PAPERS RELATING TO THE TRIAL OF FEODOR BASHMAKOF
FOR SORCERY AT SITKA IN- 1829. TRASLATED FROM THE
RUSSIAN BY IVAN PETROV, VITH ETHNOGRAPHIC COMENTS
by
Dorothy )&nsel
BIBLIOGRAPHIC INTRODUCTION
In the manuscript collections of the Bancroft Library of the University
of California at Berkeley are to be found a series of translations of
Russian accounts relating to their colon.y in the New World. These
translations derive from the collections of the historian Hubert Howe
Bancroft and were prepared for him by his secretary, Ivan Petrov. A
number of these translations deal with aecounts which are still
relatively inaccessible-having remained unpublished or untranslated.
Because of this situation, the Kroeber Anthropological Society will,
frev time to time, publish or reprint such of these works as are of
interest in the field of anthropology.
The first of these manuscripts selected for publication bears
t he t itle:
PAPERS / RELATING TO THE TRIAL / OF / FEODOR BASHMAKOFF /
FOR SORCERY / TRIED AT SITKA / IN / 1829,
where the slpnted line (/) indicates line termination in the original.
The manuscript may be described for bibiolgraphic purposes as followss
Manuscript translation in the handwriting of Bancroft's
secretary, Ivan Petrov. Designated as manuscript P-K 12
(Bashmakoff-Sorcery) of the Bancroft Library, University of
California, Berkeley. The manuscript consists of 17 leaves
(30.5 by 20 cm.), of which the first four are unnumbered (the
third containing the title on the recto), the next eight
leaves being numbered on both sides, except the last, which is
numbered only on the recte (pp. 1-15), and the last six leaves
are unnumbered and blank. The text of the manuscript is founl
on the numbered leaves-on the recto and verso. The manuscript
is bound in a red cloth cover.
The only evidence relating to the location of the original
documents from which this translation is made comes from the text
itself. It is possible that the Russian copies are now to be fount
in the Alaskan Archives at Juneau. Other copies relating to this
case are undoubtedly to be found in the archives of the.Russian
Orthedox Churcho
6
Bancroft, in his History of Alaska (The Vrorks of Hubert Howe
Bancroft, vol. 33, pp .7001), comments onThe case as follw s:
As an illustration of the condition of the colonial clergy
at the end of Chistiakof's administration, may be mentioned the
trial for sorcery of Feodor Bashmakof, a servitor at Novo
Arkhangelsk tSitkaj in 1829.  The charge was preferred by one
Terenty Leatnikof to the effect that Bashmakof, a native Kolosh
CTlingita, baptized at Novo Arichangelsk in November, 1805,
educated at the parish school, and admitted to the subordinate
priesthood in January, 1827, had been observed by competent
witnesses in the act of assisting at certain pagan. rites intended
to effect the cure of a siok native, and had been seen 'to go
through the motions and steps of Shamans or Sorcerers in the
service of Satan.,' and also of having at various times desecrated
an orthodox shrine by taking pagan charms into the holy water
blessed by the benediction of the priest, and of receiving
payment in furs for such sacrilegious action. In the opinion
of Veniaminof, which was afterwards approved by the holy synod,
Bashmakof sinned more from igiorance than from malice, and he
was discharged with a severe reprimand. Though informed that
he was free to return to Novo Arkhangelsk, Bashmakof voluntar-
ily entered the convent of the Ascension at Nerchinsk.  The
proceedings in this oase displey a remarkbble degree of leniency
on the part of the higher Russian clergy, and are in remarkable
contrast with the' tribunals -of the Roman Catho^lic Church in
similar cases. It is doubtful, however, whether Bashmakof' s
retirement to one of the most desolate convents in Siberia wea
entirely a voluntary act.
The text which is here presented follows thait of the manuscript-
except for a few corrections of spellings for kinglish words, the
addition of hyphens in such names as T4nga-Nook (Petrov is not
cIonsistent in his usage), and the addition of a number of quotation
marks. All other interpolations are enclosed in square bmakets.
Page numbers in the manuscript are given in square brackets before
the text appearing thereon.
B. G. H.
7
MANUSCRIPT P"K 12, BANCROFT LIBRARY, UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
:i  j Papers Relating to the Investigation of
-charges...f'f rcey against Feodor
Bashmakoff, sub6rdinate priest
at Sitka in 1829.
(Translated from originals now in pos-
session of Rev. IMitropolsky at
Sitka.)
Is   Copy of charges forwarded to the Ulvey Synods
For the gosod of the Orthodox Church and the maintenanoe of proper
discipline in the clerical establishment at Novo Arkhangelsk and sub-
ordinate parishes, and in my capacity of superintendentt of parohial
affairs I hereby denounce to the Holy Synod Foodor Bashmakoff, a Kolosh
by birth who was baptized;at Novo Arkhangelskc November.5th, 1805; edu-
cated in 'the Parochial School at that place and finally admitted to
subordinate priesthood in January 1827.
On the third day of February of the present year the said Feodor
Bashmakoff was seen by competent witne'sses (baptized natives) in the act
of assisting at certain pagan rites, intended to effect the'oure of a
sick natiut. He was heard to join in an incantation to pagan idols     2j
and seen -to go through certain motions and steps employed by pagan shamans
or sorcerers in the service of Satan.
