VARIATIONS ON A THEME: REGIONAL DIVERSITY IN THE PREDYNASTIC POTTERY OF UPPER EGYPTIAN SETTLEMENTS RENEE FRIEDMAN INTRODUCTION Since the discovery of the mortuary remains of Predynastic cultures in Upper Egypt a little over a century ago, the pottery found within the numerous graves has been used to date, define, and chart the social and technological development of these earliest settled inhabitants of the Nile Valley. The ceramics from the settlements of Predynastic Upper Egypt, however, have never been fully described, and this diverse body of information has remained an unexploited resource for furthering our understanding of the developments and interactions which led to the establishment of dynastic Egyp- tian civilization. During the heyday of Predynastic research at the turn of the century until the outbreak of W.W. II, some sixty-six cemeteries from over twenty-five sites extending from Gerzeh at the level of the Fayum to Sayala in Nubia were investigated (see Mortensen 1991, 30-37). At the same time, some twenty settlements were also iden- tified, only a handful of which were excavated. In order to describe and record the often fragmentary ceramic finds from Predynastic settlements, earlier excavators had recourse for comparanda only to Petrie's (1921) classification system and corpus of whole shapes derived from the mortuary assemblages. This resulted in a general impression that the objects taken to the grave were similar if not identical to those used by the living (Needler 1984, 23). But the excavators themselves were well aware that the pottery from settlements was different from that in graves, especially in the large percentage of utilitarian 'rough wares' (Peet 1914, 7; Caton-Thoimpson 1928, 71; Mond and Myers 1937, 2). Hampered by the lack of a relevant framework from which to study this mass of material, the investigators generally ignored the rough wares in favor of more familiar and attractive finer wares. It was on the basis 2 Egyptian Pottery of the relatively rare polished wares and their comparable forms in cemeteries that the settlements were dated and their ceramic contents characterized. An examination of complete ceramic assemblages from the recent excavation of various localities within the Upper Egyptian settlements at Hierakonpolis, Nagada, and Hemamieh has re- vealed that many important insights into Predynastic culture and its regional charac- teristics were overlooked by previous investigators using the traditional descriptive methods (Friedman 1994). SETTLEMENT POTTERY The pottery from Hierakonpolis, Nagada, and Hemamieh was examined in order to describe and compare the full range of diversity found within the ceramic assem- blages of these settlement sites over time and space.' Geographically, the sites fur- nish ceramic samples from the full extent of what has been considered the heartland of Upper Egyptian Predynastic culture (Kaiser 1957, 1985). The northernmost sector of the Upper Egyptian cultural milieu in the Badari region of Middle Egypt is repre- sented by the selective sample from Caton-Thompson's (1928) excavations at Hemamieh now housed in museums in Britain and is supplemented by the results from the recent re-examination of the site (Holmes and Friedman 1989, 1994). The complete ceramic assemblages from the excavation of a number of localities within the large, multi-component site of Hierakonpolis supply the evidence to assess the character of settlement pottery at the southernmost border of what is considered "pure" Upper Egyptian culture (Hoffman 1971/72, 1982, 1987; Geller 1984, 1992; Harlan 1985). The assemblages from excavations in the Nagada region at a series of small villages and hamlets located along the desert edge, collectively called the Khattara sites, and also at South Town conducted by Hassan in 1980, exemplify the material from the geographical mid-point of the Upper Egyptian cultural expanse (Hassan 1981; Hassan and Matson 1989), which, since Kaiser's (1956) influential work, has been considered the nodal point of mainline Upper Egyptian Predynastic culture. Together, the ceramic assemblages from these three areas span the entire Predynastic period in Upper Egypt. The evidence from over half a million sherds from settlements ranging in date from Badarian, the first undisputed ceramic-bearing occupation in Upper Egypt, to the end of the Predynastic period, or late Gerzean (Nagada Ild/Illa), has been assessed. Unfortunately, not every phase is well repre- sented in the ceramic examples available from each region (fig. 1.1). Hemamieh is the only site at which the Badarian, Amratian, and Gerzean periods are more or less clearly, if not completely, documented. Nevertheless, both Hierakonpolis and the Nagada region have also revealed evidence of habitation during all three phases of the Predynastic, although the material pertaining to all of these periods has not yet been studied (Hoffman 1989; Hassan 1981). In the Nagada region, the mid to late Amratian (Nagada lb-Ha) is well represented at the Khattara sites, although material datable to the early Gerzean is lacking. At Hierakonpolis, the documented sequence in the desert localities begins in the late Amratian/early Gerzean (Nagada Ila), but is continuous to the end of the Predynastic. Comparable phases of the Gerzean (Nagada IIc-d) are well represented in all three regions with sufficient temporal overlap for meaningful comparison within the major traditional subdivisions of the Upper Egyptian chrono- logical and cultural sequence. The ceramic collections also derive from several of the functional zones known from Predynastic settlements and provide a broad base from which to contrast and Variations on a Theme 3 Phase Date BC Hierakonpolis Nagada Hemamich 3000 Protodynastic 3100 Nekhen Cemetery Graves 3200 .......... - -- -- -- - -- - -- - - - ---- -- - ........... ..... 