THE SOCIAL FACTORS OF DONSHIP IN A MEXICAN-AMERICAN COMMNITY
Octavio Ignacio Roao V.
Wherever Spanish conquest and lnfluence penetrated to a socially
significant degree in the New World, one result has been the widespread
adoption of the respect term Don. As a part of this borrowing, the respect
term Don is in common usage among the Mexicans who have migrated north to
the- UTed States, and principally to California, Arizona, New Mexico, and
Texas. Since the ter- Don has primary reference to the respected man,
Donship and it's attendEE' social ramifications among these people can be
sald to constitute a major, if not a most important, factor for a full
understanding of the immigrant Mexican's male prestige system. However, in
the sociological and anthropological literature which deals with the Mexican
immigrant, the analysis of Donship is equalled only by the paucity of data
on the subject.  With this in mind, the present studly is an attempt to focus
upon the social factors, in contrast to the traditional ones, which contri-
bute toward the granting of the respect term in Frontera, a Mexican-American
rural comminity in south Texas.1
For a proper orientation, a word in general about Donship among
Mexica-n-Amricans is in order. From California to Texas, the respect term
is used traditionally in a variety of ways. Normally, but not always, the
usage is in reference to a male who is also of Mexican background. In some
cases the term is used in respect toward a man of position and relative
wealth, namely, a patron who is a dispenser of jobs and a doer of favors.
Such-a man is roughly parallel with the p    n of Latin-America.  In other
situations it is common to find business     professional men referred to
as Don Pedro, or whatever the given name may be. In this class Ay be
inced some doctors, lawyers, and certain representatives of the Mexican
consular service in th- Uited States. Still another usage of the term Don
is in connection with curanderos, or folk-healers. In this case, the
diminutive, oftimes affe?cUonite, sometimes ingratiating, suffix of -ito is
suffixed to the given name, as in Don Pedrito.  Don also applies to very old
men, and in this instance the -ito~Tg also used.
Finally, and more directly pertinent to the presezt study, in Frontera
there exists a class of men who are called Don though they are not p
not business or professional sen, not healers, or aged members of the Cmmn-
ity.  Instead, they are men who have met the prevailing conditions of every.
day life in a particular fashion and who exhibit particular behavioral char-
acteristics. They are, in short, individuals who represent the Fromtera
prestige system in successful personificationo
The Commity
Frontera is a cluster of rural homes in Hidalgo County, Texas.  The
bulk of the adult population immigrated from the northem Mexican states of
Tanullipas and Nuevo Leon. The origins of the community are rooted in the
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fusion of three major historical events:  (a) The revolutionary unrest which
engulfed Mexico at the turn of the century, (b) the introduction of mechanized
irrigation and large scale agriculture into the Rio Grande Valley, and, (c)
the establishment of townsites by real estate speculators and land companies.
In 1907, a real estate speculator subdivided a forty acre tract and sold lots
to the Mexican immigrants. Thus Frontera began to form.
Today,-.the commnity consists of one-hundred and sixteen households
in which live over two-hundred and ninety adults. Emloyment for the men
falls into two general categories. They work, for the main part, either in
an adjacent brick factor  or in the surrounding lettuce, carrot, cabbage,
and cotton fixelds-. Oftimes ffa-milies or individuals miigrate during the summer
and autum  months, following the cotton harvest-through east Texas and hence
north and west into Oklahoma. A few of the local families have travelled
farther north, to Michigan, to work in the sugar beet fields. With employment
in -the agricultural fields and the brick factory, the majority of Frontera
families are economically situated in the lower brackets. Spanish, mottled
with local idiom and modified English words, is the daily language of Fronterao
The young and adult men of Frontera explain that "an elder man should
be respected, and you show this respect by calling him Don." However, obser-
vation reveals that not all males who fulfill this requTement are called Don.
Pursuing the matter further, the few men who are actually called Don by their
neighbors are looked upon as being aloof, removed, serious men wifwhom "one
does not Joke," To understand the determinants which have led to the grant-
ing of the respect title to only a few of the older citizens, and the sig-
nificance of their aloofness, it is necessary to recapitulate- the social
environment of which they are a part.
