117 VALUES RELEVANT TO FAMILY AND SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS AMONG THE NAVAHOS, WITH A SPECIAL REFERENCE TO MARRIAGE E. Ojo Arewa University of California, Berkeley Introduction Anthropologists have tended, until recently, to overlook the problem of values. They have been somewhat concerned with how to establish their subject matter as a social and natural science, thus leaving the study of values to the philosophers and humanists. Even when they have studied values, the notion has not been reduced to any precise fom. Some anthropologists have avoided the term as far as posslble. Some use it in a restricted sense, variously equivalent to ideals, to social imperatives, to the basic assump- tions of a society, to the dictates of moral obligaticons (Firth 1953:146). To some, values are virtually coextensive with all of culture if not all of human behavior; to study values is then to study everything. To others, the vagueness and the ambiguity of the notion show utter meaninglessness and to st-%ldy i.i.e is then to study nonsense of an emotive kind. A quick look at the way in which the notion of values has been defined by anthropologists reveals how notoriously divided they have been in this re- spect. To Malinowski and Evans Pritchard, values are sentiments: "that atti- tude which organizes drives, emotions and the impulse to possess other people and objects" (Malinowski 19444129). To Kluckhohn and Murray values are con- ceptions (Kluckhohn 1951:395). Florence Kluckhohn sees values as generalized meanings. To Homans, they are unconscious assumptions: "The unconscious assumptions the members of any society make, or as some sociologists would say, the 'values' they holdt" (Homans 1950127). Radcliffe-Brown sees values as relations of interest: "The word 'value' as I am using it, always refers to a relation between a subject and object--either the object has a value for the subject or the subject has an interest in the object" (Radcliffe-Brown 1939:19). Bateson and Kroeber define values as ethos:, "Through a series of complicated processes, the individual finally comes out with a statement of preference, such a statement of preference we shall term a value" (Bateson 1951:45). Wallace defines values as abstractions or logical types (Wallace 1961:102) and finally Wolf sees them as role-models (Wolf 1962:class lectures). From all these various usages and definitions, values are sometimes identified with things, sometimes with motives, and sometimes with ends. Values, especially as used in this paper, involve a grading of things and actions in terms of their relative desirability. They imply systematic behavior, not simply random choice. They have both a cognitive aspect and an emotional charge which make them promote and guide action. They are what Kluckhohn has called "ideas formulating action commitments"1 in one context (Kluckhohn 1951:396), and what in another context he has defined as: "a con- ception, explicit or implicit, distinctive of an individual or characteri'sti'c of a group, of the desirable which influences the selection of available modes, means and ends of action" (Kluckhohn 1951:395). Hence values tend to have an obligatory character, i.e. an element of "ought" as well as of "want." All these could be succinctly summarized by what Wolf calls "role-models" at 118 different and specific situations in terms of the desired and the desirable (Wolf 1962:class lectures). The social groups that determine the marriage relationship among the Navahos are of two types: (a) the family and extended family; (b) groups based on descent--clans. (a) The family and extended family: The basic kin- ship unit of Navaho society is the matrilocal and matrilineal biological fam- ily consisting of husband, wife,and unmarried children. From the standpoint of the Navahos, the husband is the head of the family, but this does not mean that the women play a subordinate role in a marriage relationship. Their ownership of property, the system of tracing lineage through the female, the prevailing pattern of residence with the wife's people, the fact that more women than men have a ready and continual source of extra income through their weaving, all give the Navaho -women a strategic advantage. If a hlusband has more than one wife, each wife occupies a separate dwelling with her children. In many cases, it so happens that joint wives are sisters or relatives whose dwelllngs are ordinaril-y side by side,, or at any rate, within s?ght of one another. If the wives are not relatives, they usually malntaln separate establishments some distance apart. Plural mar- riages are practiced, but these are associated with higher economic status. The extended family consists of an older woman with her husband and unmarried children together with her married daughters and their husbands and unmarried