PLAINS INDIAN POLITICAL STRUCTURE1
A Comparative Study
Robin F. Wells
Introduction
The study of comparative political systems has, in recent years,
attracted considerable attention. Methodological and theoretical approaches
have been written by inter alia, Sutton (1955), and Eisenstadt (1959).  The
gist of these writing  isthat a political unit is a territorial representa-
tive unit, and that it has the power to call upon legitimized force in order
to meet societal ends (Eisenstadt 1959 and Sutton 1955). These writings point
out that the function of the political unit is to attain group goals and inte-
grate the various "collectivities" or subsystems. Only Eisenstadt, however,
has dealt with the Plains culture area of North America in a discussion of
government.
Eisenstadt conceives Plains Indian goverment to be segmentary and
"associational" (1959:208-209, 216). He lumps the Plains with the Puebloans
on the basis of his segmentary-associational criteria; because these tribes
are without a centralized political organization and because "the most impor-
tant offices are vested either in members of hereditary kinship groups or in
members of the various associations which are characteristic of these tribes."
He considers the "various kinship, territorial, and associational groups" to
be Oself-regulatory." (Eisenstadt 1959:208). Eisenstadt considers the empha-
sis on war and "pursuit of collective goals" to be important in value orienta-
tion and societal goals, and these, in turn, affect the associations themselves.
Finally, Eisenstadt acknowledges the seasonal occurrence of a centralized pol-
ity and attributes it to the necessary result of an emphasis on collective
goals (Eisenstadt 1959:216).
The only extensive comparisons of Plains political organization that
have come to my attention are those by MacLeod (1937), Provinse (1955), Smith
(1925), and, on a more limited basis both by tribe and subject (law), Hoebel
(1954) who deals with the Comanche, Cheyenne and Kiowa.
Provinse2 also deals with Plains social control, but analyzes it in
the light of Radcliffe-Brown's primary, secondary, and mixed sanctions (Rad-
cliffe-Brown 1935). Concerning the military societies and Lowie's ascription
and later rejection of statelike origin to them, Provinse says, "One does not
find in these Plains military societies the germs of law and the state. One
finds that the germs have germinated and grown up. They are comparable, not
antecedent, to our modern state! (Provinse 1955:365). Provinse later con-
cludes that "law, even in the most formal and restricted sense in which it can
be defined, did exist, not only as criminal law but also, though to a lesser
extent, as civil law" (Provinse 1955:370).
1
Smith (1925), who summarizes tribe by tribe data on Plains Indian poli-
tical structure, is interested in the function of the council in its political
role.  In his discussion of the council, Smith begins by stating, in direct
opposition to MacLeod, that "The Indians of the Plains had little formal govern-
ment, because they had little need of it" (Smith 1925:73). He states that
"Before the historic period little power seems to have been held by the chiefs,"
and in a footnote excepts the Kiowa and Iowa (Smith 1925:73). Smith ascribes to
the council "a great socializing force" that emphasized tribal unity. Finally,
he believes that the council preceded the chief and remained after more complex
political systems were instituted (.Smith 1925:77). In short, Smith considers
the council to be the most important political unit on the Plains.
Hoebel (1954:127-176) uses the Comanche, Cheyennes and Kiowa inter alii
to illustrate legal processes in primitive societies. He summarizes his own
reports on the Comanche (1940 and 1952), Cheyenne (1936 and 1941), and Richard-
son's monograph on the Kiowa (1940), by saying, "So ran the law in this group
of Plains tribes. Comanche law expressed individualism checked at critical
points by social use of other individuals. Cheyenne law expressed a supreme
sense of social well-being kept flexible by a continuous concern for individual-
ism. The Kiowas never had a clear idea of which they preferred and muddled
along trying to serve both ends" (Hoebel 1954:176).