The Social Environment
InTFrontera, the most basic premise for social relations is that the
world external to the bilateral extended family is looked upon as one of
brittleness in- inter-personal relations, of fickleness and undependability.
It is a social world in which the *iiverse acts upon the individual, the
individual but minimally affecting that universe. The intentions of people
outside the family are suspect, and often a stranger is judged guilty until
proven innqcent. To meet this "hostile" world, the Frontera sale believes
he must be prepared in terms which are understandable to him. In order to
do sop one must be "ready," *quick," "able to defend oneself," to quote some
local explanations. How does a Frontera man learn to "defend" himself?
Beginning with the male when he is a boy, it is considered important
he be "educated." By education the reference is not to the projected goals
of a formal education, but more specifically to learn the art of urbanidad,
or urbanityo As used locally, the word urbanity broadly defines the system
of expected courtesies and politenesses which serve to maintain a formal
social distance vertically between youth and elders, horizontally between
one family and another, or between one stranger and another. Such requisites
as the use of the formal usted when addressing an elder, of standing at the
door until asked to enter anotherls home, or to remain standing until given
permission to sit by the host, all serve to demonstrate respect which, in
essonce, is lack of familiarity and hence distance. Thus, the object of
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"education" is to learn "manners," how to maintain social distance, and how
to "defend" oneself. Today it is common for a youth to drop out of school
during the sixth, seventh, or eighth grades for by now, theoretically, he has
acquired enough English to be able- to defend himself while dealing with
English speaking people. Thus far, while still a boy, the male in Frontera
is considered to have gained but the rudiments of an "education." What is
lacking, according to the Frontera viewpoint, is the most important ingredi-
ent, that is, experience. Experience comes only with time, and it is consid-
ered an indispensable component of "education."
At about nine to twelve years of age, and sometimes lasting until the
early twenties, it is common for a young sale to associate informally with a
group of similarly- aged males.  Locally, such an informal association is
called a palomilla, the diminutive of paloma, meaning pigeon. Grammatical
technicalities aside, the metaphor signifies young pigeons who leave daily
to wander, always to return home at night. While a member of a palomilla two
significant events take place. First, the boy begins to learn a defense
against the verbal dueling which is characteristic of the palomilla. This is
an event of considerable importance, for such dueling is by no means restric-
ted to the informal association. In one form or another it is indulged in by
the majority of Frontera males, young and adult. Verbal dueling is a form of
masculine assertion. Consisting of a complex use of metaphor which contains
insinuations, innuendos, and outright accusations of effeminacy, weakness,
and lack of courage, the young male must learn to thrust and parry with the
members of his   lomilla. Quite often his agility at the game determines his
position within the group.  Because of the nature of the game, the novice
quickly becomes suspicious of the remaks his age-mates make.  For example,
seemingly innocent remarks containing the word leche, or milk, may be inter-
preted as a veiled reference to sperm. Words likeTFkey," "whip,," arid "walnut,'
may refer to male genitalia. A remark containing the word-Aeye'f-may refer to
the anus, as might the word "pocket." In short, the metaphorical significance
may be derived from common, everyday words and one must be wary enough to
distinguish between the common usage and the verbal thrusts. In addition,
there are refinements. The fully competent opponent is expected neither to
reveal his intentions and meanings, nor his reactions, during an exchange.
In such cases, one is never quite certain of the intended meaning. Further-
more, it is believed that the highest refinement in verbal dueling is achieved
when the implied meanings are phrased in such a manner as to convince the
victim that he has been greatly complimented. For this reason, the male of
Frontera is highly suspicious of flattery.
