading with hearing people. He
hopes to become well-known or famous and enjoys
social interaction, saying: "I like to be alone when I
tired or watching TV but most of the time I like to be
involved in groups."
Both of these students of deaf parents seem to be
content with themselves. As one CSD teacher said,
"Deaf kids with deaf parents are better adjusted. They
have never felt different." These students seem to live
relatively contented lives. They do not perceive them-
selves as being different and are, therefore, more con-
fident and ambitious.
The Acquisition of
Communication Skills
Though the attitude of deaf children of deaf pa-
rents and empathetic hearing parents is similarly
positive, parental influence on these two groups dif-
fers in an important way: the age at which children
acquire communication skills.
A teacher at CSD discusses the deaf child/deaf pa-
rent relationship:
I have definitely found differences with kids of deaf
parents vs. kids of hearing parents. Students of deaf
parents seem to be much more advanced in a lot of
ways. They have more language, more understanding
of what goes on around them. They are more like
hearing people, more like their peers, because their
parents talk about more things with them. They can
communicate without any effort. Deaf kids with deaf
parents are better adjusted. They have never felt dif-
ferent.
Another teacher also discussed the difference in
communication training during pre-school years:
First of all, in language there are definite limitations.
They (children of hearing parents) start out a couple
of years behind. An average hearing child goes to
nursery school at age four and has a huge vocabulary.
A deaf child, if he doesn't have deaf parents or if he
doesn't have parents who have given him some sort of
language, he starts out hundreds of words behind in
their language development. That means that a lot of
subject matter goes right by them.
CSD compensates for this by using the Total Com-
munication method. Instruction is geared to the indi-
vidual student's needs. Whichever system will enable
maximal comprehension will be used: gestures,
fingerspelling, speech, lip reading, Ameslan, Siglish
and so on. Signing combined with speech is the end
thrust of Total Communication. A slogan on a school
poster reinforces this idea:
IF YOU SAY IT - SIGN IT; IF YOU SIGN IT - SAY IT
Underlying the Total Communication method, is
the realization that it is difficult to teach a person a
language based on sound (especially one as complex as
English) when they cannot associate sound with mean-
ing. It is often easier to allow the student to learn
another type of language. Later, English might be
taught as it is to foreign students here in the United
States - as a second language.
Student #15 provided reinforcement for this
method. She attended a hearing school prior to enrol-
ling in CSD. For six to eight years she was instructed in
English using English. She said she never understood
what the teachers were talking about until she came to
CSD where she was allowed to learn Ameslan first.
When she was taught English by using Ameslan she
finally.understood what her former teachers were do-
ing.
The following is a comparison betwen children of
deaf parents who were taught a usable language from
birth (students #8, #11, and #14) and children of
hearing parents who were without a language until
they entered school (students #4, #5, and #7). On
Question 11, "What do you plan to do when you
49
graduate (marriage, school,job, etc.)?" their responses
were:
Deaf student/hearing parents:
#4: "I probably plan to go college in Fresno or New
York."
#5: "Job or college."
#7: "I job to army I did reason marriage?"
Deaf student/deaf parents:
# 1 1: "I plan to attend Gallaudet College this coming
fall."
# 14: "I plan to go to Gallaudet College to earn my
B.A. degree, then to any hearing college to earn my
M.A. degree, before getting ajob as either a teacher of
the deaf or a psychiatrist."
#8: "I will go to N.T.I.D. in New York to be an artist
or engineer."
These examples indicate that those students who
were given a usable language from birth have gone on
to master a second language . The other students are
having problems with written skills in their first lan-
guage. As mentioned earlier, a deaf person will write
"No" or Nothing" when asked to complete informa-
tion in English simply to avoid revealing problems with
written English. Student #5 responded intermittently
throughout her questionnaires with: "Nothing, no-
body." Several other students also used this type of
answer frequently. The examples cited above support
one theory of factors which affect language acquisition
among deaf children. The sample was far too small,
however, to provide confirmation.
ability to hear: they cannot answer phones, make
speeches without an interpreter's aid or entertain the
big client who has stereotypic preconceptions about
deaf people. Excluded from most advantageous situa-
tions and jobs in the hearing world, deaf people, how-
ever, are able to fill leadership or executive positions
within the deaf community. In these positions they are
often an effective link with the hearing community
because they can function relatively efficiently in both
worlds.
We have seen that deaf people are different from
their hearing peers because of their mode of com-
munication and that this has forced them to organize
as a sub-community. They gain membership because
they are deaf and are first introduced to this sub-
community through their deaf parents (10%) or
through the alienation they may have experienced in
the nuclear hearing family (90%). (Approximately
90% of the deaf population were born into hearing
families, but they all did not experience alienation.)
Those who attend an educational institution such as
CSD continue to strengthen the bonds of group mem-
bership. By the time they graduate, they have learned
a common language, defined an internal hierarchy in a
relatively exclusive sub-community, and laid a founda-
tion of similar attitudes and patterns of behavior that
will mold them throughout their lives.
Conclusion
By now, all the students in this paper have
graduated. Some of them will continue their education
at colleges which either provide services for deaf stu-
dents or at colleges specifically for the deaf. Other
students will begin work.
Those deaf students without a good command of
written and spoken English will have difficulty in-
teracting effectively in the hearing world. They will
probably become overwhelmed by legal forms, traffic
regulations, employment applications and similar
written documents. In order to meet the demands and
pressures, they often form closely-knit social networks
which act as reinforcements. They welcome oppor-
tunities to join clubs exclusively for the deaf where
they can share experiences, discuss strategies and gen-
erally relax with people with whom they can com-
municate easily. Thus, the language barrier that iso-
lates them from the hearing community binds them
together into a separate sub-community.
Even those students who have mastered English
must deal with hearing people's attitudes and assump-
tions about them. Deaf persons must also contend with
structural problems in a work world geared to the
50