3300 : : ~ . . ...... .. : :... .. . .. . I'l ....... : 3300 . . . . . . . . . . .... lGerzean 1 3400 I I 1 . .T.. .... U.... ... .. 1 ~~~~~~~~~~ 3500 ~ ~ -1 - l ! - 3 ~ ~~ ~. .... .... .. .. rzatian 3700 sites: - .. . -~~~~~~~~~T3900 Coe LL 1- - 43000 . ~~~3 0 . . 1 4eo ..1111''',:,' .. : . Figure 1.1 The temporal range of the Predynastic sites of Hierakonpolis, Nagada, and Hemamiah. Shaded areas refer to periods for which the ceramic sample has been examined. compare the range of diversity within the ceramic assemblage. Observable func- tional variability occurs at the general site and locality level. Diversity within and among settlements appears to increase over time. Thus, the various localities within the large and important settlements at Hierakonpolis and Nagada, and the smaller site of Hemamieh, can be placed in two groups of broadly comparable function. The Gerzean portions of Hierakonpolis and Nagada South Town appear to have been dense population centers with diverse functional zones including administrative or cultic centers, food processing and/or storage areas, and ceramic and lithic production zones; however, ceramic assemblages from localities of known function have been investi- gated only at Hierakonpolis. On the other hand, the small agricultural villages of the Khattara sites in the Nagada region, the apparently seasonal encampment at Hemamieh, and the up-wadi occupations at Hierakonpolis, all of Amratian date, may be profit- ably contrasted and compared as representatives of sites of predominantly domestic function (Hoffman 1971/72, 1982ab, 1987; Geller 1992; Hassan 1981, 1988; Wetterstrom 1993; Holmes 1989; Barocas, Fattovich, and Tosi 1989). The examination of the ceramic material utilized a modified version of the taxonomic classification system devised by Hoffman and Berger (1982) specifically to record potsherds. This system places at the primary level fabric as defined by a combination of clay type (Nile silt or marl) and macroscopically visible tempering agents (e.g., organic matter, straw, grog, shale, and so forth), which, for the most part, 4 Egyptian Pottery appear to have been purposeful additions to the clay. Shape, as subjectively and empirically determined from the diagnostic sherds, is bound to fabric. The indepen- dent variables of surface treatment and decoration are considered in relationship to both fabric and shape. This system allows for clear correlation with the traditional corpora, while providing a number of variables with which to describe each sherd and record quantifiable changes of chronological, regional, and technological significance. Petrie's corpus of whole vessels and classification based mainly on surface decora- tion proved to be not only inadequate for describing the often fragmentary pottery of settlements, but also misleading with regard to some of the most important aspects of the ceramic assemblage. Continued reliance on it has even led some scholars to sug- gest that pottery cannot reliably be used to determine the relative date or cultural association of settlement remains at all (Ginter et al. 1982). The qualitative and, to a lesser extent, quantitative analysis of the ceramic assemblages of these three settlement sites now makes it possible to examine the evidence for a number of different aspects of the cultural complex of Predynastic Upper Egypt, using, if not the full range, a more complete range of ceramic products than those known from contemporary cemeteries. The most notable outcome of the examination of these settlement assem- blages has been the elucidation and definition of regional pot-making traditions in the Amratian phase in each of the geographic areas. Specifically, while the fine, untempered, polished pottery was similar at all sites, the coarse utilitarian pottery, not known from contemporary graves, was strikingly different in each region with regard to tempering agent, manufacturing technique, and surface finish. These marked re- gional variations are a previously unknown aspect of a culture usually considered, on the basis of its graves, to be remarkably homogeneous. This evidence of regionalism hints at a much more complex cultural and political situation in Upper Egypt than expected from the study of the mortuary complex alone and has wide-ranging impli- cations. Significantly, this regional diversity disappears by the mid-Gerzean period (Nagada llc), already established as a time of increased social stratification and soci- etal change (inter alia, Trigger 1983). By this phase, the local utilitarian pottery had been replaced by a standardized, technologically superior, chaff-tempered rough ware. This new pottery is identical in temper, manufacturing technique, and shape at all sites and represents a major departure in production mode and style from what had been in use previously for utilitarian purposes. This new, standardized pottery, the rough ware of Petrie's corpus, appears at Hierakonpolis and possibly other sites in conjunction with a suite of specialized activities, such as standardized blade manu- facture and large scale beer production. Such a combination of operations strongly