The said Feodor Bashmakoff is also accused, on the testimony of
competent witnesses (baptized natives), of having at various times dese-
crated an orthodox shrine by slipping pagan chams, such as sorcerers sell
to the benighted natives, into the holy water, blessed by the benediction
of a priest, and receiving payment in skins from the pagan natives for
such sacrilegious action.
Having temporarily suspended and disciplined bhe   said Feodor
Bashmakoff, I hereby forward the above charges for final action by the
Holy Synod through His Eminence the Bishop of Irkutsk and Kamtchatka.
March 6, 1829                              Terentius Lessnikoff.
Priest at Novo Arkhangelsk
8
,II. Testimony in support sof charges-against Feodor Bashmakoff.
Mikhail, a baptized native of the Kolosh village at Novo Arkhangelsk,
40 years of age and formerly 'named Kash-le-oot, having re j91oceived the
Sacrament with due reverence testifies as follows before Roman Sokaloff,
Parochial Clerk, this 10th day 'of February 18293
"One week ago to-day Tanga-Nook, a native of Chilkhat, was lying
very sick at the house of his brother, Tanga-Sha, in this settlement.
The brother, being a pagan, sent for two Shamans (sorcerers)*  They built
a fire near the feet of Tanga-Nook and another near his head, burned some
of his hair and some, clippings of his toenails and chanted for several
hours, but the siek man grew worse. One of the sorcerers then said, 'If
we can get Feodor to help us Tanga-Nook will get well.I' Tanga-Sha said,
'You get him and I will'give him what he asks.' One of the Shamans went
out, while the other still kept on singing.  After a while a boy came and
said, 'Feodor will come to-night, about midnight, but he must have twen
sea-otters, killed by an unmarried hunter.' I did not believe that Feo-
dor, being a priest, would come and thought the sorcerers would plan some
trick.  I went home to my house, but in the evening, after dark, I slip-
ped into  p.4  Tanga-Sha's house without being seen and laid myself down
among some bLankets and skins.  The sick man was no better, -but the Sha-
mans would do nothing, saying that they must wait for Feodor. All women
and children were turned out of the house and I heard the Shamans tell
Tanga-Sha that nobody vwh@ had been baptized must come into the house or
the sick man would surely die*"
"I waited a long time and then somebody ceme in, dressed in a red
blanket.  One of the Shamans saids 'That is Feodoril and when he stepped
up to the fire I saw it was Feodor Bashmakoff.  Tanga-Sha got two sea-
otterskins out of a box and Feodor looked at them and saids 'They are too
small, I must have one more.   Tanga-Sha fetched another one and Feodor
tied them up in a bundle. Then he took out of his pocket a little box,
such as the Kolosh use as charms and placed it on the sick man's head.
Then the fire was stirred up and Feodor and the two Shamans walked around
the sick man, chanting and after a little while Feodor took out of his
bosom a little bottle and poured a few drops on Tanga-Nook's   p   head,
,on his breast, on his hands and on his feet. Then he told his brother to
make the sick man drink plenty of tea and cover him up with blankets and
never take them off until sunrise. He then went out and the two Shamans
followed him. During all the time he staid in Tanga-Sha's house, Feodor
never made the sign of the Cross or mentioned the name of God or the Holy
Trinity."
"I remained hiding until the fire burned down and then made my way
home."
Grigor, a baptized native, fifteen years old, formerly named Shanta,
having pa;rteken of the Sacra'ment, testiXfis o  a followrss
"tI was in Tanga-Sha's h6buse' one weekd ago.  His' brother w  very sick.
Shamans came and prayed as the Kolosh do for a long time. After a little
[sic] one Shaman tells me to go toi Foodor.  Feodor is my mothert's brother.
The Shaman said I must go and -ee -if Feodor is all alonesand nobody near
to hear what: I say, and'     then I must say, ' 'eodor, will you see a
sick man at Tanga-Sha's hon.ae, ana-Sha's brother?'    I welat into the fort
and saw Feodor in his room reading a book and said to him what the Shaman
told me. He saids 'Tell Ta'nga-Sha I will come at :midnight and that he
must get two sea-otters, killed by unmarried men, but do not tell anybody
else or you will die in two weeks.' I`w&as frightened and ran back and
told the Shaman. I believe I shall die soon. The sick man, Tanga-Nook,
is better and has gone back to Chilkat where he lives."
Avdotya, a baptized native woman, 20 years of age, formerly called
Kish, having partaksen of the Sacrament, testifies:
"One moon ago my sister 'was sick. My sister is not baptized. One
Shaman said my sister must die.  He' gave two charms, one for the breast
and one for the head and said Feodor can [ijo make them strong so that
my sister cannot die.  I said, 'You must not say that, Kolosh charms are
very bad, Feodor [p.O does not look at them.'    My sister said nothing.
