PRIMITIVE MAN AS AN ECOLOGIC FACTOR1 Robert F. Heizer "But it is not true to say that the progress of civilization liberates man from the influence of mother-earth: on the contrary it is always knitting him with it more and more intimately and com- prehensively." (Kirchoff, 1906, p. 108). We are. all aware of the general apprehension felt by certain govern- mental agencies and authors of recent books over the problem of the reckless dissipation of the world.'s natural resources. I mention Stanley Cain, William Vogt, Fairfield. Osborn and Harrison Brown as recent authors who argue that the world' s supply of natural resources, whether or not they can be described as cyclic or renewable, do not exist in sufficient quantity to allow indefinitely continuing consumption at prosent rates, and that the world alther must face and find a solution to the twin dangers of increasing popu- lation and decreasing natural resources, or continue in its headlong rush for self-destruction. This view seerns to deny or at least deprecate the technolo- gical ability of man to find surrogates, or to develop synthetically new re- sources with which to feed, house, and clothe the increasing numbers of the species. One assumption is made by most, if not all of the authors of recent books on the dangers which man facoes in the future if he persists in squander- ing the resources which Nature gave him. This assumption is that, although man has inhabited the planet for a half-million or nillion years, he existed until recently in such small numbers and with such simple cultural equipment that he can be disposed of as having had no appreciable effect in altering the nature of the physical world. That is, during the whole span of the Stonu Age and until four or five thousand years ago, man constituted a minor e3o- aent in the natural environment, living as a hunter and gatherer who ate what. he could find, lived and died for thousands of generations, never being pre- sent in sufficient numbers to leave any permanent impression of his presenct. on the landscape. In short, until say 5000 years ago, the earth retained Its pristine form, and any modifications of its physiography, fauna or flor& ,sre ascribable to natural causes. This view is one with which I do not agree, and the alternative is of fered that anthropologists have now accumulated sufficient evidence to arguc- that at any point in tins or space where man has occupied a rogion he has materially affected the soil, the fauna, tho flora, and even the climate, through the intermediacy of that one distinctive human possossion which wk, call culture. 1 I would define humn ecology in simplest terms as the interrelationship of human populations and thoir physical environment. As living mon adapt their life routine to an environment, -so do they alter that onvironmunt in certain ways, and the alterations thus cau.ed in turn react on man. Ecology, therefore, is a dynamic-situation, and its true significance can only bo understood in the milieu of timo and whon analyzed by the historical mothod (cf. Wissler, 1924; Sherlock, 1922; Fischer, 1915; Darling, 1951). The theater of man's action is the earth' s surface which, as Harrison Brown says (1954, p. 3), "is covered with a .. .e. film-of stuff which we call life. The film is exceedingly thin, so thin that its weight can scarcely be more than one-billionth that of the planet which supports it. If wo were to collect all living matter and mold it into a single lump, it would appear, when placed next to the earth, as a mosquito appears in relation to a molon." The film of life is continuous, and the forms of plants and animals occupy- ing it are for the most part, short-lived. "Life on earth has consisted of a steady flow of births and deaths, not only of individual organisms, but of groups of organisms. These groups have evolved, cut out niches for themselves in the schemo of life, and exploited those niches to the fullest extont until they could progress no farther. They have then become extinct or have ceased to change" (Brown, 1954, pp. 3-4). In animal evolution the last form to appear and become doxminant has been man. The uniqueness of man as the only animal with the power of conceptual thought, added to the practical biological advantages of the mana lian fora, has made him an organism whose imprint on the physical world has far oxceedod that of any otbor single organism, evon though he has not been present for more than one-fifteen-hundredths of the total duration of animal life on earth. Of the beginnings of man, when he first became distinguishable fron his anthropoid ancestral form and lived as an animal, with his principal activities consisting of avoiding death from onenios, finding a mate, and securing enough food to support life, we know nothing. Our oldest human fossil remains are already large-brained forms who probably used speech, made tools and controlled the precious, but destructive, use of firo. Throughout the Pleistocene Epoch of the past three-quarters or one nillion years, nan gradually increased in numbers and oxpanded slowly over the face of the planet. This numerical increase was principally the result of culture, for as tine went on the ever-expanding quantity and quality of culture allowed the expansion in numbers and in space of the huian animal. In particular the controlled use of fire allowed the range of things to b- eaten to be enlarged and in this way encouraged numerical increase of the species. Fire and tools also provided protection and warmth and pernitted the extension of range of the species into enviroments which in a feral state would have been denied the tropical hairless animl we call man, by allowing encapsulation in houses and clothing. By ten or fifteen thousand years ago all the habitable world had been occupied except perhaps for the Arctic regions. In all this time man lived as a hunter and gatherer, not as a food producer. This last, food production, came with the decision of man, somnewhere in southwestern Asia about 5000 B. C., to settle down and rely upon agriculturo, growing crops which for a long time may have been under haphazard 2 selection and tonding (Braidwood, 1953). This change, called by Childe the Neolithic revolution, markod a now phase of man' s history, and was character- ized by a population explosion and a greatly accelerated rato of cultural do- velopment. The earth's population 10,000 years ago could hardly have excooded 10 million, and since that timo it has expanded to 2400 million (Brown, 1954, p. 68). The societies of mn who, until recent timos, existed either by hunting, fishing, and gathering, or who practiced simple farning with hand tools, are those which for practical purposes may be considered as oconomically and technologically equivalent to Paleolithic