EPILOGUE At the time of our Makran survey, excavations were being carried out in Gujurat (India) at the Harappan site of Lothal (Rao 1979, 1985). The physical location of the site and the presence of what he considered to be a formal dockyard prompted Rao to conclude that Lothal was a major seaport. Furthermore, because of the discovery there of a Persian Gulf-style stamp seal of "painted pottery of Sumerian origin" (Rao 1979:23) and a few other artifacts said to have stylistic affinities with the Near East, he stressed the importance of Harappan seafaring activities with the Near East and the key role of Lothal in such activities. Also, Rao pointed out the significance of our findings along the Makran coast at Sutkagen Dor and Sotka Koh in identifying other coastal sites involved in the international seafaring activities of the Harappans. At the time I could not have been more enthusiastic about such an interpretation. Admittedly the archaeological evidence of trade goods themselves was miniscule, but the presence of three coastal sites whetted the appetite for continuing the search for other Harappan sites along the Indian and Pakistan coasts and in the regions surrounding the Gulf. Personally, this interest culminated in my archaeological project at the small Harappan site of Balakot on the eastern side of Sonmiani Bay, from 1973-1976 (Dales 1974, 1979a, 1979b, 1981). The project spawned some fascinating and important new lines of research. The totally unexpected discovery made on the first season's test trench of a lengthy pre- or early Indus occupation-provisionally called Balakotian-provided an excellent opportunity to conduct comparative studies between two distinct cultural periods on such subjects as technology, environmental exploitation (botanical and faunal), and decorative/artistic expressions. A doctoral dissertation was written on the paleobotany of the Balakot- Sonmiani Bay region (McKean 1983); significant studies were made of the physical environment, especially the relationship of the site to the ancient coastline and to climatic conditions (Snead and Erickson 1977); and paleozoological studies have identified a drastic shift from terrestrial exploitation of animals during the Balakotian period to marine exploitation during the Harappan period (Meadow 1979, 1986). The fish bone remains are currently under study by William Belcher at the University of Wisconsin-Madison; and an impressive shell-working industry at the site has been described and reconstructed (Dales and Kenoyer 1977; Kenoyer 1983, 1985). As new and important as the Balakot research has proven to be, we experienced a deep disappointment in not discovering new evidence relating directly to the hypothesis of Indus-Near Eastern interactions. The Harappans at Balakot were operating a very specialized economy involving the exploitation and utilization of tidal water and coastal marine resources. But our studies show that those activities were firmly part of an intra- rather than an international commercial network. There was only one discovery at Balakot, during the four years of excavations, that has clear southern Iran-Gulf affinities: a complete pottery jar painted with geometric patterns found in a Harappan period context (Dales 1979b: figure 11; here, figure 69). Both the vessel form and the painted designs are more similar to western vessels than to any known in Pakistani Baluchistan or the Indus Valley. Certainly one such vessel does not prove anything; it could have been brought by a Gulf fishing boat in less than a week's sail. But, at the time of its discovery, it did put another pin in 256 Explorations on the Makran Coast the map of archaeological artifacts that demonstrate some degree of contact between the two regions. On the more positive side, archaeologists working in the Gulf region- especially in Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman-are finding evidence for interactions with the Harappans: specialized pottery forms, inscriptions, shell objects, etc. The discoveries are few and far between, and some of the claims for the discovery of Harappan pottery are controversial, but there are still enough discoveries with incontrovertible Harappan affinities that the search for more substantial evidence of interconnections has become more, rather than less, intense. Much of the Gulf research still focuses on the geographical identifications of the Sumero-Babylonian place-names Dilmun, Magan, and Meluhha. Scholarly interest in the Gulf has been described as "nothing less than phenomenal," and "Dilmunology" may soon become a recognized subdivision of ancient studies (Macadam 1990:51). There are now three scholarly journals devoted exclusively to the Gulf archaeology and