Next day my sister to d rtheJ Shaman to take the chams to Feodor.    The
Shaimn came back and sai  Feodor put the charms in the water the priest
makes holy and he put the charms on my sister.   My sister got well.  My
sister gave Feodor six fox skins-*"
Anton, a baptized native, 35 years of age, formerly called Shluktn,
having taken the Sacrament, testifies as follows&
"I live at Khutz-Nov village.   The Khutz-Nov people are all pagans
except four. They buy charms of the Shamans when they are sick or when
sicktess is in the village. About one year ago one woman was very siok
and was made well with a charm that came from the SitkQ Kolosh.   They
said that Feodor had put it into the water in the church. Since that
timme many people have bought such cherms and p-id many skins for them.
The charms all came from Feodor Bashmakoff and the skins were all sent to
him.  The (p.i Khutz-Nov people think Feodor's chams are better than any
they get from the Shamans."
III. Endorsement by His Emninence the Bishop of Irkutsk nnd Kamtchatka.
The entclosed papers, relating to chsrges8 of sorcery and sacrilegious
action committed by one Feodor Bashmtkoff, subordinate priest of the Pa-
rochial clergy of Novo Arkhangelsk in the American Colonies, are hereby
respectfully forwarded to the Holy Synod. Having no personal knowledge of
the man or the circumstanoes, I am unable to express a competent opinion
on the matter, further than to recommend the case to the Holy Synod for
immediate action and suggesting that an example be mpde should the proof
be considered sufficient.
In the name of the Holy Trinity
I subscribe myself as your
humble servitor
Innocentius
Bishop of Irkut4 t and lamtohatka
Episcopal Residence
Irkutsk, September 29, 1829.
Cpo9j IV. Reply from the Holy Synod.
St. Petersburg, Palace of the Holy Synod,        January 17, 1830,
The Bureau of East Siberian and American Missions has been in re-
ceipt of certain papers concerning charges against Feodor Bashmakoff of
Novo Arkhangelsk signed by Terentius Lessnikoff, Parochial Superintendent,
and endorsed by His Eminence the Bishop of Irkutsk and Kamtchatka.* The
Bureau finds occasion to express the astonishment of the Holy Synod at
seeing papers of such importance arrive here without certified proceed-
ings of the per'sona'l investigation of the accused. WThether no proceed-
ings have been forwarded at all or whether they have been lost in trans-
mittal, it is of the highest importance that the omission should be rec-
tified immediately. In the meantime the accused should be forwarded to
Irkutsk by the first opportunity for trial, accompanied by all the nec-
essary papers.  The Russian American Company will furnish the necessary
transportation*.
Nikolai? Bestuchiff.
Seoretary Bureau of East Siberian and
American M'issions, HolY Synod.
jP.i0 V. Copy of Prooeedings of the Preliminary Examination of Feodor
Bashmakoff on chargea of soroory and sacrilogious action.
On the 20th d-ay of August, 1830,. Feodor Bathmnakoff, of the sitberdin-
ate clergy of the parish of XNoo Arkhengelsk, app6ared btfore. a Commission
consisting of Terentiumtessnikoff, Priest; Vassili Tetroff, Chief of,
Cthe3 Bureau of Novo Arkhaugclsk of the Russian Amerioan Company'rip and
Roman Sokoloff, Parochial clerk, to answer c-ertain ohprges preferred
against him. The prosiding..member of the Commission, after reading the
oharges to the aooused, asked-
Q-?)id you, on the night of February 3rd, 18-29, proceed to a certain
kiouse- ihi the native vi11age at gevo AArkkn ge1sk C?1"'
A--"I did."
11
Q-"Did you go there upon the rrequest of a- Zertain Shaman or Sorcer-
er?"
A-"No, I went there at' the request of Tanga-Shp, whose brother
wa a aic.'
Q--"Did Ae&nga-Sha request you in person to come?"
it"I do not remember - but I think he sent his brother."
Q-"Wfhat ? the sick man?"   lep. 1j
A-"Oh, nol   I mean a boy&"
Q-"Wa s it not the boy Grigor, otherwise named Shan-ta?"
A-'"Ye   I' believe it was."
'Ql-"mad is not that boy the son of your sister?"
A-"Yeau that ia what I. meant to -say in the first place, Grigor
asked Ae to c0ome."
Q-ftht wawas your object in going; are -you a doctor?"
A."-.I wished to pray with the sick, ma who was said to be dying"
Q  'tas the sick man a Christian who desirBd or was entitled to
the la-at rites of the Church?"
A--"I de not know whether Tanga-Nook was ever baptized, but I
thought I would pray for him beatuse his brother asked me to come"
Q-".Did you pre?y over the sick man alone or did rnybody help you?"
A-"Two men stood up beside me when I prayed, but they did not s&y
anything."
Q.-"Were the two men Shamans or not?"
A--"I do not kmow - .I was absorbed in prayer."
0Q--"Did you receiv3 any skins from    lf. 12  Tanga-Sha for praying
over -his ".brother?"   -
A-"Ye s, I accbpted them because I thought it right to receive
something for getting up at night."
Q-"a s it night when the boy ca lled you?"
S.-"I do not remember, but I think it w, s
12
Tha pres-iding member of the Commis"ion' then said that it seemed neces-
,6ry 'to refresh-Feoda0r's memory and by h7is order the te'stimony'relating t?
the first charge was read.  The accused be&rme very much confused and fi-
nally asked whe'ther the Commission would allw him to make a confession.