children. It is a wider g:oup of relatives than the simple biolog- ical family and some tasks, like anima'. husbandry and agriculture, are car- ried out more often by the extended famlly. It fosters economic cooperation through the pooling of labor in herding and other productive activities. Un- der the mtrilocal system, the Navaho men often participate in the activities of two extended familles, and this causes a deep source of strain in Navaho social organization whenever the demands of a man's family of orientation and family of procreatlon conflict. (b) The descent groups: Besides the family and extended family units, there is another series of effective kinship groups in Navaho society based on descent. These are the clans. The clan is a much wider and non- local segment of the tribe; and all the Navahos belong to the clan of the mother but recognize relatives on a different basis in the clan of the father. There are, or have been, according to Kluckhohn, sixty or more Navaho clans (Kluckhohn 1947:63). The main function of the Navaho clan is to regulate marriage, and in doing so indirectly to affiliate clans, By bringing clans into close rela- tionship through encouraging marriages between them, the clan performs both social and economic functions. One cannot marry within one's own clan or one's father's clan because such a practice would be incest, a most repulsive crime. A clan is also important in establishing a larger circle of one's rel- atives, thus making possible the sentimental bond which gives rise to occa- 119 sional economic and other reciprocities. Clans are also an important agency of social control through which all clansmen are responsible for the crimes and debts of other members of the clan, and thus are able to regulate the con- duct of all its members (Service 1958:168). From the description given so far, it becomes clear that there are two forms of social groups that can be considered as a background of Navaho marriage--the biological family and extended family, and the clan. Neither of these types of relationship are based on a permanent link, of joint owner- ship of property. The members of the first are united by the ties of common residence, the exchange of service and food, and ritual links; and of the second, by bonds of common sentiment, reciprocal rights and duties, a belief of common descent, and the continuity of succession of office. The first is, it seems, an impermanent unit and the second, a permanent one. Both form the basis of the social structure of the tribe since the matrilocal extended fam- i ly is she nucleus of the Naveaho village although many other elements may be added to it, and the successilon to a;l offices is fixed by the rule of matri- lineal descent. ihe sources of conflict. There are two main possibillities of conflict within the Navaho kinship struc+ure. First, the ties of loyalty that bind a man to his descent group clash, to a certain extent, with his obligations to the members of his local units. Second, within the household itself, the authority of the father as the head of the matrilocal family is bound to come in confllct with that of the motherts brother. Both types of conflict can be solved harmoniously by a system which allows3 for a good deal of ariation re- garding local grouping and domestic authrity, but both can be accounted the cause of distinct maladjustment in nriage situations. Matrilocal marriage of the Na-v-aho type may have two main results from the point of view of the present writCer first, it may be the occasion of tension between the famAlies united in marrlage- second, it may result in an impermanent local group tlhrlough this f-r,quent change of residence by a man. Naah Mt in2 ues The social behavior of husband and wife is based on the tribal atti- tude to sex and marriage, and shaped by the allegiance of each partner to a series of different social groups. It is also defined much more exactly by a boU oi. lormalized rules, some of which are based on the sanction of habit, some on the force of public opinion, and others on the couple's fear of super- natural punishment. Prohibition on marriage. The prohibitions on marriage the Navaho ob- serves are as follows: first of all, there is a strict clan exogamy (Kluckhohn 1947:63-64). A person who would marry a woman of his own clan or clan group would go crazy and jump into the fire (Reichard 1928:60). Paral- lel cousins may not marry since they are regarded as sisters and brothers. Regarding marriage outside the tribe, different at+ titudes prevail (Reichard 1928061). Some Navahos in this respect would say that those who marry outside are not the best Navaho. Others treat marriage between school 120 boys and girls in a different light, giving such a marriage a sanction, al- though without the approval of the old folk. Preferential marriages. If the Navaho is debarred