history: Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy, edited by Daniel T. Potts (Volume 1, 1990); The Journal of Oman Studies published by the Ministry of Information and Culture, Sultanate of Oman (Volume 1, 1976); and Dilmun: Journal of the Bahrain Historical and Archaeological Society. Three book-length studies of Bahrain have recently been published: Life and Land Use on the Bahrain Islands: The Geoarchaeology of an Ancient Society by Curtis E. Larsen (1983); Bahrain through the Ages: The Archaeology edited by H. A. al-Khalifa and M. Rice (1986); and Dilmun: New Studies in the Archaeology and Early History of Bahrain edited by Daniel T. Potts (1983a). Two doctoral dissertations dealing with trade contacts between the Harappans and the Near East have been written by Indian scholars within the past decade and a half: Shashi Asthana's History and Archaeology of India's Contacts with other Countries (1976) and Shereen Ratnagar's Encounters: The Westerly Trade of the Harappan Civilization (1981). Another Indian scholar, Dilip Chakrabarti, has recently published a book entitled The External Trade of the Indus Civilization (1990). Numerous papers relating to ancient trade and other interactions between the Harappans and the Near East have been delivered at the biennial international conferences of the Association of Asian Archaeologists in Western Europe which began in 1971. The papers have been published in expanded form in the proceedings of each conference. And there is a wealth of recent papers published by Danish, French, British, German, Italian, and American researchers on specific excavations and explorations in the Gulf region. In addition to these publications cited earlier in the monograph, the following are also pertinent to the questions of Harappan-Near East interactions: Cleuziou, Lombard, and Salles 1981; Dales 1977, 1982; De Cardi 1976, 1983; During-Caspers 1980, 1983a, 1983b, 1984, 1987; Frifelt 1976, 1979; Goettler, Firth, and Huston 1976; Hojlund 1987; Kohl 1975; Mughal 1983; Possehl 1977,1986,1990; Potts 1985, 1986b, 1986c; Shaffer 1982, 1984. This is not the place to review or critique this new and exciting information, but the discoveries at two sites-one in the Gulf region, one in Pakistani Makran-are so pertinent to our Makran survey that they must be mentioned here. In 1985, a joint French-Italian project, called The Joint Hadd Project, began work along the eastern coast of the Oman peninsula (Cleuziou and Tosi 1986, 1988). A habitation site was discovered at Ra's al-Junayz and was identified immediately as having Harappan affinities. First, a pot sherd was found inscribed with large signs of the Indus script (GetsicxardTcs1986:2). Next, sherds of one of the most diagnostic types of Harappan Epilogue 257 pottery were found-body sherds of a pyriform jar with elaborate black designs painted on a red slip (Qeuziou and Tosi 1988:41, fig.35). Such spectacular vessels are known from most Harappan sites in both Pakistan and India (Dales and Kenoyer 1986:74-77). Also, an ivory comb of distinctive Harappan form, with inscribed concentric circle designs, was recovered (Cleuziou and Tosi 1986; fig. 22). \ I- 0 1 ncms Figure 69 Harappan period vessel found at Balakot with form and design of western affinity (reprinted from Dales 1979b: fig. 11) Most important potentially are perhaps the sherds of large, narrow based jars with solid black slip on both the exterior and interior surfaces (Sophie Mery in Cleuziou and Tosi 1988:42). In our study of the pottery from Mohenjo Daro (Dales and Kenoyer 1986:83-84), we suggested that these vessels might have had a storage and transport function similar to that of Roman amphora. In the Gulf region, sherds of similar vessels were noted first at Hili 8 in the United Arab Emirates (Cleuziou and Vogt 1985:249-78). They are relatively more numerous at Ra's al-Junayz where they add credibility to the hypothesis that the vessels might have had a special storage- transport function. Sophie Mery who is conducting the study of the pottery states that it is "an attractive hypothesis as Ra's al-Junayz could have been a seaport where trading-goods necessiting (sic!) large containers for their transport should have been in transit" (in Cleuziou and Tosi 1988:42). Laboratory tests are being conducted in Paris on sherds from these vessels found at Ra's al-Junayz and at sites in the lower Indus Valley to determine their places of origin. Beyond any doubt, the most satisfying and dramatic discoveries relating to the function of the Makran in Harappan external activities are being made in Makran itself. Three surveys were conducted in Makran during 1987, 1988, and 1989 by the Italian Historical, Ecological and Archaeological Mission in Makran, under the direction