The basic tenets of the above syntheses of Plains Indian political organ-
ization can be summarized by stating that there was a reasonably well developed
body of law and that there was, at least in the summer, a certain amount of com-
plexity of development of tribal polity on the Plains. I will modify the defi-
nition of a political unit given above because of the difficulty in defining a
territorial unit. Hence, my basic definition is that a political unit is a
representative unit of one or more persons from a larger body of people occupy-
ing and exploiting a certain, but not fixed, amount of territory and acknowledg-
ing the authority of the representative unit.  I shall consider the primary
function of the political unit to be the successful integration of the various
subsystems of the society, and secondarily the successful attainment of societal
goals and upholding societal values. Within this framework, then, I propose
that the political units on the Plains attempted to integrate what, in some
respects, was a primarily disintegrative society.
Disintegrative Factors
The forces that tended toward tribal disintegration and segmentation
were numerous. To a certain extent they varied from tribe to tribe, but a few
generalizations can be made. Briefly, among the potentially disintegrative
factors were the rivalry between men' s societies, individualism in war and other
pursuits, band organization prevalent in much or most of the year, and finally
the factionalism which resulted from increased contact with whites and termi-
nated in the various "Indian wars" of the second half of the nineteenth century.
Men's associations serving fraternal, military, recreational, and police
functions are so common as to have been considered one of the traits delineating
the Plains as a culture area (inter alii Wissler 1920; 1938, Lowie 1954). The
only groups lacking a societal organization were the Comanche (Lowie 1915a:809-
2
812 and Wallace and Hoebel 1952) and perhaps the Wind River Shoshone (Murphy
1959a).
An important distinction should be drawn here between age graded,
universalistic societies (Blackfoot, Mandan, Hidatsa, Arapaho, and Gros Ventre)
and the particularistic ungraded societies comprising the rest of the Plains
groups (except of course the Comanche).   Because of the universalistic char-
acter of Age grades, age grades as disintegrative factors in a society can be
discounted. Indeed, the effect of age grades upon a society would probably
be greater integration. For this reason the five graded tribes will be exclu-
ded from this part of the discussion.
Rivalry between men's associations is explicit or implied in the data
for many of the ungraded multi-associational Plains tribes. Concerning the
Crow, Lowie says, fi1n the 'sixties and 'seventies the grouping of most men
into either 'the Lumpwood or Fox club provided a natural line of cleavage;
accordingly., we learn that in certain games the men of one of these societies
and their wives are pitted against the members of the other society and their
wives. But alignment in too opposite camps revolved essentially about two
activities: mutual wife kidnapping . . . and competition for the honor of
striking the first coup of the season" (Lowie 1956:186).
After successfully stealing wives and flaunting them in a great parade
(Lowie 1956:190-191), the societies went out on the warpath, each striving to
strike the first coup of the season. So institutionalized was this rivalry
that 'Whether any other club got ahead of both did not mattert (Lowie 1956:
191). Whoever counted the first coup then mocked the opposing club "until
they had struck the first coup in a subsequent encounter" (Lowie 1956:191).
I- short, the rivalry between men's societies among the Crow was important,
and by its very nature might tend to be disruptive to Crow society.
Among the Iowa, Skinner says, "Rivalry was keen between the military
societies, and each tried to be represented on the warpath. Coups counted by
members increased the society's prestige, and the organization was allowed to
boast of them. Hence, each society courted the membership of braves, and
tried to outdo all others" (Skinner 1915:692). On the same page Skinner com-
pares the situation of the Iowa rivalry to that of the Crow Fox and Lumpwood
rivalry and assigns this specific type of relationship to two specific socie-
ties.
Rivalry among Teton associations was certainly as great, although not,
as institutionalized as among the Crow. "Although all akichita [men's police]
societies have much in common, they seem not to have felt any bonds or obliga-
tions toward each other. We are told that wife stealing was a great sport
[all wives of members of other societies] being legitimate prey. "On going
out with a war party, there [was] considerable rivalry between the members of
different societies as to who [would] kill the enemy first . . . on returning
home they [held] a ceremony of rivalry. Two societies gathered together, one
on each side. First one member [would] get up and tell of how he.killed an
enemy  . . Then someone on the other side [would] tell of a deed, etc.
(Wissler 1912:74).  In short, it can be seen that intense rivalry between
men's associations was part of the Teton pattern.
