PIRO PHONEMES AND MORPHOLOGY Esther Mattoson The Piro aro a linguistic group of the Urubarba River, Peru. The language is of the Arawak fanily, denonstrably related to the neighboring Machiguenga and Canpa, but not nutually intelligible with any other lan- guagu analysed so far. The Piro thenselvos report a distinct but rutual- ly intelligible language, which they call that of the Manchine in the Ma- dro do Dios departaent of Peru, I. Phonernes 1. Formation of phonerws. Piro has sixteen consonant phoneraes, and fiv, vowel phonenos: p, t, tY, c, c, k, s, , x, h, 1, r, r, n, w, and y; i, , , , and l. Stops, affricatos, and fricatives and tht vocoid h are voiceless. Thu stops and affricates are unaspiratod. p is bilabial; t, tY, and c vary fron the alveolar to the dental position. tY is a palatalized al- voolar stop. c is alveopalatal; k is velar. The fricativos occur at the alveolar, alveopalatal and palatal points of articulation. The voic- less vocoid h is nasalized. It has the tinbre of surrounding vowels. Tho voiced lateral 1, though it is a continuant, is sinilar in dis- tribution to r rathor than to tho group of continuants in that 1 is re- strictod in word initial occurrence, occurs only as the third rienber of a CCC cluster, and does not occur in geninato clusters. The flap r va- ries aftor n to the voiced alveolar stop [d], and in the speech of souo to the voiced retroflexed. alveolar fricative with r off-glide [zr], eS- pecially before o and. 1. The four voiced continuants 1., n, w and y aru forriud at thu points of articulation traditionally indicated by the syabols. The bilabial w varios to the voiced bilabial fricativo before front vowels, and tc. close nid in consonant clustors. The vowels are formed in the positions indicated. by thu synbols. Front vowols i and e vary freely toward an open position. The central : is occasionally raisod slightly in word-final position. The back round.. d D varies freely to [ul. Tho back unrounded i varies frora closo to open depending on surrounding consonants, being close following 1 and r, and reaching its nost open position following the nasals and w. All voiced continuants, whether vocalic or consonantal (excupt 1), .ccur with length. They are intexpreteod heore as clusters Vf idontical consonailts and vowls].q becauf' clusters of ulon-sirll tar consenants d^ eccur. 11 Ftl iri.iph t.},lmrv .'wo 1n~ vowel1 clulsters. 17 Occurrence of all twenty-one phonemes is illustrated in the follow- ing words: sweyli ['beyl:] 'huming bird'i hiscimta 'its border'; pcokorlx.re 'your harpoon' tYani 'now'. 2. d features. Primary stress. of words occurs on the penul- timate syllable, and secondary stress on the first syllable. In words with an even mnmber of syllables ;a slight stress occurs on all odd-num- bered syllables. In words with an odd number of syllables a slight stress occurs on all odd-numbered syllables except the one immediately preceding the primary-stressed penultimate syllable. When not utter- ance initial, words of one syl.lable as well as unprefixed nouns of a certain class (soo Section III, 4.1.5, Class III) are fused with the preceding word, the two words having only one primary and one secondary stress. Utterance stress occurs about equally on the first and penul- timate syllables. However, in calling and exclamation the stress may be moved to the final syllable with rai-se of pitch and lengthening of the final vowel. The intonation has not yet been analysed. There is a special transition feature in all consonant clusters. The commonest phenomena of consonant-cluster transition are the syllab- ification of the first member of the cluster, and the occurrence of voiceless or voiced neutral vocoids [a] and [a] following the first mem- ber of a cluster. The transition vocoid is voiced if either member of the consonant cluster is voiced. The clusters Cy, word-initial xr, and word-medial xh have high front unrounded transition vocoids, conditioned by the palatal consonants. All consonant clusters are pronounced with one or the other of these three main types of transition, other types of transition being free variants of these three. A detailed description of the types of transition follows. In a cluster consisting of a stop plus a voiceless consonant, the transition vocoid is [a), except that in the cluster kx the [9] fluctu- ates freely with voiceless [i] and voiceless [X]. When a stop is followed by a voiced consonant, the transition vo- coid is [a], with the following exceptions% In word-initial kn, [a] varies freely with [ ol. In pn a voiceless [a] was recorded in free fluctuation with voiced [a]. This may have been due to an error in re- cording. In word-medial tYr, [a3] varies freely with [i] and [S3 When a stop precedes y, the transition vocoid is always [i]i ivhen c precedes a voiceless consonant, the fricative segment is syllabified, or voiceless [a] follows the c. When c precedes a voiced cor.seniant other than y, the transition vocoid is [a]. When c precedes y, the transition vocoid is [i] When c precedes a voiceless consonant, the transition vocoid is [a]. ivhenlh cprecedes a voiced consonant, the transition vocoid is [], except 18 that in the cluster cr, the [Gl varies freely with [) j or [i 3, and in Th:j the cluster cy the transition vocoid is [i. When the voiceless fricatives s, S, and x precedo a voiceless conson- ant, the fricative is syllabified., except that in the cluster xp, the syl- labified [x] fluctuates freely with [xi]. When s iDmediately procedes any voicerconsonant, the transition vocoid is [E]. Whon 8 precedoes the bilabial voiced consonants ri and w, the 's is eithor syllabified., or it is followed by [a]. When s precodos the alveolar voiced consonants n and r, it nay be followed by the transition vocoids [G], [i], or [LI] in frcc variation. When vs procedes 1, the transition vocoid is [a]. When s pro- codes y, the transition vocoid is [i]. Whon x procedes nasals n and n, the x is either syllabified or followed by a transition vocoid 1[&j. When x precodes r or w, the transition vocoid is [G]i, [i], or [X] in free vari- ation. Whon x precedes y, the transition vocoid is [i] or [k]3 h precedes only voiced consonants. When it precodes n, the transi- tion vocoid fluctuates frooly between [a], voiceless [1], and [o]. When h precedes n, 1, r, and w, the transition vocoid is [ao. When it preced.s y, the transition vocoid is [i], with free variation word-nedially between [i] and voiceless [i]. Each of the voiced consonants is slightly syllabified when it precodes any other consonant, with the following exceptions: there is free varia- tion betwoon the syllabified consonant and [CG] in the clusters rk (word- initial), mra, law, and uh (word-4nitial), nw (word-initial), lh, wt, wty, wc, wc, vs (word-initial), wx (word-nedial), W8, wn, and wh. The conson- ant is not syllabified, but tho transition vocoid occurs, in the clusters an, r1, nn, nw (word-nedial), wl, and wr. Before y, syllabified 1 and n vary freely in word nedial position with [li] and [n1]. The other con- sonants preceding y aro not syllabified., but the transition vocoid. [ii occurs. In the cluster wy, there is freo variation between tho transition vocoids [i] and [g]i. Transition vocoids aro never stressed., and are less in strongth and duration than are the vowel phonenes. 