from marrying a large number o his close and distantly related kinswomen, he is positively enjoined to choose a wife from among some of his other female relatives. Some such unions are the result of prescriptive rights to some of the mar- riageable girls of the community, by virtue of the laws of kinship--the so- called "preferential" marriage--common among primitive peoples. - Family preferences among the Navahos are of three types--the sororate, the mother-daughter marriage, and the type in which a man marries a woman and her sister's daughter. Of these types, the sororate is very frequent. Twins are considered lucky in this tribe, and a man usually marries both girls. These three types of family preferences serve to illustrate the method by which a single individual strengthens the affiliations between his clan and another. Other favorite styles of marriage show how clans may become associ- ated by having several individuals of one clan marry individuals of another, often within the same family. Thus it is most usual to find two siblings of one clan marrying two siblings of another. Many types of clan marriages are preferred and there are certain clans with whom affiliations are sought. The types of clan preferences are the following: marriages into the father's clan; marriages into the clan of the maternal or paternal grandfather (Reichard 1928:65). A marriage between individuals whose grandfathers were brothers is tositively valued in as much as the relationship between the persons involved is not too close. It might be said that although the Navaho generally seek to prevent marriage between close biological relations., social and biological relation- ships are so confused that sometimes the biological relationships are reckoned inconsistently, and frequently give way to the social. There is, in general, a tendency for clan members to seek mates for their relatives in a few neighboring clans. In doing so, the first thing a man considers in choosing a wife for his son is the position of the woman's family in the community. Industry, cleanliness, hospitality, prosperity and the general character of the members are other considerations highly valued. Avoidac andioki2a Besides the rules governing marriage, intrigues and flirtations are prohibited within certain degrees of kinship; in fact, there is a regular pattern of avoidance between certain relatives expressed in the form of circumspect behavior. The most important tabooed degree is the observance of the mother-in-law avoidance, a custom which dies hard among the Navahos. The taboo begins as soon as tne proposal for marriage is accepted and lasts until the death of the individuals who observe it--the husband of a woman and his mother-in-law. Since avoidance begins with the engagement, a woman may not attend her daughter's wedding. She may sit within hearing dis- tance but may not enter the hogan but merely peep into it through a crack in order to know her son-in-law and so avoid him (Stephen 1893:356). A woman believes she will go blind if she looks at her son-in-law. 121 The joking relationship which is the antithesis of avoidance is of two kinds among the Navahos. The most extreme permits teasing between cross cousins who are not potential mates. The other kind is teasing between mater- nal uncle and nephew. The difference between the two is that in the first kind of joking the teasing is obscene, whereas in the second type, this is not the case. From Reichard's account, the following individuals may also joke: "Maternal grandmother and maternal grandson may tease but not bad. Father-in-law and son-in-law may joke bad" (Reichard 1928:73). The Marriage Relati onship The Navaho husband and wlfe accept certain obligations to each other from the time their marriage begins. They enter into an economic partnership, a sex partnership, and one designed for the procreation and rearing of chil- dren. Besides these more clearly defined obligations between husband and wife, each is bound, by the pattern of his culture, to observe a certain type of behavior in dealing with the other--forms of courtesy, small services to be exchanped between the two, and a common acceptance of the relative social status olf both partners. These conventions depend in part on the behavior pattern generally accepted in Navaho community as between man and woman; in part they consist specifically of rules of etiquette thought proper in the relation of husband and wife. The "Di:ectives" associated wi`h a conju marri As used in this paper, "Directives" include the laws, commandments, rules of conduct, obligations, duties, rights and privileges and any other rules or standards which are intended to regulate conduclt (Albert 1956:226). The economic directives include an undertaking on the part of the husband to assume the responsibility for building dwellings, corrals, and