of Professor Valeria Fiorani-Piacentini. A report on the archaeological aspects of the surveys has been published recently by Roland Besenval of C.N.R.S., Paris (1989) in which he gives a preliminary description of each site visited and the pottery collected from Ormara westwards along the coast to Pasni, Gwadar, and Jiwani; then up the Dasht River Valley past Sutkagen Dor, to the Kej Valley-most importantly to Miri Qalat near Turbat. He has proposed a tentative chronological framework for the sites as follows: 258 Explorations on the Makran Coast 1. The Dasht Period The pottery is connected mainly with the cultural communities of southeastern Iran and the Gulf region: 3rd millennium B.C. 2. The Shahi-Tump Period Named basically after the ceramic assemblage collected by A. Stein at Shahi-Tump mound near Turbat: and originally dated to the 1st half of the second millennium B.C. (Stein 1931:88-103). More recent research by Besenval and Marquis (1991), however, dates the Shahi-Tump material between the second half of the 4th/first half of the 3rd millennium B.C. At present there is no evidence of connection with the Kulli or Harappan occupations in Makran. 3. The Zangian Period Early historical period, represented mainly by huge cemeteries of cairns, such as at Jiwani, associated with the painted pottery assemblage called "Londo Ware": 2nd century B.C. to 2nd-3rd century A.D. 4. The Islamic Period Beginning in the lOth-13th century. This suggested chronological framework does not include the Harappan period specifically because Periods 1 and 2 are defined mainly by pottery collected from inland sites, whereas the Harappan presence in Makran is limited to the coast. The one exception-and an extremely important one-is Miri Qalat, near Turbat, where Besenval has discovered pottery, in sealed stratified contexts, with both Kulli and Harappan affinities. Miri Qalat is, according to Besenval and Sanlaville (1990:115), "the most important site of the Kech valley." The site comprises stratified remains ranging from the 4th millennium B.C. to the nineteenth century A.D. (Besenval and Marquis 1991). This is a major discovery, and it is hoped that large-scale excavations at Miri Qalat can be undertaken in the immediate future. No other evidence for Harappan occupation in the Kej Valley has ever been noted. Miri Qalat appears to be another truly frontier outpost, like Sutkagen Dor, but its specific function vis-a-vis the Harappan coastal sites remains to be determined. Besenval and Marquis (1991:9) state that "for a better understanding, Miri should be integrated in a network including the coastal sites of Sutkagen-Dor and Sotka-Koh." In retrospect, the Makran coast survey of 1960-together with the discoveries in India at Lothal, and those of the Danes on Bahrain-sparked a period of renewed interest in the questions relating to South Asian-Near Eastern interactions in the third and second millennia B.C.; an interest that has increased dramatically over the years. The paucity of specific trade items so far discovered at either end of the hypothesized international network has bothered me for decades. It is often tempting to explain this fact away by stating simply that the trade/exchange items were perishables or consumables that would leave no obvious archaeological traces. But there is another consideration that has been stated succinctly by Philip Kohl (1978:78; 1979): "scale should not be confused with significance or the possible effects of trade on the various participating societies." Small changes or innovations, or introductions of new raw materials at critical periods can be demonstrated historically to have generated major socioeconomic upheavals which are totally disproportionate to their scale. Also, numerous instances of the profound effect of importing exotic products for legitimizing ruling elites have been documented. But this is speculating. What is needed before speculations can be tested is the continuation, and amplification, of fieldwork in both the Indus and Gulf regions. A tremendously promising start has been made, and there is every reason to believe, with the increasingly sophisticated techniques available to archaeology, that many longstanding problems will soon be resolved, or at least they will be able to be addressed with abundant new data. FOOTNOTES Pottinger and Christie, like many of their successors, came from the Bombay infantry that according to one geographical historian "has ever been a sort of nursery for explorers of the best and most famous type" (Holdich 1910:329). He goes on to eulogize Pottinger and Christie (loc. cit.) as "worthy forerunners of Burton and Speke. The traditions of intelligence service may almost be said to have been founded by them." The rules of exploration in those days "admitted to no elaborate preparation" except for the requirement that one know the local languages that would be encountered. In addition the explorers had to be prepared to travel in disguise and appear as natives. 