foragers and early Neolithic farmers (cf. Birdsoll, 1953, p. 171). This equivalence is correct on the analogic level, but any assmption that Paloolithic groups actually duplicated the customs followed by peoples of re?ent date, notwithstanding the fact that these last live on what we might call the Paleolithic level of organization, would be impossible to prov'e. What I hopo to demonstratu by the followirng data is this-that the precise condition of the palpable organic environmont over most of the habitable world is in all probability and in measurable part a result of man's occupation and the application of hua n culture. This is another way of saying that I do not agree with the assumption often made by human ecologists, conservationists, and demographers that the natural resources of the earth were in their pristine stato and the product only of natural forces up to the time the Noolithic culture spread in the Old World on the world-wido exploitative expansion of European culture beginning at the end of the fifteenth contury at which time the great physical raodifi- cations markod by profound alterations of the earth' s fauna, flora, mineral resources, etc., began to be made (cf. Allee and Schmidt, 1951, pp. 668-669). In any area where man first appears, we have a new species of animal introduced who is primarily equipped to alter the dolicate natural ecological balance which is, up to tho noment of man's appearance, the rosult of a long historical development determined. by natural forces. That is, cultural pro- cesses are added to the existing natural ecological procceses alroady in operation. The result is a new developnent which Laura Thompson (1949) terms 'I~~~~~~~~~~f eco-cultural," and which involves all the plants, animls, and humans in a new web of continually adjusting relationehips (ecosystoe). In this view the cumulative effects of rasn' influence as it has been impressed upon nature for the past half million or more years must be very large. Man is sometimos characterized as a destroyr, soetimes as a conserva- tor. Both of those are true, for any use of the resources of nature is des- tructive, and few hruman societies engage'in doliberately unrestricted and wasteful use of natural products. If a single word characterization is needed to denote man's influence, perhaps it is '"changer.'t This idea was expressed as long ago as 1867 by Goorge Pkrkins Marsh in his book, The Earth a8 Modified Let us now review some of the available data on primitivo nan's influence upon the earth and the life forms which it supports. First we may look at direct neasures of the conservation of plants and animals. Primitive game laws serve to limit over-hunting and to protcot the supply of animal life. 3 Such laws nay bo deliberatoly restrictive, or they may be masked under guise of magic or ritual. All human groups, with tho excoption of tho Orang Laut, the maritine sea gypsies of the East Indies, own the land upon which thoy live and pro- tect it from unauthorized trospass (Hoebel, 1949, pp. 331-340). Tho existonce of territoriality, whose overt expression lies in the complox of social behavior displayed in the defense of an area, is generic to terrestrial vertebrates (seo review by Bartholomew and Birdsell, 1953, pp. 484-486). Sunmaries of data on land ownership among primitive peoples have been pre- sented and discussed by Hoobol (1949), Speck and Eiseley (1942), Powell (1891, pp. 30-45), Hallowell (1949), Speck (1928), Steward (1936), Linton (1942), Herskovits (1952, Chap. XV), Lowie (1951, pp. 134-142), Macleod (1924, pp. 43-46). Perhaps the most comon causo for war among primitive peoples is trespass whose notive is usually the acquisition of plant or animal foods. In this light, much of primitive warfare my be said to be motivated not by innato aggressive tondencios, but as a consermti . measure. Within group-owned territories there is comonly family ownership of food resources such as grass sood aroas, patches of nut-bearing troes, fishing holes, hunting tracts, etc.., which aro inheritod in either the male or female line. Private ownorship of this sort is gi.Noral1y accompanied by re- quirenents of regulated and linited gathering together with the physical pro- tection of the resources. These concepts point up the awareness that future generations of users nust be provided for (Speck, 1939, p. 25). The general proposition may be made that a culture pattern is likely to becone distorted when its bearers ignore the necessity of a responsible relationship to its basic resources (soil, animals, wild plant foods, etc.), and that this neces- sity is the main reason for conservation measures so widely employed by primi- tive peoples. The regulated and judged exploitation of natural resources may be illus- trated by examples. The Indians of the Great Lakes region strip basswood fiber off only one part of the circumference of a tree so that the wound may heal and the troo continue to grow (Jones, 1937, p. 3; Densnore, 1928, p. 386). Sinilarly the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island never fully strip the bark from a cedar tree lest the tree die and its-spirit curse the man who peeled the bark and he die also (Boas, 1921, pp. 616-619). Among the Choctaw of the southeastern United States laws were nade "governing the amount of game that might be killed by each farlly on the 5 rivers and how nuch by the whole band" (Swanton, 1931, p. 101). The game laws were very strict and the amount of game killed was deternined in advance by the captain of each of the five bands who kept account of how much game was killed by his group each month, so that the head chief could regulate any over-hunting (Swanton, 1931, p. 54). Anong the Kaska of the Liard River on the border of Yukon T%rritory and British Columbia certain be-aver colonies are never trapped, but are left alone to reproduce so that the supply does not disappear (Honigmann, 1949, p. 71). Tho Kaska trap marten areas only overy two or three years to enable the supply of animals to recover (Honigmann, 1949, p. 71). The Iroquois hunters spared tho females of all spocies at the breeding season in order that there be no diminution in the supply of food aniLals (Flannery, 1939, pp. 15-16; Waugh, 1916, p. 131), and tho sparing of pregnant animals is widely noted auong Anerican Indians (Osgood, 1937, p. 32, T.naina; Flannery, 1939, pp. 15-16, Wyandot). The anciont Maya rulers of Guatemala punished with death any nan who killed the rare quotzal bird (Morley, 1946, p. 440). In the Inca Empire was what night be tenred a Department of Con- servation which regulated the use of natural resources. Anong the Algonkian tribes of the eastern subarctic from Hudson's Bay and the Great Lakes to the Atlantic there were family owned hunting territories