3
Of the ungraded, multi-associational tribes, certain groups are speci-
fically mentioned as being without societal rivalry. Among them are the Kiowa
(Lowie 1916b:843), Pawnee (Lowie 1916a:891), and the Wind River Shoshone (Lowie
1915:814). For each of these, however, there is room for explanation.  The
Kiowa societies, for example, functioned only during the four weeks of the buf-
falo hunt and sun dance (Richardson 1940).
For the rest of the Plains tribes, rivalry between men's associations
probably, to a greater or lesser extent, did exist, even, it seems among some
of the age-graded tribes, for example the Gros Ventre (Lowie 1916a:934). Since
Lowie in his age-grading paper thinks of inter-associational rivalry as being
of the Crow-Teton type of institutionalized rivalry, there is the possibility
that a less institutionalized rivalry existed between men's associations among
other tribes on the Plains. 'In 'any case, the characteristic of rivalry between
men's associations might. tend to threaten the cohesion of the social system and
thus would constitute a potential disintegrative factor. That a men' s associa-
tion might become a "territorial" unit and, as such, a political segment of a
tribe is exemplified by the Cheyenne Dog Soldier band (Llewelyn and Hoebel
1941:loo)-. In brief, then, it would appear that men's associations might con-
stitute one disintegrative factor in Plains society.
Individualism
Pronounced individualism in war and to a lesser extent in other aspects
of life would seem to be another potentially disintegrative factor in Plains
Indian society.
Individualism in war is implicit in many of- the institutions in the
Plains Indian war complex. The Teton warrior fought "not so much to damage the
enemy as to distinguish himself" (Vestal 1957:10). The basic-individualism of
warriors is again borne out by reference to other sources such as Lowie (1954)
or Wissler (1920),- etc. Indeed, the basic- institution of counting- coup (Grinnell
1910 in Kroeber and Waterman 1931:367-373) is in itself a mark of individualism.
The use of officers beneath the war leader among the -Teton to help hold back
ambitious young men (Wissler 1912:54h61) implies the individualistic-tendencies
of warriors wanting to count the first coup at the expense, for instance, of a
planned ambush or horse raid. The Cheyenne, Crow, Hidatsa, Omaha, and Teton had
problems with war parties starting out at inauspicious times and police were
called in to stop them (Provinse 1955:3h7-348; Llewelyn and Hoebel 19h1:l46ff.;
Lowie 1956:5; Fletcher and La Flesche 1911:210, 4X04-405). Here, the fact that
unauthorized war parties did slip away upon occasion, flaunting the religious
and secular sanctions against unauthorized war parties, tends to show the'
disintegrative factor of war indiividualism.  In short, it appears that war
individualism among Plains Indians proved a potentially disruptive factor to
social cohesion.
The other principal manifestation of individuality as a threat to group
cohesion is found in the flaunting of hunt police authority. Since all of the
sources prescribe punishment for premature hunting of buffalo and driving away
the herd, it would appear that this threat to the system happened often enough
to necessitate the inauguration of an actual hunt police force among all but
4
the Comanche (Wallace and Hoebel 1952, Hoebel 1940, Lowie 1915:809-812) and
the Sarsi (Goddard 1914:465). Among the Cheyehne,, four and perhaps five of
the fifty three cases dealt with are concerned with hunt infractions (Llewelyn
and Hoebel 1941.9-12, 95, 112-113, 116-117, 117,-118). Since data on other
tribes are unclear, I can only make the inference, based upon the presence of
police, that premature buffalo hunting was quite a common occurrence on the
Plains, particularly among the more eastern groups who came onto the Plains
relatively late where the central polity and concomitant police seem to be
stronger. The fact, then, that hunt police were found among all tribes except
the Comanche and Sarsi, bespeaks, I think, the individualism of hunters.