2 Gwadar was under the control of the Sultan of Muskat from the end of the eighteenth century until 1958 when it was turned over to the Government of Pakistan. With the opening of the Indo-European telegraph line in 1863, a British residency was established at Gwadar for a Political Assistant-first, Captain Ross and then Major Mockler, the discoverer of the site of Sutkagen Dor. The appointment of Political Assistant was abolished in 1879 when administrative responsibilities were turned over to local authorities (Baluchistan Gazetteer, 238). 3 His Navy sponsorship allowed him to travel in Makran in a less primitive manner than we had chosen. He was flown to Jiwani from Karachi, along with a jeep which he used for most of the survey. 4 The basic maps for Makran-and for all most of India and Pakistan-have their origin in the magnificent surveys conducted by the British operated Survey of India in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The 1870s and 1880s saw a number of Border Commissions at work delineating the official boundaries separating British India from Persia and Afghanistan. The methods used were quaint to say the least-no laser transits, aerial photographs or photogrammetry-just beautiful brass transits, magnetic compasses, plane-tables and phenomenal displays of stamina and courage. The speed and accuracy achieved is quite astonishing. One writer (Holdich 1909) describes how in the 1880s two Lieutenants-Talbot and Wahab-"drove a straight and connected triangulation right down from Quetta to the heart of Makran and filled up blank spaces in the map to the extent of 20,000 square miles in a few months" (p. 204). This triangulation, was gradually extended along another line, from the Indus Valley to the Persian frontier. "Where triangulation went, there in its wake followed the native surveyor with his plane-table, making maps in sheets and leaving no peak unvisited, no point of interest unrecorded. Thousands of square miles of geographical work was turned out each season-sometimes 50,000 or 60,000 in the course of the winter's explorations" (p. 208). But those were not the first "modern" maps of Makran and Baluchistan. Lt. Henry Pottinger and Captains Christie and Grant, were the first team of military explorers to visit and map parts of Makran. The map that accompanies Pottinger's account of the venture (1816) is titled "A Map of Beloochistan & Sinde, With Parts of Kutch, Seistan, Khorasan, Persia, &c." by Henry Pottinger, Lieut. 7th Bombay Native Infantry. A.D. 1814. The scales are in Fursakhs or Fursangs as well as British Statute miles. 5 It is interesting, and somewhat disconcerting, to see this note on the post World War Ii Army maps: "The fathom lines have been taken from Admiralty Chart, No. 38 (Muscat to Karachi), dated 1874 with corrections to 1916." And this one of the world's most tectonically active regions! 6 The Makran coast is among the most tectonically active regions in the world. Between 1939 and 1975 more than thirty major earthquakes were recorded (Snead 1981). In gross terms, the coast consists of parallel mountain ranges of partially 260 Explorations on the Makran Coast indurated Tertiary mudstones and siltstones that are eroding at a fantastic rate (Snead 1967:560). It is a region of uplifted mountains and platforms separated by scalloped bays, wide sandy plains, salt marshes and lagoons. Several of the platforms represent fault blocks-for example, Ormara, Gwadar and Ras Malan, which have sheer cliffs jutting up as high as 1,000 feet (Snead 1981). The research by Snead, Woodward-Clyde and others have determined that the rate of tectonic uplift has far exceeded changes in eustatic sea level. The period of rise have been short and violent, associated with major tectonic activities. The most dramatic recent event was the earthquake of November 28, 1945 (Woodward-Clyde, Sondhi 1947, Pendse 1948, Snead 1967 and 1969). At Ormara, the coast was uplifted approximately 2 meters. Pre-1945 beach and marine features are now 1 to 3 meters above highest tide. At Pasni, local fishermen reported that a section of the coastline was elevated fifteen feet. In addition to the uplifting, these tectonic activities also activate mud volcanoes all along the Makran coast (see footnote 16). 