11 SOME ASPECTS OF LIN(;UISTIC ACCULTURATION IN NORTHERN UNGAVA ESKIMO1 Nelson H. H. Graburn University of California, Berkeley Most of the peoples studied by anthropologists and many of those studied by linguists in recent years have undergone massive acculturation re- sulting in great linguistic and cultural changes. More attention has been paid to changes in the cultures than the languages of the non-Western peoples and the linguists have tended to concentrate on the problems of bilingualism as opposed to situations of less linguistic interference.2 This paper will consider a situation wherein Eskimos have incorporated many loanwords and produced an even greater number of loanshifts in their attempts to adapt to the acculturative situatLon, wih, as yet, very little bilingualism. The English speaking accultiurative agents have, on the other hand, taken perhaps two or three words from Eskimo.3 In such a situation there are two main problem areas which may be con- sidered together. 1. The linguistic processes of the incorporation of "foreign" words and items at the descriptive level, involving a study of phonemic and mor- phemic (and perhaps grammatical) mechanisms and possible changes in the donor language. 2, The relationship between the various transfer mechanisms exhibited and the social and cultural situations and changes. In the case under con- sideration loanshifts ars overwhelmingly more frequent than loanwords and I hope to show why. There is also the related problem of bilingualism which has been dealt with at length elsewhere but in this situation Eskimo bilinguals are a Leos significant factor than bilinguals of the Euro-Canadian acculturati've agents. The Ungava Situation4 Undoubtedly the Eskimos of this area had sporadic contacts with whalers and explorers in the eighteenth century and earlier though there is little in the literature to show that such contacts were intense or involved much linguistic interference. During the nineteenth century the Hudson's Bay Company trading posts were opened at Little Whale River and Fort Chimo, i.e. at the southern limits of the Ungava Peninsula (Honnigman 1962:9; Turner 1896:167-168). These posts were originally opened for trade with the Indians of the area but in both places the Eskimos soon became involved, Their motivations were then, as now, the intense desire to acquire articles of advanced technology, particularly guns and other metal objects. The nature of the contacts between the Eskimos of this northern area and the trading posts is not entirely clear. Some authorities claim that the Eski'mos sent a few repr, sentatives every year to trade their furs etc. directly for trade articles? Others claim that these items only reached some Eskimo secondhand by intergroup trade among the The Unga Peninsula Povungnic I N l& 1 L A I,' - 14 0 Great JAKle Ro 12 2 s . U k i ut A --- V.N I.- 0 t) x 100 mTles 200 4 I :il U,,-4 V. -C 4-5 "ItIN .,o  ii. Q 13 Eskimos. Probably both occurred; however, it is certain that the new items were highly valued by the Eskimos as bringing greater efficiency to their traditional hunting activities0 During the last decade or so of that century Anglican missionaries started work among the Eskimos at and visiting the two posts on the Indian- Eskimo boundary.7 This was an extension of their work among the Algonkian- speaking Indians. The Rev. Peck translated the Anglican Prayerbook and parts of the Bible into Eskimo using an only slightly modified version of the syllabary originally designed for the Indians. Later, during his work on BEff in Island he and other missionaries revised these and added many Eskimo versions of common English hymns. Soon after the turn of the century these missionaries made extensive journeys from the southern posts to all parts of the Ungava Peninsula. In addition to converting all the Eskimos to Christian- fty they taught them to read and write in the syllabic script and distributed the religious works free to all adults, In fact their works had preceded them. Low (19o6:65) states that when his ship's company distributed such books to the Eskimos of Wakeham Bay they found that the latter had already learned to read and write during their visits to trade at Fort Chimo. In fact the syllabic script is very easy to learn. I have seen young Eskimo chlldren teaching their even younger playmates to read and write with some proficiency in a relatively short time. By now probably 98 percent or more of the adults in this area are literate.8 The dialect of these works was first that of the Eskimos of Southern Hudson Bay later modified to a considerable extent by the dialect of Baffin Island. The Eskimos certainly recognize the words and syntax in these tracts that are not of their area. In reading prayers and singing hymns they often substitute the local verslon. Soon after the encroachments of the missionaries the Hudson's Bay Company, for the first time in its history, set up an all-Eskimo trading post at Camp Wostenholme in 19O!4. Though this was soon closed, many other posts were opened within the next two decades at major anchorages along this coast- line. Both the Hudson's Bay Company and other smaller or independant organi- zations were involved. It was during this period that the major changes to winter fox-trapping and a white-controlled technology occurred. The major effects were: (i) cessation of the long trading trips to the southern posts; and (ii) fairly substantial mlgration from the latter areas to the northern coastline. This situation lasted until the effects of the Great Depression were felt. A number of posts were shut down culminating in the Hudson' s Bay Company buying out all its competition. Concurrent with this, in the middle and later thirties, the Oblate Fathers opened a number of missions alongside the trading posts. Although they made hardly any converts among the staunchly Anglican Eskimos and did not at the time use the "Anglican" syllabary, they became major factors in the social life of all the communities, especially during the lean period of World War II when trading posts were few and prices for natives' produce very low. They did attempt some instruction in both English and the Catholic reli- gion but the effects were minor compared with their economic and organizational 14 contributions. These Catholic missionaries all learned Eskimo and have achieved great fluency. This is their language of communication with the Eskimos. During and after the war military and para-military bases were opened in the southern parts of the region but had little direct influence in the northern area. Even the Radiosonde-Meteorological station at Cape Hopes Advance near Quartak had little direct effect on the local population.9 In the decade following the war the Canadian Government itself re- versed its long-standing policies and set up agencies specifically attending to the welfare and education of the Eskimos. This was partly dictated by the establishment in 1948 of a monthly family allowance paid to the parents of all children who were Canadian citizensD Although this was at first adminis- tered by officials of the Hudson's Bay Company and the RoC.M.P.., in the late fifties "Northern Service Officers" were appointed to the more important com- munitles to oversee these and other matters. In 1955 an Anglican missionary came to Sugluk and built a house for himself and a church for the community, supplementing the previous rather ir- regular visits of his compatriots from other communities. In addition to furthering his overwhelmingly successful faith in this and adjacent areas, he learned Eskimo and taught some English until the opening of the federal day school. He and his successor have been in residence ever since, exerting a more direct 'influence on their congregation than their predecessors. Up un- til this time the faith had been kept alive by very effective native cate- chists. Du.05ng this same period schools were planned or opened for all the settlements o=: the area. The first was opened at Sugluk in 1957 and all the others in thie early sixties. The teachers in these schools were specifically instructed to do all their teaching in English in addition to the fact that none knew much Eskimo when they arrived. In many places the language has been banned from use throughout the school day.4 The curriculum was intended to follow, as closely as possible, that of the (Anglo-) Canadian schools down south. This was the acculturational status of the area when the author first visited it in 1959. By the time of the second visit (1964) many more agen- cies had opened in Sugluk and a few more in the smaller settlements. In addi- tion, an approximately monthly air service from the south had been estab- lished complementing the previous summer shipping season. The latter had and does employ a large number of Eskimos for manual labor for short periods and the volume had been increasing steadily since the war. The number of resi- dent whites and probably the frequency of adult Eskimo-white contacts had at least doubled during this periodo However the author did not notice any particularly great change in the number and status of loanvords and loan- shifts among the adult population.12 The Eskimo Dialects The Eskimo dialect regions correspond roughly to the geographical categories that the Eskimos traditionally and still use (see Map) with a slight modification. First, the major linguistic division is between on the one side the Itivitmiut ("the people of the other side [of land]"t3 as far north as Povungnituk and the rest of the Eskimos of this area. The dialect difference in no way prevents mutual lntelligibility but is a source of some amusement to people on both sides of the line. I have lived with Eskimos in both these areas. In addition there are a few localized idioms within each area which are noted by the Eskimos and apply, significantly, to introduced technological items. The speed of speech is also said by the Eskimos (and observed by the author) to vary slightly from place to place. Second, there had been, even in aboriginal times, social intercourse between the Takaamiut ("the people of the shadow"--from their northern position) and the Akianimiut ("the people across the water"t) across the Hudson Strait, These people, among whom the author lived in 1960, call themselves Sikusuilamiut ("the peo- ple of the area lacking land-fast ice"). Many Eskimos on both sides share relatives and have done so since back to the time when the crossing