A second event of importance takes place while the young male is a
member of the palomilla. From within this group the individual youth gravi-
tates toward another with similar tastes and preferences. This other young
man then becomes his closest friend and confidant, or, in local terms mi
de confianza. Normally, confidants do not oppose each other at verbal duel-
Tng, or, should they do so, it is with the tacit agreement that the purpose
is to sharpen their wits. Commuication between these two young men is free-
flowing, confiding, and uncritical,
Approaching the age of twenty, the palomilla begins to dissolve. The
young man, by this time, may have sought   aoyent at the neighboring brick
factory, in the agricultural fields which surround the commuity, or with a
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trucker who organizes a crew. From companions at work, other adult men in
the village, and often from the father, the young man is now inculcated with
the view that the world other than that of the family is virtually organized
to cheat him at every turn. If he works at the brick factory, he hears from
the other workers that the foreman, als  a citizen of Frontera, "orks
against the good of the entire community, keeping the choice jobs for his
own sons and relativeso"
Should the young man seek work in the fields, there too the prevail-
ing conditions are of suspicion- and distrust.  Both farmers and truckers,
regardless of ethnic background, are looked upon as people who "cheat workers
at every opportunity."  In the event that a Frontera male has the fortune of
acquiring a truck  d recruits a crew, a rare occurrence, his attitude toward
his workers is one of -watchful wariness. Thus, in worker relations and neigh-
borhood conversations, the Frontera man further becomes inculcated with the
outlook that a hostile world is working against him.
Within the commnity, through rumors and gossip, the male facirng the
adult world learns still another xciom by which he will live. Here he learns
that "few men are strong enough to resist temptation." According to the
inhab-itants, in the recent past there occurred an incident which "proves" the
validity of this viewpoint. Funds for construction of a church were collec-
ted through a series of fiestas, dances, raffles, donations, and suppers.
For the protection of the community's interests, two treasurers were appoin-
ted. Despite this precautionary move, funds are said to have disappeared
through dishonesty of one of the treas4'rers. Another similar incident is
said to have taken place in the local Mutual Society which is composed of a
few men working primarily for mutual health benffits. In this group, two
treasurers were elected in addition to a collector of dues. Funds are said
to have disappeared here too. To the men of the community, these incidents
are used to demonstrate that one must not only be suspicious of employers,
but also of one's own neighbors.
As the young man approaches marriage, usually between eighteen and
thirty years of age, and even following marriage, he hears other men assert
the cQnviction that women are basically unfaithful creatures-. To support
this contention, stories with a cuckold theme are told virtually whenever
men congregate. Stories with a cuckold theme normally have no definite
locale. Closer to Frontera, gossip circulates regarding suspicious behavior
by married women in the fields or when their husbands are away. In fact,
people still discuss a neighbor who is said to have indulged in sexual exper-
iences with the wife of his own compadre, or co-parent. The major premise,
then, in male-female relations is that women are unfaithful and other men
covet onets wife.
In addition, attitudes toward women are also demonstrated in the
men's musical preferences. Songs which have been popular in Frontera for
the past four years were analyzed for themes  Of seventy-four songs thus
analyzed, -a total of fifty-eight- contained as the principal theme unfaith-
fulness and desertion.  Such constant repetition of the desertion theme in
popular music tends to remove such lyrics from the realm of pure poetic
license. When juxtaposed with other types of evidence, such as cuckold
tales, controls over visiting, accusations of infidelity, and gossip, the
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desertion theme in popular music becopies another indicator of attitudes be-
tween the sexes in Fronterao Significantly, then, only sixteen of the
seventy-four songs analyzed did not mention the theme of desertion.
Another major factor which the Frontera male faces as an adult is
that of envidia, or envy. It is generally believed that public evidence of
success in work or home is reacted to with envy on the part of neighbors.
For example, with the purchase of a newer automobile, envidia may become
manifest through verbal barbs and gossip. Should a young man declare ambi-
tion to change his station in life, people may speak of him as envidioso,
or envious of others. Literally meaning envious, the word envidioso quite
often is used as a synonym for ambitious. Envidia is a strong force in
Frontera, so strong in fact that the citizenofithe community refers to it
as a dominant characteristic of la raza, or, "the race,'" as he commonly
refers to people of Mexican ancestry. Since envidia is considered as per-
vasive among la raza, it is said that "one's own people will always seek a
way to make a successful man fail,"
Envidia may lead to witchcraft. Since persons bent on such activi-
ties often may be one's own neighbors, the hostility of the surrounding
social environment is thereby reasserted* It is believed by many that witches
transform themselves into bats and fly about during the night, seeking their
victims. In addition, while walking about at night a Frontera male may
"see" shadows and shapes which augur harm. Often, as a consequence, the
result is susto, or fright. Within a few days of the experience he must be
cured, or a more serious illness such as tuberculosis may befall him.