3. Distribution. The for= of the words is (CO C+ C +V)14, the raised nu- neral indicating that the sequenceo ay be repeated up to fourteen tines. V is any vowel, and C is any consonant, subject to tho rostrictions describod below. The lateral 1 does not occur in word-initial position except in loan words. The flap r does not occur in sten-initial position except in loan words. The following clusters of two consonants have not beon found: gen- inato clusters, other than those of voiced centinuants; alveolar stops and affricates preceding alveopalatal stops and affricates or s, and vice versa; alveolar or alveopalatal stops preceding houorganic affri- cates and vice versa; alvoolar and alvoopalatal voiceloss consonants, 19 except t, preceding s; x proceding the affricates and the othor fricatives; c and s preceding x; h preceding any voiceless consonant; n preceding 1; 1 preceding r, and vice versa; y bofore tY and c; and c before a. The last two may be found later. The following additional clusters of two consonants have not beon found in word-initial position: tY preceding any consonant; . prvcod.ing x, n, or n; voiceless alveolar and alvoopala.tal affricatos or fricatives preceding h; c preceding w or y; any consonant except p, n, and w before tY; a palatal consonant before an alveolar, alveopalatal or palatal conso- nant, except for yy; x, s, and. w before 1; s preceding y; vs preced.ing the affricates or fricatives; s (r yv precoding"n. The clusters of three conso- nants which have been found are as fo'.lows: Word-Initial Clusters pkl pkn pek psl pxp pxw puh pwh tpl tkl tka tkn txp txw trh tril twh kwh nph npl nks nkl mrn rak nck nsl nxw rmc Word-Medial Clusters nrh - wpl wks w}aa wkn wok wsl w,xp wxw wDh W12 phy pny rny ntk ntl atn ntn ntw nky rahy walp wrk W= ypl ypr ykl ywn Examples of words with clusters of three consonants: nk-noyatc 'my turtle'; pc.l..otite 'your white monkey'; rasikaitna they ran right away'; renekantli he loaned it'. A few consonant-vyaol sequences do not occur: 1 following i, e, 1; (there is one exception, the word tselala ta snall monkey'); x preccding a (in the dialect upon which this paper is based); s preceding i except in the one word sitYo 'woman'; c,, k, s, or tY preceding 1. 4. Orthgahy. An orthoigraphy is in current use among the Piro. Symbols difforing frc= the phon1er1ic symbols are listed below. Confoxity to Span- i rh 4.t'tthogi'aphy ill the se.lection ct' ort.hgraphic symbols. 20 Phonurdic Orthographi Syibol Synbol tS X C . . ... ts3 /.~~~~~t ch sh .~~~~~ . X~~~~~~ IL. t., tucc,.>dirk& sactinsnl of this pap-r th, )rthographlc sylib.;ls wiil W3t,d. II. Morphephjnt.::ics ~. PhQnolug2.CWly ddufinud chwnges. Whwn consonants which, d. not occur ?x clusters tog.thkr (Section I) are Juxtaposed in contiguous i1orphologicnl f^r:iis, thW following ruorphophonurAic changes occur: Cluoturs of' *pp, *tt, *kk, *Jj, *11, *rr, and *gg aru ruducWcd. Werd- .nitially, *CC >C: p- ' you' (sg.) +-pika ' fear', *ppika > pika ' you fu-r'. Word-iodially V1CC V1V1C: nika 'it eats' + -ka Passivo v *nikka niika 'Vit ts 8aten'. ClustQrs of *tch, *tts, and *tx ar- ruductd by loss of th.i first - ber of the cluster: C1C2> C2.t- 'she' -chanixat.chanixa 'she invitjs'. ThW clustur *nl> nr: china 'say' + -lu 'it' > *chinlu chinru. The clustur V1rl > VlVlr: gira ' drink' + leta Cowplexivt.> *girl>ta gEiirota 'to drink'. Tho, cluster *Jch> sch: nuji 'wing' (posausss-d)-t chi NoLinal> *1.Jchi > r-.schi 'wing' (absolute). The cluster *gp > ap: g- ' you' (pi.j pogieuta ' har' - *gpoLitt :+pgirieta 'you heart. In all clusters of , followed by voic1Lss cones. rant othor than p or g, *g(1>nC: g-'you' (pl.)t shishpoklu 'skin it' *,shishpoklu., nshishpoklu 'you skin it'. ThW cluster *ts is roduced to thu unit phonfler ts: t- 'sh uI' n j,luwata 'screan'u tsaplowata, the ts beiing a singlu phonor:c, pronounceci without transition vocoid. Ther. aru also Liorphophoneic variations due to thtl distribution ..I &ii123entS in relation to vowels. Tho consonant 1 biconrcs r aftur i, : ganjita 'ask' s -1o- Corlplexive;o *ganjilota, ganjireta ' to ask' . ir r: c ;W. r f0tr r a non-cons>cutive successi)n of front phonemei;s, possibly 21 becausu of tho nunber of front phonene.s in the word: nsheyipre 'rny towc1ll' n- 'ray' + shoyi- 'wipe' + pi 'gadget'+ -lu Infinitive * -V> e Possessive. 2. hologically defined chan It is characteristic of certain suf- fixes and postclitics occurring as bound foms that the preceding vowel is not retained before then, and of others that the preceding vowel is retainod before then:. These latter are narrked by -V-: gotashpotuta 'to just see well' < geta 'seo'-t -Vsha 'just' l potu Intensificrt -Vta Verbal; gotpotushata 'to Just see well` gota 'sce' + potu Intonsifiore -Vsha 'Just't -Vta Vorb- al. With all suffixes the preceding vowol is retainod if its loss would result in a cluster of three consonants: gorkapotuta 'wash well'<. ge3rka 'wash'.+ potu Intensifier4-Vta Verbal. The preceding vowel is also re- tained when irnediately following a ston of one. syllable. Class I prefixal porson mrkers replace the initial g- of the stens with which they occur. When word-initial g- is replaced by any other pho- none before -i-, the i u: nutaka 'I put'< n- 'I' - gitaka 'put'. The Class I vorb gixa 'to be' is an exception to this statonont, in that the ston-vowel i is not changed to u following the various person-narker pre- fixes. III. Morphology 1. Introduction 2. Non-roots 2.1 The postclitic 2.2 The preclitic 2.3 The affix 3. The verb 4. The noun 5. The pronoun 6. The adjective 7. The adverb 8. The particle 9. The interjection 10. Onoatopoetic words 1. Introduction. 