Probably the most highly individualistic of all the Plains groups is
the Comanche. "The adult male was a warrior, vigorous, self-reliant and agres-
sive. He took what he could get and held what he had without much regard for
the abstract rights of those weaker than himself. A ready willingness to
arbitrate differences or to ignore slights, was a sign of weakness resulting
in loss of prestige" (Wallace and Hoebel 1952:146; for the original, unacknowl-
edged source of.these sentences see Linton 1936:121). Furthermore, because of
the great number of legal cases involving torts and settled by the people con-
cerned. in battle or' spite, Wallace and Hoebel have considered the ethos of the
Comanche to be highly individualistic (1952).
To summarize, individualism, whether it be that connected with war or
with the hunt, or with any other aspect of camp life, was another factor that
could lead to the disintegration of Plains society.
Segmentary Band Organization
With the possible exception of some of the village, tribes; that is,
the Hidatsa, Aikara and Southern Siouans, the principal socio-economic and
politically represented unit for all of the Plains was the band. Fluid as
they might have been, for most of the year the bands of each tribe were prob-
ably autonomous except when they congregated under a centralized govermnent
at the time the tribal ceremony and buffalo hunt was held. Again the Comanche
proved the exception by never congregating on a tribal basis (Wallace and
Hoebel 1952:212, 214). More specifically, bands are ascribed to the Comanche
(Wallace and Hoebel 1952:22, 214), KiowB (Richardson 1940:6ff.), Kiowa-Apache
(McAllister 1955:165-166), Cheyenne (Llewelyn and Hoebel 19h1:llO-1ll), Arapaho
(Hilger 1952: 187-189), Teton (Hassrick 1944:338), Crow (Lowle 1956:4-5), Gros
Ventre (Kroeber 1908:147), Assiniboine (Dorsey 1897:222-223). Blackfoot (Ewers
1958:96), Plains Cree (Mandelbaum 1940:221), Plains Ojibwa (Skinner 1914t481),
Shoshone (Lowie 1909a:206), Mandan (Lowie 1954l:87), Pawnee (Murie 1914; 549),
and possibly other village tribes, particularly if the village could be con-
sidered analogous to the band. Of all these tribes, the band was the chief
component unit that in winter was an absolute economic necessity if the people
were not, going to starve. Lowie cites a case In point from the Cheyenne who
attempted to stay together during the winter and "nearly perished" (Lowie
1954:87).
The band, then, represented the smallest necessary unit on the Plains,
witness the Comanche who had nothing more. As such, the tendency toward
disintegration of the tribal society was greatly increased.  Indeed, contrary
to the "rebellion" of an Hen Dakota band that was crushed by the police
(cited below), a Teton from Standing Rock Reservation and now a psychologist
in Berkeley, told me that once his great grandmother's band stayed away from
the rest of the tribe during an entire sumer. This is certainly tribal dis-
integration when one considers summer to be the time of the tribal conclave.
Even when the tribal government was able to function strongly in the summer,
the economic necessity of band segmentation in the winter would militate
against the continuing functioning of a strong tribal polity in the winter,
due to lack of easy communication with the governed, component units. In
short, the band organization was a definite, disintegrative factor in Plains
tribal society.
Factionalism
The differential reaction to white influence, partiularly during the
period of the Indian Aws and somewhat before and after, was probably the
strongest factor tending toward the disintegration of Plains Indian societies.
Around the time of the beginning of the Indian wars, the reaction of the tribes
to white settlers was one of peaceful, though begrudged coexistence, members
of tribes joining the whites as scouts and auxiliaries in the suppression of
hostiles. -Perhaps concomitant with this reaction was intra-tribal factionalism
due to various segments of the tribe wanting peace or war with the 'incoming
whites. Because the area to be covered in Indian-white relations is so vast,
I shall briefly discuss only the more salient points.
The data suggest that peaceful coexistence with whites usually consti-
tuted a fiction of tribal policy, because warriors would often serve with
United States troops for a' small amount of money or trade goods, a uniform,
and perhaps most important, a chance to get back at traditional enemies of the
tribe. Grinnell (1956), Vestal (1948), Wellman (1947), and Stewart (1955)
cite the following tribes as providing U.S. Army scouts: Arikara, Crow, Osage,
Pawnee, and Shoshone. In reality, the policy of providing scouts for the army
constituted an actual, though not necessarily formal policy in interaction with
whites.