7 Shallowness is characteristic of the Makran coastline and boats of any size must anchor anywhere from one to three miles from the beaches in water that even there are only three to five fathoms deep. An additional hazard for boatmen relates to the phenomenon of the mud volcanoes that periodically appear off the coast (see Footnote 16). The nautical chart published by the U.S. Navy Hydrological Office (No. 1588) includes the following, "CAUTION: Owing to the recent (1945) volcanic disturbances, vessels navigating along the Makran Coast... should keep outside the 20 fathom curve and if obliged to sail close to the land should do so with caution and sound continuously." 8 British officers were posted at Gwadar since the opening of the Indo-European telegraph line in 1863. They were charged with the control of political affairs on the coast. Because of the transfer of some administrative responsibilities to local officials in 1879, the appointment of the Political Assistant at Gwadar was abolished (Baluchistan Gazetteer: 238). The residence of the Political Officer was described as "something between a Swiss chalet and Crimean hut" that had "the charm of a baronial hall to the Wandering Englishman whom chance or duty led to its threshold, and its inner tidiness was redolent of hospitality." And thanks to the blessings bestowed on the region by the British presence, "an English lady was actually living there with her husband as quietly as she might have done in Calcutta or London" (Goldsmid 1874:132-33). 9 Cuyler Young wrote a description of the remains of each grave and recorded the following inscriptions: Grave #1: In Memory of Sharon, Daughter of Darasha Hormusji S(?)ocina. Post Master. Died eighteenth April, 1898. Aged 11 months. Grave #3: In Memory of U.S. Francis, Assistant Apothicary. Died 4th April, 1874. R.I.P. Grave #4: Sacred To the Memory of Ann Theressa (?), The Beloved of W. J. Lowell (?). Died 18th (?) August, 1869. 10 The telegraph line along the Makran was part of the original Indo-European Telegraph line constructed by the British in the 1860s to provide an "electric link" between India and London (Goldsmid 1874; Baluchistan Gazetteer: 229-33). It was originally conceived of in economic and political terms, but with the horrors associated with the Mutiny in 1857 the want for such a line became "eminently national." The story of its construction is one of the great engineering sagas of the nineteenth century, described most thoroughly by Goldsmid. After years of theoretical planning, finally in June 1861 a survey of the Makran ports was made, in government steamer, by a Colonel Henry Green. A second survey was commissioned in December of the same year. Its leader, Goldsmid-with an escort of Sind horsemen- conducted a seven-week march from Karachi westwards to Gwadar (392 miles). The No tes 261 purpose of the mission was basically to negotiate with local tribes and authorities for rights to construct and maintain the line. There was continued discussion as to whether the telegraph lines should be on the land or be submarine off the coast. For considerations of security, it was decided to construct both. The eastern terminal for both lines was Karachi. A Mr. H. Isaac Walton directed the construction of the land line from Karachi to Gwadar, "under the protective arrangements made with local chiefs in 1861-62 by Major Goldsmid." Beginning in 1862, the task was completed by May 1863. Goldsmid (1874:373) notes that the construction of the line was "a matter involving mental anxiety and powers of organization, with physical labour and endurance of no common kind." Walton's report to Goldsmid was a letter from Gwadar dated April 5, 1863, parts of which were published in the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, May 11, 1863, page 117, and parts in Goldsmid's book. Walton described the most difficult part of the task as getting the line up and around Ras Malan (an obstacle that we also found to be one of the most difficult during our survey). The massive promontory has sheer 1,000 foot high cliffs at seaside and inland rises to as high as 2,000 feet. Walton says "You can imagine the work it has been getting tons of iron posts and wire up the Malan." At the eastern end of the Ras he chose the Shum Valley to get up to the flat top of the promontory (1,620 feet elevation). From there he took the line to the back of the Khor Bat (Batt Kaur) Valley where he cut a road over which the materials could be carried up by manual labour. Each iron telegraph post weighed 200 pounds and each mile of wire at least 1200 pounds. The task from Malan westward to Gwadar-the Gedrosia of Alexander the Great-was beset with other difficulties. Walton continues: "The want of water in many places has driven us to endure great hardship. A body of 25 Europeans and 600 natives passing through this utterly barren country, must expect to meet with very great difficulties. Often I have been obliged to prohibit ablutions of any