THE KAMCHADALs A SYNTHETIC SlaTCH Chester S. Chard INTRODUCTORY NOTE Undescribed in ethnographic literature, the Kamchadal neverthcless merit the attention of anyone interested in the culture history of the North Pacific region or in problems of New .forld cultural origins, owing to their strategio geographical lootion and alleged '1Americanoid" sattus.*- Since the days of the Josup Expedition there has been a tendency to view them as closely related to the Indians of northwestorn North America- culturally, linguistically, a-Ad physicaIly. WrYe owe almost our entire knowledge of the aboriginal Kamohadal to two scientific members of Bering'ts Second Expedition-Georg.Wilhelm Stel- ler, and SO P. Krasheninnikov. Both men spent several years in Kamchat- ka circa 1740, and left descriptions of the country, its natural history,1 and inhgbitanta which are remarkably objective and comprehensive for the period. However, these works are relatively inaccessible, physically and linguistically, and demand oareful study and great caution,- since they are frequently oonfusing and open to misinterpretation. Having made an extvensiv critioal examination of these and other existing sources, the present writer has therefore felt it would be worthwhile to make this ma- terial more readily available, even though in summary form* The following paper constitutes one chapter of the writer's larger work, "Kamchadal Culture and Its Relktioriships in..the. Old and; New World,l' submitted to the Craduate Division of the University of California as a dissertation in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology* It has had the bonefit of much helpful criticism from Professors T. D. McCown nnd Rx F. Heizer, whose interest is gratefully acknowledged (1). The first Russians to explore Kamchatka (1697) found the peninsula occupied by three nations: the northern half by the Koryak, the southern extremity by the Kuriles, afid the territory in b'ttween, the.bulk of the southern half, by a people calling thomselves Itelmen, but referred to by the Russians as Kamchadal, apparently a corruption of the name applied to them by the Koryak. There is every reason to believe that the Kamchadal had occupied this territory for a considrable length of time. Their culture was very well adapted to its environment. Moreover, archaeological remains all point 20 si culturenot appreoaab-ly:di?ferent from that fo?1nd by,. of Excopt for their neighbors to the north and south, with lited trade was ovidently carriod on, aind possibly occa-sional1 6aotaways, the tribo had no knovwledge of or contact with the lde of Kamchatka prior to the datc cited above. Thoir culture a number of unique or peculiar features, had no obvious out- itios as a whole, and its origin or orir,ins are obscure (2)o thor the people nor their culture survived the impact of conquest than a.few decades. A series of unsuccessful revolts in the car- 4Ws put down with such wholesale bloodshed that a substantial of the nation wa.s exterminated. The conditions of life resulting clan rule, with its dislocations and burdens, brought on an impov- t of the shattered natives and a consequent rapid declino, climaxed 68 by a smallpox epidemic that wiped out throo fourths of the sur- ppulations The remnants bocame almost completely Russianized, and 1 culture, except in some of its economic aspects, ceased to exist n we compare this brief history with that of other Siberian peoples lay in the path of Russian expansion, tho culture seoms complete- kng in vitality. On the other hand, it must be admitted that pro- o other tribe suffered such a rapid succession of shattcring blows. he ensuing sketch endoevors to picture Kamchadal culture as it oxis- the time of the first Russian contacte The southern half of the Kamchatka Peninsula is a land of magnifi-. v,olcanic secnery and vwretched clima.te, heavy precipitation the year igorous gale-swept winters, and brief foggy summers whon vegota- hoots up with tropical rankness seemingly overnight. The numorous 8 are rapid and shallow, the only major wetorway being the Kamchatka flows through the heart of the Kamchadal territory. The eastern of the poninsula is steep and rugged, the western lov and bordered blt of tundra., The flora, a blond of thet encountered in surround- gions, is abundant and, oxcept for trees, varied. Thick forests of and poplar grow in the upper pa rts of the river va lleys, with larch ir as well in the central part of..our-aroa.* Scrub forest, numerous ohos of swamp and tundra, and the b.-.rren volconic peaks make up the ,of the country. During spawning sea.sons the rivors are literally flowing with salmon and simila.r fish; the oceans abound with soa mam- , at least on tho Pacific side; and the wa.trs and swramps toem with owl. The land fauna is also plentiful: bear, wild sheep, wild rein- ,arc- common, as well as many valua;ble fur-bearers. All in all, it is richly endowed by naturo despite tho difficult terrain, the un- sant climate, and the undependable weathor (4). `-It is virtually impossible to roconstruct the physical type of the riginal Kamcehadal, oring to the absence of any crania material, the v-extinctionl of the native stock, and the heavy interbreeding of the .>-: ~~~~~~21 survivors with the Russians long before the days of modern scientific investigation. However, oc.rly writors clc.rly difforentiato thom from the Ainu-like Kurile Islandors, and the available informAtion suggests a general resomblanco to tho Maritimo Koryak, a typo whose affinities appear to bc vrith. th Eskizho rrthdr then vrith tho Aficriban Iidiane (5), The Kamohadal language is customarily grouped with Chukehi rnd Kor- yQk into a single closely-rolated linguistic stock, formerly bolPvh4 to exhibit structural similaritios with the Indian la.nguages of the North- wost Const of America. Tho inclusion of Kamehadal in this group has ap" parontly nover boon conclusively domonstratod, although ropeatedly asser- tod by such authoritices as Bogoras aid Jochelson. However, the likeli- hood is strong that the rolationship is a valid one,and seems to bo accep- tod by modern students of Siborian linguistics such as Jakobson (6). Excluding tho mixed-Ainu tonguo spokon by the Kurile Islanders of oxtreme southern Kamchatka, thoro appear to hevo beon threo main dialects of the Kamehadal language: one on tho wost coast, ono on tho oest (in- cluding tho valley of the Kamchatka Rivor), and one in tho Ti il Rivor arou to the north. The latter contained many Koryak words (7). In southern Kamchatka, as on tho Northwest Coast of America and in the Amur-Sakhalin area, a seasonally prodigal environment enabled a pro- vidont people to load a sedentary lifo of comparative luxury and loisuro during half of tho year. Tho busy summer and fall woro devoted to exploi- ting tho tremendous salmon run and the amplo resources of tho local flora. The products of both wore propared and storod in quantitics deemed suffi- ciont for tho roquirements of tho long winter* This done, the people woro freo to devote themselvos to a soeson of social and coromonil.. actievity, of visiting and general morry~making, until tho appearance of the first fish and plant growth in late spring (plus the omptiness of their lardors) heraldod the rosumption of coonomic activity. Fish was the staff of lifo for the Kamchradal, and it was around fish- ing, naturally, that their lifo revolved. Their activities of necessity wore geared to tho habits of the loca.l sa lmon spCcies, and motiwted by the need of exploiting thom succossively to the fullest extont during the rolativoly brief period in which they were avc.ileblo to onch community. At these timcs overyone able to bear a hand worked frantically from dawn till dusk-tho mon bringing in tho fish, tho women cleaning thom and hanging them up to dry. The grentest quantities wore secured by means of woirs fitted with basket traps, but nets of sevoral typos, made of nottlo fiber, also played a major rolc In addition, fish woro spoared on the occasions unsuited to these mass-production mothods. With all types of fishing tho dugout canoe was an important factor. The spocies of salmon which bulked largest in the Kamchadadl economy wore Oncorhynchus keta, 0. norka, and 0. kisutch. Such an abundance of riches ma.de the poople choosy and a number of other available and edible fish woro utilized primarily or solely for dog food (8). 