was quite an adventure in the "utmiak" ("woman's boat"). The contacts are still main- tained during the annual walrus hunt near Nottingham Island and more recently via visiting ships and a irplanes. In spite of centuries of sporadic contact9 the Eskimo language has in no apparent way been influenced by the various Algonkian dialects of the indians to the south. LiAi Contacts In spite of the long-tern and more recently intensive contacts be- tween Eskimos and English- and F:ench-speaking whites, Eskimo bilinguals are exceedingly rare. Probably the-re has never been more than one English- Speaking Eskimo in the area at arr one timeY On the other hand the vast ma- jority of the whites who have tad long-term dealings with the Eskimos have learned to speak a reasonable and often fluent Eskimo. This is perhaps a re- versal of the usual positioon in 19colonial"s situt.ions. This local situation has only recently been changed by the great influx of government personreel in the last half-decade. The early explorers and whaley? probably used interpreters, often taken on board at places further east, or on the other side of the Hudson Strait where contact had been more intensive for a longer time. The Eskimos of Ungava who visited the early trading posts to the south undoubtedly used interpreters or were able to speak directly to the white agents who usually spoke Eskimo. The early Anglican missionaries all learned fluent Eskimo in the southern areas. The first traders in the northern area had already become fluent in Eskimo in other areas before their arrival. Later traders either did the same or learned from their more experienced seniors already present. Simi- larly, the first Catholic missionaries also learned Eskimo outside the area, or served a year's "apprenticeshjp" to their seniors within the area. All did and do speak fluent Eskimo. l1 It was only after World War II that there was an influx of whites who had had little preparation in Eskimo and whose duties or inclination prevented them from becoming fluent. These included mainly English-speaking personnel of the government, and they have had t,o w,ork through the inevitably busy 16 interpreter or other white agents. The schooling may soon provide more inter- preters and hence lessen the necessity of new white's learning Eskimo. The Anglican missionaries, whose duties involve much closer contacts with the Eskimos and the holding of services in Eskimo, have followed the lead of their forerunners of both persuasions. Apart from the social, economic and religious concepts introduced dur- ing the times of (i) the first permanent traders (1904-1925) and .(ii) the in- flux of govermnent agencies (1957-present), these two periods probably saw the introduction of whole new ranges of m terial items. These were both for use by the Eskimos themselves and, observable by the latter, the inevitable para- phernalia of "civilized" life as lived by the local whites. In that most of the data to be considered were well established by 1959 and were in common use in adjacent areas some time before then the influences that are apparent are probably not the results of the most recent influx of personnel and schools)17 The Eskimo Phonemic System The Eskimo language of this area is taken nally of the following: 1 Consonants: k q (?) Vowels: p t ,c (?)aq v * * g j* 'o* XsX 1* *C m n r9X r* (*Only occur intervocalically, or in non-initial Consonant clusters 0 /k/ before /t!~ Diphthongs: ai to have consisted aborigi- I u a Length is phonemic for vowels and will be represented by the ggapheme of reduplica- tion. Stress and tone are not phonemic. clusters.) au /1, p, s, t, v/ /k, m, n, r/ /s, t, v, J/ all except /g/ /k, j/ aThe dominant allophone of /3/ among the Itivimiut. Rare elsewhere. bPossibly a major allophone is /r/ and there is extensive complementary distribution. This is not intended to be a paper on Eskimo phonemics and the topic is discussed elsewhere. CThe usual linguistic "eng" 7. A single phoneme not found on an ordinary typewriter. dThe problem of consonantal length (Gagne 1962:X) is avoided by the use of clusters. eGagne (1962:VII) would dispute the presence of some of these. However he used three informants frma widely seprated areas. I have included the maxi- mum number in my area. 17 Loanwordst9 In an acculturative situation there are many ways in which new mean- ings may be handled lexically020 introduced items:- The word may be imported from the donor culture, with phonemic incor- poration. The meaning of a native word may be "extended" or in a productive language a new word may be formed from a combination of native mor- phemes. These are loanshifts. A completely new morpheme may be invented. aboriginal items:- A word may be imported. A completely new word may be formed or invented; which may, of course, occur in non-acculturative situation. In the Eskimo situation 1(a) and (b) are common and will be consid- ered at length. 2(a) is very rare and I am unable to sy whether l(c) or 2(b) have occurred. I know of possible cases but they may well be the results of dialectic mixtures resulting from Eskimo migrations. Before going on to consider the social and cultural implications of the changes, I will illustrate the regularity of phonemic shifts that occur for loanwords. It must again be emphasized that the speakers are not bi- linguals; in most cases they do not know or need to know the foreign origins of the morphemes they use and, in the vast majority of cases, the uninitiated of the donor culture would not recognize the loanword. I will start b e~21 o I will start by listing a sample of loanwords to illustrate the diaphonic and diamorphic shlfts0 All these words are in fairly common use and were not special imitations of the ethnographer nor the perquisites of a few individuals. Only the Eskimo -words have been phonemicized, English word Eskimo Previous Eskim Correspondences Context .. . . ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ Corspnene butter bapti sm beans cheese cocoa clubs coffee /pata/ /papti si -/ /piinsi/ (ci isi/ /uku/ /kalaks i/ /kaap;/ punirk . . . o . . uuri it O * * b a p Qa a b p (e. a ma a b- p iy - 11 $ i iy= ii $ i ow - u ow x u = a b- k $=i o = aa f- p # a t # # a p p s m i #) # i p n s # c s s # k k k # k 1 a s s # k p a i lo For (a) (b) (c) 20 For (a) (b) I 18 English word dollar flour Gernarny God lion police pussy (cat) spades sweets tobacco wine Eskimo Previous Eskimo a /tala/ . . 0 (kinaujak) /palaura/ sanaurak /jamani/ *0. /.uuti/ . . 0 /la iJa/ * * . /pulisi/ . . 0 (pukirktalik) /,usi/ . . 0 /s iptisi/ puaqitik /suitisi/ uqumiak /tapaki/ . . 0 /vainl/ imirak/ imiaaluk Phonemic Correspondences du t o na a a f p a a a J a a o uu d- t -i a n o n u O* . - i ey -a d- t -i z i w u iy i i ~ a bm p ae a a i aMay include either aboriginal words bThis word was probably "made up" by sure of the fate of the English ending. or previous loanshifts. missionaries; therefore I am not c5 represents zero-sound on one side of the diaphonic shift. dAll non-aboriginal allophones, clusters and positions are underlined. eIn that English rather than American-speaking whites were and are the major influence in this area, it is probable that the final /r/ was not sounded. Two words may have come from the French contacts:- cochon (pork) Quebec /kukus i/a /kipik/ . * . o at u I - ku o 0 i E. n i b n p E n i * * . k k s # k p i i p k aCf. the reduplication in the Menomini /ko-hkoh/ (Hockett 1958:420). Context # a t 1 1 #e # a p 1 r # # a j m m n g t u i t # j (n)# a #f p 1 s # * 0 * s p p t a i t s a 1i s # s i u t t s s # t p a a p k k # # ai n # In addition to the above, the zajority of the Eskimo Christian names exhibit the same shift patterns. However, in these cases the missionaries themselves may have Eskimo-ized the names'. English Arthur Betsy Charlie Charlotte Cornelius David (Davy?) Dorothea Edward Elizabeth Elsie George Henry Jacob Jessie Eskimo /aata aatha/ /piac i/ /saali/ /salati/ /kuni lus i/ /ti ivi/ /tulatia/ /itua/ /ilisapi/ /*aji/ /ainari/ /aimali/ /la ika/ /siasi/ Previous Eskimo 0 0 a O 0 0 * . . * O l * 0 * * * 0 * * * * 0 0 * 0 0 * 0 0 * 0O * 0 0 Phonemic Correspondences ar a aa th a t QI a b-p e - ia ts - c c s ar - aa ar - a o -a - i d- t ey - ii d n t d- u ra 1 th t e- i d t w u - a d $ Z S a a b p 4th - i e - ja a- a $i h $ e - ai $ a (r - 1 ey - ai a b - as above, with e - ia Context a a t# p c a i # aa s 1 s I I t t # k n n l 1 u s# t v # u t 1 u a a i #t iu t a u(d)# ia s p ai # 1 is # ai n r a i) # ai j k k(b)# a # k(b)# # i s s 20 English Jesus Larry (rare) Luke Moses Nancy Nelson Rebecca Satan Snowba 1.1 Spike Eskimo Previous Eskimo /,isusi . . . /laari/ . . /Tuuka/ * . /mususi/ . . 0 /nanasi/ . . . /nilisi/ . . /kaibika/ . 0 9 /satarasi/ 0 0 . /s inupa/ /sipai/ Thorm s Timothy Winnie Willie Zakarias /tumsi/ /timuti/ /viini/ /ui 111b /sakariasi/ kapuuti * O* * 0 0 * * 0 * 0* * * * Phonemi c Correspondences ~3 J iy i i ae" aa a ow a u i u (z)5 a (s)i s -a a eZ i 4(n)- i e * ai e n i 0 a ey -a 4-a -i ow - u 'D -a 1-sS n i ay a ai k n 0 o a u a i u th . t w V i - ii w- u z s so a a a ay i i a -a 5-i aThe -asi was probably added by missioraries, as in Paul-asi and Juan-asi, bThe Eskimos insist on writing this word JArGuili, instead of tic'Uili, in order to prevent confusion with "uilik" (undifferentiated in syllabics), meaning "there is a husband' (i.e. a marrried woman). It also suggests connec- tion with the various European versions of this name which begin with g- . Context i js s s s i I r 1 k k # m s s s s # n n n s n 1 1 s S # r b b k k # s t t n s n n p p(l)# a # s p p(k)# ai # t m m s s # m t u i # i v n # i # a s k k r r a 1 s s # 0 Also perhaps:- English Angel Sunday Eskimo F /ingilik/ /sanataili/ Previous Eskimo * 0 S 0 0 0 Phonemic Correspondences ea i nj i* ai 1 t * a ik $ua d at ey - al aIf this shift were not made9 the word "ingilik" would mean ttThere is a pubic mound. " bThis may also be taken as "sana-taiL-li"' meaning "work-absence of-there is." From the above can be seen the following diaphonic shifts:- i (and i) o (as 'tpottt) Q (as "caught") u Eskimo a aa a aa a ia a i ja i u a i a u a u uu a U a u u Context In all cases except before /r/, as in Larry. In ail cases. In the first syllable of two. Irn t-he first syllable of three. Before /s/0 Initial Initial b In all cases. In the center of a three-syllable word. Before /n/ of a final syllable (where retained) in other cases-. In all cases except after /i/ initial (which, in itself is irregular). Except in Dorothea, in God.c in final syllables. In initial syllables. In all cases. aBoth English and Eskimo phonemes are represented. A larger sample of loanwords could be providedO bI know of two rather rare words that are irregular here. cProbably Eskimo-ized by missionaries. 