1.1 General structure of the lang . The Piro language is con- posed of naJor word classeQ--verb, noun, pronoun, adjective, adverb, par- ticle; and uainor word classes--tho interjection and onoratopootic words; plus seventy-four affixes and clitics., the greater part of which occur with all of the major word classes. The forn of siriple steras is (C - C-: C - V)6. That of steris plus af- fixation is (C t? + C , V)14. Forns of words here and throughout thu pa- l are s^-nihliz@4 by `V ropresenting conson;ant-vowel sequences in which V is a vowel, and C is a consonant subJect to restrictions of occurrence 2c .S tscr1'bi in Svetiorn 1.3. ^ raisud numbur Aftur . paruit.Luasi indlcitks that th%. sequtncu within thu parunthusis nay he rEptated up tj that nuuibur )f tiLus. Thu -i or -u i.asculine and -o felinine of gt.nder diffurentiation havt_ bv.sn truatud for convenience as marking allomorphic altornants of the suf- fixes with which they occur, rather than constituting separate suffixes. arOnder is assigned to all nouns, and reference to the noun consistently recognizes the gender, even to the extent of stating that "hhe laid eggs" rind that the "father sits on tho nest". Throe types of pluralizing suffixes occur as will bu seen in Section -: -kaka 22 'lach', -Vno 27 Plural of human beings and animals, and tho Person Markers 07. However, the plural is frequently represented by thW singular. This is most cormon with inanimate objects, insects, fish and reptiles: tupnanatka 'she has now died' nay mean that a large swarm of gnats has beon exteminated. To a limited extent, the singular may re- present the plural of hunan beings: wanna (antirishi gapoka 'they Andr.w arrived' neans that Androw and a group with him have arrived. Thu negativo and privativo affixes, preclitics gi and na, and thfi prefix na- 003 are particularly interesting in view of the fact that negativu or privative of an opposite idea is the strongest superlativt-. "Not ugly" is far more of a compliment than 'very beautiful', and in a love story toxt the bride said, "Then I didn' t abhor him." REoduplication occurs in sone stens, espucially in the names of birds: chpichpi 'pallari'. Occasionally affixes are reduplicated for emphasis: :iwajejetkatu ' that which has never been' witrs ;.,a 'A ct : j.. :fg ' s_ lday' , pa 'sQu' 4. gogn+ . 'd..y'. 6,wa Eaust, word, thW',1 ' that', ' ind', ' t icausv': w.,-. J.i tS' . ---a c (following -lu 15 Infinitivo) Possessive. Occurs only with nouns: notsale 'ny cord'l< n- 01 'ly'+ gotsa- 'cord'+ -lu 15 Infint- tive +-V> o 16. 17 -nonu 'causc' Noninalizes vorb stuns: gipnanunu 'cause of death' e gipna ' diet + -rlcnu 17. Suffixos of series 10 are r.utually _xclusivu kxcopt that -V- a 16 : occurs following -lu Infinitive 15. 20. Suffixe;s occurring with vorbs, nouns, prono and adjectivos. 21 -Vtao -ta Verbal and Verbalizer. The alternatc -ta occurs only after -Vri 38. Occurs as verbal with verb stons, and as vorbalizer with nouns and adject'ives: ganjita 'ask' l ganji- 'ask' + -Vta 21; powrata 'to clean' c powra ' cloan' + -Vta 21. 22 -kaka Colloctive, 'ejach', or rociprocal with nouns, pronouns, and adjoctivos. Rociprocal with verbs in which the object is not exprssA;d. Causative with vorb plus object. With the vorb, -kaka occurs in Order 20. With the noun, pronoun and adverb, -kaka occurs in Ordur 30: yopixrikaka 'each squirrol' < yopixri 'squirrel' + -kaka 22; yagotkaka 'fight e,ach oth0r' .i< -vy: Zcottv, ' rij)t tiir2 . S,rvs :1t. tc show syntactic rUlationships aici as are. translattd by the prep- ..sitions 'by, froa, for, to, at', jand uakues the object Aif a vurb indiruct rathur than direct. With verbs the preceding vowel is not retainud ux- cept aftor a consonant cluster, in which caso the alternant -V A +-yr: ;eccurs; procuding the Passives 51 and 52 thu alternant -V>i occurs. W .ti. Ather word classos tho alternant -Vya occurs. Occurs with all riajor wjrd classus excopt the particlx: notapya ' I go thure, to suol., n- 01 ' I' + it ' se' -Vpa 41 Moverient + -ya 42; ninkiya 'I shot right thure' n- 01 'I' + Jinka 'shoot' + -V > i 4. -ya 42; retika ' ho was seun thoru' l r- 03 'hki' + g,t& 'sl +-V >i 42 +-ka 51 Passive; waneya ' frou there' i + -ni Conditional, ' if' or 'whun' . This l.orphou AlGit b 4.acribud as -Vnu 53 with vowel change. Occurs only with vtrbs: petini 'if or whun you see' < p- 02 ' you' +4eta ' sCj' 4 -V :,1 +-ni 54. Suffixes if OrdLr 50 art, iutually .xclusivL, excipt thlt -Vk 52 ' . w. -V > + -nI 54, In whtchl casei -Vkc. is eu.phatic rathvr than ps8aivt, as8 As. sItt;. verbs. 0C,. Suff4x,s occuri with nouns and vfirbs. *' -Vwaka 'tiu.', ' place', 'iianner'* Occurs aa a verbal suffix wi tz. verbs, as a noiuinal sufflx with nouns, and as a noLinalizin.j suffix with - jectivoe, adverbs, and vorbs. The order and seloction of suffixes f(ellewine vorb sten ijlus -Vwaka 61 is somntines that of the verb and sonletiuo? that ;f thin r (ntin: runalwiit3ywaklinti ' they were praising hi= that way' < r- 07 thir4 pG.rson riLwu.- 'praiso' + -Vta 21 Vorbal4 -ye 42 'by' + -Vwak. 61+ -lu 03 'hin' + -na 07 third porson plural; yiuaklowatyawaakaka 'e ach school' < yi- L.ka 'teach' i -lowa 34 Characterizer +-Vta Vorbal + -ya 42 Locativeo+wake. 61+ -kaka ' each'; kiglowakni ' it is a good placo' < kigJlo 'good' + -Vwaka 61 + -ni 73 Assertivo. 62 -kawa 'following period of tine' . Occurs only with nouns: go- yochnokawa 'r0orningt i-eni 54 ConditiLnal. The forn -Vpa is used except when pre- ceding -Vtka 81 or -Vtnaka 82: gotyapa 'in order to see' i precedingj -na Reflexive. Anticipatory or conditional of reflexive: getinwa 'is going to see hinself'c < ta 'see' + -V> i 75+ -na 74 Roflexiveo ---wa 93 Reflexive. 33 76 -Vkta Generalizes the statement, as addin6 the idea of 'whorever', 'whenever', 'whoever', 'all over', etc* Occurs with all major word classes: ruprigakta 'it dried all up' e Indicates personal interest on the part of the subject. Occurs only with the verb. 93 -Vrwa .-wa Reflexive or Invitational. The vowel is retained be- fore -wa except when it iediately follows -V > i a. ni 65 Anticipatory Re- flexive. Indicates the epeaker's interest in the action. Occurs only with the verb. Mu-;tually exclusive with suffixes of Ord.er 80: wetkoxewa 'let' s seat 'W- 05 'we' + geta ' see' + koxa 91 'also' +-V >e 92 Possession +-Vwa 93. Suffixes of Order 90 occur successively in the order nunbered. 100. Suffixes occurring with all najor-word classes. 101 -Vohi -chi Inplies a degree of syntactic independence. For -exalene snouna. wfI.CJ ll-.:eannot occidr;rw.wthout, aprefix or head word ex- cept with -Vchi 101. With the verb, it forns.a sort of participle, The variant -chi occurs after bound verb stens. Occurs with all major word cola0ses excep-' thetfparticle. With the noun it occurs between Orders 10 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~ geta .see 4Vnu s=d'.;20:-., -eahtuchi $Xo>eseeinal, < n-.. 