22 oept for the tiny fraction which could be consumed fresh, this Ftoh was destined for winter provisions, a.nd w.s prepared in one ~w.ayse split and hung up to air-dry, becoming yixkola, the staple oountry; or buried in pits to sour and decompose into a foul- g gruel beloved of man and dog. Owing to the damp climate of tira, air-drying was alwTays more or less of a gamble; much of the inevitably rotted before it was properly cured, and not infrequent- entire winter's supply would be thus lost, posing a grave throat rvation unless the loss could in some measure be recouped from ning fish. When cured, the yukola was stored in the balagans structures) at the permanent settlement, safe from animals and lvely dry. (Wthenever necessary, the entire population moved in to more advantageous fishing stations) (9) A important post-conquest economic 'actirvity was rendering fish y stone boiling in dugout canoes filled with water and cut-up fish flt being scooped off the surfaco. However, Steller asserts that aws never done in aboriginal times, only oil from sea mammals being t(10)o Next in importance to fishing in the K.mchadal economy was the ga- g of wild vegetable products. This was the exclusive business of women. Group gathering expeditions were appar.Xently in some cases an sion for a sort of ceremonial license, male tresp.ssers, for example, roughly handled (11) . The Kamohadal exploited the possibilities of the local flora to the at extent. Steller, a botanist among other things, remarkod in ement that there was not a single plant whose propertios - good or they did not know. Everything edible was soug-ht out and utilized, omuch of the rest was put to household or medicinal use. This in- ed sea plants cast up on shore (12). The nottle (Urtioa platyphylla) was the principa 1 utility plant, g the sole source of fib,irs for cordage and thread, and hence the ntial raw material for the manufacture of fisla nets. It wa,s gathered lkte summor, left to dry, and processed at leisure during the wintero -grass called eheu (Carex lnevirostris?) was combed into a soft sub- oo of many use Ueog.,,diap6r4 bbot inins r stockings, many ceremon- functions). A tall grass (Elymus mollis) was woven into mats, rain- ;s, baskets, and containers of all sorts. "&Swrot Herb' (Horacloum ce) took the placo of swueetening, and was albo important cormoniallyj.. Cossacks discovered in short order that vodka could be made from it o The stalks of kiprei (Epilobium angustifolium) contain a pith ex- ively used for food (13). But the chief vegetable food of the Kamchadal, and their substi- for flour or cereals, was called sarana. These wore tho bulbs of amin members of the lily family (Ospecially Fritillaria kamtschat- is and Lilium avenaceum) (14), which wore put to a variety of culi- ru8ses The women dug up as many of these as possible, but the > ~~~~~~~~~~~~2.3 greatest source of supply came from the nests of field mice (Microtus k.mtschaticus), each of which contained a winter store of about two- thirds of a bushel of sarana and other edible roots, nll cleaned, dried, and sorted out by kinds. Since this mouse is subject to periodic migra- tions nnd population fluctuations reminiscent of the lemming, it could not be depended on every year as a regular source of supply; but a year when this mouse was abundant was a good sarana year in consequence, and cause for groat rejoicingo In plundering these mouse hordes the Kamoha- dal women took great pains never to removo all the contents, boleiving that the mice would commit suioide in despair, and that their services would thus be lost (15). Among the, other important vegetable foods should be mentionod the anti-soarbuti6 *ild.:garlic (Allium ursinum), whose. leaves are-th6 first edible greens in spring-by which rime many Kamchadals had suffered a touch of scurvy from the winter diet. The bulbs of these wore stored as well. A wide vaeiety of berries-Lonioara, Rubus, Prunus, and Vac- cinium species for the most part-were oxtensivel7 athorod (16). Mention should be made of tho alder (Alnus incana), whose bark was widoly used to dye leather red; and of the birch, whose bark, as in all other boreal regions, served a variety of purposes. It was never usod, howevor, in the construction of boats (17). The Kamchadal pharmacopoia was impressivo in its sizo and range, though in many csas of dubious efficecy (o.g., infusion of rhododendron for veneroal disease). These people wYere well aware of the deadly pro- porties of aconite (Aiconitum Fischeri is tho commonest local specios) (18 and employed it effoctively as an arrow poison (19). Hunting of land animals played only a minor role in thei native ocon- omy, and the- rather abundant faunal rosources wore very little utilized, in contrast to the thorough cxploitation of pl.nts and fish. The averago Kamchada l does not seem to have beon interested in hunting until pressed by necessity, which is understandablo in view of the relativ ease with which the bulk of his livelihood was obtained. Boars yielded a great variety of useful products, wore abundant, and brought groat honor to tho hunter. Only a small number soom to have been slain, however, They wore either shot with arrows, or killed in their don by blocking it up with logs until the boar no longor had room to move, then despetching it with a spear through a hole mado in tho roof Mountain sheop wore esteomed for their flesh cnd fur, and their horns made into cups and spoons. They wore hunted on occasion with the help of dogs. Though wild reindeer woro ava ilable, it was apparently loss of- fort to obtain reindeer slkins from the Koryak by trdoe. The abundasnt fur bearers-even those whose pelts were prized-seem to have been little hun ted in pre-Russian times. Although sable hunting is described by all writers as a major industry of Kamchatka, the methods describ&d are iden- tical with those of Siberia and werc cvidently introduced by the Russia.ns There does not seem to have been much interest in sables in aboriginal ainly not sufficicnt to justify such laborious techniquos of t tho:se de.scribed (20) , #ng, by wholesale methods, was more to the K-mchadal ta ste. p6 of waterfowl wore blubbed from boats whilo moulting, or roun- dogs. Flocks of ducks were oaught in C-utumn by cutting arti- ye through the woods linking bodies of water, and rigging t,wt that could be raised in en instant when the quarry was aoch. Visits wore also made to offshore soabird rookeries, both , which were gathered in great numbers, and to socure the birds a by moans of nets or nooses (21). ile it is customary to assign to soa mamrnale a very unimportant Kamohadal economy, and to hold up the Kamehadal, in scornful con- ttheir seafaring neighbors, as landlubbers without the sonse or to utilize