21 Context # 13 i i *(/)i 1 # n t a ai t $(li)b Vowels:. English a 22 The above results would probably predict the vast majority of further incorporations. They are expected from the general rule: where the English phoneme falls within the regular range of its Eskimo diaphone there is regular- ity of incorporation; where it does not, there will be multiple possibilities depending on such factors as stress, length, syllable position, contextual consonants, etc. (The exact rules would have to be worked out from a larger corpus.) Similarly for vowel diphthong shifts:- English Eskimo Context ay ai Except i before /v/. ey a (As for /e/). ai i ii iy ror ii In all cases. ow u In all cases except i in tobacco (possibly the early traders said A abai/). uw uu In all cases. Consonants: - b p In all cases, except k before /s/, and b in Rebecca (a very irregular Eskimo word). d t In all cases, except $ final. ?. p In all cases g g except 13 before nasals. h $ Initial. c c In-all cases except initial after /n/ which goes to $ (in angel). k k In all cases. 1 1 In all cases (except angel; see p. 21, note a under Angel and Sunday) m m In all cases. n n In all cases, except $ final. p p In all cases. s s In all cases. (The dominant allophone of /s/ is t1/s/ in this dialect.) s s In all cases. t t In all cases. v v In all cases. w u In all cases, except v initial (see p. 20, note b). 23 Engl i sh Eskimo Context y i In all cases. z (and /z/) s In all cases. th t In all cases. (th represents e. No loanwords are known containing the phoneme S.) r $ Final or in cluster before /i/. 1 or r The Eskimo dilernr is evident particularly in the alternate forms for Henry. The phonetic "color- ing" of the Eskimo phoneme /r/ only partially overlaps the English. (See p. 16, note b.) In general it is apparent that the Eskimos have considerably less trouble with English consonants than vowels. Where there is no close diaphonic correspondence the buccal constriction is maintained but a vooiceless stop may be substituted. (A study of the reverse, i.e. English-speakers speaking Eskimo, would be most illuminating.) Junctures These are of two types. (1) InLtial and final, represented by #, and (2) weak junctures within clusters. (1) All final consonants, except /n/ which goes to $, add /i/. One or two "religious" words add -asi. (See p. 20, note a) (2) The majority of the English clusters do not fall within the Eskimo range but the transfers are relatively simple: (i) After /l/, /1/, and /m/ insert /i/; (ii) after /k/, /p/, and /n/ insert /a/. To summarize this section: (1) the Eskimo vowel system differs con- siderably more from the English than does the consonant system. (2) Many words are so successfully transferred that only a knowledge of the languages and the cultural situation enables one to detect them. (3) In a very few cases the English phoneme or cluster is retained even though it does not fall within the range of the Eskimo system. (4) Some loanwords have caused non- aboriginal positioning of certain final consonants. The latter two tendencies will probably increase greatly within the present generation of "schooled" children who may become far more bilingual. Generally speaking the rules for diaphonic and diamorphic shifts are regular, simple, and discoverable. Loanshifts The vast majority of changes are of this type (1(b) above). However, there are a number of mechanisms at work here and correspond to some extent with the semantic content of the transferred items. The range of introduced material items is enormous as is the range of differentiation from aboriginal Eskimo categories. Unlike the above section, wherein a substantial portion of the diamorphs were given, only a small sample can be given here. They are selected in order to represent the various linguistic mechanisms in use and the nature of some of the imported concepts. 2h I. First, there are many imported items which retain the aboriginal Eskimo morpheme with no suffixial modifiers but "stretch" the semantic content. (Starred words in these lists have alternate terms.) -English airstrip bed canoe chewing gwu drive shaft (outboard) calendar Christmas glasses (eye) pray price road spirlt (evil) steering-handle (outboard) syrlinge (medical) thimbIe Eskimo mipvik qajariak kucuk kanak taki it qitincmk* i gaak tuksiavuk -aki arquti turngak aquuti kapuuti tlkiq Aboriginal meaning alighting place (of birds) sleeping platform Indian (wooden) canoe pine resin (chewing gum) shin/upright tentpole months midwinter festival slit sunshades beg or demand opposite (or meat bench of igloo)a way or pa+th spirit/supernatural being steering oar (of skin boat) point of spear or dart index finger aThe "meat bench" of a snow people spent most of their time site (across something flat)0t" across tne counter of the store site direction. Thus the trade counter; similarly for buying. house was opposite the sleeping platform where at home. aki- is the general root for "oppo- The early traders used to pass metal tokens as the Eskimos passed their skins in the oppo- value of anything became "its opposite" on the In addition there are very many almost exact identifications, too ob- Viou) to set- out e.g. words for dog, needle, tent, etc. II. Another common mechanism is the addition of a suffix to the aboriginal Eskimo root to- distinguxish the important item from that for the equiva- lent Eskimo -item. (Starred words have alternate terms.) English a. -aluk., large,, alcohol'ic liquor coal boots/shoes oil and gasoline oil lamp (for lighting) Eskimo Aboriginal meaning not only in the physical sense imi- aurna- kami- uksu=* qu-Ii-* drinking water embers/charcoal skin boots oil from anlmal fat soapstone oil lamp bo -nguak, imitation of o - v map orange photograph c. .=kaak,9 stocky, "cute" car or truck measles nunaw arma-* al I qamuti-* aupa luktu- land breast (of woman) likeness Eskimo sled It is red English d. -Juak, large, extreme horse priest (Catholic) ship eO -vak, large, bulky cow f. -rak, smaller or lesser beverage (soft or wine) boat (wood, row) cribbage board Eskimo qimi- icirak- uniak- tuktu-* imi- umia- qi1ju- Aboriginal meaning dog kneel sealskin (woman's) boat caribou drinking water sealskin boat wood or plank g. -ujak, partially resem lin- bottle pua bread niaqTj- conmecting rod kana- half breed qa-una- money 1 r oil drum qata- rice qupigu- h. -ap,ik, little (scmewhat dearingly) Queen (cards) can (food) arngna- q,umju- (air) bubble head (from the old "tcottage loaves") shin! upright tent pole whiteman face (as on coin) (soapstone) cooking pot maggots woman/female preserve Many of these items aLre becoming increasingly rare in their aboriginal 1^ rms and, in some cases, thne distinguishing suffix of the loanshift is dropped, e.g. umiak a boat (of. Casagrande 1954h220-221, 234; 1955:6; Lee 1943: 436). In both sections I and II the EsKimo version of the item is now dis- tinguished by the addition of the suff ix -tuinak, meaning "genuine, ordinary, native" e.g. umiatuinak * skin (woman's) boat (which has now passed from use). III. Not entirely separable from the above categories are the vast majority of Eskimo words for introduced items and concepts where the process of word formation has little directly to do with the previous Eskimo equivalents (if any), but depends almost entirely on the perceived function of the new item. The majority of the Eskimo words in the category end with the suffix -uti. This expresses instrumentality and might be translated by phrases such as t'having to do with.," "aiding or causing" or t"the thing for . l ." Examples wil 1 make the range of meaning more apparent though only a small selection of the total number could possibly be given in a paper of this size. English Eskimo a. -uti, "instrumentally connected with , accelerator accordion anchor asplrin slkatul $- nripja- kia - n iacu- Aboriginal meaning it * 0 * fast-make (where relevant I have sepa- rated root and dependent morphemes). make a noise- moor- head- 26 Engli sh battery (electric) brace and bit camera cow cup doctor engine flag gene.ator glasses (eye) guitar key lighter money movie playing card shotgun Eskimo ikum- kaivu-* a3iliur- imuliu- tiutu- arniasi- aula-* sa imasa- ikuma liur- iji-* kukitapa- piir- ikita-* tata-* takali- qijura- tingmiangni- Aboriginal meaning electricity (fire)- revolve- likeness-make- milk-mke- tea-consume- sickness- (The suffix -siuti m y mean "the one who hunts/-i-s after." The morpheme -si- is often combined as -siu- in this more specific lexical sense.) go, move- declaration of greeting- (Perhaps from the traditional greeting "Tsaimo/a."1 By no means certain.) electricity-make- eye- finger mails-use- undo/ take off- fire- fill up- see (repeatedly)- cribbage board bird- There are many other suffixes that my be used in word formation, often quite applicable to the same roots as are above, for example: b. -iji,9 the one who does for an occupation cook minister (Anglican) denti st i ga- ajukirktu- kuguti l1- cook- teach/ guide- teeth f ix- c. -ti (see note above to doctor - sickness) radio operator clerk nalak- titirak- listen to- write- Other suffixes denote "function" in other ways:- do -liki, there is a presence of lamp wick uksulik oil- or "part for the whole" characteristics:- opukirkta-* yellow stripes (from "pukirk,"1 the yellow underbelly of the caribou. The R.C.M.P. uniform has yellow stripes running down the sides of the trousers.) e. - sak, material for (potentially able to be or resemble) Very common. c loth duffle (wool) f ilm (camera) metal writing paper anurak-* alirktik- a3 i (uak )- kikiak-* aglavik- clothes- inner leggings- likeness (-imitation of)- nail write-place for- (see below) R.C.M.Police Engl i sh f. -vik-, time or place for Christmas church store Eskimo kuviasuk-* tuksia- niuvl rk- Aboriniaean feel happy- pray trade 9o -siq, manner of functioning hour kaivaliaru- revolve-more so again- (as clock) A relatively few though important items are known, verbally, by their major characteristic of spatial location:- h. -tak, an associated part of butt (of gun) c th ba,nock (pan bread) i. -miutak, inhabitant of wri stwatch panirkt i- * agaum wood whiteman dry-make to be- wri st j. -juk, third person singular verbal; it does/is . v v