inherited in the nale line. These territories wore subdivided into quarters, and one quarter was hunted and trapped oach year. This systen of rotation onabled the game to replace its population. Since each man was intimately acquainted with his area, he know about what the animal population numbored, and never took so raany that the breeding stock was reduced below the proper level (Speck, 1940, p. 207; Cooper, 1939; Flamnery, 1939, pp. 15-16; Maclood, 1936; Speck and Eisoley, 1942, pp. 283 ff.; Speck, 1915). Frank Speck, a long-tine student of the northern Algonkians, says that the supply of gaoe would have disappeared long ago under unrestricted hunting, and that the conservation measures prac- ticed are for insuring the survival of the huwan groups (Speck, 1939, p. 23). The Yurok Indians of the Klamath River in northwestern C),lifornia profer to hunt uale deer, and kill females only in time of severe food shortage. Thoy do not take quail and grouse in tho nesting season. Any person who violated such game laws would lose his hunting luck (Roborts, 1932). The Andamneso islanders whose main food is tho tubers of the yon (Dioscoroa glabra Roxb.) observe a taboo on digging the roots in the season of new growth. This taboo is ordered by the tribal olders who say that Puluga, the rain god, needs the yams during that season. The actual effect of this restriction is to insure next year's crop. They similarly protect the seed crop of other plants (Entada scandens Bonth.) and the palm cabbages of Caryota (Burkill, 1953, p. 12T. The Menomini of Wisconsin when gathering wild rice always allow some of the rice to fall into tho water in order to insure a crop the next year (Donsmore, 1928, p. 314). The Lapps of northern Europe control game killing through the local group (Lowie, 1945, p. 451); the Yukaghir of northeastern Asia never killed off all of a wild reindeer herd but doliberately left seoe for broeding, and when closing a streal with a fish weir thoy were careful to allow part of the run to pass upstream in ordor to spawn (Maclood, 1936, p. 562). This last situation is duplicated by thoe Yurok of northorn Cali- fornia who close off the Klamath River with a weir for not more than a weok or ten days, for they recognize that a completo blocking of the run will de- prive them later of snlmon (Thompson, 1916, pp. 135-136; cf. Roberts, 1932). The Klallam tribe of Washington always leave an oponing under the salmon trap so that some fish can ascend the river to spawn (Gunther, 1929, p. 199). Kroober (1925, p. 220) has briofly recounted thu story of how the Clear Lake Pono changed a stream course to alter the run of a particular kind of fish. The incident, though insignifant by itself, illustrates nevortheless a deliber- ate modification by man of natural drainage and distribution of a species. In tho Fiji Islands, each island had a naster fisheoaan whose life was devoted to the study of the habits of fish in rolation to tides, the seasons, otc. "The institution of the maitcr Z'isherman functionod. to increose tho total catch by protecting tho local fishing grounds from over-fishing and undue disturbance, and by taking advantago of the various group-fishing 5 techniquos in relatiorn to tho weather, the seasons, and the habits of the various edible specios. In a comunity where fishing providod the rajor pro- tein constituent of the daily diet . . . this institution operated as a public health measure of prime importance in creating and maintaining a balanced relation between the community and its nain food suppl (Thompson, 1949, p. 261). Econamic expediency probably accounts for restrictions on the exploita- tion of plants and animals, but many prinitive peoples do not soon to be aware.of this, and observe conservation as a ritual or nagical activity. Con- servation measures pay have at first been practiced as a practical expodiont, and were later transferred to ritual so that the neasures became reinforcod by magical sanction. The Naskapi of Labrador nay be cited as typical of the numerous tribes of northeastern North America in their belief that all animals and plants were created to help man (Snyderman, 1951; Speck, 1939; Tantaquidgeon, 1942, p. 50). Each species in nature is reincarnated after death, and when man kills he must discharge his spiritual responsibility in acknowledging his debt by nakIng a ritual apology and prosorving the dead plant or animal fron being profanely treated. Failure in the chase is at- tributed to the huntor's failure to observe properly theso responsibilities. For exaaple, there nust be no wasting of a dead animal, and the dogs must not be allowed to gnaw the bones lest the an l take offense at the hunter. Each animal species has a ttmaster" or "king" who must be propitiated. The master of the fish is the noose fly (Tabanus affinis) who hovers over the freshly caught fish to.see that nothing is wasted. Waste is offensive to tho m;oose fly, and if it is practiced, he will cause the man to fail in later fishing. The Canada Jay (Perisorous canadonsis) is never killed, since he is believed to be the protector of small animls and holps man to find and kill large prodators so that sa1l animals will be saved (Speck, 1940, pp. 77, 91, 117, 124; Speck, 1938; Speck 1938; Spock, 1939). The Indian of the northeast views nature as having been created with a unity and balanco which nust be preserved, and to accomplish this he exercises noral restraint which is an effective neans of preventing extinction which would mean econaoic loss (Gilmore, 1927; Speck, 1938). The world-wide spread, among the various groups of prinitive peoples, of supernatural prohibitions against killing one or another kind of bird or animal is conservation on an extrmely localized level, but the custon has undoubtedly had its ecological effect. That sparing of certain organic forms which is practiced through the rationalization that these anims or plants are the enbodiment of dieties or ancestral spirits is a part of the complex called totenism. Groups who trace their ancestry to these forrs usually do not kill or harm them (Goldenweiser, 1933). The Zulu of South Africa be- lieve snakes are the hones of ancestral spirits and do not kill then (Tylor, 1871, vol. 2, p. 212), and the Kwakiutl of British Colunbia believe every nan' s soul lives in the body of an owl, so owls are carefully protected, since a man dies whenever an owl is killed (Goldenweiser, 1933, p. 235). In the Georgia Islands group herons, woodpeckers, and kingfishers are sacred and never harmed because deities reside in their bodies. The Tongans never kill sharks, whales, or certain birds because these anisals are shrines occupied 6 by geds who arc visiting the earth (Tylor, 1871, vol. 2, p. 211). Thu boliof that game is under-the watchful care of supornatural