kind, and to place guards, with drawn swords, over dirty puddles... Both Europeans and natives have throughout behaved excellently... Of course, all had to be fed from Karachi; and the posts being all of iron, brought from England, were distributed 18 to the mile, and required many camels, which were likewise almost entirely supplied with provender from Karachi. We are all exhausted, and glad out labours are near an end, as the hot weather has again set in, and many deaths are occurring among the natives" (Goldsmid 1874:374). The laying of the submarine cable is a story in itself. The initial surveys and installations were directed by Col. Patrick Stewart (originally of the Bengal Engineers) who, as a young Lieutenant had been a major figure in establishing telegraph lines within India. In 1863 he supervised the laying of the cable from Gwadar to Fao at the head of the Persian Gulf. One of the reasons for using marine rather than land lines west of Gwadar was because of the "vacillation and instability manifested by the authorities in Persia" (Goldsmid 1874:113). There was considerable experience to draw on in laying the marine cable. Stewart profited by the mistakes made by the Americans in laying the Atlantic cable, and by mistakes made in the British Red Sea cable. The Indo-European cable would have improved insulation, less current would be used, and sub-stations would be no further than 600 miles apart. The core of the cable consisted of 1/8th inch drawn copper wires coated with special newly developed insulating compounds. The core was then encased in 12 No. 7 gauge hard-drawn iron wires, thickly galvanized. All this was then coated with tarred hemp yarn, overlaid with a newly patented composition consisting of asphalt, Stockholm tar and powdered silica. The 900 nautical miles of cable was manufactured in England and transported to Bombay on four ships. The shipment was described as "huge coils of thick black-looking rope, nearly 1 1/4 inch in diameter, weighing nearly four tons to the mile (on land) and 2 1/2 tons in water... the cheapest, strongest, and electrically speaking, the most perfect cable that has ever yet been made" (Goldsmid 1874:124). 262 Explorations on the Makran Coast 1 Major B. Lovett, on a military/political journey in Makran in 1871 (in Goldsmid 1876:122-23), offered this comment on camel drivers: It is only fair to warn future explorers against the Baluch camel- driver, who partakes largely of the nature of the ungainly beast he tends. These men, for obstinacy and perverseness, are unequalled. Amongst other annoyances they will never stir from a halting-place till long after sunrise, and any stage over 10 miles or any load over two hundredweight may be made a pretext for desertion or a general strike. 12 The Makran Levy Corps-or Militia-was organized in 1904 under two British officers, paid for by the British government, "to ensure a better patrol of the British side of the Makran border and the proper enforcement of the authority of the Khan (of Kalat) as represented by the "nazir" (a native "inspector" in the Anglo-India courts) of Makran" (Baluchistan Gazetteer, 262). 13 He described a structure made of baked bricks measuring 2 1/2 x 6 1/4 x 12 inches, "laid in a scientific manner" in a header-stretcher pattern (Mockler 1877:123). 14 The Asiatic Cheetah, "Acinonyz jubatus" used to be widely scattered throughout the drier regions of the subcontinent, but today it is extinct, at least in India. As stated in Roberts' The Mammals of Pakistan (1977:158), "the final senseless slaughter of this harmless creature in India" was carried out by the ruler of Korwai State who shot three of them in one night as they stood transfixed in the headlights of his car. Roberts says that "it is still probable that the Asiatic Cheetah enters Pakistan territory in the extreme south west of Baluchistan even if it is not permanently resident in that region." Unfortunately for this particular cheetah, it gave up its life to become a statistic. We all felt sad to be part of a process that might inadvertently encourage the killing of even one more such beauty of nature. 15 These so-called cairn burials are geographically widespread: in the region of our concern here, from Kerman in south-central Iran to the Indus. See Lamberg-Karlovsky and Humphries (1968), and Tosi (1976), for a review of the archaeological evidence. The problem of cultural identification and dating of the stone circles is made even more difficult by the fact that present-day Baluchis construct such features for both wedding and funerary purposes (Dales 1962a and b; Lamberg-Karlovsky and Humphries 1968:275). Besenval (1989; Besenval and Sanlaville 1990) in his preliminary report on the current Italian-French explorations in Makran, assigns these structures and the associated painted pottery to his third cultural period-the early historical Zangian Period (2nd century B.C. to the second-third centuries A.D.). 