airplane car or truck tratin pocket knife qangata- rises up- tingmi- flies nuiinakur land-goer- nmakuju-kutak land-goer-long pukta- conta iner-uses- Others are obviously associated descriptions:- ant.hropo log i st Afri ca Negro record player ap irkuk ukiusuituk anura Ituk qirnitait ingi juk the one who asks questions there is not winter he has no clothes the blacks it sings The above examples encompass the vast majority of types of word forma- tion that are in common use for denoting imported paraphernalia. Many more are not so commonly used. Ln addition there are few words which exhibit other kinds of mechanisms and some about whose origin I am in doubt. IV. Examples of the former include:- Frenchmen square-stern canoe "violin"i (native copy)a whiteman uiuimiut papigatuk tautirk qalunak oui-oui-people square-tailed small bird onomatopoe ia(?) qaIuk mean "eyebrow" Of the latter, more cryptic, category:- 27 aMost Eskimos do not realize that their instrument is a copy of the white- man's item. They do, however, use the same term for the whiteman's item, but consider theirs to be "the real thing" as well0 28 English Eskimo Aboriginal meaning helicopter qolimaguli letter (epistle)/write aglak* (cf . alak a Indian; aklak a bear) nail kikiak paint minguaLk minguk * slime paper (general) sikutsajak siku a ice sheep saurak (invented by missionary for Bible?) Language and Culture Change22 The major overall feature is the division of diamorphic shifts into loanwords and loanshifts, with the preponderance in terms of both number and mechanisms, on the side of the latter. Some explanation may be sought and offered at this level bearing in mind the acculturational circumstances. First, it is qite possible that of a range of English words available for transfer, some will bet easier" than others in terms of their "phonetic shapes." In other words there may be purely linguistic reasons for the selection. Eski- mo phonemes and clusters fall along a phonetic range that only partially over- laps that of English and I have frequently observed that Eskimos trying to learn English have the greatest difficulty with certain pronunciations in mak- ing sounds that even they judge as adequate. The reverse of the coin is the fact that Eskimo is an extremely productive language23 in which the limitations on combinations of root and dependent morphemes are relatively few. This is a partial explanation for the preponderance of loanshifts. On the cultural side we must consider the opportunities, restrictions, and motivations present for all types of transfers. The earliest contacts were relatively diffuse and, while most whites did not speak Eskimo, most com- munication was through interpreters or "sign language." It was, however, dur- ing this period that many of the basic items and concepts of white civilization were first observed, e.g. metals, guns, ships, whitemen, writing, etc. The origin of some of the morphemes that were acquired around this time are obscure while others are in the large category of constructed compounds utilizing their perceived functional or visual characteristics. They are, as far as is known, all loanshifts. With the advent of trading for civilized goods, either intertribal or by long journeyss to distant posts, the new items were nearly all material and useful to the Eskimos. (The traders here, unlike in many other areas, refused to sell tuseless baubles.") As such, their acquired Eskimo names were based overwhelmingly on what the Eskimos used them for, irrespective of their origi- nal uses. Most of these fall within category III above. However, those items which at that time (and later) appeared very similar to and replaced native Eskimo items tended to fall within categories I and II. The advent of the missionaries, both itinerant Protestant and resident Catholic, -brought enormous new influences. All of these men learned Eskimo outside the area and did not have need of interpreters (bilingual Eskimos). They did not bring with them a vast array of material innovat i ons and many tended to live in simple style. However, they did bring new ideas, and, over- whelmingly important, reading, writing, and books. The religious tracts had all been written in the dialects of adjacent areas and, although the picture 29 of life presented therein was far from familiar, it was, perhaps, less extra- ordinary than contemporary life "down South." It is assumed that the Eskimo words for the most important new concepts were invented by the missionaries, (e.g. the words for God, Satan, angels, sheep, etc.) while the great majority in the texts, which was translated with Eskimo assistance (see Anautak), espe- cially those describing everyday life, were those already familiar to Eskimos, e.g. the words for blood, soul, spirit, evil, hunger, etc. The former type are to be found among the loanwords (pp. 17-20) and the latter are either not mentioned (because the interference is low) or are among the lists of loan- shifts. Among the loanwcrds, the great majority are proper names which were, and are, given to the child at Baptism. The original Eskimo pattern was to name the child while it was still in the womb and usually the names chosen were names of illustrious and recently dead ancestors (c.f. Casagrande 1955: 12-20). The names, therefore, had little or no reference to sex. This pat- tern still continues with the addition of the Christian name. Hence an indi- vidual gets one or many names before birth and then one or more in addition after birth. As a consequence living Eskimos have many names which may be of Eskimo or English origin and they may be known by any one or more or, quite frequently, combinations of names. The names usually get modified during the 1ife span by the addition of adjectival suffixes, e.g. Juanasi-kutak "tall Juanasill or Putiliapik "little Putulik." The Christian names were nearly all Eskimo-ized outside the area. In addition, many of the earliest whites in the area normally gave English names to the Eskimos with whom they had fre- quent dealings and the latter had to learn to respond to them (for instance, see Ballantyne 1857 or Hall 1864). It is not surprising then, that names comprise the bulk of the loanwords and can hardly occur as loanshifts. I know of one case of loan translation. A white man named Mr. Crow was called "tulugak" " raven. Of the other loanvwords, particu.Alarly those wlth no or rare Eskimo 2ternates, many indicate something which was presumably learned through inti- mate contact with whi,es, e.g. the names of suits of cards, some place names and a few objects which have never appeared in the land of the Eskimos. How- ever, even in the latter category which may have become familiar through books and movies, the vast majority have loanshift terms based on function or appearance. It is probable that the contact situations and agents referred to above set all the patterns for linguistic interference that were apparent at the time to which this paper refers. Latecomers, such as the resident Angli- can missionaries and the government personnel have done little more than in- crease the number of loanshifts. The former learned Eskimo in the area but use the same texts as their predecessors. The latter, along with some Hud- son's Bay Company personnel of late, work mainly through interpreters. Both groups have vastly increased the numbers of material items that the Eskimo have opportunities to observe and, to a lesser extent, use. Only the very recent advent of schools changes the pattern to any extent. Among the young- est generation this is creating another great influx of loanwords, probably of even greater proportions than that caused by the first missionaries. How- ever, although very rarely some of these words have come into general adult usage, the effect was stiil ver-y small during the times I was there. 30 The Eskimo language is still very much a living entity in the area. It is the medium 'of communication in pretty well all situations for all but one or two adults. It is still very productive, and will continue to be so, even with the increasing rate of introduction of new items and the massive impact of the school system. Recently, out of general interest, I examined a copy of an Eaton's Catalogue (the Eastern Canadian equivalent to the American Sears catalogue) with a group of older children most of whom had learned to read and write English. I asked them to name all the thousands of items showno In at least 99 percent of the cases the informants without hesitation gave loanshift words, especially types II and III. Many of the items were only familiar, if at all, through pictures. In a number of cases the children made mistakes about the functions (and hence the correct root-morphemes) of the objects, but they made practically no attempt to give loanwords even in those cases where they could have done so. A recent and decided change has been noted by the author and some northern residents among a very few (so far) adolescents who have progressed in school. They have not learned to become literate in Eskimos syllabics, hence their literate communications are either in English (to each other) or more rarely in the Latin orthography for Eskimo that the Canadian Government is now encouraging (Lefebvre 1958; Gagne 1962). They cannot, however, read the tr-aditional religious texts nor can they communicate by letter to their parents or other Eskimo adults (for instance, from hospital). Discussion It is clear from a review of comparable literature concerning linguis- tic acculturation among American indigenes (Casagrande 1954, 1955; Diebold 1964h Herzog 1941; Lee 1943; Spicer 1943; Voegelin and Hymes 1953 et alia) that the case of the Ungava Eskimo involves a shorter period of less intense contact'than any of the other cases reported. Other things being equal, it my, therefore, represent an earlier stage of acculturation and linguistic interference, one which other authors may have had to assume took place some time in the past for their areas. The major factors in this atypicality are the"relative isolation of these Eskimos and lack of land or other resources alluring to white civilization. The case is, therefore, more comparable to those -which might be found in certain parts of Africa, South America and New Guinea, Unfortunately there are as yet very few comparable presentations of this topic for these latter areas. The major relevant consequences of the isolation are, up until very recently, the general lack of intensive