suggests centralized control of economic necessities. These transformations are not only useful as chronological markers, but no doubt also reflect social and economic changes that played a role in the development of the Egyptian state. The appearance of this transformation across time and space, especially as revealed in the ceramic assemblage, may also provide a reflection of political events of relevance to our un- derstanding of the so-called 'unification' of Egypt (see also Kohler 1992 a, b). The study of the pottery from settlements of Upper Egypt has illuminated several hitherto vague aspects of the Predynastic period, but it is the distinctive re- gional pot-making traditions of the Amratian (Nagada I-IIa) period which will be the focus of this paper. Variations on a Theme S THE SETTLEMENT ASSEMBLAGES OF THE AMRATIAN PERIOD Radiocarbon samples associated with the Amratian assemblages at each site have yielded the following dates: 1) Hemamieh TPl Level 6 internal; Beta 35823; 4940 ? 80 B.P.; 1 sigma cal., 3790-3645 B.C. (Holmes and Friedman 1994, table 10); 2) Khattara sites; weighted average; 5015 ? 80 B.P. - 4780 ? 70 B.P.; cal. 3850-3650 B.C. (Hassan 1984, 1985); 3) Hierakonpolis HK14; WSU 1729; 4820 ? 120 B.P.; 1 sigma cal., 3720- 3500 B.C. (Geller 1992, 182). The level of temporal comparability indicates that the ceramic distinctions which serve to distinguish each region cannot be considered exclusively a factor of time. The settlement assemblages are attributed to the Amratian phase on the basis of a morphological comparison of "untempered" pottery (fabric/temper class 2) with ei- ther a black-topped red slip or a fully red polished slip with or without the addition of decoration in white paint to cognate forms in the mortuary corpora (Petrie's B, P, and C classes). The Amratian assemblages in general, however, are most clearly distin- guished by the distinctive temper of the utilitarian wares which were local to each region. THE COARSE-TEMPERED UTILITARIAN WARES Previously unsuspected regional differences within the ceramic assemblages of the Amratian settlements in each of the geographical regions are clearly apparent, albeit poorly defined, from an examination of the utilitarian pottery or kitchen wares at each site (fig. 1.2). As pottery of this type was not included in the contemporary graves, its existence is a major addition to the perception of the period. Three regional traditions can be distinguished most clearly on the basis of the choice of macroscopically vis- ible tempering agent. Differences in manufacturing technique, surface treatment, and, only to a lesser extent due to the fragmentary nature of the material, shape can also be discerned. At the Khattara sites of the Nagada region, the distinctive tempering agent was composed of ground potsherds or "grog." Grog was added to the more or less refined local Nile silt alone or with the addition of coarse to fine organic matter, apparently grass stems and leaves. The fabric recipe was fluid; however, two fabrics are differentiated on the basis of the presence (fabric/temper class 27) or absence (fabric/temper class 7) of organic tempering material which also appears to correlate with certain shape and surface treatment choices. The technique used to fashion ves- sels of both fabrics appeared to be similar. Bases, built from slabs of clay flattened or placed in a rounded mold, were attached to coil constructed bodies. Pounding or paddling to join sections and thin walls is evident from the star-shaped cracks radiat- ing from large grog inclusions. Smaller vessels were probably made using the pinch or coil technique. Exteriors were smoothed with wet hands, a cloth, a flat tool, or a reed brush. Marks from scraping or trimming are occasional and occur with fre- quency only on the flat bases of grog-tempered fabric 7 vessels. Surface treatments applied to fabric 7 pots were variable and included a self-slip or wet smoothing, brown, red, and occasionally grey-black slips and washes. Burnishing occurred on about half of the examples. Vessels of grog and organic-tempered fabric 27 could be coated with a self slip and either burnished or lightly polished and buffed with a piece of leather or cloth, but were most frequently left untreated and little effort was made to 6 Egyptian Pottery -r 0 \ - /.0 . .0 . .0 r L' 4, ' 6 C) CS S@ F Variations on a Theme 7 eradicate the surface irregularities. Decoration in the form of incision (while wet) across the top of the rim was applied to a small percentage of bowls and jars of both fabrics. Other forms of decoration were very rare. Recognizable shapes (fig. 1.2) are limited to deep and shallow bowls of vari- ous sizes with sloping or curving wall profiles and globular or bag-shaped hole-mouth jars (or deep restricted bowls) with direct rims and relatively unrestricted orifices in relation to the sloping or curving shoulder. Rims, with rare exceptions, are direct and the flattening of the rim top appears to be a regionally significant attribute of the Nagada area. Bowls and jars with modeled rims and jars with a concave upper body, i.e., jars with S-shaped profiles, are extremely rare and are made almost exclusively of fabric 7. Both flat and round bases were recovered. Rim to base profiles are preserved only for two shallow, flat based bowls. It is assumed that the majority of similar bowls had flat bases, while jars had flat or rounded bases. The higher fre- quency of slip and polish on the dense and relatively non-porous