01 ''geasee' -n 534Antictpatory +4-Vehi 10 tyochi .' anyone' s .hand' w'Also occurs frequently before -ge 105 Interrogative. Occurb 'with:'all. najor word classes except the verb.. and par- ticle: wixapale 'we're going tolbe.the ones' cwixa 'we' +-Vpa 72 'not now' . +-Vie 102. 0 ; .; 103 -VIa Calls attention to the subject.. Occurs with the noun, pro- nou, .and ad1verb: gitakla 'I an the one' < gita '-I' +-Vko 52 Emphatic +-Vla 103. - 104 -Vli Probably a dininutive or endearment. Occurs with vQrbs and nouns: pukshilkantatkawuri .you have now found us' < p- 02 'you' + gikshika ' find' + -n- 38 Superficial 4ta 21 Verbal +-Vtka 81 'now' + -wu 06 'we' + -Vli 104; manali 'nother dear' rianL& 'nother'. +-Vi 104. .. . , . . ... .105 -go Interrogeative..O Qccurs with all major word.classes except the particle.: gi pixanroe;? 'What are you going to do to her?'re succz;>essive3. .S?tmfixe8. 4 Order<.7Q are. interlocking,. In the formulae below, when a suffix occurs in an .3rder other than th-at wh-ich is usual for its decade, the number of the suffix (rather than the decade number) is listed in the fonula. Exaa.ple: + 40 + 73 -ni + 50. 35 3. The verb. _wo 3.1 Definition. A verb is a for= with which a suffix A1 Order 20 is obligatory after a suffix of Order 30. 3.2 Derivation. A verb sten ray be free or bound. The bound Btous are those occurring only with a suffix of Order 20, as in geechgota < gechgo- 'sneeze' + -Vta 21. An exanple of a free sten is gerka 'wash' Whether or not single morphee verb stens occur in Piro is a natter difficult to determine. Such verbs as ya 'go', nila 'eat' and pal 'stand up', which are cited above, night be said to be single-morpheme verbs, but the state nt is open to question. All verb stes which are free forxs end in -a, as do most of the verbal suffixes (see verb lists following.) Therefore the initial syllables (or consonant In a CV sten) of all free verb stes night be rgarded aa separate morphemes. Moreover, the a syllables are recurrent In different verbs with at least s shade of cimon maning, and in certain stem are replaceable by other in- itial syllables. It may sinply be assumed that there are a lititd nM- ber Of nofrphes with which verbs nay begin in Piro, and that this number may include n hamophonous morpheme. On the other hand, it may be assumed that the recurrence of phonetic sequences is due to the l1mtation of syllables which occur word-initially. This linitation is much more narked In Piro than, for eple, in Spanish. Only forty-tour verb stet Initial syllables have been noted so far in Piro, and that Includes two such syllables used only in borrowed stens. In contrast, at least half that many open syllables (which correspond more closely to Piro than do closed syllablea) will be found begininig with tche "k" sound- alme in Spanish. Or me verb class conastituting about half of the Piro verbs, the stens begin with ga-, g;e-, gi-, or Co-. Next in pop- ularity are the syllables ka- and ko- which acoount for about one third of the remaining verb sters. Obviously then, scores of verbs begin with each of these sequences, and one only to select groups of these verbs with sore elerent of meaning in ooion, in order to identify thon !nitic;l Eylla- bls as mnor.Eheries. U~.T..oubtedly sone init-lal syL.bl cho"lcL be i?nti- Liod. as mor=emes, but .7here the line shouLd be X:rwsn is vcc; hard ->o say, siilce for a given phoneuic sequence a narrow or very broad neaning ay be postulated. The following lists of verb stenm will illustrate the problen: 30 gishrika 'tie' gishpaka 'go out' gitpu- +(-kal t'open' (Intr.) girlaka 'come off' gitepala- ' scatter' giprika 'rinse out' gipte- +(-ka) 'junp' ginre- +(-ka) 'clear up, uncloud' gin - 'get drunk' gipyoka 'crouch' kopxina- 'be at fault' kose- +(-ta) 'pull' kose- +(-ka) 'lead' kojwa- +(-ka) 'bother' kochipje- flog' koshrika 'untie' koshpaka 'take out' kotpu- + (-ka) 'open' (Tr.) korlaka 'pull off' kotapala- 'divide' kopxika 'undo' (knot) kopteka 'dig up' (some- thing burie4) komreka 'be naked' km ta 'mess up' koscheka 'take off' ' guess' yosBika 'put in' yopteka 'pierce' (as thorn) yor3re=reta 'worn its way out' yoneta 'root' (of hog) yoscheka 'put on' (as on fire) Additional exanples are: gijruka 'fall', yojruka 'knock down', jiJruka 'poke, as with pole, so as to cause to fall', sajruka 'go around, surround', kajruka 'make fun of'; goplika 'pull out'; goplita 'pluck' (feathers); gokaka 'take off fire'; golka 'put out in sun., warm up by fire'; gonuka 'raise'; gostuta 'tie'; goyaka 'last, endure'; gonkagita 'follow'. The final syllables of verb stens which are free forms and end in CV are necessarily limited to fifteen phonemic sequences, since all end in -a. By far the most numerous are -ta and -ka. Whether these are the same morphemes as the verbal -ta and semelfactive -ka, or whether they are sep- arate morphemes at all in most of their occurrences would be hard to de- termine. This is the sane problem as that presented in the initial sylla- bles. However, though it would be difficult to prove that any verb stem in Piro is a single morpheme, the occurrence of many polynorphenic stens is recognizable. Exmples at the beginning of the left-hand colum in the above list show stemr composed of bound form plus bound form (plus a third bound form if the final -ka and -ta are assumed to be separate morphemes.) Reduplication is not uncommon in verb stems: kowshiwshita 'shake'. Besides the verb stems proper, a very great number of noun and some adjective stems are verbalized by the addition of one or more of the suf- fixes of Orders 20 + 30, in which case the stems function as verb stems of Class B. Examples are tuwuta 'to salt'< tuwu 'salt' +-Vta 21 Verbal- izer, and serowata 'ripen'< sero 'red' + -Vwa 32 Verbal +-Vta 21 Verbalizer. Certain noun and adjective atems have been fbund verbalized as Class B, 37 and alternattslv as Class C, in which case tho Verbal -Vta 21 precced?Vs .1s well as follows suffixes of Order 30. The following form was given by -. young man: pokaayegitanyi 'it will give you light' cpokamla 'light' + yegi 31 ' in behalf of' + -Vta 21 Verbalizer + -Vnu 53 Anticipatory + -yi 02 'you'. It was corrected by his father to poamlatyegitanyi, which would apparently have Verbalizer 21 -Vta following the ste= and also following yeal. 31. Alterate forms rugleyegitanru 'fix it for hin' and rue,lo- ty itanru were -ivfin by thc a inf Dri.ant ( c r- 03 'h h, + _l*- 4 -Vt. 21 VirbalizQr* yogi 31 'in bQhalfl )f' + -Vta 21 Vcrb,lizwr + -Vnu 53 A:nticipotJry+ -lu 03 ' hiz'). In a very few instances the Verbal -Vta 21 has been found following the passives -ka 51 and -ko 52, as though the form with the pasBive suf- fix constituted a stem: wane ni gimaletlekota 'thus I was hindered' < wane 'thus' + niza 'I was' + gimaleta 