contacts of the majority of the population with speakers of languages other than their own and, concomitantly, a lack of Eskimo bilinguals. The reverse of the coin is that, owing to their technological orientation and their relatively small numbers, acculturation in the material sphere has been massive. Most probably the Eskimos are as dependant upon and as familiar with advanced technological apparatus, e.g. radios, outboard motors, electricity, modern medicine, etc., as mny of the other Amerind groups at the times they were described by other authors; perhaps even more so than the Huave (Diebold 1964) and the Tewa (Dozier 1964). In addition the adults have a higher literacy rate (in their own or the dominant language) than not only other Amerinds but the American and Canadian white majority populationsl 31 Diaphonics: This type of interference will only occur where there are loan- words and probably some degree of bilingualism. Most of the Eskimo words in this category fall within that type of interference that has been called ttin- tegration" (Diebold 1964:498, 5Ol) or "naturalization" (Hockett 1958:1h7) in that the word forms an integral "part of the language" and would be learned by children just like any other part, without awareness of its origin. This is the usual end point of most loanwords in languages in similar circumstances and is the logical consequence of the continuing unilingualism of the majority of speakers (Weinreich 1963:.64-65). There is also apparent an incipient trend to phonetic and phonemic interference in which the loanwords are not "integrated" especially among the younger generation. It has generally been stated (Casagrande 1954:229; 1955:9; Spicer 1953:420-422) that the more completely the loanword is phoneti- cally integrated the older it is and that (Hockett 1948:410) the first few members of a community to use it will exhibit a greater degree of phonetic interference. While these ideas may be true in a very general way, I think that the situation is more complicated and needs further explanation. It seems obvious to me that the first few speakers using a loanword will rarely be able to pronounce the word witf more than a slight degree of phonic inter- ference unless they are bilinguals. Thus the word at its initial importation will be immediately "integrated" and, if there is a need, can spread into gen- eral usage. This is an identical process to that of any people learning a foreign language; they lcannot" pronounce the foreign words correctly because they are not conditioned to be aware of it's phonemic (and hence phonetic) differentiations and fusions, Only later, if there is continued intimate con- tact and almost inevitably with the presence of bilinguals, the patterns of the foreign language can be transferred with the loanwords. In other words, earlier loanwords are more "integrated"t not only because they have been in general use longer, but also because at the times when they were first ac- q?uired there were far fewer bilinguals around and hence far fewer people who could be aware of the foreign patternso If bilingualism and intimate con- tacts continued to be few, I would expect "new" loanwords to be just as in- tegrated as older oneso The reason that other writers have not been clear on this matter is that the vast majority have dealt with situations of more ad- vanced linguistic acculturation and a far greater proportion of bilinguals already present by the times they did their studies. Even Diebold, whose Huave he states are "incipient bilinguals," had 20 percent full bilingualism and another 36 percent partial bilinguals (1964:505). These figures are con- siderably greater than the less than 1 percent of the adult population of the Ungava Eskimos. My contentions are further clarified by the fact that it is predominantly among the younger generation, who attempt to learn English in school, that the phonic interference is found. I do not claim that all, or even the majority, of the loanwords that appear to be integrated were learned by the adults when they were children learning their total language. Some were undoubtedly learned during their adulthood and immediately integrated, and this process is still the rule for the bulk of the unilingual speakers. An additional factor promoting integration of loanwords in the Eskimo case was that the vast majority, with religious connections, had already been in- tegrated in the Bible and other religious texts at their original point of introduction. 3^ It is probably true, however, that for the most part the occurrence of a rare or non-native phoneme or cluster may Indicate a loanword only partially integrated (Casagrande 1955;.23). If, however, acculturation has been intense and bilingualism has become the rul.e, the interference, once introduced and confined to loanwords, may spread first to the pthonics of non-loanwords and later may even cause considerable shifts in the whole phonic patterning for all purposes "Weinreich 1963:23-25). This may be, due to either the near disin- tegration of the "lower" language or the great prestige of speakinrg with the "accent" of the dominant langtage. This point has not yet been reached in the Ungava situation but couId do so within the adult life of the schooled genera- tion. With respect to the phonemic system and its allophones Johlson (1943: 229-230) states that it. I5 not the range of the latter but relative positions or the "holes in the pattern" (Weinreich 1963:22) that determine the types of diaphonic shifts. It should be -hvIrs from an exam!,nation of the data on pp. 16-23 above th^at both factors ac impoz'tant in the Ungava case. For in- stance, where the English phoneme falls even at the edge of its Eskimo dia- phone's range (e.g. 7z/ and /s/ ) there ts a completely regular shift whereas lIf it falls out;?ae the raR3e of a:T Eskimo allophone (e.g. /e/ 5 that is "where there is a hole in the pattern," It will have multiple df%honic renditions. Lexical Interference: A. Lanwords 7 There are re atively few in Ungava Es- kimo and the vajo-rity are t '"x.ghly Ertsimo--z,ed, As such they are an i^nte- gral part of the langguage and c.cnfot?f cnt.1rely to the word-forming and syntac- tic prccesses of Eskimo. As such these phenomena could perhaps be considered "lcanblends" where (Hockett 1958 412-4 13) vIthe borrower imports part of the model and replaces part of it by somethMng already in his own language." In Eskimo the borrowed root morphleme cani nowhere stand on its own, but must al- ways have a dependent morphleme; for Instanle, a case Inflection even in the "inominative" whi&b, presuriably, replaces the English case inflection norally represented by a zero-morpheme. It thiesw can indeed be considered loanblends, such would be the case for most of the loanuords in other Amerind languages where "they are subjected to regular morphological processes" (Casagrande 1954-231). The English words chosen. for borrowing are, as in most other languages, nomirals (e.g. Spicer 1943:412; Casagrande 1955:20). This does not mean, how- ever, that they fall into ary such equivalent category in Eskimo. The vast majority of root-morphemes In Eskimo can be either nounal or verbal depending on the inflecting morpheme. For example, it is' just as easy for an Eskimo to say "tapakituktuk" as "tapakimik a4.u.tuktu1 both meaning "he uses tobacco," i.e. he is a smoker. In othler words, in this case thet use and position of loan- words depends entirely on the structure of the language rather than on the nature of the item or the contact situat!on. The re'atively few imported norphemes have not so far impinged upon the field of dependent morphemes in any way, even the descriptive (adverbial and adJectival) ones as well as inflectilons and enclitics. It is doubtful whether such an effect will be felt for a Long time. Similarly there are no loanwords in the "basic lexicon" contrasting with those languages in a more advanced state of acculturation 'e.g. in Huave; Diebold 196h"502). 33 B. Loanshifts. These, as in the great majority of Amerind languages,, form the bulk of all lexical interference (Voegelin and Hymes 1953:643-644). The process has been going on for so long that the origins of some of the roots are lost in obscurity or at least are beyond the unravelling of the limited skills of myself and my informants. The processes of word formation are iden- tical to those used in non-acculturative situations and, unlike the more accul- turated languages (e.g. Wintu'; Lee 1943:38-40), there seems to be no trend as yet into deviant channels. One of the outstanding features of the Ungava case is the frequency of alternates, approximately 40 percent among the loanwords and perhaps 15 to 20 percent overall. However (i) the author has not compiled a "total lexicon" for this area and (ii) counting is extremely difficult in a language where root-morphemes may be combined in hundreds of ways to produce entirely separa- ble lexemes. This feate<-rZ is thought to be more common among the Eskimos than some of the other cases describ.A. (Chippewyan, Voegelin and Hymes 1953:638; Huave, Diebold 1964-50O3 Pi17a, Herzog 1941- ,; Yaqui, Spicer 19h3:425.) In that the Eskimos are a widely scattered people and imported items were first seen or introduced in many different areas probably at about the same time, we might well expect there ,o be many xrersions for the new phenomenon. A study 24 of a larger area would, no do^A.t, s-how an even greater number of alternatives. This seems to be an identical situation to that of Dakota "the Dakota dialects have made different respon,ses to the same new item of white culture" (Voegelin and Hymes 1953:64)o The comparison may be carried even further, e.g. the words for various pieces of money in Dakota "something that. causes to be a raven (eagle)" contras.ted withi "small thMck piece" and in Ungava Eskimo "like a face" and "that which fil-ls us ' Thlat there are alternatives wlthin the one Ungava area shows that either (1) t.iere has been considerable migration between areas (contrasting perhaps %it'; the Dakota) and/or (2) possibly, even within a small area two competing f'r:rs mray arise and persist. This last situation Seems to be analogous to the cases of cmpeting alternates described by other authors whose peotles were less ,,yidely scattered. In some ways it is surprising that there are not many more forms among the scattered and nomadic Eskimos. It is well known, for instance, that the term for white man, "qalunak," is common