The Commission concluded to allow the accused to confess and Feodor Bashma-
koff then tade a sta tementt-'to- the following effects
*hot the allegations against him contained in the testimony just
read, were substantially true, "but that he had acted under the conviction
that to introduce the pr'tyers of the Orthodox Church Imong the pagon na-
tives at any time and by any means would be a step toward the conversion
of the whole people. He also claimed that he sprinkled the body of [p. 133
the man whom he thought to be dying with holy water bect;use he thought it
might do. his soul good and induce others to be baptized.  He also acknow-
ledged that he had dipped pagan charms into holy water and cla.timed that
by so doing he expected to destroy the influence of the devil adhering to
those charms and sow the seeds of Christicnity instead.
'tie certify that the above is a correct tr.nscript of the exa.mination
of F'eodor Bashmakoff.
Terentius Lessnikoff
Vassisi Tetroff
Roman Sokoloff
(Seal)                                                Examining Commission
VI, Communicrtion from the Episcopal Bureru at Irkutek concerning the
trial of Feodor Bashmakoff.
Episcope.l Burenu, Irkutsk, Government of Eastern Siberia,   May 20, 1831
His Eminence the Bishop of Eastern Siberia and Komtchatka instructs
me to inform [p. 141 the ecclesiasticvl  uthorities at Novo Arkhangelsk
of the following results of proceedings concerning Feodor Bashmakoff for-
worded to this place for trial from Novo Arkhangelsk,
In accordance with in6tructions received from the Holy Synod the
accused was tried before His Eminence immediately upon his arrival. The
most careful and impartirl scrutiny of the testimony produced and of the
transcript of preliminary examination at Novo lrkhangelsk, failed to esta-
blish such position and incontrovertible proof as is necessary for convio-
tion on a charge so heinous as the one preferred in this case. In the
opinion of His Eminence, which has since been approved by the Holy Synod,
Fe6dor Bashmakoff sinned more from ignoraince than from malice or wicked-
ness of soul. Consequently the accused was discharged with a severe repri-
mand.
13
Though informed that he was free to return to Novo Arkhangelsk,
Peter [sicl Bashmakoff has voluntarily chosen a life mf eternal seclusion
in the convent of the Asoension at Nertchinek, to which plan' His Emi-
nence the Bishop ha8 graoiously (p. 151 extended his consent.
With reference to the above affair His Eminarce suggests that hence-
forth the ecclesiastical authorities in our American Colonies submit
native converts to a more careful training before admitting them to the
priesthood and the responsibilities pertaizhing to that sacred calling.
In the name of the Trinity
Grigdr Totemkin
Secretary of His Eminence
The Bishop of Eastern Siberia
and Kamtchatka
14
-COMMENTS ON THE SORCERY TRIAL AT SITKA, 1829
The preceding account of the trial at Sitka in 1829, of a Tlingit
Indian who was a Russian -Orthodox priest and was accused of sordery, is
very helpful in illustrating the hold whioh some o-f hi's people's tradi-
tions still had zon him.  It may not be merely a coincidence that the
Indian acoused of practicing sorcery, or his own religious shamanistic
belie-fs, should a.lso havre beoorn a Christian priest, but may reflect
his characteristic personality trait, which caused him to interest
himself in the manifold aspects of the supernatural.  It is very likely
that She approached the -Christian doctrine, and his function as priest,
with the same philosophical and emotional attitude as his native
religion. TUnfortunately this account cannot give an insight' into the
de.fendantas real-thoughts, either about his own philosophy or the
Christian beliefs.  Probably he was not clear about them himself.
Even the eyewitness aooounts of the curing procedure and treatment- of
the patient omit certa4n important data, such as a description of the
various "charms" mentioned, or the nature of the "incentations to
pagan idols" 'and the "certain motions and steps employed by pagan
shamans.  ' Apparently the witnesses could have given a better account
of what had -gone on, but it is only natural that they did not, 'since
they would have admitted their own associations with these practices and
would have left themselves open to further persecutions. As a result,
the reader gets only the bare outlines of what had happened. On the
other hand, this -ccount has the virtue of describing a -partio-Ular,
documented incident, and demonstrating the actual procedure in a case-
uncolored by a travelerts 'interpretation, or an individual informant's
ideas.
The curing procedure, as described in -thiis trial, does not conform
in all partioulars to the information supplied by the various sources
cited in the bibliography. -This may be due partly.to the fact that the
defendant, as a Christian prieest, had to be careful not. to draw atten-;
tion to himself, and als-o that he had to deceive himself somewhat about
his motiVs. sIn a number o-f,details there are certain inoonsistencies,
which will be brought out below, but the particular aotions which are
described by the witnesses have their roots in native tradition. On
the one hand, while the details of the religious ceremony have been
kept, they are used partly out of context, and -partly incompletely.