the rich marine fauna available to thom, it is possible is picture has been overdrawn and descrves re-examination. There ridonco, it must be admittod, that tho Kamchadal proper ever hun- 8o; stranded specimens were oagerly and fully utilized, but werc Us enough to fill all the needs. Most of the latter had to be hunting the smaller sea mammmals, primarily seals, which supplied -1 illuminating oil, skins for many important uses, and tho prizod which may have been a dietary nocessity. Such hunting wras a ma- 1onal activity, and in my opinion played a more important part in ohadal economy than the other forms of hunting-at loest for that ,,the population that lived within reach of the coasts. And there L indiotions that inland dwellers made annual trips to the sea s purpose. The elaborateness of the ceremony to insure an abundant oatoh of seals, doscribed by Krashoninnikov., is a clear indication Importance of this hunt in the Kamohadal minde L preforred methods of taking seals wore to club them vwhen asleep or on islets, and to close off river mouths with nots when a num- th, creatures had entered. They wore then driven baLck into the entangled. and killed from bonts. But they wero also stalked in in disguises and harpooned-possibly on the ice. Son lions were to some extent as well-always on land._-by parties using several ne and arrows. On the oest coast, there is evidence thet fur seals nted at sea in baidars and harpooned. Son otters wero being taken ice floos soon aftor the conquest, but this may have been in res- to Russian demand, though it utilized indubitably native techniques jXamchadal cookery-the end result of all these varied food-gathering yitiess.was apparently a highly-developed art, and comprisod a large Iy of dishes, including somo very complicated mixtures of pounded , berries and fat. Ordinrery meanl-s, however, usually consisted of -fresh, dried, or rotted-stonoeboilod in a wooden trough, or ment larly preprred when availab P., somotimes with roots or herbs. Tho 1dal disliked roasted food cad nothing was eaten warm; cooked food lito get cold before it was regarded as fsit to serve (235). 25 Whale and seal blubber waS mreatly esteemed. Tho cooked blubber would be served in strip,, which were. cramued into the mouthi until it ,rould hold no more, then-cut off at the lips and swallowed whole, To storo blubber for fu'-ure use, it was prepared by baking in an earth oven to romovo o"oac oil, aftel which, we are told, it would keop for a year without spoiling (24). For more casual snacks, yukola (dried salmon) was naten plain. Ano- ther coramon standby was dried f.ish roe, usually naton with the inner berk of birch or willow (25). Except at a feast, the Kamchadals never ate together at definito hours. Instead, individuals ate whenever thoy had timo and inclination. Cooking was usually done once a day, in the afternoon (26). The Kamchadal knew no alcoholic beveragges bofore the conquost, though liquor rapidlv became thoir favorilo vice as soon as they had made its acquaintanco (27). Information on tho use of the narcotic agaric mushroom (Amanita), an infusion of which was drunk as an intoxicant, is very vague and con- flicting. We know that the Koryak are, and have always boon, onthusias- tic addicts. Thea obtainod it by trade from tho northern Kamchadal, who eether it for this purpose; but whother the latter also used it, to what oxtent, and whother the habit existed over the whole Kamchadal torritory or was localized and the rosult of Koryak influence, is very difficult to esta'l ish on the basis of the existing evidenco. There are dofinito in- stances of its use by the northern-most Kamchadal, and inforonces that it was amployed by the nation as a whole. It seems likely that it was never used on the scale obsorvod among tho Koryak (28). Like many neighboring peoples, the Kamchadal lived during the winter in large seni-subterrannan dwellings capable of holding several families.. The roof.-of poles coverod with turf-was sunported on nosts, and formed a low mound above the surface of the ground. Entrance was via a notched log ladder through the smoke hole. There was also a ventilation passage running from behind the hearth to the su-face at one side which women and and children used as an additional entrance. A wide low platform ran a- round the interior on which the inmates slept, lounged, or sat. The walls were often covered with straw"mats. Illumination was supplied by stone lamps burning sea mammal oil (29). In the spring, when these dwellings got full of water, the Kamoha- dal moved into pile structures called belagans by the Russians. Several balagans belonged to a winter house, each being occupied by a sihgle amily, Those not needed for residence served as storehouses for winter prov4-sions. The balagans were conical structures of poles and thatch set on a log platform wjhich was supported by posts and raised about fifteen feet above the ground. There were apparently two opposing doors, a smoke- hol' at the pek. and . hqgrth .kccess to the platform was by a notched log ladder. Fish and plants were hung to dry in the space between the piLes, sheltered fromn rain b,y the platform, and out of reach of dogs and othler animals. The balagans wer e frar enougrh above the damp ground to be 26 tively dry, cool, and airy, and probably also afforded some respite ,the relentless insect pests thet plague Kamchatka. As storehouses were, in addition, safe from predators (30). Bans were al-so constructed at permanent summer fishing stations. ore teiporary oamps, or overnight stops when traveling, the KLmcha- erected huts of grass and thatch placed directly on the ground, which Russians called barabaras (31). Settlements varied in size, consisting of one or several (rarely *) winter dwellings with their attendant balagans, though the earliest rts suggest that larger settlements existed in the past. Buildings ,placed very olose together, and the entire settlement surrounded ;;~iy cases with a palisade or earth rampart. Settlements were always ted on rivers or, among the eastern groups, on the shore. There is indication that the Kamchadal territory was relatively thickly lated in pre-Russian times (32). Technologically, the Kamcha.dal were still in the stone age. Such . or objects of metal as had reached them were prized curios. Stone * chipped into knives, scrapers, arrow and spear points; pecked into lea and sinkers; polished into adzes and axes. A peculiarity of the ure, however, was the absence of polished slate implements, so typi- of the general area. Equal or greater usse was made of bone for overy- g from needles, spoons and combs to sickles and harpoons. Whale ver- 6rae were made into mortars. WToodworking occupied a leading place in technology; wooden troughs being the most important household uten- is This fact, plus the extensive use of birch-bark and animal-gut ainers, and of stone boiling and earth ovens for cookory, may explain Bapparent absence of pottory in Kamohadal culturoo Although known o prehistoric archaeological sites, it is relatively scarce and seems sited to border areas subject to outside influences. All the pottery and has obvious clion affinities. If pottery was in use, as rqportEdby lasov, the first Russian exploror, then even the memory of it had died t forty years later-a circumstance which strains the crodulity. Hides om sea and land animals wore another major ra*w material, supplying a11 othing and footgear, thongs, straps, etc. Sklins were dressed with fish , which was then allowed to fermont, in addition to the usual scrap- s and