While gossip often is regarded as a result of envy, it may entail
other ramifications.  Gossip is generally referred to as echar msca, or,
literally, to make flies buzz about someone's head. Gossip ma  concern the
particular habits of an individual, Humorous anecdotes, a form of gossip,
may dwell upon actions and remarks which may distinguish one person from
another. For example, jokes and comments circulate concerning the cigar
smoking habit of one man, stuttering by another, an attempt to speak English
by still anothero Gossip may also concern a person's tallness, his irre-
sponsibility, or failure to demonstrate respect in prescribed situations.
Should a man become identified with a particular viewpoint, political or
social, he is then regarded with less esteem than another who does not com-
mit himself. Thus, a local espouser of trade unionism is considered somewhat
foolish for insisting publicly on his opinions despite repeated failures to
recruit neighbors to his way of thinking. Such actions are grist for the
gossip mill.
Summr.
This, then, is the social environment for the man of Frontera, the
system to which he must adjusto  It is a world of formalized social distance,
where he must learn to "defend" himself.  It is one of concealed meanings in
verbal dueling and where flattery is considered a prelude to suspect behavior.
Employers are thought to work against the individual. One's neighbors are
subject to temptation and may abscond with public monies. Other's covet one's
wife and women are considered unfaithful.  In addition, there are the factors
of envy and witchcrafto  Gossip singles out personal mannerisms. In short,
it is a social world in which few people may be trusted, for even cdres
may succumb to temptation and do harm. In this social environment howdois
the Frontera male react to the diverse factors of suspicion, envidia, witch-
craft, unfaithfulness, and gossip?
Non-involvement
The Frontera male is expected to react to the hostile world by sys-
tematically tending toward an ever narrowing circle of direct, personal
contacts. In addition, the pattern of non-involvement is a life-long process.
As a boy he learns to withhold opinions principally because of paren-
tal disapproval of contradictions which constitute breaches upon adult author-
ity. The boy also learns to avoid involvement in the adult world because of
repeated reminders of his "lack of- experience." The same conditions are
maintained vis-a-vis the neighbors, and such behavior is aided by the dictates
of courtesy which serve to maintain social distance.
With the palomilla, or informal association of young males, the con-
tinual verbal duel ng is neutralized by the selection of a confidant from
among the members. In this manner, the young male avoids potential close
contact with the entire group. Still, it is said, "your best friend today
may be your enemy tomorrow."
.With regard to employers, non-involvement is again found to be the
preferred solution to problems. It is relatively common for a man to quit
work on the first occasion in which he considers himself offended. This is
particularly true with men who attach themselves to a field crew working with
an agricultural trucker. While migrating with crops it is relatively easy
to change from one truck crew to another.
Non-involvement was also the solution during a cooperative enterprise
to construct a church. Rumors regarding stolen monies led to individual men
dropping out of participation, with the result that the enterprise came to a
complete halt.
In dealing with a general belief in the unfaithfulness of women, and
the covetousness of other men, the -male looks with suspicion upon visits by
other men to his home while he is not presento This problem is resolved by
not visiting other homes under similar circumstances and expecting the same
in return. Visiting between homes is definitely not a part of Frontera male
existence.
In meeting the forces of envidia, or envy, the Frontera man is careful
to be neutral, even self-effacing, with regard to his accomplishments and
acquisitions. Thus he will avoid situations which may lead to envy. The same
is true bf situations which may lead to witchcraft and susto.
In the event that a man feels strongly about a movement or belief, he
attempts not to reveal his deepest convictions to his contemporarieso  Should
he be placed in a position requiring comment upon a controversial topic, he
often makes recourse to dichos, the seemingly endless store of folk sayings
wh ich illustrate a belief butdo not constitute a replyo
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Overriding the entire pattern of non-involvement is a pervasive
insistence upon the independence of the individual man to control and guide
his own life. A man is expected to respect this independence, and he may do
so by avoiding involvement in the problems of others. Individual indepen-
dence is often asserted with the declaration that "I don't need anybod;y to
tell me what to do, nor do I need their help."
To summarize, the man of Frontera, by a series of withdrawals from a
world which he considers undependable and hostile, thereby declares his inde-
pendence from that world. But a man, particularly a man with a family, will
find it difficult to avoid meeting the outside world, at least on some terms.