pottery of fabric 7 suggests that specific functional concerns were involved in the rather fluid recipe for these coarsely and quickly made vessels. The orifice diameter and wall thickness of fabric 7 vessels is consistently smaller than those of fabric 27. There is also a greater incidence of use-related sooting of the exterior surface of fabric 7 hole-mouth jars, suggesting, perhaps, more frequent use as a cooking pot than was the case with simi- lar vessels composed of fabric 27. Due to the fragmentary sample, it is impossible to determine if similar upper body shapes in each fabric class should be reconstructed as distinctly different complete shapes, but it is possible. At Hierakonpolis localities HK14 and HK24a, the local fabric in the Amratian phase was tempered with shale fragments (fabric/temper class 3). The surfaces were wet smoothed and occasionally coated with a red ocherous wash, but rarely burnished. It is assumed that the larger vessels were constructed from coils or slabs of clay, although all surface indications have been eradicated. There is no evidence of pad- dling to smooth joints, although many, but not all, tabular shale inclusions are ori- ented parallel to the surface. Shapes are limited to jars and relatively deep bowls with direct rims, curving wall profiles, and apparently flat bases; however, round bases in this fabric have also been recovered (fig. 1.2). The nature of the local variant in the Amratian period in the Badari region is more difficult to define due to limitations of the sample. An Amratian assemblage was only distinguished at the 3'6" level below the surface from Caton-Thompson's (1928) excavation records, and only a selective collection of these sherds has been retained in museums. What has been considered Amratian pottery also occurred in deeper levels in conjunction with Badarian pottery (see Caton-Thompson and Whittle 1975; Friedman 1994). The assemblages from the recent re-excavation of Hemamieh suggest that the Amratian utilitarian wares were, in part, a continuation and outgrowth of the wares of the Badarian phase (Holmes and Friedman 1994). The two phases are therefore considered as a unit in this discussion. In the Badarian period, the local utilitarian pottery is distinguished by the addition of coarse organic matter, apparently chopped grass stems, to the more or less refined Nile silt (fabric/temper class 21 = Brunton's Badarian Rough Brown class). This fabric is part of a continuum which incorporates a fabric characterized by the presence of fine organic material which may be a natural inclusion in unrefined Nile silt (fabric/temper class 26 = parts of Brunton's Badarian Smooth Brown class). These 8 Egyptian Pottery two fabric classes are distinguished here for descriptive purposes and because certain shapes appear to be fabric specific. The number of diagnostic examples from argu- ably Amratian levels at Hemamieh is admittedly small (see fig. 1.2 shapes marked a), but they appear quite similar to the Badarian examples in fabric, surface treatment, and the simplicity of the form. The surface treatment applied to the tempered fabrics in both periods was most often a brown or self slip which had been burnished with a pebble while still moist, or loosely burnished when leather-hard. None of the limited number of Amratian examples was decorated, but in Badarian levels decoration takes the form of finger channeling and rim top incision. In terms of shape and decorative choice, the utilitarian wares in the Badarian and Amratian periods at Hemamieh show strong similarity to those at the Khattara sites of the Nagada region (fig. 1.2). Deep and shallow bowls with sloping or curving profiles and relatively unrestricted globular, baggy, or biconical jars with direct rims are common to both districts. At Hemamieh, however, vessels have rounded or ta- pered direct rims with few exceptions, in contrast to the squared rims of the Khattara sites. Smaller vessels at Hemamieh were pinched to shape while larger forms were made by coiling or perhaps slab construction (Vandiver and Lacovara 1985/86). There is scattered evidence of scraping to thin and join clay sections, and grooves from wiping one or both surfaces with a reed brush are common. There is not, however, any clear evidence for the paddling or pounding of the vessel walls at Hemamieh, although this formation or finishing technique is assumed to have been used in the manufacture of the fine untempered and polished vessels of the Badarian and Amratian phases (Arnold 1993, 17). The fully quantified ceramic samples from the test pits of the recent re-excavation of Hemamieh indicate that vessels of both fabric 21 and fabric 26 con- tinued to be present throughout the Amratian, although in diminishing numbers. Gradu- ally, these fabrics were supplanted by straw-tempered pottery of still undetermined shape, often coated with a thick black, red, or brown slip which was occasionally burnished. This straw-tempered fabric (fabric/temper class 1) falls within the range of variation of the utilitarian wares of the Badarian phase according to Brunton (Brunton and Caton-Thompson 1928, 23f.), and a limited number of fragments were recovered in the Badarian levels of the recent test excavations. In the unsealed Badarian and Amratian levels at Hemamieh, incised decoration, punctation, and impressed designs also appear on sherds of the straw-tempered fabric. Unfortunately the exact chrono- logical placement of these examples is far from clear. It should be