7Peaceful coexistence with whites was strained and difficult. 'So far
as my sources show, it seems that only the  ahawere able to withstand white
pressure without any overt reaction (Fletcher and LaFlesche 1911:611-642).
Even among those tribes generally friendly toward whites, however, there was a
certain amount of factiontalism.
Factionalism in the sense of pro- and anti-white factions cleaving the
tribe-and thus disrupting tribal unity occurred probably among all Plains'
groups. Ernest Thompson Seton notes a Crow Council, for example, that serious-
ly considered an uprising until silenced by the negative reaction of Plenty
Coups (l921d485-488). In the brief and relatively unimportant Blackfoot war
(Ewers 1958:236-253) and the period immediately preceding and following it,
factionalism was such that whole bands were either pro- or anti-white, and the
tribal head- chief was murdered for-his white sympathies by some of the conser-
vatives (Ewers 1958:242).
6
From 1878 to 1890 and perhaps earlier ard overlapping the flight of
Dull Knife and Little Wolf in 1879, Cheyenne served as scouts, even against
their own people (Grinnell 1956:398-436). Even in the Dull Knife faction,
the last Cheyenne "hostile" group, there was a split exemplified by the sup-
pression of the pro-white chief Tangle Hair of the Dog Soldier band whom the
whites attempted to bribe in order for him to surrender his following (because
of the peculiar structure of band and men's association here being coterminous,
the association leader with rather autocratic power could legally surrender the
band). Indeed it was the threat of death only that kept Tangle Hair from sur-
rendering (LIewelyn and Hoebel l94l1.05-l06).
Teton reservation farmers were regarded by other Teton ". . . as weak-
lings and traitors who had deserted their people and the old way of life and
were trying to imitate the ways of white people" (Hyde 1956:24). As my Teton
informant pointed out, each member of the arresting party sent to get Sitting
Bull had a personal grievance against someone in the "hostile" group. And
according to him, on Standing Rock Reservation today there is still the di-
chotomy between "Sitting Bull" Sioux and "Hang-Around-the-Fort" Sioux. Con-
cerning the Eastern Dakota, Riggs says, "When [Little Crow's] outbreak of 1862
occurred . . . the whole camp of hostile Indians removed up to [Haglewood
Mission] country, and they forced the Christian Indians to leave their houses,
which were all afterwards burned" (Riggs 1893:-222).
In short, factionalism did occur and played an important part in the
disintegration of tribal unity on the Plains.
In summary, rivalry of men's societies, individualism in war and hunt-
ing, band organization during most of the year, and differential reaction to
whites producing intra-tribal factionalism were among the chief disintegrative
factors in Plains Indian society. Of these, the last, that is factionalism,
was probably the greatest factor contributing to the final breakdown of Plains
Indian political structure, and so strong was its' hold that it exists even
today (see for instance Vogt 1952:88-93: Goldfrank 1952:74-79).
Integrative Factors
The chief political, integrative factors of Plains Indian society were
probably the chiefs, council, and police.  Integrative, but in a non-political
way, were the tribal ceremony, the commnal buffalo hunt, and the necessity
for banding together for defense against enemies. The data show two predomi-
nant types of Plains political structure which correlate rather closely with
the nomadic and the semi-sedentary peoples. The first type, which is charac-
teristic of the nomads, is a representational, achieved status chieftainship,
that is neither religiously nor kin group oriented. The second type, charac-
teristic of the semi-sedentary tribes, is a semi-hereditary, almost ascribed
status chieftainship, that is religiously oriented. In either case, the polit-
ical-unit, whether a chief "who just got that way" or a bundle owning "priest,"
strove toward attaining such collective societal goals as group defense. He
always had the aid of legitimized force in the form of the police function
performed by "soldiers" in canp, on the march, and on the hunt.