On the other hand, the whole performance seems uninfluenced by Christian
princ;iples .-
The curing ceremony and the events which led up to it will be
discussed as much as possible in their seque-nce in the following para-
graphs:
Tanga-Sha:, the brother of the sick man, was;a pagan, and sent for
two men who were shamants of' the -Tlingit. They built a fire near the
feet, of Tanga-Nook and another near his head,' buired4 some of his hair
siid some elippings of his to>enails and ohauted for several hours, biu
15
the sick man grew worse.  This is the sum total of the first unsuocess-
ful treatment by two shamans who were not Christians.
It is worth noting that nothing suggests that they obecame possessed.
The ability to be possessed by a spirit is indioated by the -sources,
such as Bias, Swanton, and Krause, to be an essential characteristic 4f
a true shaman who has any real claim to power.   Unfortunately these
sources are not always in accord with one another in everery detail, but
the information suggetts that the shamar. must be posse-ssed by one or
more of his spirits to find out the caube of the illness before he can
undertake the cure. Also, according to the sources, the Tlingit ha4
only one kind of shaman, the possessional shaman (McCleod 1925, p. 134),
while the Haids also had a group of seeresses (Murdook 1934, p.. 257),
and the Kwakiutl had at least four grouru of .specialists (Curtis 1915,
p. 63). If the inforMation from these eourcesAis correct, it would rule
out the possibility that the two shamans present were some sort of
non-possessional specialists.
The first thing these two dootors did was to build two fires, one
at the head of the sick man,- one at his feet. :This should be rioted
because it is a procedure not described by the. sources.  All the4 latter
are in accord that one fire, around which the shaman dances ad around
which the ceremonial centers, is essential to any religious Oeremony.
Two fires at these particular positions seem to be a novelty. But
some loeway did exist in the manner of the performance, and this may
le the particular prescription advocated     these dootors.
The two shamans "ohanted" for several- hours. These chants have
been described in the literature as the songs belonging to various
spirits. Usually at performances the audience, which had gone through
a process of fasting !.ad purification, sang these songs to invoke the
particular spirits required for.the oocasion, but at some Ieremonies,
8suoh as that of curing, the shaman would himself sing the songs given
to him by his spirits (8wanton 1922, p. 353; Jones 1914, p. 156)
Note that there is no mention of drumming or rattling. This is strange,
since the rattle and drum are the most important tools in these oere-
monies and help to invoke the presence of the spirites   However, this
may be only an omission in the story of the witness.
the two shamans are stated to have burned some of the patient' s
hair and some clippings of his toenails in the -fires which they had
built. This is rather odd. It is quite in accord with the informatior
which states that illness was thought to have been due mainly to
witchcraft by means of imitative and oontagious magio. The exuvia of
an individual played an important part.  They were treated in various
ways intended to transmit afflictions to the victim. But the procedure
of these two doctors, if compared with the information in the literature,
is aberrant. Wbat is supposed to happen- is that the shaman, by means
of his helping spirits, discovers the sorcerer, who is then forced to
confess by various:means. Recovery of the patient, it is stated, can
only be effected by a special procedure and treatment of the exuvia on the
.16
part of the soroerer.  In this case, evidently, the shamans did not
try to find out who the culprit was,. Instead, they resorted to the
above method, apparently as a substitute measure for-the accepted pro-
cedure.  This may have been due to the fact that the presence of the
Russians prevented them; from giving some sorcerer the conventional
treatment, and may havre boen the reason why they did not succeed in
curing the patient.  He may not have considered it a satisfaotory
subst ituteo .  The rea.son tor burning the se objects may be that- this
procedure is sometimes followed in the- treatment for loss- of soul,-.
during which powerful objects, such as mountain goat tallow, red paint,
and eagle down, are burned, and then the soul is held over the fire
before being returned to the body (Boas 1889, pp. 854-855).
The witness continues to tell what happened. One of the shamans
said, "If we can get Feodor to help us Tanga-Nook will get well."
This may be a hint that Feodor already had a reputation among his
colleagues as a be tter than average doctor.  It may also indioate,
however, that the Tlingit. looked at n.- Christian priest as a shaman,
possibly a particularly powerful one, and in this case,, one who had
proved his power by t'he efficacy of his charms dipped in holy water.
In view of the succeeding oiring procedure, there is good reason to
believe the defendant saxw himself somewhat in the same light.
To -continue, "Tanga-Sha said, You get him and I will give him
what he askat"' This illustrates the necessity for paying a shaman,
usually in skins and other valuables, a point which is brought out a
number of times in this trial.  It is interesting that this aspect
of a sbamtn-',s activities was adhered to so firmly, in view, of the
fact that the native religious pattern was not followed consistently
in every respect.  One might be tempted to think that -the shamans saw
to it that this particular custom was kept, as the most important
attraction in their profession. While this probably was a considera-
tion, it should be kept in mind that the defendant, Feodor, hmd,become
a Christian priest, which would certainly, hinder any shamanistic
activities, 'something which must have been of financial disadvantage.
This implies that he was more interested in the religious than the
material considerations, in spite, -f the fact that he apparently was
not slow in turning it into a finanoial profit.