authorities is also widespread. The Popoluca of Vera Cruz believoe that chanekos or dwarfs aro the mastors of fish and gano and havu the power to grant or withhold hunting luck. They become angry with non who kill too many deer or with persons who wound, but do not kill, doer, and thoy punish such offenders by capturing their soul and thoreby causo their doath (Foster, 1945, p. 181). On the south- ern end of Madagascar wild pigs cannot be killed for roligious reasons, and thoy increase to such large herds that they interfere seriously with crop- growing (Berkusky, 1913, p. 495). On the island of Nias in tho East Indies no more wild pigs can bo killed than are needod lest the God of the Forest, to whom these belong, be angered and cause the hunter to fall ill (Borkusky, 1913, p. 498). The Yukaghir believe each wild aninal has a protoctive spirit who will harm the hunter who practicos wasteful killing (Borkusky, 1913, p. 498), and the Puyallup of the Stato of Washington kill only as many dog salmon as they need lost the salmon take the soul of tho wasteful porson (Gunther, 1928, p. 152). Such beliefs are of very comon occurrence (soo Speck, 1940; Sul- livan, 1942, p. 76), and there are two instances recorded of native peoples in Asia and northeastern North Amorica who say the elk and moose left their territory because of wasteful killing of their species (Maclod, 1936, p. 563). Salmon to the Yurok Indians of northern California were a gift of the creator, and their taking was a solermn undortaking, in tho same sense that Speck (1938) describes the northeastern Indians as viewing nature as Thoreau did and conceiving of hunting or gathering as a "holy occupation." The Yurok held a ceremony at the mouth of the Klamath River whose central feature was the capturo, cooking, and eating (ofton as a comunion, in which every- one presont ate a morsol) of the first fish of the season. Such festivals arc known the world ovor wherever people live on soasonal products, and are called increaso-rites or first-fruit cerononies, thoir nain purposo boing to insure by magical cormpulsion a bountiful crop for the next year (Gunther, 1928, 1929; Foster, 1944, p. 165; Kroeber and Gifford, 1949; Curtis, 1926, p. 97). The Hopi of Arizona hunt mountain sheop by surrounding a herd of animls of which all but two, one nale and ono fonale, are killed. The Hopi say they do this "so as to make nore sheep for the next hunting" (Beaglehole, 1936, p. 11). Beaglehole (1936, p- 23) says, ". . . to understand the use of ritual as an aid towards conservation, it may be recalled that the Hopi attitude towards animale, like that of all other Pueblo peoplos, is one of respect and ostoen. Animals may not be ruthlessly dostroyed or wantonly ex- ploited just for love or excitemont of the chase. They nust be protected, ontreated humbly not to becone angry if killed, and urged to give themselves or thoir young for the use of thoir human kinsuen.... The dead body [of a rabbit or antelope] is respectfully treated and food is sacrificed, that the soul of the animal nay be appoasod and find no occasion to warn away living conpanions from tho hunter and his noods. Taken in conjunction with the fact that prayor sticks aro placed on shrines or buried in fields during the winter sol0stice to onsure fertility of all aninals . . . it is evidont that this propitiatory aspect of ritual servos to preserve animl life for continued use by checking ovil results that would inevitably follow from uncontrolled carelessnoss, neglect, ill-treatment, or the operation of obscure other- worldly forces. . . . Tho naturc of the chase is determined primarily by ofoitmic, arA social valuos. Ritual, and not specifically religious, pattorns 7 are used within this sphoro to holp secure sUCCOSS and to preserve the fauna of the environment frcr thoughtless exploitation." Hopi hunting ritual appears to have for its general purpose "the stabilization of a definite psychologi- cal attitude toward the fauna in such a mnner . . . as to conserve and pro- toct tho fauna by ritual propitiation." Let us now turn to what data have a bearing upon tho extinction of animal or plant species by the hand of man. The nost ancient evidonce of species extinction by man is the disappearance of the nanliko Austrabopithecine apes of Africa and southeast Asia through lower Pleistocene tool-using hominids, of whon Pithecanthropus was one (Bartholonew and Birdsoll, 1953, pp. 492, 495). Sir Charles Lyell (1873, pp. 418-419) and Alfrod Russoll Wallace (1911, p. 264) argued that man may have holpod to haston the extinction of some of the nore bulky Ploistocono animals who were already on tho docline (see also Eiseley, 1954, p. 56; Mucgowan, 1950 pp. 150-151). There is abundant archaeological e7idenco that early man in North and South America know and hunted many animls now extinct (Sollards, 1940, 1947), and the pro- position is probably true that their extinction was hastened by human hunters equipped with fire and weapons. That primitive hunters know the effects of over-hunting is clear fron rocorded evidence. For example, the Kaska of Yukon Territory are aware that over-hunting has caused the noose to disappear fron their area (Honigmann, 1949, p. 71), and the C.:rrier tribe of northorn British Columbia say that tho elk, which once lived in their land, was long ago huntod out. Egyptian records are clear on the point that the crocodile and hippo- potamus once ranged as far north as the mouth of the Nilu, but their prosent range is linited to the falls at Assuan. Ritchie' s book ontitled The Influence of Man on Animal Lif in Scotland (1920) produces a long list of spocios (e.g., lynx, Lgnx p; brown boar, Ursus arctos; wolf, Canis lupus; wildcat, Folis silvestris; beaver, Castor fiber; roindeor, Rangifor tarandus) which wore known up to or past Neolithic times, but which have oithcr been hunted out or starved out through competition by dcoestic animals or deforestation. In Now Zealand recent excavations in sites occupiod by the ancestors of tho aboriginoes, the Maori, or their predocessors, have yielded nunerous romins of the extinct, flightless noa bird. These sites were occupied in the period fron the 5th to the 13th centuries. A. S. Doevey (1954) concludos that mn was responsible for the final extinction of the moa (see also Murphy, 1951, p. 572). Over- hunting, such as the instance of a heap of 64 antelopo killed by Indians in the Sacramento Valley noted by John Work in 1833 (Maloney, 1943, p. 327) or the mass bison killings of the Plains Indians (Newconb, 1950, p. 326) cor- tainly would have an effect on the local game population, but such instances of wasteful hunting are rarely reported and are not typical of prinitive peoples. Local depletion of a gamo resourec by ovorhunting may have caused