7
Of the nomadic type system, the following tribes can be considered
representative: Arapaho, Assiniboine, Blackfoot, Cheyenne; to the extent of
band chiefs, the Coma che, Plains Cree, Crow, Gros Ventre, Kiowa, Kiowa-Apache,
Plains O:jibwa, Omaha,  Sarsi., Shoshone and Teton. The complexity of political
organization in this group varied from the Comanche band chief who was given
no formal recognition beyond being the most influential of the family heads
composing the band (Wallace and Hoebel 1952:210) to the highly organized summer
government of the Cheyenne embodied in theCouncil of Forty-four with the ad-
junct of a men's association as a police force (Lle*elyn and Hoebel 1941;
Hoebel 1936; Grinnell 1923 Vol. I). For each tribe listed the criteria for the
selection of a chief were similar, although the mode of selection might be quite
different. The requirements for chiefship generally were that the aspiring
chief should be an elder, willing to give freely to the poor, aged, or any iko
asked for some article of his. He must have had a fine war record, must be
wise, and should be influential in the group (inter alii Ewers 1955:246-247;
Llewelyn and Hoebel 1941:73; Vestal 1957:83-8h; -Richardson 1940:7, 15; Mandel-
baum 1940:221-222).
There were both band and tribal chiefs in most of the nomadic tribes.
For example the Blackfoot tribal chief gained his office through rising to
prominence as the foremost band chief (Ewers 1955:249). The well known Cheyenne
had the Council of Forty-four composed of four chiefs from each of ten bands
plus four tribal chiefs all of whom served ten years, chose their own successor,
and retired (Llewelyn and Hoebel 1941:67-98). The Kiowa band chief was the
highest ranking man, belonging to the onde or ondegua rank, in caap; whilte
the Kiowa tribal chief at the great summer canp was the keeper of the sun dance
doll (Ri-chardson 1940L:6-12). Among the Omaha an aspiring chief had to give
ceremonial gifts and by so doing advance through two large, inclusive associa-
tions of "chiefs" before he could gain a position on the Council of Seven, the
governing body of the tribe (Fletcher and LaFlesche 1911:206-216). Finally,
among the Teton, at least for the Red Cloud Oglala, the chief's society elected
seven chiefs for a lifetime term. Those seven, in turn appointed four younger
men as councilors to govern actively, also for life. However, the chiefs
society, Council of Seven, and the four Councilors elected four other men for
about one year to serve as the actual camp executive (Wissler 1912:7-8). In
short, Plains Indian government with the chief having an achieved status char-
acterizes the nomadic type government.
'The tribes that characterize the semi-sedentary type of Plains govern-
ment are the Arikara (?), Hidatsa (?), Iowa, Kansa, Mandan, Osage, Pawnee and
Ponca. Here chieftainship is semi-hereditary in certain kin groups and/or is
connected with certain medicine bundles. As with the nomads, the chiefly
ideal of altruism, wisdom, influence, and war ability was considered essential.
Among the Pawnee, tribal and village authority was vested in hereditary, bundle-
keeping chiefs. The four tribal priests in charge of the most powerful bundles
rotated so that-each year a different bundle priest was in charge of the tribe
(Murie 1914:549, 554-557; Fletcher 1912:215, 590; Densmore 1929:3). From the'
Mandan council of bundle owners, two chiefs were chosen--one for war and one
for peace. It seems that sons of chiefs were usually selected to fill the of-
fice of their dead fathers (Bowers 1950:33-36). The Iowa had the chief of the
leading patriclan in one moiety serve for the winter and the corresponding
chief in the other moiety for the summer. Lesser chiefs were the heads of less
8
powerful patricians (Skinner 1915:685-686; 1926:201-207)9  The Osage had two
hereditary chiefs, one from each moiety, and they would daily alternate leader-
ship when on the march. The chieftainship was hereditary in a certain patri-
clan in- each moiety (LaFlesche 1921:67-68; 1932:45; Dorsey 1897:235.238). In
summary, then, among most of the village dwelling tribes, government was usual-
ly vested in kin groups holding special medicine handles.
The police function of Plain's government was carried out by either
one or two men's associations acting as a whole, a certain age group in age-
graded societies, men from special kin groups, or from the society at large.