noted that straw-tempered pottery was also reported at Hierakonpolis in all levels of the deep cores at Nekhen that may extend back to the Badarian (Hoffman 1989). Although not common in any of the Amratian assem- blages examined for this study, at the Khattara sites of the Nagada region straw-tempered pottery is conspicuous by its virtual absence. The subsequent popu- larity of mass-produced straw-tempered pottery does not appear to stem from these early homemade occurrences, but can only be understood in terms of changes in util- ity pottery acquisition and production in the Gerzean phase. At all three sites in the Amratian phase, the regionally distinct utilitarian ves- sels, be they tempered with coarse organic matter, grog, or shale, were used for essen- tially the same purposes. Use-related residues indicate that these vessels often served as cooking pots and in other food preparation contexts. From the technological point Variations on a Theme 9 of view, each of the regionally distinct temper choices was well suited to the task of cooking. Large pieces of temper of any type, but particularly grog and mineral tem- pers like shale, will mitigate thermal shock and crack propagation, and promote the transfer of heat to the contents (Rye 1981; Rice 1987). The choice of tempering agent and the range of simple shapes in each fabric were no doubt influenced by functional concerns as well as tradition. The fluid recipe for each regionally defined fabric and the non-standardized range of size and shape of the vessels suggest that the produc- tion of these utilitarian wares took place in the household for personal household use. Due to the fragmentary nature of the material, it is currently impossible to define more clearly the exact shapes these regional traditions may have favored, and the relationship of these various regional traditions to one another remains to be explored. THE UNTEMPERED POLISHED WARES In contrast to the regionally distinct traditions of household-based utilitarian pottery production, the untempered polished wares (fabric/temper class 2) of the Amratian phase (Petrie's B, P, and C wares) at all three sites show a marked similarity in paste preparation, shaping modes, firing technology, surface treatment, and decorative choices. These wares have black-topped red and entirely red polished surface treat- ments both with and without additional white painted decoration. This class of pot- tery has its own repertoire of shapes, mode of manufacture, and a developmental trajectory that separates it from the coarse-tempered utilitarian wares. Shapes such as beakers with direct and everted rims, bowls with everted rims, modeled and everted rim jars, and carinated bowls and jars appear to be restricted to the untempered pol- ished wares. At this point, it is unclear if the untempered pottery may also be differ- entiated from the coarse-tempered wares on the basis of base shape. The quantity of flat bases of untempered pottery recovered versus the number found in tempered fab- rics certainly suggests that the majority of untempered jars and beakers had flat bases, although many bowls had rounded bottoms at Hierakonpolis and Khattara. Despite the overall similarities among the untempered polished ware assem- blages, minor, but possibly regionally significant, morphological differences are ap- parent. Thus, distribution from a central source can be ruled out. Local production of this pottery is also attested to by the discovery of kilns at Hierakonpolis (Geller 1984), apparently dedicated to the production of untempered pottery, and by the analysis of the silts used to make untempered polished red and black-topped pottery at Armant and Hierakonpolis that shows the sediments to be local to each site (Ginter, Kozlowski, and Pawlikowski 1985, 38; Allen and Rogers 1982). Both sets of evidence suggest that manufacture of this uniform and labor intensive pottery was in the hands of spe- cialists who were well versed in the general fashion prevailing throughout Upper Egypt. All sites exhibit pottery with the same fine level of clay preparation and clean- ing; the same techniques of formation, which probably involved coiling followed by paddling and scraping, but may or may not have included the turning of the rim; the same care taken to eradicate surface irregularities; the same ideas about surface treat- ment, finishing, and decoration (with certain regional(?) differences); and the same control of the kilning process, which usually resulted in well-fired red-slipped pot- tery, with or without the secondary black-topping treatment. Further evidence that this pottery was produced by specialists is supplied by the limited presence of vessels composed of fine organic-tempered, or, more likely, unrefined Nile silt (fabric/temper class 26) at both Khattara and Hemamieh. Some of 10 Egyptian Pottery the vessels of this fabric are clearly amateur attempts at imitating the finer red pol- ished untempered pots. The shapes are often irregular, the walls are thicker, the sur- face finish is often streaky, and the color is variable (but most often brown or mottled), indicating poor control of the kiln atmosphere. None of the examples is black-topped. The contrast in quality between the vessels of these two fabrics certainly suggests that those made of fabric/temper class 26 are homemade and home-fired products, made alongside the utilitarian wares, perhaps only when the specialist-made vessels were unavailable or unaffordable. All of the upper