a tonporary absence of tho species, but if that animal was not couplotoly reduced, after a few years the population would rogeneratu itself. To-illustrate, Stoward (1938, p. 35) givos an account of the antelope drivo by the Gosiuto of Deop Creek. An old mn said that the last drive was 12 years before, and that this span of time was required for the animls to increase in sufficient numbers to mke the cormunal hunt worth-vhile. Plants, like animals, may be over-exploited, and to cite a few examples wo mriy noto that the carob or locust boan tree (Coratonia siliu) onco more 8 widespread survives in Egypt only in scattered reunants along the coast fron Alexandria to Syria, and the papyrus (Cyerus papyrus) which formerly grew abundantly in marshy areas of Lowor Egypt no longer occurs there (Lucas, 1948, pp. 162-163, 503). Sauer and Meigs (1927, p. 274) noted in the San Fernando de Velicata area of Lower California that the agave plant was unaccountably rare, and suggest that its scarcity is probably due to intensivo Indian col- lecting in the past. The deliberato destruction of species was probably emphasized by nan after he becane a farmer and herder, for at this tine., he classified the flora into "useful plants," which wero worth preservation, and t"weeds," which should be rooted out. Animals, likewise, were categorized as "good" or"bad" and the latter which included beasts and birds of prey were narked for unrermitting persecution. Thus, the caro of donestic flocks and herds and crops, which are by themselves conservation techniques, increased in another way the enmity of man and nature, and with the invention of gunpowder the representatives of a considerable relict fauna were finally exterminated. The deliberate interference of nan with the natural fauna, flora and soil has becone more narked with the increase of his numbers together with improved industrial efficiency. Man who is by custon (not nature) a disturber of nature thus has not only introduced a cumulative influence through past tine, but also this influoncing has increasod in a quantitative sense relative to the development of culturo. Of all the items in nan' s cultural tool box, fire is the nost important (Eiseley, 1954). In recont yoars Omer Stewart and Carl Sauer have been study- ing the whole matter of land burning by prinitive peoples, and have concluded that the world's great grasslands are not natural climaxes, but are man-made and should properly be called fire-vegetation (Stewart, 1951, 1953, 1954; Sauer, 1950; Daubenrire, 1947, ChapX 8; Phillips, 1936). This idea is not original to theso students, for 0. F. Cook in 1920 (also Cook, 1908) proposed it, and cites a monograph by Busso of 1908 who concludod that periodic burning had formed the African grasslands. Sauer (1950, p. 19) says, "The fire-set- ting activities of nan perforce brought about deep and lasting nodification in what we call 'natural vegotation,' a term that my conceal long and steady pressure by human action on plant assemblages." Stewart (1954, p. 235) con- cludes that nearly all of the world'^s vegetation is fire--made, and he excludes fron the category of fire-vegetation those areas where fire will not take, as in arid regions, high rugged nountain areas, and wet bottonlands. Thus, if Stewart is correct, the world' s grasslands are not necessarily climatic or ecologic clirmaxes, but ecologic assenblages ostablished and maintained by the recurrent cultural use of fire. Major grasslands, in short, aru a part of the cultural rather than natural landscape (cf. Sauer, 1925). Stewart (1953) belioves the western or high plains, had not man interfered, would havo support- ed drQught resistant troes such as Juniper, ponderosa pine and hackborry, plus sagebrush in tho north and nmsquite in tho south, and that on tho east the brush and pines would have not the eastern hardwood forest whero the tall grass prairie now mergos with the short grass plains. Sinilar arguments have been advanced for tho fire origin of tho Argentine Panpa (Schnioder, 1927), 9 the African grasslands (Bews, 1929, p. 293; Braun-Blanquat, 1932, pp. 278-283), New Zealand grasslands 'Levy, 1937), and Puget Sound lowland prairies (Rostlund, 1954, p. 32). Where clinatic conditions strongly favor troo growth, recurrent firing nay not cause grasslands to appoar, but will selectively favor one troe typo and make it doninant over others. Three exapies nay be cited (after Stewart, 1954). The toak forost of Burma flourishes and is productive only when annually burned. The British stopped this practice for 25 yoars, but finally resumnd it when they realizod the absence of firo oncouragod lses useful troes to flourish and eliminate teak (Chapnan, 1950, pp. 131-132). The long-leafed chir pine of India naintains itsolf similarly only through firo which elininatos floristic conpetition (Gorrie, 1935, pp. 807-811). The long.. leaf pino forest of the southern United States flourishes only under continuous burning, which kills off seedlings of other trees and gives advantage to the pine (Pinus palustris) in various ways such as burning out tho brown-spot fungus needle disoase which lives in dead grass and needles on the ground (Stowart, 1954, pp. 238-243; Daubenuiro, 1947, p. 333). The great pine stands of southern New York and westward to the Groat Lakes according to Gordon (1940, p. 15) wore due to Indian burning (see also Gloason, 1913; Byors, 1946, pp. 18-23; Day, 1953, pp. 334-339; Hawos, 1923; Broraley, 1935). Raup (1937) does not agreo with the opinion held so widoly (Day, 1953, pp. 336-337) that park- lands and grasslands woro caused by Indian fires. It is not so mluch that primitive nan has labored consciously to create pine forests or grasslands, but that his burning proclivities have caused the appearance and maintonance of such floristic assenblages, and as tho animal populations there havo accori- modated to the changos, so has nan altered his activities and put his creation to good use for his own purposes. Thus, cattle raising by the peoples of East Africa is partly accounted for by the lack of shady forusts. At least in some areas, such as in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan along tha Nile River south of the Bahr el Ghazal, the parkland is fire-vegetation and the man-nade floris- tic pattern thus favors cattle both by reason of tho absonce of the tsotse fly and the presence of grass for cattle foed (Stewart, 1954, pp. 233-234). In northern California the country was far less ovorgrown with brush and trees in Indian days than at presont (Thonpson, 1916, p. 230; cf. Jepson, 1951, p. 6), and the cessation of land burning is the chiof causo. Yosenite Valley, when survoyed by J. D. Whitney in 1866, was more open than today, the amcunt of meadow now being less than ono half what it