'hinder' + -le 35 Combinative + -Vta 21 Verbal + -koI 52 Passive + -Vta 21 Verbal; wame nixa nuklukanwnakakfota 'thus I was condeed' < wane ' thus' + nia ' I was' +n- 01 'I' + giklukanu- 'condemn' + -Vwna 12 -ka 51 Passive +-Vta 21 Verbal; wane chinkotna 'thus It was said to then' i +ni ?00 + 100 101 102 103 104 105 + 40 41 42 - -Vpa -ya 50 51 52 53 54 + 60 61 63 waka yaka + 80 81 82 83 ?70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 -Vtka -Vtnaka -Vwa 91 92 93 -Vna -pa -ni -na -V> i -Vkta -maka koxa -V>e -Vwa -Vchi -Vle -la -Vli -ge 39 One or more suffixes of Order 30 nay occur as follows: (1) ID.ediately following verb sten or suffix of Order 20 other than -Vta 21, and followed by -Vta 21: getlewjepotuta 'characteristically watch closely' < geta 'see' +-lewa- 34 Characterizer +-Je- 36 Continuant +-potu 31 Intensifier +-Vta 21 Verbal. (2) diately following verb sten, -Vka L1, or -Vwna 12 and fol- lowed by either -kaka 22, -Vga 23, or -Jixa 241: salewnashkaka 'Just cause to suffer' csale- 'suffer' +-Vwna 12 +-Vsha 31 'Just' + -kaka 22 Causative; puylakpotuganru 'hit him hard' < p- 02 'you' + giyla- 'hit' +-Vka 11+ potu 31 Intensifier +-Vga 23 Hortatory +-Vnu 53 Anticipatory-Inperative + -lu 03 'him'; (taluka 'she wants') giylaleJixlu 'to have him killed' < giyla- 'kill' +-le- 35 Auxiliaryr+-Jixa 24 Proxy+-lu 03 'hi,'. When two or more suffixes of Order 30 and suffixes 22, 23, and 24 oc- cur together with the same verb sten, their relative order is generally op- tional. Exceptione are given below. Obviously a comprehensive examination of relative orders of these suffixes and incorporated free forms is imprac- ticable. The six bound forms whose relative order is not fixed at all when they occur together (-kaka 22, -Vga 23, -Jixa 24, -lewa- 34, -le- 35, and -Je- 36) yield 156 theoretically possible combinations. Besides that, these bound forms enter into combinations with an unlinited number of free forms with few restrictions as to relative order. Following are the exceptions to optional relative order in combinations of Suffixes 22, 23, 24, and Or- der 30. (1) -Vwa- 32 immediately follows the stem: poginewata 'make a sound' i +ni 54 Conditional +gia 31 Quota- tive +-lu 03 'him'; nutakinpotukna 'when I put them well' C n- 01 'I' + gitaka 'put' +potu 31 Intensifier +-ko Emphatic. Suffix -pa 72 and the reflexives 74 and 75 are mutually exclusive with -Vnu 53 Anticipatory. When two or nore suffixes of Order 70 occur sinul- taneously the relative order is as follows: The relative orders of -Vne.'--na 71 and -Vpa- -pa 72, and of 71 and -ni 73 are optional:. rupnapana or rupnanapa 'he died' i 75 +-na 74 precede -Vna -na 71 Intensifier: nerkinwana 'if I scrub myself' < n- 01 'I' + gerka 'wash' + -V >i 75 Conditional of Reflexive +-na 74 Reflexive + -wa 93 Reflexive + -Vna 71 Intensifier. Suffix -Vpa -pa 72 Change of time may optionally precede or follow 71, 73, 76, or 77: retinnakapa or retinipalca tin order that he night see' i+.ni 54 Conditional+ -aka 77 Condition unhLIfilled +-Vpa 72 'in order that'. Suffix 75 occurs only preceding suffix 74. Suffixes 75 and 74 precede 71 but follow 72: ruylajnakotnanatkawa 'he hit hinself hard on the ear then' cr- 03 'he'+ giyla- 'hit' + jnako 'ear'+ -Vta 21 Verbal+ -na 74 Re- flexivre +-Vna 71+-Vtka 81 'then'+ -Vwa 93 Reflexive; rustakapyapnawa 'in order to cut himself there' < r- 03 'he' + gistaka 'cut' + -Vpa 41 Movement + -ya 42 Locative +-Vpa 72 'in order to' + -na 74 Reflexive+ -Vwa 93 Reflexive. When 74, whether or not preceded by 75, occurs with both 71 and 72 the order is 71 - 72 - 75 - 74: nuylakanapnawa 'I will hit myself hard' cn- 01 'I' +giyla- 'hit' +-Vka 11 Semelfactive+-Vna 71 Intensifier+-Vpa 72 Change of time +-na 74 Reflexive+ -Vwa 93 Reflexive. Suffixes -Vkta 76 and -maka .-Vmka 77 follow -na 71, -ni 73, and Re- flexives 74 and 75. The relative order of -Vkta 76 with -maka 77, and of either of then with -pa, is optional: gerkannakakta or gerkanuktaTnka 'woild, be goilng to xen.t3h tbem all' e or with one or nore of the nonializers 15 -lu, 17 -nenu, 25 -Vlu, 26 -Vtu, 28 -Vnu, 61 -Vwaka, 63 -yaks., and 100 -Vchi, or with a stem-final noun following the sten of another word class. Nouns are divided into the noun proper, the adjectival noun, the ad- verbial noun, the proncninal noun, the verbal noun, and the interro6ativf. noun, on the basis of their derivation from stens of the various word clas- ses, and on the basis of the difference of formulae of affixation. Each is described separately in the following sections. 4.1 The nounv2er 4.1.1 Classification. The nouns proper are divided into Classes X, II, and III on the basis of possession. The derivational and possessivt affixations are described separately for each class, arnd are therefore i.erely listed in the formula here. Nouns of Classes I and III (including only the possessed farin of those which have sten alternants) do not occur without prefixation except when preceded by a noun or pronoun possessor which serves as a head word, or unless the suffix -Vchi is added. Eple of Class I* (F,iru 'father') nuru or gita giru 'my father'; girchi 'anyone' s father's. Example of Class III: (Jri 'nose') nojri or 6ita Jri try nose'; Jrichi 'anjone's iiose'. 4.. 4.1.2 Affixation. The general fornula of affixation of th% ru;noun proper is: + 000 003 ma- 004 ka- + 00 + Stela ? 10 11 13 14 15 16 -Vka cne -Vto -lu -V >e + 101 -Vchi j 20 25 26 27 28 -Vlu -Vtu -Vne -Vnu ? (30o 22, 91) + 31 gapka 31 getko 31 6i1. 31 gogne 31 oflu 31 minje 31 mnu 31 nanu 31 pguta 31 pja 31 potu :31 sha 31 yegi 31 yma 22 -kaka 91 koxa 37 -Vna 39 -ta ? 73 -ni + 50 51 . 52 + 60 -Vka 62 -Vkawa -Vko : !63 -VYaka . .1 *.0 4. 70 72 -Vpa 73 -ni 76 -Vkta 77 -raka + 80 81 82 -83 'Vtkae -Vtnaka -Vwa ? 73 -.ni. + 9o 91 t 00 + 100 -koxa 102 -VIe 103 -la 104 -Vii 105 -ge The suffixes -Vlu 25 Individual, -Vtu 26 Noninal and -Vnu 28 Possesed Object, besides their derivational function in nouns, occur in a few in- stances following the sten: gojepiru 'the lonr-eared one' < go- 001 Exten- sive + Jepi 'ear'+ -Vlu 25 Individual; saturutu 'the one and only' < satu tone'+ -lu 15 Infinitive+ -Vtu 26 Noninal; jejinu 'the 8an's object'< JeJi 'mant+ -Vnu 28 Possessed Object. Suffixes -Vle 102, -la 103, and -Vli 104 are not found with suffixes of Order 00. 4.1.3 Class I. 4.1.3.1 Definition. Nouns of Class I are those which occur with the possessive prefixes of ClaSs I (Person Murkers, Order 00). 