rubbings. Tanning was effected by smoking, plus the foregoing ocedures. Much leather was dyed red with a decoction of alder bark. sh skin was-usod to make certain types of shoes, arnd yielded glue as 11* Woven produots of dried grasses and cordage from nettle have a1- rady been mentioned (33). Fire was apparently produced with a simple hand drill, although the ow drill is nlmost universal in the general area (34). The Kamohadal costumo, in Stellorts opinion, was very well adapted o the local climate rnd activitieso. Men's and women's dress was esson- .ally the same, though distinguishod by minor details. Children had a p at the rear for sanitary purposes. The under garments consisted of [ . ~~~~~~~~27 a long shirt and trousers-leathor in sumnr,, fur in winter. Mn wore oiily a brooch clout when engaged in household tcsks, and in sumoer ap- parontly, frequently outdoors as woll. Tho outer garment, when needed, was tne kuklinkma, a long loose fur "night shirt" with a hood. For greater warmth additioncl kuklianka could be donned, the innor one with fur side in, the outer with fur side out. Reindeer cnd seal skins woro the commonest materials, with dog skins reserved for gal. attire. Gar- ments wore embellished with borders of other furs, strips of red seal loathor, bunches of red-tinted senl hair or long dog hairs, otc. The fur-loss side was gonorally dyed rwith Qlder bark (35). Boots for summor wore of ser.l skin. In winter, several types of footgor.r woro in uso. One was made of dried fish skin, another of tho hido from reindeor logs was soled with soel skin or boar paws, which pro- vided secure footing on ice. Women oonstaittly wore fingerless gloves whon working; men had regular gloves. Women went bare-hea.ded, vwhile mon had caps of va.rious sorts-including a band from which dangled flaps to protect oars, neck, otc. for winter woar, and for summer uso woodon or quill "lampshadc'; hats liko those of the Aleut. A sort of birch-bark net was worn ovor the eyes to protect them from the spring glare, though thit may h.arve been introduced from Siberia with the Russians. During this season women coverod their faces with bear's guts to safeguard their comp2lexions. To look their best, women customarily reddened their facos with various substancesp but no tattooing or other bodily adornvnmnt was practiced. ( 36). WVomen of fashion sought to braid thoir hair into an elaborate mass, supplemented by other hair to make it evon more 'thick and stntely." Fish fat or seal oil was applied to mke it shinie. Mn apparontly woro the hair in two braids (37). The Kcmchadal were a dog-breoding people . excellonce, although dog-driving actually playod little if any role in their economic lifo, mnroly facilitating their social activities and, probably, thoir war- fare. Sled dogs could have boen subtractod from their culturo in all likolihood without impe.iring their chances of survival. The Kamchadal could afford this virtual luxury by roason of tho abund:nt winter food supply. One gets the impr.ession that dogs probably constituted about tho only form of wealth among them. Tho Kamchadal dog sledgo with its scddlo-liko superstructure was a unique product with no obvious parallels elsewhere, and appropriately reflects the superfluous nature of their dog traction. This sled was cbout cs utin.litarian as a racing sulky. It could carry the driver, riding side-saddlo in a sportingly precarious position, but no load of anv sort (38). Driving this odd oonveyance-a feat requiring considerable skill to avoid.tipping over-was: done with.the aid of a pointed bent staof (oshtol), whiohaserved both as 4 brake and aa.an iristrumeita for urging 28 the dogs, mostly by the sound of the jangling objects affixed to it. oting was by voice, and a good leader was an absolute necessity. The 'age team apparently consisted of a leader and four dogs in pairs on tral trace, although tho evidonce is conflicting., and there are ad for suspocting that originally the dogs may have been hitched rse. The harness was of cervico-scapular type, with the collar d the neck and one foreleg. Under spring snow conditions, traction iproved by fastening on extra runners of whale bone (39). There is no evidence to indicate the existence of another type of for freight transport. The Russinns lost no time in introducing standard east Siberian nart to fill this lacuna, and it became an gral part of post-conquest Kamohadal culture in short order (40). Dogs were turned loose to fend for themselves in summer, and in r were kept tied up and fed an exclusively fish diet, dried or n, usually cooked into a sort of soup. A curious method of train- sled dogs involved keeping them in pits out of human sight (excopt, bly, for their trainer) until broken to harness. Male sled dogs always castrated. Dogs not suitable for harness were trained for ng ng-haired dogs were valued for their fur. Dog fur was pro- d above .ll others, and the fanciest clothing was made from it (41). Reflecting their riverine life, the typical Kamchadal boat was a r dugout about 12 to 14 feet long, handled by two men who stood in Ed stern, respectively, paddling downstream and poling up close to o. Two slightly difforent typos existed: one in which the bow w-s slightly higher than the gunwales, which were spread apart, presum- by cross-pieces; the other in which bow and stern wore of the same as the gunwales or even slightly lower, .and the gunwales wore not d apart but curved inward following the natural shape of the log. use of the- latter was apparently restricted to the Kxamchrtka River, former being employed everywhere else-e-ven on sheltered bays and osea itself close to shore in calm weather. These round-bottomed thad low stability and a very limited cargo capacity. For trans- ng bulky but light-weight loads, two dugouts would be joined by a platform to form a sort of raft; this was feasible only on the calmer es and usually confined to downstream travel. On portions of the coa.st8, the inhabitants seem to have had more nautical propensitios, re led to create a more seaworthy craft by sewing planks on to the aos of the dugout with baleen* Steadied apparently by rock ballast, ore thus emboldened to pursue sea mammals on the open ocean like neighbors to the north and south# This boat was the only Kamchadal 'to earn the designation b.idar from the Russians, the term applied -going plank boats or to tho umiak (42). tOn land, summer travel was on foot and transport on the human baok tly with a forehead tump line, For foot travel in winter, and also breaking trail for dog teams, the Kamch-dal hnd both skis and netted hes0 The former were of common Siberian type and equipped with fur under;liac.th to facilitato up-hill progress. The latter, like the similar snowshoes of tho Chuckohi and Koryak, wore obviously a, diffusion from the other side of Bering Strait (43). The Kamohadal, like most primitives, wore a completoly self- sufficient poople, and trade was not necessary for their survival or the proper functioning of thoir economy. It was apparently a convenience to import reindeer skins or clothing mado from them from the Koryak in return for agaric and furs, but much of this commerco may woll be a post-oonquest development. Luxury items of Japanese origin diffused northward from the Kuriles. Steller mentions the export of nottle cordage to the Kurile territory, whore the plant does not growr, in exchange for sea otter furs, but this commerce also may have grown up after the conquest. By and large trade seems to have boon casual and of little consoquence (44). Very littlo is