fences. The wife keeps the dwelling and cooking utensils clean and orderly. She cooks, butchers mutton, gathers consumable crops from the field, and cares for the children. Men do most of the field work, look after horses, wagons, and cattle, and haul wood and water. Many activities are sex-typed to such an extent that many adults would find it embarrassing to perform a task assoc iated with the other sex (Kluckhohn 1947:50). All these economic directives are enforced in a number of different ways. First of all, by the united action of the kinship group concerned, i.e. that of the woman. The young husband and wife live and work under the orders of the head of the matrilocal famnily group and hence receive economic training as members of a team. In the case of the man, the strongest sanc- tion for his good conduct seems probably to be the power of his wife's fam- ily to refuse to hand her over to him. In the sexual realm., the directives are such that in marriage, a hus- band and wife are both contracted to give each other sexual rights. Frequent intercourse is often desired by both (Bailey 1950:20). Further, the marriage puts each partner in the magic power of the other, so that each is legally contracted to take the necessary ritual precautions to protect the safety of 122 the other. There is frequent warning against excessive indulgence in sexual intercourse through Navaho mythology. Many drastic effects of such indul- gence are cited, and cures for sexual indulgence are related in detail by Haile who says that a husband's "debility resulting from his weakened condi- tion and ino*dinate sexual desires is restored by Flintwayt (Haile 19h3:16). The prevalence of myths dealing with adulterous incidents and sexual excesses reflects, among The People, the emotional tension of Modern Navaho. Kluckhohn has in this connection stated that "one of the principal sources of friction among the Navahos is sexual jealousy" (Kluckhohn 1947:179, 234). He goes on to say that it is controlled by the institution of witchcraft for "fear of witches at night acts, to some slight extent, as a deterrent to extra-marital sex relations because night-time would otherwise provide favor- able conditions for secret rendezvous." However, under certain circumstances or with certain persons the Navahos feel sexual activity is improper. Intercourse between husband and wife continues during pregnancy but ceases shortly before her confinement. Intercourse, on the basis of the ac- cepted value orientation of the Navahos, continues until one or two months before delivery (Bailey 1950:31). A man stands bound to perfcrm certain obligations during the wife's delivery. He is expected to assist in the delivery in whatever way he can. In terms of the husband's emotional reaction during the wife's labor, there is no evidence to show that the couvade is an Institutionalized respcnse among the Navahos. The husband is not expected to become distressed or nerv- ous but rather expected to assume responsibilities for assisting his wife dur- ing this crisis. Parenthood. The essential obiect of Navaho marriage is the produc- tion of children. For this reason, a man can divorce his wife If she is barren (Bailey 195020). Once the child is born, the parents stand committed to certain obliga- tions towards him or her, though these are not as well defined as in the case of patrilineal societies. The Navaho child gets a lot of affectionate atten- tion, and every step he takes toward social participation is rewarded. The positive side of child training is mainly a matter of constant encouragement in the acquisition of language and other skills. Training in Navaho modesty is also given the child very early in life. All these values are probably reasons why the Navaho children have exceptionally favorable op- portunities for developing a secure and confident adult personality. There are almost no sudden and harsh attempts to compel him to control his elimina- tive activities. Children who happen to be the last in the family undergo, during wean- ing, life experiences which are different from those of the average child. The Navaho children who are either actually or psychologically "last born" have a personality structure which differs consistently from that of other Navahos. They are more stable, more secure, less suspicious and generally happier (Leighton 1947:37). 