43 40 41 42 -Vpa -ya 44.1.3.2 Derivation. Class I stems conprise noun ate= be4innirn with gV-, except those listed under Classes II and III. The stems occur in the forns CV + (C + C + C + V)4. A very few appear to be monomorphemic: ganna 'pineapple'. In the more conmon polymorphemic stem, the nominal suffixes -lu 15 Infinitive, -lu/o 25 Individual, -nu 28 Abstract, and -Vtu/o 26 Nominal, occur as well as many Class III stems: gagalu 'macana' (a bladed club), cgaga- 'pole' + -lu 15 Infinitive; gira 'fa- thert e 16 Possessive followin& stem-final -lu 15 Infinitive. Example: gagalu 'macana': nagale 'my macania'. (5) Stelns which occur with -lu 15 Inifinitive plus -V>e'16 Possessive. Example: gagaje 'stick': naglajere 'my stick'. (6) Stems which occur either with -ne 13 Possessive or with -Vte 14 Possessive. Exaple: gayi a kind of ant: nayne or nayite 'my ant'. (7) Stems which occur either with -Vte 14 Possessive or with -V> e 16 Possessive. xc lZ1: &taalu 'rjc3': nots e 16 Possessive following stem-final -lu 15 Infin- itive. Example: gapijru 'annato': napijrune, napijrute, napijre 'ny annato'. Two of the Class I stems have alternate possessed and unpossessed forms: sana. gisana- (possessed) 'planting': rusanate 'his planting'< r- 03 Class I Person Marker 'hie'+ gisana- 'planting'+ -Vte 14 Possessive; nso c gisne (poftsnoeed) 'genipa': wusne 'our genipa' c w- 05 Clase I .r- on MarkAr 'our' + gisne 'genipa'. 44 4.1.4 Class II. 4.1.4.1 Definition. Nouns of Class II are those which occur with the possessive prefixes of Class II (Person Markers, Order 00). 4,1.4.2 Derivation. Class II stems include (a) all noun stems be- ginning with a sequence other than gV-, except those listed under Class III; and (b) the following stems beginning with gV-: ganunro 'wife', ganuru 'husband', gimajiro 'mother-in-law' giatjiru 'father-in-law', gi- tu (a tree), giwaka 'name', gosha 'woods'. The stems occur in forms (C + C + V)6 and also CVCCVCCCVCV, with the exception that the monosyllabic form CV has not been found. Examples: plo 'Jackanipe'; seroploshejiro, a kind of fish. The stems may be nono- norphemic, as tuwu 'salt'. They may be polynorphemic, including the der- ivational occurrence of -lu 15 Infinitive, "1u/o 25 Individual, -Vtu/o 26 Nominal, -Vnu 28 Abstract, and -Vchi 101 Participial, as well as redupli- cation and a great variety of conpounds. Examples: chalu 'fishnet'< cha- + -lu 15 Infinitive; ganuru 'husbandt cganu-+ -lu 25 Individual; ganunro 'wits' < ganu-+ n- +-lo 25 Individual; chiretu 'pona' ( a palm) e 16 Possessive following sten-final -lu 15 Infinitive. Example: chokoru 'harpoon': nchokore 'my harpoon'. (5) Stems which occur with -lu 15 Infinitive plus -V >e 16 Possessive. Ex=aple: kowigaje 'pole for canoe': nkowigajere 'my canoe pole'. (6) Stems which occur with either -ne 13 Possessive or -Vte 14 Posse- sive. Exaple: jixolu 'harvest fly': njlxolne or njixolute 'my harvest fly'. (7) Stems which occur either with -Vte 14 Possessive or with -V * e 16 Possessive following stem-final -lu 15 Infinitive. Example: kashri 45 'arrow': nkashre or nkashrite 'ray arrow'. (8) Stens which occur either with -ne 13 Possessive, or with -Vte 14 Possessive, or with -V> e 16 Possessi.ve following stem-final -lu 15 Infin- itive. Example: kagli 'clay': nkagline, nkaglite, or nkagle 'my clay'. (9) Stems which. occur either with -ne 13 Possessive, or with -V>e 16 Possessive following stem-final -lu 15 Infinitive. Exple: jipalu 'sweet potato': njipalne or njipale 'ry sweet potato'. (10) Stems which occur either with -ne 13 Possessive, or with -Vte 14 Possessive, or with a vowel change -V> e which does not follow -lu 15 Infinitive. Example: Jinri 'aguaje': njinrine, njinrite, or njinre 'ny wuaje Six stems have alternate unpossessed and possessed forms: rshiri 0 -mashire (possessed) 'conb': nnashire 'ny combl; naturu; matur- (possessed) 'little one': nraturne 'my little one'; speri * superi- (possessed) 'cinani' (a palm): nsuperite 'my cinari'; kshoteru. -shoteru- (possessed) 'deer': nshoterute 'my deer'; jerajerne 0 jenajerne (possessod) Pa lind. of fly: njenajerne 'my fly'; koya koyag- (possessed) 'ranioc liquor"-: nkroyagle 'my ranioc liquor'. There is one bound sten of Class II. It is -shicho 'daughter'. The third person masculine singular and third person plural possess,ive suffixes are irregular: nshicho I'ly daughtci but rushicho 'his daughteP' and rushichna 'their daughtert.. 4.1.5 Class III. 4.1.5.1 Definition. Nouns of Class III are those which occur with the possessive prefixes of Class III (Person Markers, Order 00). 4.1.5.2 Derivation. Nouns of this class must be listed, not being otherwise distinguishable frorm nouns of Classes I and II. They represent mostly body parts, close relatives, and foms (shapes of objects). The greater part of these stems have the forms (C + C + V)2. Exanples: ji ' seed', ' sall member'; ktega 'tear'. A few have the forms (C + C + v)3; and one has the form CCVCCCV: mokagyi 'grandchild'; meknatjiru 'brother- in-law of woman'; nnipgya 'breath'. Probably most of the monosyllabic stoms are composed of single nor- phenes: tsa 'cord'; pa 'pod'; jpa 'thick fluid'; ygi 'tooth' or ' sharp point'. Polysyllabic ste are probably all polynorphenic: chlaje 'pants' chla-+ -je 'pole' or 'long pliable object'; kotsa 'vein' < ko-4+ tsa 'cord'; 'mekanuru 'son-in-law' C neka- (used of certain in-laws) + n- + giru 'father'. Compounding of Class III stens is very free: myoji 'fin- ger' inyo ' hand' + ji ' enlall member'; jiwutsa ' hair' < jiwu 'head' + tea 'cord'; jripna tnostril' l jri 'nose' + pna 'hole'. These stems also occur ?frequeitly in conpounds with noum Classes I and II, and with other word .J..e8, as in Order 31 with verbs: nketajite 'my walnut' i n- 01 Class II 46 Person Marker 'my' + keta 'walnut tree' + Ji 'seed' + -te 14 Possessive; kapchosagitaa 'such a dirty fruit' < kapoho 'dirty' + sagi 'fruit' or 'ball' + -Vtaa 39 Exclanatory; poginewajripnata 'he snores'< Ab 03 'he' + pogimlewa- 'make a sound' + Jri 'nose' + pna 'hole'+ -Vta 21 Verbal. 