was 80 years ago. The increase of forest is ascribablo to cessation of Indian burning (Ernst, 1949). It is a?oted by presont day forestors that cows and deer prefcr to graze on recently burnod ovor land, probably for the reason that shoots fron burnod back brush and new grass growing in ash conpost contain nore ninorals which are attrac- tivo to tho animals (Stoddard, 1935, pp. 346-350; Longhurst, Loopold and Pasnann, 1952, p. 11; Storor, 1932, p. 324). Bronloy (1945) is of tho opinion that Indian forost burning in Massachusotts oncouragod gtrowth of plants upon which game birds and deer subsistod, the offect boing increase of these aninals (see also Stoddard, 1935, pp. 346-350). The isolated occurrence of Torrey Pines on the southern California coast has been explained as due to their position in a fire-protocted area (Carter, 1950, p. 75). Although firing the ground cover as a neans of hunting is offective, tho pooples of tho subarctic forests and tundra avoid using it, since the tundra lichen vhich supports caribou will tijT'h ri.-)ricrate for from 50 to 100 years aftur being bured off (Leopold and 10 Darling, 1953, p. 54; Rousseau, 1950). The GoSiuto Indians of Utah do not like to uso fire for the rabbit drivo "bocause it takos years for the brush to grow up again" (Steward, 1938, p. 39). A hint as to thu climatic offocts of deforostation comus from the study of Harsh and Connaughton in 1938 (sunmarized after Stewart, 1954, p. 231) of 19,000 acres of Tennessee hardwood forest deforested by copper smeltor fumes. They found the temperature to be 3 to 4 degrees highor on denudod areas than in the near-by forest, wind velocity to bo 7 to 10 tinos groator in winter and 34 to 50 tinos greater in sumor, and rainfall to be 25 percent less in the clearod area than in the forest. Sono of the major floristic altorations by the hand of man alludod to earlior have undoubtedly been reflocted in cli- matic modifications with resultant effects in the resident fauna and flora. The shifting typo of milpa agriculture in the tropical Ncw World involves forest clearing, cultivating for a briQf period until tho forest encroaches, or the thin soil is exhausted, and thon starting the process over. In the tropics where there are thick forost cover, heavy rain, and thin poor soils a burned area will yield a crop for one or two years and is thon abandoned to revort to forest, a process which may take 15 to 20 years (Linton, 1940; Cook, 1920; Morley, 1946; pp. 141-158). Repeated burnings may produce a grassland in tropical rogions which will then be succeeded by forest growth only after a vory long period of time (Cook, 1920; Beals, 1945, p. 130). Tho milpa method of farming is known throughout the tropical areas of Southeastorn Asia, Africa, and the Ncw World (Whiffen, 1915, pp. 103-105; Cook, 1920; Swingle, 1937; Riley, 1932; Tudimura and Matui, 1940, pp. 941-942; Pcndleton, 1940). Fire- cloaring of forests was also practiced through large parts of the tomporate forests of North Anmrica with far-reaching floristic Liodifications. Thus, ono explanation advanced for the unusually high proportion of nut-bearing trees in the Eastern hardwood forest is that the Indian farners who for the past two or three thousand years fire-cloared farm plots here have sparud the nut trees, and the cumulative influence of such seloctive burning has thus altered the composition of the woodland (Cartor, 1950, p. 77). A study of Maya farming and inspection of the Yucatan forest lod Higtbe (1948) to conclude that slabh- and-burn farming of the Maya may account for the abnormally high incidence of the chicle (Achras zapota) and the ramon true (Brosimun alicastruu), both of which yield ediblo fruits. These troes were apparently spared by the Maya when clearing fields, and in the abandoned fields they were favored and have become dominants in the second-growth forest. I an able to add a note from personal observartion while ongaged in archae- ological investigations at La Vcnta, Tabasco (Mexico) in 1955. The main corn crop of the year (milpa dol az'o) is planted in an area cleared from tha virgin forest. While clearing the people save cortain useful trees such as tho "Ipalma de coyal" whoso leaves are used to thatch houses, the "ramney" (large sapote) and "chico sapote" whose fruits are used for food. Milpas in the area almost invariably hava these treos of ocononic value standing at random. We woro told this practice is customary through southorn Vera Cruz and Tabasco. The work of the Danish school of palynologists (pollon analysts) has shown that the Europoan forost was first attacked by man in the Nuolithic 11 poriod (Clark, 1952, p. 92). Pollon profilos show a charcoal layor interpreted as due to forost clearing by fire. Tree pollons show a mrked declino follow- ing tho fire poriod and grass pollons becone abundant. Along with cereal pollens are thoso of weeds such as plantain (Plantag nor) which aro acci- dental imports along with cultivatod plants (Iversen, 1914.1, 1949; Linkola, 1921; Godwin, 1948). One troe pollen which persists is that of tho oak, and Iversen (1949, p. 21) bolieves that the Neolithic farmers, who were also swine raisers, protected tho oaks whose nuts were valuablo as food for pigs. Taken all to- gether, the influence of siriplo faming pooples whe clear forests for growing crops has boen both pronouncod and variod in tho tropical and toeperate wood- lands. The innumerable camp and villago sites of primitivo nan ovor the earth through the past history of man have undoubtedly had a treomndous local offect upon soils, plant cover and the liko. Precisely what those micro-offects are and how onduring thoy nay be cannot be answored readily with data at hand, bt.t it is not too late for ecologists to study the problom and thus secure a samp- ling of data from which roasonable inferences can be oxtrapolatod. As nan moves fron one spot to another for the various roasons that inpel hin, he may bring along with hin now plants and aninals. We shall ignore here such doliburate introductions as cultivatod plants and domesticatod animals and refer to unin- tontional and accidental importations. Many uncultivatod plant distributions are bost explained as due to having boon spread by man. This is tho explana- tion invoked by Carter (1945, pp. 29-30) to explain the wide distribution of Cucurbita foetedissim, the inedible wild squash, whose soods aro eaten by man. Archaeologists and botanists have often noted tho particular association of certain plants with sites whero man has lived, tho disturbed surface and en- riched soils of such spots apparently furnishing an ideal place for such volun- teors to flourish. Such plants (adventivos they are callod) have boen intro- duced by tho agoncy of nan, and nay be oither local spocios which volunteer