The next step was the following. -One of the shamans went out and
oommissioned Shonta or Grigor, a fifteon year old boy, to deliver the
meseage to the defendant. Shanta was the defendant's nophew, his
sisterJ's son  This is an important- point. The nephew, son of the
shaman's 8sister, was the prospective heir to the shaman's spirits,
which were kept, in a particular family and descended in the maternal
line. Exceptions to this were rare.   If there were more than one
omsLdidate,, the most promising one would be chosen. The prospeotive
heir was a6pprenticed fairly early to his maternal uncle. It is, of
course, possible that it was a ooincidence that they sent -this parti-.
aalaer messenger, but it also seems that any number of the people
oonoerned would have been more logieal messengers, partioularly sinoe,
17
as it turned out, Shanta. could raot be trusted to keep his mouth shut.
It would have been in everybody's interest to have as few people as
possible informed about what was going- on.
Shanta tells what happened when he delivered the message.  The
defendant said to himt "Tell Tanga-Sha I will come at midnight, and
that he must get two sea-otters, killed by -unmarried men, but do not
tell anybody else or you will die in t   weeks."  Night time ordinarily
was the proper time for these performances. According to Swanton,
the great exhibitions or performanoes of the shamans were undertaken
only during the new or full moon (Swanton 1922, p. 353).
The request for sea-otter skins is of interest.  The sea-otter
is considered one of the more powerful animals, and it may have been
mne of Feodor's special protective spirits, perhaps the main one. In
some ways, anybody who was successful in hunting sea-otters had a
certain degree of power. Swanton says:   "People asked the sea for all
kinds of things, but especially for sea-otter. They thought that it
brought great luck. Shamans talked t o it also." (Swanton 1906, p  453).
At another occasion he says that frog medicine was given by sea-otter
hunters to sick persons who desired to recover (Swanton 1909 a, p. 45).
This suggests the partioular power of hunters of these animals. When
a man was going to hunt sea-otter, he had to go through a fairly com-
plicated procedure, involving the aoquisition of an eagle's talon,
carving a small canoe with hunters in it in imitation of himself, and
a number of other ritual acts. Mainly, he had to fast and keep away
from his wife for a month (Swanton 1906, p. 447). This was part of the
requirement of ceremonial purity, "cleanliness," since the spirits like
aleanliness, and only aid people who are oeremonially clean. Note that
Feodor required that the sea-otters be caught by unmarried men. Again,
this suggests a make-shift substitute. The idea is, apparently, that
unmarried men are less likely to have had something to do with wmen
recently. Perhaps it would have taken too long to go through the
prmper purification procedures, and this was an emergency.
In preparation for the arrival of the shaman, all women and
children were turned out of the house, and the witness heard the shamans
tell Tanga-Sha that nobody who had been baptized must come into the
house or the sick man would surely die. Note again the stress on cere-
monial purity. Women were a potential source of ceremonial contamina-
tion, mainly sinoe some of them might be menstruating.  Matters connected
with child birth and menstruation were considered very dangerous and
unclean, and the spirits would not approach such a place. -Undoubtedly
a baptized person was considered in the same light, that is, unclean
and contaminated, and thus objeetionable to the spirits.
Here follows the eyewitness account of what went on at the curing
ceremony. The defendant came in dressed in a red blanket, and stepped
up to the fire. Tanga-Sha got two sea-otter skins out of a box, but
Feodor said they were too small and that he needed one more. Ho then
tied the three in a bundle. Then he took out of his pooket a little
18
box, "such as the Kolosh use as charms,'" and'-placed it on the sick
man's head.  Then the fire was stirred up and Feodor and the two shamans
walked, chanting, around the sick man, and after a little while Feodor
took out of his bosom a little bottle and poured a few drops on Tanga-
Nook's head, on his breast, on his hands and feet.  Then he told his
brother to make the sick man drink plenty of tea and cover him up with
blankets and never take thema off until sunrise. This concluded the
prig cedures.
Note that the only comment on the defendant's appearance was that
he was dressed in a red blanket. Hie may have worn any number of adorn-
ments or charms not mentioned, and he may have taken off the blanket
during the procedure. However, note also that the witness says he took
the objeot out of his pocket, suggesting some form of European olothing.
The usual apparel of a shaman was standardized for the most part, but
some distinguishing marks were intended to represent the particular
spirit or spirits he wished to invoke.. During a performance, the
sources say, the shaman wears only a "'dancing apron" or speoial kind of
loin cloth, a bone necklace composed of pieces representing spirits,
bones through the soptum of the nose and the top- knot of the hair, and
a head scratcher, or bird's head, around his neck:. He may also wear
a special "claw hat" instead of a bone, or perhaps on top of it. The'
hair could never be cut, or touched by hands, or the shaman would lose
his power (Swanton 1909 b, pp. 167, 318)*  Swcanton describes the apparel
of a particular shaman.  This shamaan dressed as he saw his spirit,
putting on a very large hat with a high crown, a danoing blanket,
leggings, and a Chilkat blanket, and painted red stripes across his
feoe (Swanton 1906, p. 465).
Similarly, there were certain standardized paraphernalia the shaman
used, even though differences in detail were intended to represent
various spirits. The main item were the masks. When the shaman put on
a mask, he became the spirit that mask represented. The drum and rattle
were also very important instrumentls which fomed part of a shaman's
equipment. These items are considered indispensable at a shamanistic
performance. Besides them, the shaman also needed such specific imple-
ments as a hollow bone tube to catch souls (Swanton 1922, p. 353;
Swanton 1909 b, p. 318).