known about the social organization of the Kamchadalo In generx.l, the inhabitants of each of the smaller river systoms seom to have regarded themselves ta desconded from a single ancestor, and as owning the territory in common as far as hunting and fishing rights were concerned. There would seem to have been onle ma jor settlement in each such area, any others being offshoots resulting from overcrowding. Families breaking a.way in soarch of greenor pastures would meroly move a short way along the same stroem, always romaining within the ancestral domain. Settloments seom to have been conmposed of mombers of ine extended family. This is further substantiated by the solidarity dis- played by each settlement in case of trouble with outside groups* Marriage apparently was extra-local; it may havo boon matrilocal, but here the oevidence is conflicting. Property inheritance was to tho eldest son. But women seem to have enjoyed a high position in Kamchadal society, and pa.rticipated freoly in religious ceromonies (45)* Slavery of war captives oxisted, and the ocpture of slaves was apparontly a major motivo for war. Such slaves had to do the unploasant .-nd menial work, but might be reloased after a foew yoars. It is hard to tell how important a factor slavery wa.s in the culture (46). Political structure was non-existent. War parties, howevor, wore npparently organized by n leader of proven ability and the participants accepted his orders for the duration of the expedition. Each settloment had some loading man or men who were feared or rospectod, and who exer- cised influenco in proportion to this. But they had no inheront author- ity to enforce their decisions or compel agroement. Law and order was on a purely personal basis-with whatover support one's reletives might be willing to give. Homicide was avenged by killing the murderer in the same fashion as the victim had diod-if tho rolatives could lay hands on him. Thieves wore beaten by the victim; a c1aronic thief might have his hands burned, maiming him permanontly to render him incapable of furthor theft. Thieves wore, in addition, universally despised and trented as outcasts by the entire group (47). 30 rfare between settlements was apparently all too frequent in the s-motivated by desire for women, slaves and dogs (the only valu- oty), to avenge wrongs and insults, or in cases of refusal to er a wrong-doer. The accumulated internecine hostility greatly .tated the Russian conquest, the invaders receiving enthusiastic ance, or at least approval, in many instances as means of settling dgee (48). 5 might be expected, the Kamchadal avoided open combat and pre- tregohery, ruses or sneak attacks, especially on a sleeping enemy. sign of the winter houses made it a simple matter to render large i of warriors helpless by guarding the exits. They were capable of g bravely in a defensive position, however, as was illustrated fre- & in the early revolts against the Russians, when the Kamchadal, g opposition, customarily withdrew to natural strongholds. Wives ildren were often killed to prevent their falling to the victor, the men threw themselves from cliffs or rushed into the midst of ttaokers to sell their lives dearly (49).* isoners, especially the most valiant, were tortured. Harmless iduals were apparently enslaved, and captured women became wives oubines (50). She weapons employed were bows with aconite-poisoned arrows, spears lubs. The bow was small, apparently simple in type, of larch wood d with birch bark; arrows had bone or stone points, and were flet- %rith eagle feathers. Armor made of matting, or seal hide supple- by boards, is also reported (51). }In their more peaceful moments, hospitality was a point of honor the Kamchadal. Visitors were extravagantly entertained over long a, and presented with valuable gifts at departure-regardless of tent of the host's resources. To refuse a guest anything he might would be a gregt disgrace (52)* ,.'A curious practice was connected with entering into a formalized aotual friendship relationship with another man. The prospective was invited to a special "ordeal feast" set by his host, who .red his choicest dishes (in quantity sufficient for ton men) and d the underground dwelling to a stifling temperature. While the : did his best to consume the spread, the host plied him with more, t intervals poured water on red-hot stones to make the atmosphere rable. The host could go outdoors at any time for a breath of t air, and ate nothing himself, but the guest could neither stop g nor leave the house without admitting degeat. When he finally up, he had to purchase his liberty by surrendering to tho host the ,Yaluable possessions he had with him (dogs, clothing, etc.)* Later host must be similarly entertained, or the guest might return and ot to receive presents of oomparable value (53). [ ~~~~~~~~31 The aesthetic side of Kamehadal life seems to have been little developed despite the abundant leisuro. Decorative art "rras at best con- fined to some painted ornament on wooden or bark utensils, to which might be added the adornment applied to clothing (54). A reed flute of rather negative capabilities was their sole musical instrument; oven drums seem to have been absent. Singing, though a popu- lar diversion, appears to have been confined to the female sex. Songs were improvised with alacrity on almost any topic (55). The dance was probably the best developed fields All the principal dances indigenous boyond doubt to the Kamchadal seem to have been panto- mimic representations of the actions and habits of various familiar ani- mals and birds, and, sometimes, of hunters in relation to these-all very cleverly and faithfully portrayed. The favorite dance depicted realis- tically the courtship of a pair of boars. These performances seem to have been executed by men, while the onlookers sang an incessantly-ropea- ted refrain. More ordinary sorts of group d&nces in which all partici- pated are described, but with the implication that some or most were borrowed from the Kurile Islanders (56). Mimicry of others was a Kamchadal talent and a favorite diversion along with story-telling. Clowns, "whoso buffoonery is extremely obscone," played a part in the festivities (57), Their folklore consisted primarily of a body of satirical and "in- decent" tales about the misadventurcs of their creator, 1Kutkla, and as such shows great resemblance to Koryak folklore and its Raven cycle. Some of the examples known to us have considerable literary merit (58). Turning now to the life cycle of the Kamehadal, we find thet women who wished to enhance their fecundity, insure a successful pregnancy, and facilitate delivery, ato spiders during this pariod. Many others with the opposite objective rosortod to .llegod herbal contraceptive concootions and to various types of abortion, including crushing the foetus within tho womb (often with fatal consequxncos to tho mother), an art at which certain old women wore rogardod as expecially proficient (59). Childbirth took place with no effort at seclusion and wvithout any attendant fuss, ritual, or restriotion. l1others generally assisted their daughtors. The afterbirth was thrown to the dogs. Women resumod their usual duties within a few days. The neighbors all came to see and rojoice over t-he newborn, but no occasion was made of it. Unwanted childron might, apparently, be killed at birth, as was gonerally the case with one of a pair of twins or children born during a storm. It was believed that thle latter would subsequently causo bad weather, although there wore ritual