in the sunny, rich, disturbod soil of tho village sito, or spocios used for food brought to tho placo by man in seed fom, there to become scattered and spontaneously grow. This procoss may be presuned of such antiquity, that it has often been pointed to as the probable ac-ans of the origin of agriculture. It may be observed that any long-continuod and persistent collecting of a certain odible grass seud, digging of a particular bulb, and the like by man may very well be in effect a selective process of sorts which will have an offect upon the plant species. It sooes not inprobablo that certain sub- specific forms could have thus arisen. Early historical accounts of Virginia Indians cDmionly refer to the numbers of nulberry treos in and around native villages. Those were not de- liberately planted, but accidontally seeded froLm living refuso (Maxwoll, 1910, p. 96). Willis Jopson (1910) believod that many of the isolatod stands of native black walnut trees in California wore duo to their having gonerated from nuts collected for food and lost around Indian canps. Throughout foothill Siorran and Coast range Contral California I have ropeatodly noted tho associa- tion of buckeyo (Aesculus) troes and Indian camip sites, and a cloar case rofers to Brooks Island in San Francisco Bay just off the Richmond wartime shipyards whorc btlckoye troes are clustered on tho Indian sholluounds. From Alaska, 12 whero eldorberry (Sanbuous) and nottlo (Urtica) invariably covcr formor nativo villago sites (HrdlicTka, 1937; Bank, 1953) to Tiorra del Fuego whore wild celory and scurvy grass grows luxuriantly on ancient shell middens (Bird, 1938, p. 255; Lothrop, 1928, p. 179; Darwin, L94I, p. 202) we havo rocords of such associations (see also Clark, 1947, p. 39). The soil chemistry of man-nade midden or refuse deposits. apparontly retains its peculiar charactoristics for many thousands of yoars as judged by Ivorson's obsorvation that goosofoot (gCeno2odiu) and nettle (Urtica diocca) have a prodilection for Danish sites of Mesolithie age (Ivorson, 1949, p. 9). A California instance of human intor- foronce with natural distribution of vocetation conos fron the account of Lt. George Derby, who in 1849 observed that in the Southorn San Joaquin Valley Indian rabbit traps wore made by sticking willow poles in tho ground, and that theso poles had. "sprouted into trees" (Dorby, 1933^ p. 39). Instances of isolated patches of plants growing sevoral hundred milos out of their normal range and associatod with old Indian trails or village sites aro ascribed by reputable botanists either to deliberate or unintentional introduction by Indians. These plants were known to the Indians as useful for food or riodicines and illustrative exanples include the calamus or sweet flag (Acorus calamrus), black walnut (Juglans nigra), prairie crab-apple (Malus iofnsis), buffalo berry (Shophordia argntoa), cactus (Opuntia rafinesque), lotus (Nolumbo lotus), and others which are found in isolated stations in tho plains-prairie rogion between the Rockies and Mississippi River (Gilmoro, 1931; Moseley, 1931). The transportation of seods used for food could be ono moans of distri- bution. Note, for ex aple, tho gSneral picture of Great Basin Shoshoneans givon by Steward (1938) of snall groups wandoring fron ono known spot to another where water could be had and where certain seed-bearing plants wero ready for gathoring. Other examples cone from Robbins et al. (1916, p. 69) where the Tewa are said to have collected wild walnuts when they hunted buffalo in the Arkansas River Valloy, and various soods used for food or nedicine from Oklahoma, Texas and southern Now Moxico wore securod by the Towa by trade. Any such outland eleronts c0uld beccme establishod far fron their original home . The Achonawi of northoastern California socured tobacco seed to plant from the noighboring Shasta bocause tobacco did not grow in their territory (Curtis, 1924, p. 141). Such an instance could ruadily provide the neans of extending the range of Nicotiana in this region. Soibort' s study of the South Anerican rubber trees (-ovoa) led to the obsorvation that the nuts of this plant are used for food. In the UT4por Auazon and Rio Negro districts former Indian planting of Hevoa seedlings from tho uplands in nilpa clearings led to interspecific crossings with local lowland foms, which has rosulted in the wide variability observed in Hcvea types (Scibert, 1948; Andcrson, 1952, p. 130). Soibert (1948, p. 119) also points to tho range of the peach palm (Guilielraa gasipacs (HBK) Bailey) from the eastern Andean slopes whore it is native through the Amzon Valley to Central ALmerica and the West Indies as due to human action. All of our familiar cultivated plants were first donmsticated in ancient tines and most of thoe can be traced back to not nore than 5,000 or 6,000 years ago. Even at this date they are far ronoved from wild ancestral forns, thc 13 implication being that a very long process of plant alteration thuat. bu assixiea as having taken place before a true farraing-urban econony, Childe' s "Neolithic revolution,t" occurred (Braidwood, 1953; Ames, 1939; Andorson, 1952). The "garbage-heap hypothesis" of the origin of agriculture was advanced by Walter Hough (1929) and later argued with ereor vigor and detail by Oakes Ares (1939, Part V) and Edgar Anderson (1952; see also Sauor, 1947, pp. 22-24). The essence of the theory is that untraceable ancestries of rmost of tho cultivated aooncmic annuals important for food aro due to ancient hybridi2a- tions and subsequent selection occurring while those were adventive heliop*hyttc plants living on the fringes of the open camp sites of seed-gathering peoples. These improvements, which Burkill calls "onnoblements," apparently usually involved hybridization. When they happened to take the direction of larger, more, or better flavored seeds, or whatnot, man may have noticed then and taken to collecting the seed and deliberatoly sowing it (Burkill, 1953, p. 13). W. A. Setchell (1921, p. 412) believed that tho distinctivo Clevolandii species of tobacco (Nicotiana) found only on Indian shell heaps around Santa Barbara was possibly a hybrid of N. attenuata and N. Bigelovii. Wo nay add that such hybridization could easily have occurred advontitiously betwoon the two parent species which conmonly grow wild around California Indian villago sites (Heizer and Whipplo, 1951, p. 286.) Man can alter the faunal inventory by bringing now aninals with him without intent. Human body lico are believod to have been adoptod from the lice of bats when our ancostors of Upper Paleolithic timos lived in caves, and the humian floa (Pulox irritans) is a true parasite of tho English badger (Ritchie, 1920, p. 42 ) The offect of n upon the soils of the world has