body shapes of the untempered polished wares distinguished in the settlement assemblages have parallels among the B, P, C, and F ware classes of the mortuary corpora, although not necessarily in the corresponding surface treatment-based ware class. The distinction between surface treatment and shape suggested by the traditional B and P ware mortuary classes does not appear to be so clearly defined in settlement contexts. Although certain shapes occur only with a black-top (e.g., certain beakers and everted rim jars) or only with an entirely red surface (e.g., everted rim and carinated bowls), other shapes may occur with either a black-topped or entirely red-slipped surface and only minor, if any, morphological differences which correlate with the surface treatment choice. This does not mean that surface color was an arbitrary decision; certain preferences are clear and corre- spond to those visible in the mortuary corpora. Bowls are most often, but not always, red-slipped and polished, while jars and beakers are most frequently, but not invari- ably, black-topped. In particular, beakers and jars with very large orifice diameters often occur without the usual black-top, perhaps due to the practical difficulties of manipulating such large vessels during the black-topping process. Only the applica- tion of white painted decoration correlates strongly with shape. Within the settlement finds, Petrie's C ware is essentially restricted to red polished bowls and beakers with everted rims, although isolated examples of sloping-walled bowls, carinated bowls, and perhaps bottles with white-painted decoration also have been found. In order to avoid repetition, figures 1.3-4 illustrate the shape range of the untempered polished wares at each site irrespective of surface treatment. It remains to be determined whether all of the morphological variability seen in the assemblages from the three sites is due to local, regional, or temporal differ- ences or some combination thereof. In the present state of research, it is unknown whether specialist potters were active on the local or regional level. The regionally specific styles of painting pottery, discerned by Finkenstaedt (1980, 1981, 1985) on Petrie's C ware for the Abydos and Nagada regions, suggest that activity went beyond the local level (see also Ginter and Kozlowski 1994, 98). Due to the lack of any clear representational motifs in the limited and fragmentary sample of white paint deco- rated sherds from the settlements, little can be added to Finkenstaedt's stylistic obser- vations. Finkenstaedt's (1980, 116) assertions about the quality of the pigment, how- ever, are supported in the settlement remains. The paint on the sherds from Hemamieh is a chalky pinkish pigment. The paint on sherds from Hierakonpolis and Khattara, with one (perhaps imported) exception, can be distinguished by the generally whiter hue, the fugitive outline left behind when the paint has flaked off, and the clarity of line. Additionally, the number of examples painted with white dots and dot-filled panels at Hemamieh and other localities in the Badari region (Brunton and Caton- Thompson 1928, pls. 16, 38; 1937, pl. 34) suggests this decorative element may be a regional peculiarity shared with certain sites in the Abydos region such as Naga ed- Der, significantly the northernmost site known in that region.2 Variations on a Theme 11 Other regionally, as opposed to temporally, distinct features may be seen, for example, in the relatively minor morphological differences between the round-based bowls of the Khattara sites and Hierakonpolis. The hemispherical bowls at Hierakonpolis often have an incurving rim, and the wall profile is curved. At Khattara, the wall profile is straight and sloping and the rims, never incurving, are more fre- quently flattened than at any other site. Further, while the bowls from Hierakonpolis are always clearly burnished with a pebble, the bowls at Khattara are often only pol- ished or buffed with a piece of leather or a cloth. Due to the small size of the sample and the selective retention of sherds at Hemamieh, the regional nature, if any, of red polished bowls at that site cannot be assessed. Regional differences may also be seen among the beakers and bowls with everted rims. The degree to which the rim is everted and the angle of the upper body vary by site. At Khattara and Hemamieh, the tip of the rim is everted and the wall is most often vertical. At Hierakonpolis, a greater part of the rim is everted and the wall often slopes toward the base at about a 1000 angle. In all three regions, bowls with everted rims were favored for white painted decoration (Petrie's C ware). At Hemamieh and Khattara, the rims of these bowls are strongly everted and the orifice diameters are small (12-15 cm); at Hierakonpolis the rims are only slightly everted and, al- though small bowls (dia. 13-18 cm) are known, the decorated bowls are surprisingly large (dia. 18-25 cm). More controversial is the significance of the differential treat- ment of the rim and the shoulder shape of the jars at each site. This may be of more chronological than regional significance. It also remains to be seen if the carinated jars with everted rims recovered at Khattara and also found at Armant Settlement 1000/1100 represent a regionally significant form or if this form and the diagonal burnish applied to it (and various beakers) indicate a retention or adaptation of what have been considered Badarian elements with chronological