means of removing this disability (60). Children wore named after deceased relatives by the father when they wo3re a month or two old; no ceremony was involved, and the name was 32 rotained throughout lifo, unless the child's rostlossness at night indi- oatod that it had probably rocoivod the wrong namo and was boing disturbod by somo offended relative. In such ccases the shaman was consultod and ,the name changed. Most names woro common gonder (61). Infants were gonerally carriod about on mothers' backs inside tho knaklianka, supported by a strap, boing transferred at night to tho breast. Children wore suckled for three or four years, or until the birth of tho noxt child (62). Wo are told that parents indulged their children, and that tho lattor were disobediont, disrespectful, indifferent to affection, and in gonoral did as they pleased. Their attitudes did not improve with ago, and eldor- Ly parents were treated with contempt (63), Tho Kamchadal usually selected wives from another settlement. A Rauitor went to live with his prospective paronts-in-law and workod for 'them. W;Vhen he felt that ho had sufficiontly ingratiated himsolf and ,proved his worth, he would ask their permission to attempt to "touch" tho rl, i.o., insert his finger in her vagina. If the paronts and the girl were satisfied with him, thoy told him to try his luck; if not, thoy sent im packing with nothing to show for his pains. The girl, regardless of r acquiesence, had to put up a groat show of resistance, in which she Qa aided and abetted by all the women of the settlement. In addition to eing securely bundled up in many lcyors of clothing, shle was nevor left lone, Any attempt by tho suitor brought a crowd of women to her assis- banoe, at whose hands he could expect rough treatmont. Sometimes a year r more would elapse before the objective was attained at a cost of many oars, Howover, the moment he succeeded the girl surrendered immediate- y and made no further resistance. They wore now regarded as man and wifo ithout more ado. Steller says the couple lived in tho wife's settloment, lie according to Krasheninnikov they went to the husbttnd's, although turning later for a marriage feast with the bride's family (64). Virginity was apparently neither expected nor pa rticularly ostoomed, Lthough we have no specific data on pre-marital sexual activities (65). Polygyny was general, though thore wore rarly more than three wives. 'husband had to follow the same procedure in the case of oach subse- ont wife. If tho wives did not get along well they wore housed soparate- * and the husband lived with each in turn. 'When a wife died, hor paronts uld ofton supply another daughter without requiring servitudo. Widows re free to romarry, but first had to "purify' themsolves by intercourse th some other man, an act fraught with magical danger and hence not too oy to arrange until the arrival of the Cossacks, who gladly assumed this odn, The levirate was also prceticed (66). Women seem to have "worn the pants" in the Kamchadal family* Husbands E pictured as devoted and willing slaves in all matters. Wllomen worc very lous of rivals as woll as of thoir husbands, but also rather promiscuous. are described as not particularly jealous (although the paramour of a ,.~~~~~~~~~3 boloved wife was apt to suffor injury), and as indulging in numerous ex- tra-marital amours. ITife oexchango betwoon frionds is reported also. Divorco consisted merely in separation, both parties usually remarrying (67). Homosexuality was widospread. Confirmod male homosoxuals had to dress, aot and live as womon. They wore commoQly k?pt as oonoubinos'.by married men in addition to their wives, and this- arrangement seems to have boon an established and acceptod institution (68)* The Kamohadal division of labor sooes oquitablo. Men constructed the houses, although women thatched and furnished thom; supplied the firo- wood; did all hunting, fishing, and skinning; prepared tho rotten fish in pits; manufactured all housohold utonsils, slod, boats, fishing and hunting equipment; propared all food; fod the dogs; and entortained guests (69). WTomon-in addition to bringing up tho children-proparod tho ontiro fish supply (except the rotten portion), which then romained in their charge; colloctod about 100 difforont kinds of roots, herbs, borrios, otc. for medicine and food, as well as grasses for weaving and other uses, and nottles for cordage, and propared all of these for use as necessary; manufactured all cordage and woven products; did all skin dressing; mado all clothing and footgear of every sort; and woro the solo repositories of medical and surgical knowlodgo (70). Although sickness was considored due to the actions of offended spirits, or to tho consoqueneo of transgrossing somo tabu, and a shaman was consulted to dotermine the spocific cause and to counteract it by magical means, this did not preovnt the Kamehadal from developing a vory extonsive practical medical ropertoire, evon if it was largely of imagin- ary officacoy. The women prectitionors had at their disposal a pharma- copoeia improssive in size and variety if not in quality. How much of this was motivated by magical considerations, and how much based on a knowledge of actual benoficial results, is impossible to determinoe The lattor might havo beon an accidontal adjunct of the formor, or it might ropresent a body of praotical lore mixed togethor with the magioal (71). However, when Kanchadals becamo seriously ill it w8s the usual prac- tico to abandon them in the woods, or (according to Steller) to throw thoir living bodies to tho dogs-cither with or without the pationtts acquiesonco. Indeed, suicido was part of tho cultural pattern. heonevor anyono docided life was no longer attractive, or felt theaisclves old, de- crepit and useless, they would go off into the forest and sta.rve thom- solves to death. This urge was possibly reinforced by tho hope of soonor attaining the underworld, where tho sorrows of this life did not cxist (72). If a Kamchadal fell into the water accidently (they apparently did not know how to swim), no one would try to savo him, and tho bystandors might oven forcibly insure his drowning, reasoning that since the men 34 was obviously supposed to drown it would be wrong for him not too Should he survive anyway, he was considered dead and treated as such. No one would speak to him or allowa him.to come into the h6use (73). hen.f& person died in a house the corpee was. immedXftely hauled out- side by a strap around the neck, and left nearby for the dogs to devour. All olothing of the deceased was thrown out also, lest it contaminate someone. Everyone involved immediately underwent a purification cere- mony, involving orawling through hoops of branches which were then cast into the woods. The man who pulled the corpse had, in addition, to catch two birds, burning one and, joined by his entire family, eating the other. The house was abandoned and a new one erected at some dis- tance. No doubt their eagerness to abandon the dying out in the woods was motivated to a great extent by this consideration. Corpses of young children, we are told, were plaoed in hollow trees (74). The souls of all living creatures were believed to be immortal, and their bodies will be revived in the underworld, where they will en- gage in all the usual activities and carry on as in this life, except that want and suffering will be unknown and life will be always perfect, as it used to be in Kamohatka back in the days of Kutka the Creator. The poor on earth will be well off in the underworld