4.1.5.3 Possessive Affixation. Nouns of Class III do not take pos- sessive suffixes except for the words chiji 'land', which has the possessed form chijne, and tseru 'diarrhea' which has the possessed form tsere. The stems are free forms except for -turu 'son', which does not occur without a possessive prefix. A few stens have alternate forms: gonu 'water' ga 'water' or 'liquid' (possossed); shechi 'bed' .jeko 'bed' (possessed); panchi 'house'o pji 'house' (possessed). The primary possession of Class III stens generally expresses rela- tionship rather than ownership. To express ownership of a Class III iter not prinarily related to the owner, the usual nethod is to nane the pri- mary possessor as possessed by the owner and add the Class III iton: For ex-ample, 'my leg of tapir' would be njemate tpali< n- 01 Class II Person Marker 'I' + Joma 'tapir+ -Vte 14 Possessive +tpali 'log'. An alternate method is to affix to tho Class III iten ka- 004 'Having a certain attri- bute' and -lu 25 Individual, the resultant fom being a Class II stem to which the appropriate possessive affixes aro attached. Example: gigwu 'its flower' < gi- 03 Class III Person Marker 'its' + gwu 'flower': nkagwu- rute 'my flower' < n- 01 Class II Person Marker 'my'4+ ka- 004 'Having a certain attribute' + gwu 'flower' + -lu 25 Individual + -Vto 14 Possessive. A few stems of Class III indicate secondary possession in other ways. To the stem meji 'feathers' is addod -Vte 14 Possessive or -no 13 Posses- sive: tomejl 'its feathers' (the fowl's) e 16 Possessive: gikwa 'its platforn' (the house's)< gi- 03 Class III Person Marker +kwa 'platform': nokwale 'my platforn' no- 01 Class III Person Marker 'ay' + kwa 'platforn' + -lu 15 Infinitive + -V> o 16 PossQssive. To the stem powga 'lake' is added the Class II Person Marker and -Vto 14 Possessive: gipowga 'its lake' 'gi-03 Class III Person Mark-. er 'its'+ powga 'lake': npowgato 'ny lake' e 16 Possossive. The stom ga is preceded by Its alternate forn gonu, possosseed as a Class I sten: nonnega 'ny water' i +ni 54 Condition fulfilled + -Vyaka 'status'. (6) -Vchi 101 Participial. Action or stato of verb: yonchi 'paint- ing 16 Possessive +-lu 25 Individual. Recipient of action of the vorb: yinakloru 'student'. (10) k-...-leru e 16 Possessive +-lu 25 Individual. One who possesses the ob- ject of tho vorb: kyirakleru 'teacher'. (11) k-...-Vnuru i+ nri< -V>i probably 54 Condition fulfilled +-Vnu 28 Ab- stract + -ri 25 Individual. Action or state of verb as characteristic of subject: yinakiri 'one teaching'. (15) -kalu< -ka 51 Passive+ -lu 15 Infinitive. Passive action of the verb: yirmaakalu 'the be3ing taught'. (16) -kolu <-ko 52 Anticipatory Passive +-lu 15 Infinitive. Antici- 1wn.tc e 16 Possessive+ -lu 25 Individual. One who is characterized by the passivo action of the vorb: kyinaakaloru ' ono who has been taught'. (19) -koklunu< -ko 52 Anticipatory Passive +k- possibly roduplication of -ko 52 +-lu 15 Infinitive + -Vnu 28 Abstract. Having undorgone tho ac- tion of the verb: yinaakoklunu 'having been taught'. (20) ra-...-lenu< r.- oo3 Privative and -lu 15 Infinitivo+ V> c 16 Pos- sessive +-Vnu 28 Possessed Object. Lack of the action or stato of the verb: Myiuaklenu 'lack of teaching'. (21) nt-...-kletu< t- 003 Privativo and -ka 51 Affirrative + -lu 15 Infinitive+ -V> e 16 Possessive +-Vtu 26 Noninal. Lacking the action or stato of the verb: nyinaakletu 'the ono untaught'. (22) r-...-katu/o i +nitipa< ra- 003 Privative and -V >i +niti soquence not analysed +-Vpa 72 Directive. Action or state of verb as not charac- teristic of subject: rayirakinitipa 'one not to teach'. (27) Noun stera. Exanples: sheyipi 'towel' i+ ni 54 ConditionJ. .^ -yaka 63 Status; kasgakashlu 'slandcr' < kasgaka 'to slander' + sha 31 'just' + -lu 15 Infinitivi, or kasgaklusha 'slander' < kasgaka 'to slander'+ -lu 15 Infinitive+ sha 31 'Just'. The fornula of affixation of vorbal nouns in goneral is: + 00 000 tSten + 10 + (30, 22, 91) +40 + 50 7 0 001 go- 13 -no 31 gapka 41 -Vpa 52 -ko 71 -Vna 002 gi- 14 -Vte 31 getko 42 -ya 72 -Vpa 003 a- 16 -V >a 31 gina 73 -ni 31 gonu 74 -na 31 mnu 76 -Vkta 31 nanu 77 -aka 31 pje 31 potu 31 yra 22 -kaka 91 koxa 37 -Vna + 80 +73 -ni + 90 + 00 ? 100 81 -Vtka 93 -Vwa 101 -Vchi 82 -Vtnaka 103 -Via 83 "Vwa 104 -Vii Affixes of Orders 10, 20, 50, 100, and 000 already described as part of the sten are not included in the fornula. No affixation has been found after (26). Prefixes of Order 00 occur as possessives without the addition of a pos- sessive suffix with verbal nouns of types (2), (3), (4), (5), (9), (12), (13), (14), (15), (16), (19), (20), (24), and (26). Profixes of Order X0 occur as possossives with the addition of a possossive suffix in type (1), and with or without the addition of a possessive suffix in type (27). With type (1) occurs the possessive suffix -V5 a 16: nyirnakle 'Ly teaching'< n- 01 'ny'+ yinaka 'teach' + -lu 15 Infinitive+ -V> e-16. Verbal nouns of type (27) are possessed as Class I and Class II nouns; that is, those derived fron vorb steras beginning with gV- and occurring with prefixes of Order 000 function with regard to possecssive affixes as Class I nouns, the rest as Class II nouns. Exanpples: nsheyipre 'ray towel'< n- 01 ' ry'+ sheyt 'to wipe' +pi 'gad- get' +-lu Infinitive+ -V>e 16 Possessive; njiraaprote 'Iy baked banana or oth- er object' e 16 occur only with type (27) of verbal nouns as des- cribed above. 52 Prefix go- 001 occurs with typo (1). Profix gi- 002 occurs with tYPo (13). The Plural suffix -Vne 27 replaces -lu/li Ind.ividual in types (8), (12), (13), (21), (22), (23), and. (25); follows -Vlu/li 25 Individual in types (10), (11), and (18); and either replaces or follows -Vlu/li 25 In- dividual in types (9) and. (17). Examples: yimakachri 'teacher', yinaka- chine 'teachers' (8); kyimakleru 'teacher', kyinaklerune 'teachers' (10); yimakleru 'student', yimaklerune or yimaklene 'students' . -Vnu 28 occurs with type (8): yinakachrinu 'that which belongs to the teacher' c yinaka 'teach'+ -chri Subject +-Vnu 28 Possessed Object. The suffix -Vna 37 Temporal has been found only with types (1), (8), (10), (13), and (17). Exanple: gipxakjetachrinapni 'the one who is not now helping but is going to become a helper' < gipxaka 'help' + -Je 36 al- ways' +-Vta 21 Verbal+ -Vchri Subject + -Vna 37 Tomporal +-Vpa 72 Purposive +-ni 73 Assertive (8). Of the suffixos of Order 70, -Vna 71 Intensifier has been found only with type (8); -na 74 Reflexive only with (8); -Vkta Generalizer only with type (3). Of the suffixes of Order 80, -Vtnaka 82 'again' has been found only with (3), (8), and (16); -Vwa 83 'yet' has been found only with types (22), (24), and (25). Of the suffixes of Order 90, -Vwa 93 has been found only in sequence with -na 74 Reflexive with typo (8). Suffixal Person Markers of Order 00 occur with types (1), (6), (7), (8), (9), (10), (11), (12), (13), (17), (18), (21), (22), (23), and (25). With typo (6) the Person Marker (Order 00) is always preced.d by a suffix of Order 40. Suffix 101 -Vchi has been found with types (3), (4), (15), (19), (24), and (27).. Suffix 103 -Vla has been found only with typo (13). Suffix 104 -Vli has been found only with type (8). Probably many more of the suffixes will eventually be found with each type of verbal noun. 4.6 Tho i noun. 4.6.1 Dorivation. There is a small group of forms composed of a bound stem plus a noninal suffix -lu 15 Infinitive, or -lu/1o 25 Individual, or -Vtu 26 Nominal, which do not occur with possessives, and are not plur- alized as are nouns propor. They are giklu 'when?'; giru 'which?', 'who?', 'whose?', or 'whon?'; katu 'who?', 'whose?', or 'whorl?'; and klu/o/a 'what?'