significance. The relatively high percentages of the untempered wares in the Amratian assemblages at the Khattara sites (average 46.2%) and Hierakonpolis localities (58.5% at HK14; 36.7% at HK24a), as well as at other settlements currently being excavated (percentages at Hemamieh are precluded by the selective collection of Caton-Thompson and the limited scope of the recent excavations), suggest that this pottery was more than just a funerary ware or fine china. While shape choices were no doubt influ- enced by the main use to which such pottery was put, i.e., mobile serving function or table-ware, it is clear from the distribution of shapes within the settlements that cer- tain pots of these wares were also valued as non-porous storage vessels, a task for which the coarse-tempered pottery was not well suited. The scale of pottery production is an important indicator of both technology and the social context of the craft (Rice 1987, 183-91). The location of the Amratian kiln sites, apparently on the outskirts of town at Hierakonpolis and Armant (Geller 1984; Ginter, Kozlowski, and Pawlikowski 1985), and both the quantity and rela- tively standardized range of shapes and sizes suggest that the scale of production for the untempered polished wares was greater than households producing for their own consumption. Whether the evidence for untempered polished ware production can be interpreted as indicating a household industry in which usually part-time specialists produced for a broader, but still local, consumption, or a workshop industry in which more time and capital outlay was dedicated to the craft remains to be determined as more information becomes available. The development of a specialized, possibly workshop, arrangement for the production of the untempered polished wares in the 12 Egyptian Pottery v~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~t~ 1\ f1 L 1.. E 0 0 17 ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~0 0S Variations on a Theme 13 K~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ .L. 0 0 *S! 0 L~~:ji 0 B~~~~~~~~~~~ 14 Egyptian Pottery Amratian appears to presage the dramatic change in the production, acquisition, and significance of utilitarian wares in the Gerzean period. The possibility that itinerant professional potters may have been active at a regional level must also be considered (see e.g., Kelley 1979). REGIONALISM The distribution of the diverse coarse-tempered pottery traditions and perhaps certain elements of the untempered polished wares correspond to the regional distinctions observed by Holmes (1989) in the lithic material of the same settlements. While the choice of tempering agent distinguishes the utilitarian pottery from each region, fun- damental differences with regard to main lithic blank technology and the predomi- nance of certain tool classes serve to define each region for Holmes. Using the infor- mation supplied by both the ceramics and the lithics, it is possible to posit the extent of these regions; however, similarities among the artifacts at settlements other than those studied above are based almost entirely on published reports and, for the most part, not an actual examination of comparative material. The occurrence of grog-tempered and grog and coarse organic-tempered pot- tery at the Khattara sites surrounding Nagada and apparently also at Armant (Ginter et al. 1986, 61-65; Ginter, Kozlowski, and Pawlikowski 1988, 101-102; Ginter and Kozlowski 1994, 74, 93) indicates that this regional tradition stretched at least as far south as Armant. Sherds of these fabrics found at Armant are also similar to those recovered at the Khattara sites with regard to the range of forms and surface treat- ments. Ceramic evidence is lacking for the northern limits, but comparison of the lithic data suggests that the northern border of the region lay in the vicinity of Nag Hammadi. The lithic tradition of the Nagada region is characterized by an industry that used hard hammer percussion to produce broad secondary flakes from which the predominant tool classes of endscrapers, burins, notches, and retouch pieces were produced. Indeed, a recent publication of the settlements in the Armant region shows a distribution of tool groups and a use of raw materials to make flakes, blades, and bladelets practically identical to the Khattara sites (Ginter and Kozlowski 1994, 74). On this basis, the lithic assemblages of the Nag Hammadi-Nagada-Armant area are considered to represent a single industry (Holmes 1989, 329-30; Huzayyin 1937; 1941, 308-309). The Hierakonpolis region is distinguished by the use of shale to temper the kitchen wares. The appearance of what has been interpreted as shale-tempered pot- tery in the contemporary settlement at Adaima suggests that the region extended north- ward at least to the area around Esna (Midant-Reynes et al. 1990, 1991). Moreover, the occurrence of small amounts of shale-tempered pottery within the Armant settle- ments suggests some degree of interaction between these two regions (Mond and Myers 1937, 50-51, 178-79, "Grit-ware"). Thus the Hierakonpolis region may have extended further to the north, perhaps to the historical boundary between the Third and Fourth Upper Egyptian nome located at or near Gebelein (Fischer 1961; Brovarski 1976). The southern boundary of the region remains unknown. The region as defined by its lithic industry is distinguished by main blank technologies that include both flakes and blades. Common tool classes are burins, retouch