and vice versa, we are told. The Kamehadal knew all this because the lord of the under- world, a son of Kutka, and the first man ever to die, returned to the i :earth to enlighten his descendants on this and kindred matters; which knowledge had been handed do ever since (75). It is, however, partioularly difficult to obtain a coherent picture of Kamehadal supernaturalism from the type of source material available F)to us. One gets the impression that the Kamehadal were not too clear about such matters in their own minds. They had a Creator-Kutka, the ancestor and culture-bringer of their nation-but they regarded him with '"9derision for his follies and with resentment for not having created a better world. For such a theoretically powerful and central figure they t-felt neither respect nor fear. Various sons of Kutka seem to be deities oontrolling natural phenomena such as rain, wind, thunder, and earth- auakes. But again, they are regarded primarily as causal explanations, 'and not as objects of fear or reverence (76). On the other hand, the Kamchadal believed that spirits inhabited all parts of the landscape, and it vas these that they really feared and respected-especially those dwelling in dangerous places such as vol- canoes, hot springs, and high mountains, which were regarded as being particularly malignant. They rere the main objects of the Kamchadalst efforts at treating with the supernatural, since they were the ones who aotually affected ments lives (77). This treatment took the form of leaving offerings when passing by ,spots inhabited by dangerous spirits; making offerings to the hearth 'fire; adorning the household "tgodl" (probably a tutelary spirit, repre- sented by a wooden stake) with sacred herbs and ttfeedingtt (smearing) it .. ~ ~ ~~ 3 .. IL. with blood and fat so that it would securo them luck on the hunt; ascer- t.irnlg whethor a spirit has been offonded when sickness occurs, and so forth. Nothing useful or desirable was ever offored to the spirits- generally the inedible portions of fish and such like (78). Much of their dealings appear to have boon purely magical in nature, however. There were a number of prohibitions handed dowm from the an- cestors which if violated would automatically cause misfortune, illness, or unsuccessful hunting. One who believed hinself in trouble of this sort consulted a shaman to ascertain the precise cause, then expiated the transgression by carving a little man of wood and placing it in the forest. Spirits do not seem to have been involved, although it is dif- ficult to judge the matter on the basis of the sources. Or again, ipure ification" was achieved in several ceremonies by passing through a hoop of branches which was then burned or thrown away in the woods (79). In marked contrast to the surrounding Siberian tribes, shamanism was very little developed among tho Kamohadal. There were no professional shamans, no special costume, no drum. Anyone of either sox could try their hand at it, but women (especially old ones) and homosexuals were rogarded as most successful, though no particular prestige attached to the role. They seem to have been resorted to largely for divination: to locate stolen goods, interpret a difficult dream inexplicable by the standard rules, ascertain what "tabu" had been violated to cause misfor- tune or what was the cause of an illness, to predict the future, and so forth. One principal technique employed by shamans was lifting tho foot by means of a nettle thread; if it felt heavy it was a bad omen or negative sign. But they could also summon spirits into their presence to inquire the answer. There is no evidence that they exerted any oon- trol over supernatural beings beyond this fact-finding function. They played no major role in the important ceremonies, nor wore they endowed with any supernatural powers or abilities. Since spirit possession does not seem to have been a cause of illness, there was no opportunity to fulfill this familiar function. Nor was sorcery apparently practiced by the Kamehadal. Sharans did deal in magic to the extent of supplying persons with amulets to be worn around the neck (80). The Kamohadal had only one fixed annual ceremony, a very elaborate and important affair lasting many days, which was held in November after the winter supplies were all in and the festive season ready to begin. The details varied in different parts of the country, but the central idea seemed to be one of "purification" a Krasheninnikov witnessed several of these affairs and has left us dotailed descriptions. Every- one took part, of both sexes and all ages. The total picture is a some- what incoherent hodge-podge, which seems to consist partly in offerings to spirits to gain their good will, and partly in purely magical pro- cedures for one purpose or another. One gots tho improssion that tho ceremony was a sort of catch-all to tako care of the year's noeds in relation to the supernatural, and that many birds, so to speak, wore thus killed with one stone. Among items that stand out from the general con- fusions a tug-of-war between the sexes over a birch tree brought in 36 from the forest; purification by passing through hoops; installation of a now household "idol"; making of many woodon effigies which are fed and adorned, then burned; effigies of whale and wolf (made of food stuffs), subsequently eaten; a human figure of woven grass about a foot high with a 14-foot priapus, which was burned (81). While animal ceremonialism was apparently a well-doveloped feature of Kamchadal culture, it should be regarded rather as "hunting magic"t than cult or ritual* There was nothing at all comparable to the ltbear festival" of the Ainu or Gilyak. Although bears wrere held in esteem, they were not markedly singled out for special treatment* Indeod, the ceremonialism observed seems more proportional to the economic Lmportance of tho particular animal, and was aimed solely at insuring a good bag of them in the future. In general they apparently asked forgiveness before killing any major land or sea mammal lest it take offense, and subsequently ondeav- ored to make it believe it was en honored guest by offering sacred herbs and various delicacies to the meat, skull or fur, so that others of the specios iight not become shy of people. A proper observance involved ,special treatment of the skull after the animal had been devouredt adorning it with sacred herbs, and making speeches to it pointing out how well it had been troated and urging it to inform its relatives so that they also may enjoy similar hospitality. (A more elaborate cere- mony, although developing the same theme, was doscribed by Krashenin- nikov in connection with seals)* Tho skulls do not appear to have been preserved after the completion of these observances, oxcept those of bears, which seem to have been hung up on or near the dwelling (82). The wolf and bear in particular were believed to understand human speech, and circumlocutions were always employed in their presence (83). In connection with these supornatural attitudes towards animals should be mentioned the prohibition on cooking meat of land and sea animals-or moat and fish-together in the same pot. Also the beliof that the only proper position for sexual intercourse was on the side, sinoe fish wore said to do it in this fashion (84). Wo are left with the impression that we are dealing here with a culture of mixod origins showing the results of outside influenco from many directions, but also shaped to some extent by environment and ecology Absence of features