In comparison with these distinctive requirements of a shaman's
tools and dress, the defendant seems to have had a minimum. None of
the truly characteristic features are  mentioned by the witness.  Partly
this may be onlission by the witness, and pertly the priest could not,
of course, conform to the traditional requirements, such as the long
-hair. - However, insofar ax he wore a blanket,- he did conform to the
tradition, at least in part.  It is important to note that the blanket
was, red.' Red was a very oommon ceremonial color.  As Swanton says,
tfeagle down and :red paint were much used by shamans -and are spoken of
in the stories as principal media in restoring the dead to life."
(Swanton 1906, p. 455).
19
Ni1te that the defendant considered the sea-otter skins too smalLl,
and required another one*  These skius evidently represent payment for
servioes to be rendered, -and the defendant seetas to have felt that tw,
small skins were unsatisfactory for that reasons This does not neces-
sarily invalidate their ceremonial importance.-
The shaman then proceeded by plaoing a box on the sick mants head,
and later he poured a few drops of liquid, according to his own sIate-!
ment, holy water, on the head, Ereast, hands and feet of the sick man*
In between, he and the other shamans walked around the sick man,
Wchanting,tt evidently singin.g their spirit songs.
-The difference between this treatment and the previous treatment
by the other two shamans should be kept in mind. One cause of illness,
the most important, has beenr mentioned above, namely witchoraft, in-
volving contagious magic.  The fi-rst cuwing, effort seems to have been
based on that assumption.  11lness, however, might also be due to loss
of soul, or the intrusion of a foreign object by the agency of a spirit,
shaman or wizard.  The pprocedure followed by Feodor suggests that he
went on the assumption that illness was due to the intrusion of a
foreign obje.ct, a-nd perhaps loss of soul as well.  The -reason for the
latter idea is that a lost soul is returned by  apturing it in the
hollow bone tube which is usuaelly an essential in the shaman's equipment,
and after due treatment by plaQing this tube with the soul on the head
of the patient, the proper place for its return to his body (Boas 1889,
p. 855)1. On the other hand* if illness is due to intrusion of a foreign
objeoet  the oure consists of blowing or sucking, or of passing over the
affected parts carved objeets supposed to hAve power (Swanton 1906,,
p. 464).  In the main, Feodor's therapy applies to the latter.  Actually,
both Feodor and the others may have agr.eed that illness.,was due to
witchcraft, but they evidently differed in their :ideas as to the proper
treatment.  It may well be that Feodorts method oonformed more closely
to ourrent ideas of how it -should be done, for the cure seems to have
been a success.
Feodor's orders to cover the patient closely with blankets .and have
him drink Pteat is in accordance -with accepted ideas, according to which
the patient is to be covered with a mat and is to be given purgatives,
both before and after the treatment.
The use of qharms has been left to the last in this discussion.
Charms played a large part in the life of the individual:, as shown both
in this account of the tripl and other sources. A shaman's powerful
charms usurlly consisted of many-split animal tongues which he had.
acquired in his vision quest for Epower, and eagle claws, small oarvings,
ourious pebbles, and any number of other objects.  They were used for
almost any purpose whiah was desired- mainly for good health, luokc in
various enterp-rises, such as hunting, acquiring property, carving,,.
dancing, increase of physical power, fishing, w,.r, etc.  Mainly, they
were indispensable in the general acquisition of t"power,." and-a shaman
was likely to have a great number of such objects. Swanton describes
20
and illustrates the contents of a shamants medioine box, or bundle.
He - shows a shamants carved box, in which was a smaller box or case
containing the following "medicines"s Two bits of abalone shell eaoh
pieroed at one end as if for suspension, one fragment of a dentalium
shell, two or three bits of iron, a small piece from the border of a
Chilkat blanket, and fragments of two different kinds of plants (Swanton
1906, p. 468, figs. 114.116).
These charms, -according to  the ethnographic sources, had to be
acquired either through personal effort, or by inheritance within the
maternal family line.  A shaman   might increase his power by acquiring
such charms from the spirits in repeated vision qu'ests. Swanton tells
the story of, Sgagatngo, the shaman, who obtained the secret of certain
medicines from the Medicine spirit.   These afterwards belonged to the
family of which he was chief, the Pebble-Town-People, and were handed
down from generation to generation (Swanton 1909 a, p. 45).(w)   But
even a layman could obtain such charms if he underwent the proper ritual
and purification to make him receptive to the attentions of the spirits.
None of these sources mention anything about the sale of these charms
by the shamans, which, to judge by the account of the Sitka trial, seems
to have been a very flourishing business. However, in one of the tales
told by  Swanton, the shaman gives a boy a magic object by which he can
protect himself (Swmanton 1909 b, p. 200).  Perhaps the practice of the
salie of charms originated in this, that a shaman helped an individual
in a certain situation by endowing him with "'power" for a particular
endeavor by means of one of his charms. -In accordance with the ideas
of the region, he naturally would require payment for this service.