. 4.6.2 Class A. 4.6.2.1 Definition. The simplo interrogative noun described above constitutes Class A. 53 4.6.2.2 Affixation. The general foraula of affixation for the Class A intorrogatives is: Ston (31, 91) +41 -pa + 52 -ko + 76 -kta +81 -tka 73 -ni+O0+ 105 -ge 31 gapka 31 getko 31 gina 31 pguta 31 nanu 31 yna 91 koxa In addition to these suffixes, klu (not klo nor kla) occurs with -ne 13 Possessive plus -lu 15 Infinitive: kluneruktani 'What on earth is it?' < klu 'what?'+ -ne Possessive+ -lu 15 Infinitive+-kta 76 Generalizer+-ni 73 Assertive. kla is followed by only 00 + -ge 105 Intorrogative: Sino klayge pixa? 'Are you Siuon? ' < Siro ' Sinon' + kla ' what?' + -yi 02 ' you' * pixa 'you' (singular). 4.6.3 Class B. 4.6.3.1 Definition. The sten of a Class B Interrogative noun is con- posed of the Class A stan giru or katu plus -Vnu 28 Possessed Object (cf. Soc. 4.4): katunu or girunu 'Whoso is tho object?' 4.6.3.2 rogative is: Affixation. The fornula for affixation of the Class B Intor- Stern + 52 -ko + 42 -ya + 70 72 -Vpa 73 -ni i 81 -tka + 00 5. The E'o.noun. 5.1 Definition. A pronoun is a word in which person, nunber, and gen- der are Laol-cit in the steon. There are four sets of pronouns. 5.2 Classification. 5.2.1 Set I. CVCV words, except p-1.llv PJ ..111rl oli.ffix The first set consists of personal pronouns. They aro for the third porson plural which is CVCCV (bound sten -na,: - gita" 'I', 'no, t raly' paxa 'you', you', 'your' (sinular). wale 'he', 'hin', 'his'. wala 'she', 'her', 'her'. wIIxa ' W3' 'us 'cur . g;ixa '0t , 'you' , 'your' (plural> 54 5.2.2 Set II. The three uerabers of tho second set may bo translated by "this" or "that" (near). The pattern is CCV: tye Third peraon nasculine singular 'this', 'that' (near). twu Third person forainine singular 'this', 'that' (near). nyi Third person nasculine and feminine plural 'these,', 'those' (near). 5.2.3 Set III. by "that" (distant). tujra tojra najra wajra The four members of the third sot my bo translated The pattern is CVCCV. Third person masculino singular 'that' (distant). Third person feninine singular 'that' (distant). Third person riasculine and foeinine plural 'those' (distant). Indefinite 'that' (distant). 5.2.4 Set IV. The two monbers of the fourth set my also be trans- lated by "that (distant) or 'bohind something else". The pattern is CVCV: tuka Third person masculine singular 'that' (distant). toka Third person foeinine singular 'that' (distant). 5.3 Af'fixation. The fomula for affixation of the pronoun is: __s .... . .~~~~~~~ Stem + (31, 22, 91) + 10 + 40 31 potu 15 -lu 41 31 na'nu 42 31 pguta ^.2. gLia 31 gapka 31 gonu 31 sha (with wajra only) 31 mnU 31 r:inJe 31 PJa 31 yrrx 22 91 icX a -Vpa -ya, : 50 51 -Vka 52 -Vko + 70 72 76 77 -Vpa -Vkta. -naka - -Vria 80 81 -Vtka 82 -Vtnaka + 91 koxa + 71 -Vna + 73 -ni + 00 + Suffixes 102 and 103 occur followed by 105. der 100 were not fowud occurr-ing simullltancously: < wanna ' the.y' + -Vko 52 Epphatic + -la 103 Subject t(Y.L ?Og,5rfati V e. Otherwise suffixes of Or- wannaklago? 'Is it they?t umnphasizer+ -go 105 In- 55 100 101 102 103 105 -Vchi -Vle -la -Vli -go 6. The adjective. 6.1 Definition. An adjective nay be identified as a free stun which occurs followed imediately by -Vlu 25 Individual or -Yta 26 Noninal plus a Person Marker of Order 00. The resultant noninalized fom has been treated in Section 4.2, the type of norainalization having bean nentioned hero only as a distinguishing feature of the adjectivo. 6.2 Derivation. Nearly all adjective stens have the forms (C < C + V)2 or CVCVCV. The one exception noted is kpixowaka 'fat' . Hero again the question (discussed above with regard to vorb stans) arises, as to whether or not these stezas are corposed of singler norphencs. Sone are def- initely polyrorphenic: gowuka 'long' and goyaka 'durable' obviously con- tain the same norphere go- that constitutes the prefix go- 001 Extensive} but whether or not the final -ka is a separate norphene is not clear. The ka- ~k- of kiglem gigle- 'good', Iratsu 0 natsu- 'fierce' and kapcho m pcho 'dirty' is evidently the sane norphene as prefix ka- -k- 004 Comprising a class or Having an attribute, but it is not evident that the other occur- rences of the sequence ka- or k- in the Initial syllables of other adjec- tives represent this norphene. Furthernore, one third of tho adjoctive sters begin with po- without having any apparent comron neaning. Exanplos: pochke 'quiet'; pole 'green', 'blue'; poneno 'thin'; posu 'rotten'. 6.3 Affixation. The fornula for affixation of the adjective is: Sten+ (30, 22, 91) + 40 + 73 -ni + 0 + 70 + 80 + 31 potu 41 -pa 52 -ko 71 -Vna 81 -Vtka 31 gina 42 -ya 72 -pa 82 -Vtnaka 31 pguta 73 -ni 31 getko 76 -Vkta 31 gogne 77 -riaka 31 nanu 31 sha 31 yegi 31 pirana 31 rnu 22 -kaka 91 koxa 37 -Vna 39 -Vtaa 00 + 100 101 -Chi 102 -Vlo 105 -ge The exclamatory -taa 39 is not followed by any further suffixation: kigletaa 'It is very good" kiglo 'good' + -taa 39 Exclanatory. When two or rore suffixes of Order 70 occur together, they occur successively in the order shown: gi p!ixkaktalkana 'What rust they bo like"cgi Exclanatory plro.itic, and pixka 'like' + -Vkta 76 Generalizer+ -Vnka 77 Optative +-na 56 00 ' they' . 7. The adverb. 7.1 Definition. An adverb is a free steu. which is distinguished fron adjectives in that, when noninalized, it does not occur imndiately followed by -lu 25 Individual, and does not occur sinrultaneously with both -lu 25 Individual and Person Markers of Order 00 (see Adverbial nouns, Sec. 4.3). 7.2 Derivation. All adverbs are probably polyuiorphenic sters, but it has not been possible so far to determine whether or not they actually are so. For exanple, ginaka mny beg gi Interrogative preclitic ..-Vna 37 Tenporal +-ka 51 A1frinative, or the syllables of ginaka nay sirply be honophonous with those norphones. The forms of the adverbs are CVCV, CVOVCV, and CVCCV. The adverbs are the following: gawaka 'uprivoer3. gawla 'there'. gewi 'here'. ginaka 'where?'. nala 'downriver'. wane 'thus', 'thon', ' thvre' 7.3 Affixation. The fornula for affixation of tho adverb is as fol- lows: SteL + 42 -ya + (31, 91) +50 + 70 +80 + 00 + 100 31 gina 51 -Vka 71 -Vna 81 -Vtka 101 -chi 31 gogne 52 -Vko 72 -Vpa 82 -Vtnaka 102 -Vlo 31 gonu 53 -nu 73 -ni 103 -1a 31 nanu 76 -Vkta 105 -go 31 pJa 77 -raka -Vika 31 potu 91 koxa Suffixes of Order 70 occur successively in the order indicated except that -Vna 71 and -ni 73 have not been found together: waneginanaktalo 'they say she is sonewhere there'