Men's associations acting as police are noted for the Cheyenne (Llewelyn and
Hoebel 1941:99-131, Crow (Lowie 1956:5), Kiowa (Richardson 1940:9), Kiowa-
Apache (McAllister 1955:166), Pawnee hunt police (Murie 1914:557), to a certain
extent the Ponca (Skinner 1915:794-795), Sarsi (Goddard 1914:465), Shoshone
(Lowie 1915a: 834-815), and the Teton (Wissler 1912:10). One or more of the
age-graded societies acting as police are found among the Blackfoot (Wissler
1913:370), Mandan (Bgwers 1950:89), Hidatsa (Lowie 1913b:277), Arikara (Lowie
1915b:654-656, 664), and probably the Arapaho and Gros Ventre. Police coming
from certain kin groups are noted only for the Osage (LaFlesche 1921:68; Dorsey
1897:235). Police chosen from the tribe at large (or more accurately from the
tribal body of accredited warriors) are found among the Omaha (Fletcher and
LaFlesche 1911:209-212), Plains Cree (Mandelbaum, 1940:224-232; Skinner 1914:
518-524), Plains-Ojibwa (Skinner 1914:482-499), Pawnee camp police (Murie 1914:
557), Iowa (Skinner 1926:205-206), Eastern Dakota (Lowie 1913b:132; Eastman
1902:258-259), and Kansa (Skinner 1915:746).
The duties of the police included maintenance of camp order, control
of the group on the march, control of the buffalo hunt, patroling the camp
during ceremonies, night sentry duty when needed, and any other chore deemed
necessary by the chief or council in order to preserve the public welfare,
evenfgoing so far as to make laws (for example, see Llewelyn and Hoebel 1941:
127-218). Although the chief function of the police was thought by Lowie and
Wissler to be the policing of the buffalo hunt, Sarsi police were used only
on the march and in the sun dance encampment (Goddard 1914:465). For this and
other reasons, Provinse considers the policing of the buffalo hunt to be only
a necessary adjunct to the camp policing powers (1955). Basically this same
conclusion was reached by MacLeod (1937). However, as brought out by Murphy
(1959b) and as evidenced by my examination of the data, perhaps the chief func-
tion of the police was the control o? a large number of people in a large camp
and on the march.
The usual mode of punishment by the police was flogging or "soldier
killing" accompanied by the destruction and confiscation of the miscreant's
property. Punishment might lead in extreme cases to the killing of the indiv-
idual or group in error. For example, among the Eastern Dakota an entire band
was annihilated for refusing to stay with the tribe (Eastman 1902:261-262).
The police, then, were the arm of legitimized force usually called upon by
the chiefs and in theory subordinate to them, who made tribal law and tribal
unity a matter of concern to all members of the tribe.
The collective goals of the Plains tribes, chiefly the tribal ceremon-
ies and tribal buffalo hunt, were the rallying points to which the common
9
defense group, the tribe, clustered.  Normally, one.,did not war.with tho-se.with
whom one yearly hunted and danced. Since these.communal activities were of a
tribal nature and required tribal-attendance, the political unit of each tribe
strived to prevent the disintegrative forces from taking the upper-hand by
punishing those who acted in a marner antithetical to tribal interests.  For
example, the disintegrative factors listed above, particularly the raiding of
unauthorized war parties and the segmentation of the tribe into bands, would
be considered.antitheses to public well-being, and as such must be punished.
The Eastern Dakota case cited above is one in which the disintegrative factors
were in apposition to take the upper hand until stifled by the political unit
through the arm of the police.
If the functional necessity for a large group were for defense, as hap-
beeheduggested, then this large, tribal group, made up of small bands of indi-
vidualistic people and cross cut by-rival men's'societies, might tend to fall
apart unless held together more or less rigidly by an interrelated system of
political, economic and religious ties.  That economic motives were not enough
to hold a large group of people together is shown by the fact that a few fami-
lies could adequately satisfy subsistence needs over the year with few minor.
hunts (Hoebel 1954h150). Tribal consciousness, then, was promulgated b   not
only the hunt, but also by the various tribal religious ceremonies such as the
sun.dance, Hedewachi, or.sacrifice to the Morning Star.  The result of this
tribal consciousness was a solidary group, which under the direction of its
political leaders, could mobilize for defense and offense against members of
other such groups.