Quite evidently such charms were greatly in demand4 and their sale had
4.eveloped into a flourishing and far-flung trade.(2) The traditional
rule. of tranemitting such charms by inheritance only probably continued
also, in that these latter required no payment.
Apparently the defendant, Feodor, had been instrumental in spreading
the belief in a new powerful substance of, the mture of a charm, holy
water.  At least, his own reputat%lon grew together with that of holy
water, and lucidly demonstrates the way in which Christian religious
ideas wore adjusted to native beliefs.
The account of this trial at Sitka, then, is vory illuminating from
several po:.nts of view.  It shows, for one thing, that Christian ideology
had no sigaifivant lfLuence, eith3r on the pagan or on the professel
Christian Tlir.giJts What ouitward infrluence there may have been apparently
diminishod rather than increased with time, since travelers and students
such as Krause (1885), Swanton and Boas (around 1900), describe religious
ideas and practices which seem entirely unaffected by Christian beliefs.
But the trial does indicate that in 1829 there was enough outside
pressure to induce a number of Indians to be baptized and to inform
21
agaiist-one another.. It may be that under the.f-irst impaotof- this
pressure, impressed. by, the unuau1 tools.- and,-appearance of' then Ruasians,
the Tlingit had the tendency to consider the Russian religion a type of
shamanism with superior power.. This is suggested both by the far-flung
popularity of charms dipped in ho-ly water, and by the defendant's repu-
tation as a more powerful shaman than the others, which was very likely
enhanced by his position as a Christian priest.
On the other hand, the hold which tbeir o-w religion had on them is
illustrated by Sharita, a baptized boy of fifteen, who was-so impressed
by-the defendant's threat that he was oonvinced he would die.  This'
suggests that in spite of his baptism and professed Christianity he hd
b6ee brought up in. his- native beliefs.  This hold Is illustrated even
more impressively by the defendant himself   In spite of his own testi-
mony, and the final verdict that he had acted in error rather than
intent, it seems fairly clear that he made his preparations with great
deliberation, and knew that this would not -be acceptaible to the church
-witness his threats to -Shanta if he were to talk.. There is also
some indioation, in the certainty and self-assurance with which he seems
to hve_effected the cure, that he had quite a bit of experience and
practice and knew exactly-what he was about. His specific instructions
concerning the use of sea-otter skins suggest that he may have been a
professional shaman with his own spirits before he was a Christian
priest, -and that the se spirits had not relinquiished their hold on him.(5)
While it must be ooncluded, then, that Tlingit religion was
basical-ly ucontaminated by Christian beliefs, there is also some
evidence which indicates that the traditional procedure was not followeti
in every respect.  Partly this may have been due to the fact that secrecy
had to be maintainedj and that certain gestures had to be made toward
the Christian church; partly it may have been due to the fact that this
was an emergency situation, which prevented adequate preparations.
However, it should be emphasized once more that the practices were quite
variable among individuals, and that this interpretation may be colored
too much by standard ideas on }hsw to condlict these cremonies.
22
ENDNOTES
(1) This example is taken from the Haida, but it illustrates a
situation which exists also among the Tlinkit.
(2) Note the places involvedt Sitka,v on Baranof Island; Chilkat,
near Skagway; and tvKhltzNoyt village.   The identity of the
latter plece is not given. However, it probably refers to
Admiralty Island, directly east of Baranof Island.   Hutsnuwu
is the Tliki t name for Admiralty Island, and means uBeaTrs
Fort."  The Tlink:it give this name to the island because of
the numerous beers on it.   (Francis A. Riddell, personal com-
munication bpsed on field work in 1950 at Angoon)    Swanton
says about it: "Anciently the Hutsnuwu (4uts1nuwfl', grizzly-
bear fort) people or Zu'tszlda qoan (which means the same-
thing) occunied two different towns on the west coast of
Admiralty island. The more sout-bsrn, called NAst'l'ck-an, was
in NVhXte Water bay, and thie northern,. `ngUtn, on the coast
above modern Ki5.5.;1sSnoo where the whit6s hed esteblished can-
neries and whither the inhebitants of toth of these townls
have ncw removed."  (Swantorn 19,', p% 412.)  Swanton then
adds some information concerning. their clans.
(3) The reason these seaotter skins are considered of ceremonial
importance rather than just pay,ment is that Feodor specified
this perticular animal, singled out by its ceremonial impor-
tance, and that he stipulated that unmarried men must have
hunted it.
23
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I -.
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Curtis, Edward S.
1915      The Kwakiutl.  The North American Indian, Vs1. X,
1.orwood, as s.
Drucker, Philip
1950      "Culture Element Distributionst XXVI, Northwest Coast,"
Anthropological Records, Vol. 9, No. 3. Berkeley..'
Jones, Livingston F.
1914      A Study of the Thlingets of Alaska.  New York.
Krause, Aurel.
1885      Di  Jldinnero Jena*
MLcCle,d, W.C.
1925      "Certain Mortuary Aspects of the Northwest Coast
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1934      "The Haidas of British Columbia,"  Our Primitive
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24
Swanton, John R.
1909a     "Etnonlogy of the Haida,"  American Museun of Natural
History, Memoirs, Thi1. 8, No. 1. New York.
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25