123 In short, during weaning the Navaho parents teach effectively what the world around the child demands of him, in addition to imposing certain re- strictions on, and giving certain assurances to him. The Navaho famil as a "focal value." A focal value as used in this paper is a limited number of cores around which the values of a people clus- ter (Albert 1956:225). Focal values have a diual status--they are inferable from groupings of values and recourse is usually had to them to explain and justify the less central values. Among the Navahos, the family is a focal value in that it is treated by the Navahos as self-evident, i.e. self- justifying in their value system. This focal value constitutes the channels through which the value premises and directives pass. Thus it is good to have a family, for then in the case of need, a sing will be provided to re- store health; if one has a family and health, all can work together to ac- quire possessions. Negatively, a poor man cannot insure himself or his fam- ily against want or pay for the learning of ceremonials needed to preserve health. In terms of direct`ves, young people are advised: "IWork hard and don't be lazy so you will have something, then you can maintain a family" (Albert:?36). An important injunction is malntaining order, wihich means among the Navahos "get alonlg with everyone." This primarily refers to fulfilling kin- ship obligations and maintaining certain familial relationships, which define the gradient of responsibility, authority, economic cooperatlorn and solidar- ity. These relationships define and determine the nature of avoidance, jok- ing, and incest in familial interpersponal relati'ons. Within the community the directsrei ves associated wilth focal values build toward mutual nurturance and concern Mn the form of cheerful discharge of familial obligations. In th,e choice of a mate, the directive is: "Do what your family wants you to do so you wilL' get along well and nobody will have to scold you." In the who'le atOmosphere surroounding the family, lying, stealing., cheating, trickery and deceit are unequivocally -inappropriate. Domestic precedence as between husband and wife. Among the Navahos, there are a number of different factors which make for the apparent contra- diction between the different sets of rules which govern the behavior of hus- band and wife. The most important of these is probably the fact that the pri r . Of matrilineal descent and matrilocal marriage must necessarily con- flict, to some extent, with a social pattern of male dominance. It is in the domestic life that there is a wide variation possible in the marriage relationship, and the seeming dominance of the man is largely tempered by the system of the kinship grouping--matrilineality and matri- locality. In the matrilocal stage of marriage, the woman may be backed by her relatives, often very strongly, while the man may stand alone. All these are consistent with Strodtbeck's findings about husband- wife interaction over revealed differences aTnong the Navahos (Strodtbeck 1951:468-473). The background of his finding was to determine the correlate of mate's differential ability to persuade each other in accordance with the desire of each. He gave the following facts0 their matrilocal residence, affiliation of the child with the wife's group, ownership of sheep by both 124 husband and wife, the assumption of the role of family-head by the husband, economic independence of the wife and integration with her group, the women as major charismatic figures and as being active and demanding. With all these background facts, Strodtbeck presents in a table the sum of the decisions won by husbands and wives among ten Navaho couples rela- tive to couples in two other cultures as follows: Culture Number of Coules Decisions won by: Husband Wife Navaho 10 34 46 Texan 10 39 33 Mormon 10 42 29 With the comparative data gathered by Strodtbeck, the following con- clusions were reached concerning husband-wife interaction among the Navahos: ftThe Navahos husband and wife gave opinion, evaluation and analysis acts dur- ing the solution of their differences only one-half as frequently as the other two groups" (Strodtbeck-:473). They did not emphasize the arguments that might bear upon the issue; they tended to repeat their choices and implore the other to go with them or simply consent. From all this, it seems to the present writer that rather than male dominance which might be expected in husband-wife relations, the women have a favored position in terms of economy, religion and kinship considerations, all of which g'ive the Navaho wife independence rather than subordination. Conclusion "Character" encouraged by socialization. "Character" as used here is a re fe rene to the virtues and vices, the quality of personality which is ap- proved or disapproved, encouraged or suppressed, rewarded or punished by the Navahos through socialization mechanisms. The characters referred to are those in the context of a marriage relationship, and the relevant sanctions either positive or negative, are for the most part social and psychological, external or internal. The Navaho model of personal excellence is highly geared to socializa- tion and social control mechanisms (Albert 1956) which are usually articulated to a marriage situation, i.e. in the context of parent-child