How does the ?rontera male accomplish this?
Retrenchment
Contacts with the outside world take on a pattern of building an
extended famnily as a bulwark against the hostile social environment. Within
this group, the father attempts to manipulate the individual members with
respect to affairs outside the home. Young children, about six to ten years
old, are normally assigned the role of contact by performing simple errands.
Ultimately these errands may become quasi-specialized chores. Thus, for
example, those who speak most English become the principal contact with the
Anglo-American world.
Normally, the elder son is the contact with the world of employers,
reporting back to- father for final decisions. Other sons and daughters per-
form duties such as making purchases in department stores, making payments
when due, and returning with information and news. It is the mother's obli-
gation to look after home cures during illness. She is also the direct con-
tact with the church. As a consequence of the required roles of children and
mothers, the father now assumes the role of decision-maker.
To reinforce his retrenchment in this position further, the father
will attempt to provide money to assist married sons in the construction of
their homes on adjacent property, or, within the confines of Frontera.  As
the family grows in size, the principal effort is toward self-sufficiency,
both economically and socially, for the family as a unito  The resultant
structure of the family is such that the father, now a grandfather in many
cases, is at the apex as director, decision-maker, and defender.
If the father is successful in his efforts to establish a familial
domain, there remains one requirement, the most important, for him to fulfill
in order to merit the respect of the commuity. Now the principal key to a
man's accomplished retrenchment is his ability to maintain aloofness with
regard to his neigbors. His aloofness is simultaneoiusly an expression of
his withdrawal from community affairs and an assertion of independence. By
his aloofness he avoids exhibiting or eliciting envidis. He adopts a formal
attitude toward life and people. He steadfastly refuses to talk as an equal
with younger men. He makes his own decisions without recourse to the opin-
ions of others. In short, he acts out his self-reliane, the preferred reply
to a hostile world. Such a man remains at home most of the time. On occa-
sion, when at the local tavern, he does not associate with younger men. They,
in turn, greet him with deferential tones. Other men talk of him as one who
16
can "control" his family, command the respect and fear of his sons, and does
not pry into other people's affairs. It is generally "known" that such a
man is "educated" in the ways of the world. Even more important, because of
his years he now has experience, and it would not be a simple matter to dupe
him in any way. Finally, such a man does not place himself in a position
requiring an explicit personal opinion. He does not join trade unions. He
does not attempt to change the opinions of others.  And he attempts not to
ally himself with local factions. His view toward the world outside his
family is one of neutralism demonstrated by aloofness.
Now, with his aloofness and his age, the citizens of the commnity
begin to grant him the title of Don. It is a respect title, the reward for
a successful retreat and retrenclEent. The respect term becomes a part of
his name. This, th04- is the man's social reward for success in the eyes
of the community. He has their respect. He has succeeded in his bid for
Donship.
Conclusion
In Frontera, the respect title of Don is granted (1) in the tradi-
tional manner based upon wealth and/or power, and (2) on a popular basis
signifying successful solution of the major problems which face the local
male. Of these two categories, the latter is of more importance with re-
spect to the male citizenry of Frontera. Such a Don is defined in terms
of the manner by which he meets the prevailing conditions of Frontera life.
He is a man who has succeeded in minimizing his contacts with the world out-
side his family, a man who is aloof, removed' It is a popular declaration
of the all-important male independence. As such, he epitomizes the success-
ful male in the commnity. And the men called Don are models of success
toward which many younger men are striving today.
Finally, popular Donship comprises a system of prestige which is
self-reduplicating. One can expect such a system wherever Mexican immi-
grants are found in the United States, since, in essence, any given male
may become a Don.
(1) The two years of field research for this paper are part of the Hidalgo
Prtoject, an on-going study of differential culture change in three
Mexican-American communities in South TexasO. The project is directed
by William Madsen, assistant professor of anthropology at the Univer-
sity of Texas, and supported by the Hogg Foundation for Mental Health.
Prior to the Frontera study, the writer had done field work among
Mexican-Americans in southern California and made extensive observa-
tions in New Mexico. For the present paper, grateful acknowledgment
is made to George M. Foster for his critical inspection of the manu-
script.
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