almost throughout the Arctic, yet the first co acts took place at very different periods and in varying circum- stances. Presumably this shows one or more of the following factors: (1) the great internal homogeneity of the Eskimos through constant migration; (2) the great age of the form which has allowed time for all competing forms to have been eliminated by competition (see for instance, Hockett 1958:417, 418); or (3) that the processes of word formation were based on very regular mechanisms common to Eskimo thought patterns. In this case, where the word refers to the detailed characteristic of "eyebrows," in view of the many alter- nates for other items the last explanation is probably of minimal utility. We might hypothesize, therefore, that for importations that are well nigh univer- sal to the Eskimos one can expect that the earlier the import the fewer the alternate terms, as would be expected from both explanation (1) and (2). Apart from the historical implications, the alternates themselves throw light on the mechanisms for lexical interference. In a number of cases there are loanshift alternates for loanwords without specialization that resem- ble perhaps the Pima case where "there is displacement of initial loans (from 34 Spanish) by constructed words" (Herzog 1941071). For example, in Ungava "mag- neto" may be ImangnitukI" (rarely) or "Mumauti. Among the loanshifts them- selves a number of alternates show that an imported item may be perceived in more than-one way, eog. car or truck qamutikalak sled-short (visual and functional analogy) nunakujuk land-goer (space and function) eye glasses igaak Eskimo sun-shades (visual and functional) iyaut i eye-instrument (associational) cow tuktuvak moose (visual analogy, via tuktu a caribou) imuliukti milk-maker (functional: the Eskimos have little chance to associate "beef" with " cow"). Within areas where more than one term is known there is a tendency for settle- ments or even camp (family) groups to use one term with no impairment of mutual intelligibility with their neighbors. A study covering a much wider geograph- ical area might be both historically and linguistically revealing. Grammatical Interference: Until relatively recently this phenomenon was thought to be practically non-existent or at least was "swept under the rug" (Weinreich 1963:29-46; see also Hockett 19580410). The latter showed that it was however a process amenable to regular analysis and some of the other au- thors have mentioned its occurrence for Amerind situations (e.g. in Yaqui, Johnson 1943.32-33). I have hardly mentioned the topic previously for two reasons: (1) I am not at all sure that it exists in any regular form; and (2) I am less well acquainted with the very complicated Eskimo grammar than other parts of the language and it is therefore more difficult to say whether there has been interference at this level. However, there are a few hints most of which stem from the Catholic missionaries who are the most fluent white speakers of Eskimo in this area. I have heard it claimed, for instance, that 'tthe Eskimos are getting sloppy with their language" or "they don't speak proper Eskimo any more.91 Apart from the numerous lexical changes, enquiries usually elicit explanations in terms of such matters as tense usage. There are at least forms for "present," "future today," "future tomorrow or later," "past today (just done)," "past yesterday and earlier," "past continuative," "past perfect," "past but irretrievably never again," etc. It is said that the Eskimos are failing to make the distinctions that they used to or that the younger generation isn't using this or that tense at all. I admit that I have witnessed a number of situations where two or more people have repeatedly failed to understand each other and this has on occasion led to disaster (e.g. dropping a baby into the water from a boat, or letting go the wrong line and having boats hit each other). I think there are a number of factors here which are partial explanations. First some, though not all, situations took place outside where wind and water noises create difficulties. Second, though there are the distinctions available in the language, it is by no means cer- tain that in everyday speech the Eskimos ever used them obligatorily. In no language are all the distinctions made all the time by normal speakers. Third, the Catholic missionaries, though they have maximal linguistic contact with the Eskimos, have all partly learned or practiced the language "by the book." They have overwhelmingly European backgrounds and their patterns of language learning were well established in their school days. In addition, some have written or helped write dictionaries and grammars of the local language (e.g. Schneider nod.) and both these factors have led to a particularly analytical view of the language. (For i'nstance, Schneider (n.d.) gives a 1st person singular interrogative transitive inflection: "-piq" which I have never heard and most Eskimos don't knowo The normal pattern is to use the indicative with intonation.) The longer they stay in the area, and some have been there over twenty years, the more familiar they have become with the "correct" forms and, at the same time, the more fluent and hence attuned they have become enabling the sensing or "errors" which may ln fact have always been part of Eskimo speech. It is no wonder that the Eskimos of one settlement complain that the missionary "corrects" thelr speech! (See note 16.) There is, in additions another matter which may be contributory to the above. It has been observed that where there has been a long term dominant- submissive relationship between two interacting language groups, e.g. trader and nat ive, that there may develop a "pidgint for the limited but essential corrminication (Casagrande l95>ol2). Though there is no general form in this area t.ia' > ara be calle;d r?:L 'a-guage, it is true that some of the traders and their ass isants and many of the latter-day government personnel speak very poor Eskimo if they bother at. all. (Though flattered by the Eskimos, the author wou-d be hard put to escape entirely from this category.) Their initial model being English, the tend'idncy i's to string together a number of non- inflected rcotrnorphemes D: to use, for instance, only indicative inflections, and certainly to disregard such categories as dual person or intransitive verbs. The great majorLty of the adult population have been exposed to such "conrersations" or orders from t.rime to time and have to learn to understand or "interpret" them if they wnt to trade, etc., without ha-ving to come back at another tinme when there Is a m;.re competent bilingual present. Some of the adults sometimes use such forms between themselves for amusement. One, it is said, tends to use such forms in a large portion of his conversation with other Eskimos. He cer-tafinly dues when speaking to whites such as the anthro- pologist, even though his attempts are far more difficult to understand than if he were talking normaL Eskimo. Confusing examples might be- "Tuktu uvanga taku," literally "caribou I seea' which might mean eit.her "I see the caribou" or "the carlbou sees me."' The correct forms would be correspond'ingly "tuktup takuvara" and "tuktumik takuvungall vs. "tuktu takuvangall and "uvanik tuktu takujuk." (Intransitive forms precede in each case.) This kind of behavior, while admittedly present, is ver,y rare in this area and all the others where the author has lived0 It is possible that with the increasing propor1ion of resident whites who know little or no Eskimo it is becoming more common. The extreme example in the Northern Ungava area is an old man who is considered very deviant in many of his behavior patterns. He thinks he gets prestige from his "pidgin" imitations (as indices of con- tacts with the dominant whites) but is the joke of the community and sometimes causes great irritation as a consequence. He has, in speaking to the author, "switched"t back for forth between real and pidgin Eskimo on a nuimber of occa- sions. He (and others) are quite capable, in spite of some white residents' contentions, of speaking good Eskimo. In other words, cultural not structural factors are at play in these cases. Structure and Circumstance Most of the authorities on linguistic contact and acculturation have taken both linguistic structure and the contact situation into account in the 36 explanations for the phenomena in this ffeild. Weinreich "attempts to show to what extent interference is determlned by the structures of the two languages in contact non-l'ingui st'ic factors 'in the socilo cultural context" (1963:14) and anthropologists invesltigatlng acculturation "are urged to include linguistic evidence, . . as indices of the accult.urative process'? (1bid.:05). Other authors, though concerned with specific instances rather than the subject in general, practically paraphrase the above (e.g. Casagrande 1955:20-2l1 Diebold 1964h495, Johnson 1943-427- Salzmann 19541o379 Spicer 19430410 etc.). Some produce hypotheses showing the multiple factors while others are more sim- pli'stic (Dozier 196405090 See later)0 Though some might claim so,9 tne fact that there is considerable cul- tural contact of some kind does not automat.ically mean that there will be much linguistic interference in one or both languages. Though, perhaps, such a case is rarely reported in the literatureo a ftaisl: convincing example is pre- sented 01n t;he Ungawa siat*uation, In aborignal tImes the contacts between the Ungava Eskimos and their Algonkran neighbo-.