undoubtodly been important. Thus, the deep, black prairie soils of North America are bolivod to be a result of the grass covor which is fire-vegetation (Thorp, 1948, r 55; BiWllngs, 1941, pp. 448-456; Christy, 1892, pp. 78-100; Wedel, 1953, p. 500). Soil erosion is an old story in human history. Tho deforestation of the uplands and over-grazing by donostic animals with resulting soil deplotion in the Old World from Cape Vorde to Mongolia dates from two to four thousand years ago, and the damage is clearly apparont today for the reason that such severe human pressuro on a vulnerable landscapo is not easily repaired (Sauer, 1938, p. 766; Toynbeo, 1950, pp. 169-170; Sears, 1953, pp. 44-45; Lowdernilk, 1940; Judd, 1954, p. 3). In Central Moxico the studies of Sher- burne Cook have proved that destruction of the upland oak forest for agricul- tural land, wood for burning line and household firowood dates fron the pre- Conquest poriod of about 1000 A. D. (Cook, 1949a, 1949b; Vaillant, 1941, p. 65). In some areas, as in eastorn and southeastern Asi.4 Peru, and the north- eastern United States, soil conservation moasuros involving fertilizers, soil retaining terraces, and fallowing wore practiced. In Poru the laws of tho Incas prohibited anyone on pain of death from visiting the guano islands during the breeding soason lost they disturb the birds or spoil the nosts, and it was unlawful at any time to kill the guano birds either on or off tho islands (Goodo, 1880, p. 477; Browno, 1935, p. 407). In east Asia, parts o? Poru and perhaps othor areas human night soil was omployed as agricultural ferti- lizer (Goode, 1880, p. 477). Along the Atlantic coast fron Massachusetts to Virginia 1,000 menhaden (word from the Algonkian .L which moeans "ferti- lizer") fish wore used por acre, and the Indian corn yield from a field so 14 treated was three tines that of an unfertilized field (Goode, 1880, p. 475). In some coastal Peruvian valleys fish heads were used to fertilize far plots (Gqoode, 1880, p. 477). The torraced slopes of Peru were made necessary, according to Wickes and Lowdermilk (1938), because the ancient forests wore renoved and slope erosion required checking. The stone-walled terraces which are irrigated, fertilized, and have new soil added when necessary, have remained productive for many centuries. The large matter of the sizo of human populations and the problom of population pressure as it bears upon the use of the environment according to the oconomy and cultural equipnont of the people involved cannot be developed at length here. I am inclined to accept the general proposition of Carr-Saunders (1922, p. 214) that "nornally in every primitive race one or more. . . custons [such as prolonged abstention from intercourse, contracep- tion, abortion, infanticide, etc.] are in use, and that the degree to which they are practiced is such that there is an approach to the optinum [popula- tion] number" (see also coment by Bartholomew and Birdsell, 1953, pp. 486-489)9 Supporting evidence for this theory has been collected for tho Eskimo (Weyer, 1932, Chap. 8; Garber, 1947), the California Indians (Powers, 1877, pp. 178, 322, 416; Aginsky, 1939; Cook, 1943, pp. 90-92), and the Fiji Islanders (Thompson, 1949, pp. 263-264). The idea that all animals, including mn, tend to develop populations which in tine vary upward or below the point of equilibrium betwoon numbers and available food supply has recently been discussed by Bartholonow and Birdsell (1953) who have emphasized that in addition to the multiple biological factors which are complex and variable, one nust also consider the factor of learned behavior as influencing the population equilibrium. In lower animals such learned behavior patterns are fiirly readily identified, but with man these cultural patterns are infinitely nore complicated and significant as ecological factors. Shorburne Cook (1946) has developed the thesis that human sacrifice in pre-Cortesian Mexico which began as a religious institution became perverted to a socio-bio.L logical one of population control, and ooncludes (Cook, 1946; p. 98) that warfare and human sacrifice which increased the normal mortality rate by 20 percent "wero an inportant instrumentality in controlling population increase and maintaining a proper balance between the nunber of inhabitants and their maximum available economic resources." A summary of the foregoing data would be tedious and a few goneralizations derivable fron then are here offerod. Primitive hunting and gathering societies, which I take to exemplify the node of human existence through the Paleolithic period of man's cultural development, have dealt with Nature in many ways. With animals they are careful, and in general their attitudes are those which we would call conservation-minded. Sone species extinction has occurred, but by and large the emphasis of prinitives is to preserve most species fron extinction or serious depletion. The number of non-useful species, and therefore the destructive application of culture ained at the eradication of species so classed, increases greatly beyond the hunting-gathering state among famers and herders. With reference to the flora man nay be called either a destroyor or a modifier, and I prefer the latter classification. Few are the areas of t-he earth which do not show the measurable result of human interference, theso 15 nodifications rarning fron transformation of forests into the groat grass- lands of tho world, to the onlarged goographical distribution of some uncultivated floristic species spread unintentionally in the wako of mant s wandorings. Indoed, from such adventive or ruderal plants which flourished around the habitation spots of ancient gathering peoplos, it is believed that the germ of agriculture was born. Harrison Brown (1954, p. 222) has corroctly soon how far tho human species has succooded in changing tho oxtornal world whon he says, ". . . if machine civilization were to stop functioning as the rosult of sono catastrophe, it is difficult to see how man would again bo able to start along the path of industrialization with the resourcos that would thon be available to hin." By this he meats thet the ready suppljy Q..f,tiv@ netils, wild animals, food plants with the potential for donmstication, feortile rivor valleys for the beginning of agriculturo and urban civilization, now fortile land, and the like are now pretty nuch used up or so fundanontally altered that if man were ever roduced, as science fiction writers would havo it, by some world&wido evont, to the economic and technological level of the Paleolithje? huntor-gatherers, the Neolithic and Metal Agoe could not, through lack of moans or opportunity, over repeat themselves. 16 ENDNOTE 1. 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