relationship. These include a character that is knowledgeable, well-spoken, agreeable, in- dustrious, with an appearance that is comely and attractive. These are ideals which embrace both moral virtues and enjoyment of pleasure and the condition for the attainment of which requires a natural physical endowment and intelli- gence, good parents and a good family, and a constant exercise of the virtues to establish these. Through socialization mechanisms, the following are disapproved of: gossip, ridicule, meanness, ill-temper, cruelty, lack of self-control, lazi- ness, irresponsibility, unfavorable discrimination in the disposition of gifts and advantages (Albert 19560238-239). Shame, loneliness, anxiety, and 125 discomfort of family pressures to mend onets ways and embarrassment, reinforce external, social sanctions. By the same method of socialization, the following are also given a premium: quiet inner strength, dignity and self-control, natural piety, mutual nurturance, and gratitude. Rewards are given to a conscientious pres- ervation of physical strength to work, and mental strength to learn, by an assurance of the enjoyment of life's pleasure; inner satisfaction that comes with the capacity to serve others and prestige that goes to those who live right. Valued and disvalued entities. These consist of the numerous and varied objects eling states, situations and activities in the Navaho Value System, especially as related to marriage. They depend upon focal values, directives and character, with respect to which they to a large extent instru- mentalize. A valued or disvalued entity, in its concrete individuality, may be classified irn a variety of ways which may satisfy mnany values simultane- ously. C`utllned below are the valued and dismalued entities in relation to the following three types of relationship: husband and wife relationship; parent-child relationship; and other harmonious interpersonal relationships. Husband and Wife Relatio p Valued Helpfulness Honesty Indievidual respect Dignity Sociability Generosity Responsibility Moderat ion Di svalued Withholding assistance Lying, stealing, adultery Irresponsibility Lack of dignity Non-sociability St inginess Irresponsibility Overindulgence in sex Parent and Child Relationshi--Parents' Expectat ions Va lued Doing hlat one is asked to do Politeness Teaching one's children well Honesty Personal attractiveness Sense of humor Good memory Learning things Listening to good advice Courage Di svalued Being unobliging Meanness Irresponsibility Lying, stealing Ugliness Lack of sense of humor Dullness Unwilling to learn Wi llfulness Cowardl iness 126 Parent and Child Relationship-Child's Expectations Valued Di sva lued Helpfulness Dependabi 1 ity Wi sdom (in mature years) Valued Withholding assistance Undependab il ity Senility Other Harmonious Interpersonal Relationships Disvalued Nonaggressive attitude Courtesy Minding one's business -Respect f or individuals Hospitality Self-control Moderation Sense of humor Quarrelsomeness, violence Talking rough Gossip Authoritarian attitude Lack of hospitality Temper Drunkenness Lack of sense of humor The contents of this model agree with those of Albert (Albert 1956: 239-241), but the present classification is wholly the writer's. REFERENCES ALBERT, E. M. 1956 The classification of values. American Anthropologist LVIII:221- 248. BAILEY, F. L. 1950 Some sex beliefs and practices in a Navaho community. Cambridge, Mass. BATESON, G. 1951 DYK, W. 1951 Communication, the social matrix of psychiatry. New York. Notes and illustration of Navaho sex behavior. Psychoanalysis and Culture, 108-109. FIRTH, R. 1953 The study of value by social anthropologists. Man LIII: 146-153. HAILE, F. B. 1943 Origin legends of the Navaho flintway. Chicago Publications in Anthropology, Linguistics Series. HOES0N, R. 19h2 Navaho acquisitive values. Peabody Museum, Harvard University. HOMANS, G. C. 1950 The human group. New York. 127 KLUCKHOHN, C. Some aspects of Navaho infancy and early childhood. Psycho- analysis and the Social Sciences I:37-86. 1947 The Navaho. Cambridge, Mass. 1951 Values and value orientations in the theory of action. In Toward a General Theory of Action, T. Parsons and E. Shils, eds. Cambridge, Mass., pp. 388-433. LEIGHTON, D. 1947 Children of the people. Cambridge, Mass. MALINOWSKI, B. 1944 Freedom and civilization. New York. RADCLIFFE-EROWN, A. R. 1939 Taboo. Cambridge, Harvard University Press. PEICHARD, G. A. 1928 Social life among the Navaho Indians. New York, Columbia University Press. SERVICE, E. R. 1958 A profile of primitive cultures. New York. STEPHEN, A. M. 1893 The Navajo. American Anthropologist VI:345-362. STRODTBECK, F. L. 1951 Husband-wife interaction over revealed differences. American Sociology Review VI:468-473, WALLACE, A. F. C. 1961 Culture and personality. New York. WOLF, E. 1962 Class lectures