pieces, endscrapers, and notches. At present, there is insufficient information available to determiine the extent of the region on the basis of the lithics (Holmes 1989). Variations on a Theme 15 The lithic and ceramic traditions in the Badari region thus far appear to be limited to the thirty-five kilometer stretch of the Badari realm investigated by Brunton and Caton-Thompson (1928). This apparent restriction is due to insufficient evi- dence from settlements in the Abydos region to the south (but see Patch 1991) and the apparent lack of habitation in the area immediately to the north. Holmes identified two temporally distinct lithic industries in the Badari region which she called the Badarian and the Mostageddan. The Badarian industry of the Badarian and Amratian periods is characterized by a generalized flake blade technology which may have evolved into the Mostageddan industry in the Gerzean phase. The Mostageddan is characterized by a blade and bladelet technology which was also heavily influenced by contemporary Lower Egyptian industries (Holmes 1989, 1992). Based on simi- larities with the decoration of C ware in the Badari region, a certain amount of inter- action with the northern sites of the Abydos region, which at present is defined only by its C ware style, is evident. Thus, a boundary between these two regions (if there is one) may eventually be found at some point midway between their currently pre- sumed ranges. The identification of inter-regional variation in the Amratian period within both the lithic and ceramic assemblages of the upper Egyptian settlements is a signifi- cant addition to an understanding of the Predynastic period on several levels. At the very least, the distinct preferences or "traditions" surrounding the production of do- mestic necessities, shared beyond the local level and over a relatively large area, indi- cate the existence of fairly well-defined interaction spheres. As these regional tradi- tions are largely seen in the homemade products of the domestic realm, the transmis- sion of these regional methods involved the interaction of people beyond the level of incidental intercommunity exchange. It is possible that exogamy, necessitated by small community size, would have facilitated the transmission of ideas and artifacts (Hassan 1988, 157). Population expansion may also have promoted the regional spread of the domestic traditions. Based on information from Europe in recent historic times, Hassan (1988, 158) suggests that the flood plain from Maadi to Nagada could have been filled by an expanding population in about two hundred and twenty years, or approximately half of the estimated duration of the Amratian period. While Finkenstaedt (1985) suggests that the regionally restricted motifs on C ware indicate a different cultic focus in the Nagada and Abydos regions respectively, Holmes (1989, 328) considers it likely that the inter-regional variability of the lithic industries reflects different Predynastic kingdoms or other socio-political units within pre-unified Egypt. Indeed, the hypothetical map of the proto-states of Upper Egypt produced by Kemp (1989, fig. 8) simply by calculating equidistant catchment areas around archaeologically rich centers of importance in ancient Egyptian tradition is remarkably close to the geographic range demonstrated by the distribution of the distinct regional traditions within the material culture of the settlements. Despite the evidence of regional divisions dating back perhaps to the beginning of the Predynastic sequence, the political relevance of these regional interaction spheres before the end of the Amratian (although likely) cannot be demonstrated, and it is not at all clear that towns of later significance always served as early nodal points. Nevertheless, the clear identification of social regions in Upper Egypt on an archaeological basis, which may predate divisions into polities but may have formed the basis for them, is an important new addition to the discussion of the origin and development of the early state in Egypt. 16 Egyptian Pottery Acknowledgments: I wish to thank the late Dr. Michael Hoffman, Michael Berger, Jeremy Geller, and Fred Harlan for allowing me to use the ceramic data from Hierakonpolis and for making their unpublished results and drawings available to me. For allowing me to examine the pottery from his 1980 season at Nagada and for access to unpublished manuscripts, I am grateful to Dr. Fekri A. Hassan. I would also like to thank Barbara Adams, Curator of the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology at University College London, Helen Whitehouse of the Ashmolean Museum at Ox- ford, and Rosalie David of the Manchester Museum in Manchester for making the sherds from Hemamieh and Armant and relevant documents available to me, often on short notice. NOTES A full account of this examination and its results can be found in my dissertation (Friedman 1994), of which this paper is an excerpt. 2 Compare the dotted decoration on Caton-Thompson 1928, pl. lxxii.1 O; lxxiii. 145 (drawn here in figure 2) and lxxiv. 196, Brunton and Caton-Thompson 1928, pl. 38.18dn, 33k, (see also pl.16, MS23 for a possible prototype from the Badarian period) and Brunton 1937, pl. 34.25 to Lythgoe and Dunham 1965, fig. 22d, fig. 42g = Friedman 1981, pl.12 from Naga ed- Der. Also compare the quadrupeds on Brunton and Caton-Thompson 1928, pl. 38.49k to Lythgoe and Dunham 1965, fig. 3d. 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