expectablo in the area, plus peculiar local developments, give to it an individual stamp. The history of the Kamchadal and tho building of their culture are complex problems which defy solution in the light of our present knnov- ledge. The writer has attemptod to approach these questions, in tho longer wrork to which reference has previously been made, by an analysis of the culture and a study of the distributions of its component tra^its. 37 ENDNOTES (1) References to sources, where practicable, will be given at the end of paragraphs. Miuch, however, is based on the general impressions conveyed by the descriptions of Steller and Krasheninnikov. (2) Rudenko, 1948. (3) Okunt, 1935, pp. 102-104. (4) Extensive descriptions of the environment are given by many writers. Among the best are those by Erman, 1848; Ditmar, 1890-1900; Komarov, 1912; and Bergman, 1926. For a succinct survey of the vegetation, see Komarov, 1927-1930, vol. I, pp. 328-336. (5) Debets, 1949, pp. 6-8. (6) Jochelson, 1930; Jakobson, 1942; but see also Debets, 1949, p. 17. (7) Jochelson, 1928, p. 16. (8) Steller, 1774, pp. 154-166; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 298-310. (9) Steller, 1774, pp. 168-170. (10) Steller, 1774, pp. 174-175. (11'.) De Lesseps, 1790, pp. 87-88. (12) Steller, 1774, pp. 78-79, 95; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 236-237. (13) Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 230-233; 237-238; Steller, 1774, pp. 80-88. (14) Illustrations of these two plants appear in Komarov, 1927-1930, vol. I, plates IX, Xi. (1i) Steller, 1774, pp. 90-92; Krasheniinnikov, 1949, pp. 228-230, 251-253; Erman, 1848, pp. 256-259. (16) Steller, 1774, pp. 77-78, 88-89; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 227, 233. (17) Steller, 1774, p. 75; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 224-225; Erman, 1848, p. 286. (18) Komarov, 1927-1930, vol. II, plate XII illustrates this plant. (19) Steller, 1774, pp. 93-96, 236, 362-366; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 239-241. 38 0) Steller, 1774, pp. 113-128; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 243-250. 1) Steller, 1774, pp. 180-183. 187, 190-191; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 315-316, 321-322; Erman, 1848,- pp. 325, 330. 2) Steller, 1774, pp. 98-112; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 271-284. 3) Steller, 1774, pp. 322-323. 4) Steller, 1774, pp. 99-100, 112; Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 395. 5) Steller, 1774, p. 322. ) Steller, 1774, p. 322. 27) SteUler, 1774, p. 325. 28) Steller, 1774, p. 92; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 428-429; Prman, 1848, pp. 223, 304-306, 312, 324. t9) Steller, 1774, pp. 212-215; De Lesseps, 1790, pp. 224-228; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 374-376. ?30) Steller, 1774, pp. 216-217; De Lesseps, 1790, pp. 26-29; Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 377. 31) Steller., 1774, pp. 217-218; Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 377; Dobell, 1830, vol. I, p. 37. (.2) Antropova, 1949b. 33) Rudenko, 1948; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 378-381, 386; Steller, 1774, pp. 71-72, 81, 104, 127-128, 249, 304, 308, 318-319, 321. (34) Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 380* (35) Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 387-393; Steller, 1774, pp. 304-3099 313. (36) Steller, 1774, pp. 62, 69, 300, 308-310, 312-313; Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 390. (57) Steller, 1774, pp. 311-312. (38) Antropova, 1949a. (9) Antropova, 1949a; Levin, 1946, pp. 94-96; Langsdorff, 1814, vol. II, pp. 283-286; Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 398. 40) Steller, 1774, p. 374. ;~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~~~3 (41) Steller, 1774, pp. 133-134, 137-139; KErosheninnikov, 1949, pp. 253-254, 396. (42) Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 382-383, 710; Erman, 1848, pp. 167-168, 318-319. (43) Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 368, 400, 710; Steller, 1774, p. 369; Antropova., 1949a, p. 69. (44) Steller, 1774, pp. 83-84, 375; Krusheninnikov, 1949, pp. 167, 171, 369, 514. (45) Steller., 1774, p. 354; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 366, 368, 378, 435. (46) Steller, 1774, p. 235. (47) Steller, 1774, pp. 234, 355-356. (48) Steller, 1774, pp. 234, 236, 356. (49) Steller, 1774, pp. 236, 238; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 402-403. (50) Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 402. (51) Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 404. (52) Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 433; Erman, 1848, p. 215; Dobell, 1830, vol. I, p. 83. (53) Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 432-433. (54) Kittlitz, 1858, vol. II, pp. 317, 338; Guillemard, 1889, p. 75. (55) Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 430-431; Steller, 1774, pp. 333-337. C56) Steller, 1774, pp. 338-340; Krashoninnikov, 1949, pp. 429-430; Golovnin, 1861, pp. 27-28. (57) Steller, 1774, pp. 341-342; Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 432. (58) Joohelson, 1905-1908, p. 341; Kittlitz, 1858, vol. I, pp. 326-327* Some of the tales are given by Steller, 1774, p. 255 CC. (59) Steller, 1774, pp. 198, 294, 349. (60) Steller, 1774, pp. 350-352; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 437-438. (61) Steller, 1774, p. 353; Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 438 4 (62) Steller, 1774, p. 352. 40 (63) Steller, 1774, pp. 353-354. (64) Steller, 1774, pp. 343-346; irasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 434-436. (65) Steller, 1774, pp. 345-346. (66) Steller, 1774, pp. 346-347. (67) Steller, 1774, pp. 287-288, 345, 347; Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 436. (68) Steller, 1774, pp. 289, 350-351. (69) Steller, 1774, pp. 316-317. (70) Steller, 1774, PP. 317-321. (71) Steller, 1774, pp. 276, 362-366; Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 412, 440. (72) Steller, 1774, pp. 294, 354; Bering in Golder, 1922, vol. I, p. 18. (73) Steller, 1774, p. 295; Golovnin, 1861, p. 108. (74) krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 443-444, (75) Steller, 1774, pp. 269-273. (76) Steller, 1774, pp. 253-255, 265-269. .(77) Steller, 1774, pp. 47, 265-266; Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 369. (78) Steller, 1774, pp. 265-266, 276-277. (79) Steller, 1774, pp. 274-276; Krasheninnikov, 1949, p. 444. (80) Steller, 1774, pp. 182, 276, 278-279, 312; KrQsheninnlikov, 1949, p. 412. (81) Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 413-427. (82) Krasheninnikov, 1949, pp. 249, 272-273; Steller, 1774, pp. 82, 85, 112, 280, 330-331. (83) Steller, 1774, p. 276. (84) Steller, 1774, pp. 274-275. 41 BIBLIOGRAPHY Antropcva, V. V. 1949a "IStarinnye Kam?hadal'skie Sani (Ancient Kamohadal Sleds)*." Sbornik Muzeia Antropologi i Etnografii, vol. 10, pp. 47-9Z oow-Leaingred. .1949b ttRasselonie Iteltmenov v Pervoi Polovine XVIII v. (Distri- bution of the Itelmen in the first half of the 18th cen- tury)tt. Izvestiia Vsesoiuznogo Gerafiches Obshchestva, vol. 81, p T 19 Leningrad Bargnan, Sten 1926 Vulkane, Baren und Nomaden. Reisen und Erlabnisse im wldel Kmtschatk. Stuttgart. Debets, G. F. 1949 "Antropologicheskie Issledovaniia na Kamchatke. Predvar- itelnoe Soobshohenie (Anthropological investigations in Kanchatka. Preliminary report)". Kratkie Soobshcheniia Instituta Etnografii, Now. 5, pp. 3-1 -M scow-Leningrad. 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