Conclusion
In summary then, the political institutions of the Plains tribes served
to integrate the various disintegrative factors by stressing collective activi-
ties. The end result was a feeling of tribal consciousness that acted as the
mechanism y which a common defense group was established. Where there was
lack of stress on collective goals, there was a lack of a centralized polity
and vice versa.  This, in short, is the situation found among the CZomanche.
Since the correlation between authority and complexity of political
structure exists vis a vis recentness of arrival on the Plains and the place
of the-original homeland, I would suggest that the nomads.who had engaged in,
communal activity longest needed the least authority to improvise them. This
would follow with the Comanche and, if Murphy is correct in assuming the late-
ness of police here, with the Xioshone. For nomadic groups on the eastern
Plains, much stronger political authority was necessary due to the recentness.
in acquiring a collective way of life and the concomitant lack of traditionali-
zation in communal activity.  Because the earliest reference. to hunt police is
by Hennepin in 1680 among some Minnesota Dakota, and because the word. for
police is gener.ally similar to the Dakota word wherever it is found, I would
agree with Lowie and guess thait camp and hunt police were originated by one of
the Dakota groups in Minnesota (Lowie 1916a:910.). I would suggest that the.
nomadic type of achieved status chief arose among the old settlers in 'the foot-
hills of the Rockies , because it is. here that political structure does not seem
to change as it does for eastern groups. The Omaha, for instance, formerly had
hereditary chiefs (Fletcher anid LaFlesche 1911:73-7k, 202-216).
10
The semi-sedentary type of political structure, I would suggest, was
a carry over from the type of political structure prevalent in parts of the
northeast woodland area, as for example among the Menomini (Skinner 1913:22-
26) or perhaps even the Penobscot (Speck 1940:237-238).
In conclusion, the disintegrative factors mentioned above were a
threat to the tribal solidarity which was necessary if a common defense group
was to be maintained. In order to maintain solidarity the political unit
probably shifted its emphasis to the stressing of collective activity once a
year and this collective activity did not necessarily have to do with econ-
omic requirements.
ENDNOTES
(1) In its original form this paper was presented as a seminar report under
Dr. Robert F. Murphy in the spring of 1959 in Anthropology 237 at the
University of California, Berkeley.
(2) This article is an unrevised reprinting from the 1937 edition of Eggan.
(3) Underhill (1953) ascribes age societies to the Assiniboine, but neither
Denig (1930) nor Lowie (1909b) bear this out.
(4) Stewart (1955:105-110) tells of the difficulties of getting formal appro-
val from the Crow chiefs for Crow warriors to serve as army scouts.
(5) The Omaha formerly had hereditary chiefs, but soon acquired their nomadic
systems from the Cheyenne (Fletcher and LaFlesche 1911:73-74h, 202-0216).
(6) Although the Arikara did not have graded societies, their police were
solely restricted to the Black Mouths, which is the same name given to
the age set having police functions among the Mandan and Hidatsa.
PEURIODICAL ABBREVIATIONS USED
AA      American Anthropologist
AAAM    American Anthropological Association Memoirs
AMH-AP American Museum of Natural History--Anthropological Papers
AMWIN-B American Museum . . . Bulletin
BABAR   Bureau of American Ethnology Annual Report
BAEB    Bureau . . . Bulletin
CNAE    Contributions to North American Ethnology
ICA     Inteinationalc(;ongtesslof 1 Amricafiits
UCtrfLC  Jourdlal of ACrinai Ltw! and Ckitianology
M-AES   Memoirs American Ethnological Society
M-AFLS Memoirs American Folklore Society
PNM-B   Public Museum of the City of Milwaukee--Bulletin
TAPS   Transactions, American Philosophical Society
U1{o.s. University of Nebraska Studies--old series
11
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16