` 2 lkan a -r fe ttcred among 129000 entires. Both Englis a:8r1 d Frenc{-. O0 0 mnay : bec%n the models for such forms (in Ojibwa) a, ,a-JI,ean, Jew9 caatechism., Catholic, Nazarene, Pentecost, sacra- ment9, euhar1-ist and arngel (i.bid :o&06.) o However, in Eskim?o. a s in the other langqges, many of the "religious"' words have been forlmed by ir.digen'-us mecanisms (r:ither by- bt'he speakers or the mis- sionaries)0 We. do not expect a g9reaterA proportion of 1canwords in Eskimo until there are a iarger proportion of bli inguals, for Hockett's first condi- tion must he me.: The speaker (J thlie rzc i-Uis lar.guage) n:ss nderstand, or think he understands, T.he katic- - uteanct.e in (-.rie donor) ideolect wfhich con- tains t-he model (19 8:LA?)j And this condition will be mrt riore freqTently the more the billngualism. In addition, with more bilinguaial1>sm `-There will be more discrLminatilon of the phonemics of the d;>no a 1 4ogua'G r elev ig the Eskimos of a great part of their strLggle and anrao>rlent pesoritly encou:>tbred i acquiring English words, and, cr.commitantly, gving a g:a-.r 7y18ia in their use. Loan translations and similar more complicated forms of interference will have to await a simiar increase of billingualism before gaining a foot- hold in Eskimo. Witnin the area of both koanwords and loanshifts there is no need to demonstrate exhaustively that the added vocabulary items reflect the cultural innovations in the contact sittionu They could hardly do otherwise, though Casagrande points out (l955 '2i) that generally speaking those items which are newly represented are likely to have been "accepted" and those which are not present makes it seem likely tha they are not generally known or widely ac- cepted. We may also take as axiomat-i1c tChe idea that material visible items are more easily labelled than abstract or esotleric ones whlch can only be transferred through the medlum of language and, consequently, the latter cate- gory tendsto be ignored in the earlier or less intense stages of acculturation. Hav:ing outlined t[he marglnal pcsition of' lcanwords in Eskimo and simi- lar languages in limited contact situatitons, we are faced with providing an explanation of the various Ianshift. mechnanisms exhibited and their relation- ships, if arty to the culture of the speakers and the culture contact situa- 39 tion. The majority of similar languages, while still intact, use familiar formative processes which, in Whorfian terms, may reflect the underlying thought processes of the indigenous culture. In that there are many ways of labelling a new item, the major categories being reference to Form, Function and Symbolic meaning (Casagrande 1954h218), we may expect the loanshifts to reflect the "genius" of the particular culture as well as the attitudes to- wards the various acculturative processes. Extensions of previous meanings assume native analogies and the ones chosen should also demonstrate the same patterns, This idea has, in fact, been demonstrated where the authors have searched for it: * . . as form is the most palpable aspect of a culture trait, formal equations have most frequently been made by Comanche. 0 e Naming equa- tions solely on the basis of function and symbolic meaning regardless of differences in form are comparatively few in Comanche. e . . Newly coined words ' . . are usually descriptive of the new traits. . . Presence (in Comanche) of a set of instrimental prefixes and the pattern of their fre- quent use has led to the description of many new items,9 and especially machines and implements, in dynamic terms rather than (form) (Casagrande 1954:218-219, 222).o Thus extensions follow form and creations tend to follow function or activity in Comanche. Herzog tells us (1941:69.-72) that for Pima newly-coined words follow the usual Pimn descriptive Patterns and that the suffix /-kut/ is used within its original instrumental connotations to fashion words particularly suitable for introduced furnct'onal implements. Wintu' indigenous attitudes are "still at work" (Lee 1943:437): A large number of Wintu' nouns, even when applied to traits which are old and important in the culture are derivative in character. They are de- rived from words denoting some activity or state of being which is con- nected with the object under consideration. O . o A large number of other words are extremely graphic, referring to specific detail, mainly visual (idem). However, Wintu' was in an advanced state of acculturation and the majority of the speakers used it as a second language and were almost completely under the influence of American culture, and there was an expected change in the relation between thought patterns and lexical acquisitions. "There is the definite suggestion that words concerned with the forl aspect of an activ- ity are losing to those concerned with the essential or kinaesthetic aspect; and this in turn suggests that, under the influence of white culture, action is stressed to the detriment of observation" (ibid0O440). Eskimo confirms the contentions of Casagrande that: "If an unanalyz- able stem [root-morpheme] has been extended in meaning it may be assumed that an analogue of the new trait existed in the native culture . . . in some in- stances the original referent may be obsolete or obsolescent" (1955 .23). Words in categories I and II above represent such functional or visual anal- ogies where there is no need to create a new word. In some cases suffixal distinction is maintained for a time to separate the native from the imported items (the suffix -tuirak). Analogous devices appear in many of the lan- guages discussed and "the relative importance of the two traits may be indi- cated by the differential use of these modifiers" (idem). 4o The najority of t.he Eski'mo loans. however, are ' polymorphemic circumlocutions" (Voegelin and Hymes 19530644- Type II) tha+. Lead one to assume that no close analogue was to be f^und in the native culture (Casa- grande 195523)o However, in Esklmo this is no+. q-uite so true. Many of the aboriginal Eskimo words we-e of the same type. It Is of course possible, as I have hinted elsewhere (1961) that tChe Eskimos, having arrived relatively recently in this area wlth a relati'vely new mode of life, had to coin new words out of their stock of core morphemes that were stabilized duiring a past period of a someffiat different style of livlngo The general canonical pat- terns of Eskimo word-formation (see note 23) display the essential genus of the Eskimo lilnguistic-cultiural system and are particularly suited to past Eskimo-Engli sh linguistic and cultu.rWal contact situations0 The Eskimos havrve- always been a very zti li/ta-'an pe-ople. While xrany facet~ of t'*-ig.8U;^ euitts<^.e suchl a:} > !OJ]n an1 : l ,>ganz antinr were rela- tively u^ncorip[c't. Ced it hads been unnr-a'ly r,edd thah, thei% material equip- ment was b,o,^th ingenious ana func.tional. Tt is oa assumed to be a necessary consequence of the fact lhat no other peoples hmve ever been able to live in such an environment without outsi.de support and without such a pronounced bent the Esk-imos wou'ld -eve have been ab2e to survive. On contact with the technologica Llly sUperi OL CUulture of ttie -i hite mian ivChe EokiTmos were everywhere quick to grasp anid adapt anythlng that could mrake their hazardous life more efficient7t With this approach to life, their linguistic behavior in the old and the contact situations certai'nly reflected thei r uti1 itarian bent0 Most of the importsx, wI^ethe!. trhelr Eng-1 sh 8ses ;erc avai2able or not, as- sumed Esk? 1`,Tio 7 ab&& whiclh show tn.a:_y tir i tr r' me ntal (-kut) aspect,s,) thel-1 pc enA -'al ct.icn A - +i' a a-sociations. (I have triocc -InOW gQewhcaa> C" ? F c;f- o sr;e.ce; a presumed nlecessary consequ,c;, o h ne.,.d ,t: L - a r 4 in a tbaren and undif- ferent'a.ed tec" ihLcRal onse:-r.t::;c 0 h tA% va-y acquisitions and most of the mo e c; .- ,o ;.aK e i :u:o.:fi *;& ;ci the activtes and func- tions of thie-si akgous t-rai e t+ o8se ada: vc form may have been profound (e.go mirgut-? = bone needle/neta. needlejsewing 9machine). Where the forms are arnalogous as well as the funct 1 onsr extensions tend to have been made; where thls was not so, functional c;ircum1lculations harve been formed. Conclus i ons and Sul gge sti1 ons The accultiratiLve state of the Eskimo 1anguage at the time of the field wo-k almost exactly natches +hat Af Dakota as reported Ln 1l8520 Imitationls of forms of_ oth. r languwgee ar_ few 0 0 0 introduced deliber- ately by nim-sssries of ChristaniOty o 0 There are numterous extensions of old Dakota forms to referents reflectIng the infXluence of wAhnte cul- tureo. 0 0 By far th-e most numerous group of: entries reflecting white contact are new sequence, of old Dakota morphemes.. 0 0 Dakota dialects have made different responses to the same item of w,rhite contact. 0 0 O Several circumlocutions for the came element of wh.te culture can also be found withln one dialect. 0 O n mulrtiple crea,ivity moSt often occurs for items associoated wlth ahe "1cultural focus" of the group at that time) (Voegelin and Hiymes -9 3639.&t0). This does not, of course, mlean tL:at+ 11O years fro now 4the Eskimo language will be in the same state as the Dakota lang-.,agge t?.s Ioday. Lt may reflect, 41 however, some striking similarities between the general acculturative states of Dakota then and Eskimo now, as well as some structural features common to both languages. Technology and acculturation are moving faster these days than in the last century. This nay produce the tendency for Eskimo to reach the present status of Dakota in far less than 110 years, other things being equal. How- ever, they are not. Assuming the Eskimos remain in their present geographical position, there is never likely to be the nassive personal and linguistic in- teraction of the kind that is inevitable in the continental United States to- day. Even with compulsory schooling and the rise of bilingualism the proc- esses of further integration and later disintegration may be slowed or retarded compared with American Indian groups, Weinreich complains that students of linguistic acculturation "have generally overlooked the possibUi8ty of contact-induced progressive changes in a language against the time dimension" (1963d103-10). The author fully intends to return to this area of Eskimoland and, either incidentally or with greater application, record both the linguistic and non-linguistic processes of progressive acculturation. Many predictlons have been made in this paper with respect t o trends in l inguist'ic interference and the relation between interference and non-lingulstlc contexts. Maybe the major outlines of the path are already foreseen. However, a very interesting control case may develop. In that Ungava Is part of Nouveau-Quebec, the provincial govermnent is negotiating to replace ttie federal English-speaking personnel with French- SPeakers. They already have token representatives in the area and this year the federal day schools have, In many areas, begun to teach French as well as English. If the negotiations are successful, the Eskimos of this area will be schooled in French (and Eskimo) and be administered by French-speaking personnel. Some French-speakers have noted, and the author concurs, that Eskimos are more easil'y able to pronounce French adequately and learn its relatlvely more inflecting grammar than they are English. Linguistically speaking, we may then expect a decided shift in loanwords and Interference in general; one that is in the opposite direction to the usual positlons of French (and Spanish) as against Eglish in other Amerind historical contacts. However, for a number-of reasons, the Eskimos are outspokenly against the French influx and the prospect of their children having to learn French. They are fully awre that French is a minor language in North America and probably of considerably less utility in the years to comeo Whether the cul- tural attitudes (if they remain) wlll counter the supposed linguistic affin- ities is a subject to which the author will pay great attention if the situa- tion arises. For comparative purposes, the Eskimos directly across the Hudson Strait, who are in dialect and kinship closely related to the Ungava people, are at present in a similar linguistic, educational and acculturative state. However, whatever Is the outcome in Quebec, they, being in the North- west Territories which are under federal control, will continue along an iden- tical cultural path but for the linguistics of administration and education. Such a closely controlled comparlson would be hard to find In the ethnographic literature. 42 NOTES 'This paper is based on the expansion of parts of a previous paper; Graburn 1960b. The author has done field work in this area: 1959 under the auspices of the Northern Coordination and Research Center of the Dept. of Northern Affairs, Goverrnment of Canada; 1963-64 under the auspices of the Cooperative Cross-Cultural Study of Ethnocentrism. The author is indebted to Prof. N. McQuown of the University of Chicago and Prof. Dell Hymes of the Uni- versity of California, Berkeley, for their most valuable comments and criti- cisms. 2The two major works on the topic are Weinreich 1953 (1963) and Haugen 1956. Both are primarily interested in linguistic contacts and bi- lingualism within the Indo-European field though the latter has a valuable summary of work done on North American Indian linguistic acculturation0 3e.g. Igloo = Eskimo snow-house; kayak = Eskimo one-man skin-boat. 4For more detail see Graburn 1960a, 5Turner (1894:176.178) speaks of the "Tahagmyut" trading into Fort Chimo. 6Low (1906:66) states that the people of Sugluk traded with their Eskimo neighbors whereas those of Wakeham Bay regularly visited Fort Chimo and learned to read and write there. (Both groups are "Tahagmyut",) 7The Rev. Peck at Little and Great Whale Rivers; the Rev. Stewart at Fort Chimo. 8I have only met one adult (out of nearly a thousand) who could not sign his name, 9 One Eskimo family lives there for janitorial duties. Other contacts are relatively few and mainly sexual. 10Eskimos (unlike most Indians) are full Canadian citizens, 11This has caused tribulation among many Eskimo adults and some whites. Willmott (1961:105-108) speaks of a similar situation at Port Harrison. 12On neither occasion was the author specifically engaged in work on the language. In 1959 he was learning it and in 1963-64 he had reasonable fluency and used it, 13The orthography is modified after Lefebvre 1958, with reduplication for long vowels. 14 In 1959 one Eskimo, of a total of 600 or so, spoke an ungrammatical English. By 1964 the federal day school had increased this to three or four. In the southern areas there may be as many as 5 percent bilinguals, as schools have been there longer. 43 l%ow (1906:6) got his from Port Burwell where there had long been Moravian missionaries. l6Some have become authorities on the local language (see Schneider n.d.). Of one the Eskimos complain he speaks Eskimo "too well" and goes around "correcting" their speech1 '7See Spalding (1960) who was in the area in the fifties and Schneider (nodd) whose works are based on over twenty years' residence among the Takaamiut. Lefebvre 1958g Graburn 1960b; Willmott 1961; Gagne 1962. 19The terms used are those of Haugen(1956045h47h, 52)) 20We are not here concerned with syntactic changes. Phonemic changes are dealt with in the ensuing listingso The various possibilities for the whole range of situations are considered in detail elsewhere; particularly in Haugen 1956 and 'Weinreich 1953. 21This is a substantial sample of the loanwords used by adults in this area; out of a total of probably less than two hundred. 22I do not intend to examine Eskimo concepts of measurement, time and space (aboriginal or otherwise). This has been done in my previous paper (1961) which is being revised for publication. 23The canonical shape of the Eskimo word is: R xG I yE, where: R u root morpheme, not specilfcally nounal or verbal; x a O-600 G a adverbi- ally modifying dependent non-inflecting morpheme(s); I - inflecting morpheme, denoting syntactic status9 usually terminal; y - 0-2; E a non-inflecting en- clitic, always terminal. See also Swadesh 1946. 24The author has lived in two other dialect areas but for shorter periods. This way and through literature more alternates are known, but will not be considered here. 250ne might expect uniformity for those items introduced by mission- aries with their standardized texts and literacy. However, many of these cases were known to be widespread before the missionary period; e.go in addi- tion to "qa unak," there are "savik" a metal (extended from "knife") and "kikiak"t - nail, with its extension "kikiaksak" * metal in adjacent areas. 26 During the author's most recent field trip to the area, (see note 1) the specific topic of investigation was the relationship between the Eskimos and the Indians and involved living with both groupso 2q 7Balikci (1964) has suggested that even the quick adoption of Chris- tianity served these ends, Coercion was never necessary to initiate trade relations in this areao 28Partly from their few previous experiences with French-speaking in- dependent traders before World War II, the Eskimos feel a great threat to their economic livelihood if they were to come under French-speaking control. In addition, the great majority are Anglican (with English-speaking white affiliations) and they fear they would be "persuaded" or 9fencouragedYt to be- come Catholics (with French-speaking affiliations) in spite of denials by the Quebec governmento There are a few additional minor fears in the sexual and political fields0 REFERENCES BLACKMORE, MRS. ANAUTA (FORD) 1940 Anauta: the land of good shadows. New York, John Day. BALIKCI, A. 1964 BALLANTYNE, 1857 CASAGRANDE, 1954 The missionary as an Eskimo leader. Paper read at the Annual Meet.ings of the Armerican Anthropological Associatlon0 Detroit. November 196h. R. M, Ungava. London; New York, T0 Nelson. J. B0 Comanche linguistic acculturation I. International Journal of American Linguistics 200140-151. Comanche linguistic acculturation II. International Journal of American Linguistics 20:217-2370 1955 Comanche linguistis accullturation III. International Journal of American LLngv*x t .,s 21 .. 8 -2 DIEBOLD, R. A.., Jr. 1964 Incipient bilingualism0 In Langage in Culture and Society, D.o H. Hymes, ed., pp. h95O08. DOZIER, E. P. 1964 Two examples of linguistic acculturation: the Yaqui of Sonora and Arizona and the Tewa of New Mexico. In Language in Culture and Society, D. H. Hymes, ed., pp. 509-520. GAGNt, R. C. 1962 Tentative standard orthography for Canadian Eskimos. Ottawa, Northern Affairs and National Researches, Welfare Division. GRABURN, No 1960a H. H. The social organization of an Eskimo community: Sugluk P.Q. Unpublished M.A. thesis, McGill University, Montreal. Also: Ottawa, Dept. of Northern Affairs, Northern Coordination and Research Center (in revision for publication). 1960b Eskimo phonemes, clusters and loanwords from English. MS, Dept. of Anthropology, University of Chicago. 1961 Eskimo space-time: a preliminary metalinguistic analysis. MS, Dept. of Anthropology, University of Chicago (in revision for publicat'ion). HALL, Capt. C. F. 1864 Life with the Eskinaux. London, Sampson Low, Son and Marston, 2 .vaols. HAUGEN, E. 1956 Bilingualism in the Americas: a bibliography and research guide. Publication of the American Dialect Society No. 26. University of Alabama Press. HERZOG, G. 1941 Culture change and language shifts in the Pima vocabulary. In Language, Culture and Personality, L. Spier, A. I. Hallowell, and SO S. Newman, eds. Menasha, Wisconsin. HONIGMANN, J. J. 1962 Social networks in Great Whale River. Ottawa, National Museum of Canala, bulletin No. 178. HYM1ES, Do Ho.9 ed. 1964 Language in culture and society. New York, Harper and Row. JOHNSON, J. B. 1943 A clear case of linguistic acculturation. American Anthropolo- g9ist 45n1427-434h LEE, D. D. 1943 The linguistic aspect of Wintu acculturation. American Anthropol- ogist 45: 435-440. LEFEBVRE, G. 1958 A draft- orthography for the Canadian Eskimo. Mimeo. Ottawa, Northern Coordination and Research Center, Dept. of Northern Affairs. LOW, A. P. 1906 The cruise of the Neptimne. Ottawa, Government Printing Bureau. SALZMANN Z. 1954 The problem of lexical acculturation. International Journal of American Linguistics 20:137-139. SCHNEDER, Pere L., O.M.I. n,d. Dictionaire Esquimaux-Francals. Mimeo. n.d. Grammaire de la Langue Esquimaux. Mimeo. n.d. Dictionnaire des Infixes Esquimaux. Mimeo. These three works may soon be published by Direction Ginerale de Nouveau-Queobec, Mini stere des Richesses Naturelles, Gouvernement du Quebec. SPALDING, A. E, 1960 A grammar of the east and west coasts of Hudson Bay. Ottawa, Dept. of Northern Affairs, Northern Administration Branch. SPICER, E, H. 1943 Linguistic aspects of Yaqui acculturation. American Anthropolo- gist 45:e410-426. 46 SWADESH, M. 1946 South Greenlaridi'c Eskimo - In Linguistic Structures of Native North Americ'a, H. Hoijer ed. New York, Viking Fund Publications in Anthropology No, 6, pp. 30-54. TURNER, L. M. 1894 The ethnology of the Ungava district. Washington, D.C., Bureau of American Ethnology., Eleventh Annual Report. VOEGELIN, C. F. and D. H. HYMES 1953 A sample of North American Indian dictionaries with reference to acculturation. Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 97 :634-644. WEINREICH, U. 1963 Languages in contact: findings and problems. The Hague, Nether- lands, Mouton and Co. 1953 Languages in contact: findings and problems. Publications of the Linguistic Circle of New York, No. 1. WILLMOTT, 1961 W. E. The Eskimo community at Port Harrison P.Q. Ottawa, Dept. of Northern Affairs, Northerni Coordination and Research Center.