16 The Makran coast may be, according to Snead (1967:551) the location of the largest mud volcanoes found anywhere in the world. These expulsions of mud and gas (mostly methane and sulphur) develop along several of the weak anticlinal axes characteristic of the coast. "Only in an extremely tectonic area, where violent seismic activity is exerting pressures on the gas trapped below, could unheated liquid mud be lifted through a central vent 1,400 feet above sea level to form these mud cones" (Snead 1967:551). The Baluchistan Gazetteer (pp. 29-30) relates that "Gwadar had to be abandoned at one time owing to its unhealthiness, which was attributed to the action of mud volcanoes in the bay, the eruptions discoloring the waters and causing a stench which made life on shore absolutely intolerable." The largest and most perfectly formed mud cone, called Chandragup, is located about midway between Ras Malan and Sonmiani Bay, about two miles from the sea coast. At the top of its 307 foot high cone is a crater about 20 feet in diameter (see photos in Snead 1964, figs. 2-4). 17 The most recent study of the dam has been by the French archaeologist R. Besenval (1989; Besenval and Sanlaville 1990) who disputes the Portuguese attribution and says that the stone-cutting masonry is typical of the Hellenistic tradition (2nd No tes 263 century B.C. to the second-third centuries A.D.). In addition, he states that some technical details of construction are unknown in the Mediterranean Hellenistic world but are well attested in pre-Islamic South Arabian hydraulic buildings (for example the technique of bonding). This monument, he says, is "unique in Pakistan." 18 "Gabarbands" (stone-faced embankments constructed across drainage areas in arid regions) are widely distributed-from Africa to western India. They have been a subject of scholarly interest since at least the beginning of this century. Hughes- Buller, reporting on his archaeological survey in Baluchistan (1903-04), coined the double misnomer "Dams of the Zoroastrians." Functionally they are not dams in the sense of structures built for the impounding and later use of flood water, and they have been constructed from prehistoric times until the present (Raikes and Dyson 1961; Raikes 1965; Possehl 1975). They seem to have served a variety of purposes, all linked with agricultural technology, but the definitive study of them has yet to be made. 19 Barbara describes the typical dresses as follows: "The material is bright colored cotton usually with an overall flower design. The fullness of the dress comes from a wide frontal panel and a similar wide panel down the back. The sleeves are cut separately and sewn to these wide frontal and rear panels. A decorative piece is added to the upper front of the dress, with embroidery and sewn-on rick-rack. A huge pocket is sewn on to the front panel, extending from the waist to below the knees, stopping a few inches above the hem of the dress. This enormous pocket serves well the busy women of all ages who do not carry handbags as Westerners do. The pocket can contain a multitude of items. For one, many ladies carried in it a small, colorful hand-sewn purse. But more interestingly, I observed an elderly lady sitting on her charpoi (rope bed) and taking inventory of her accumulated wealth stored in such a pocket. She made some comment as she slowly extracted each item from the pocket. There was a small tin mirror, a string of beads, a folded photograph (hardly identifiable), several very small balls of thread, another folded piece of paper, a few coins, a couple irregular pieces of material, and a small decorated metal box which I believe contained snuff or something similar." 20 The Pasni sand dunes have a certain notoriety going back almost a century. The political officer/explorer C.M. MacGregor (1882:27) described "Pusni" as a miserable place-"only sand dunes." He continued, "Any of my readers can make a model of Pusni for himself next time he visits the seashore... On one side is the sea, . . .; then make a lot of sand-heaps of any shape, any size, in any position you like, and you have Pusni." 21 The Kalmattis, according to one tradition, were refugees from Bahrain in the Persian gulf in the tenth century. They appear to have acquired ascendancy over the dominant coastal tribe, the Meds. The Meds have not enjoyed a favorable reputation among Western visitors to the coast. Members of the tribe are known along the entire Makran coast and up to Las Bela. An inscription at Gwadar says the tribe came from Kachi (upper Sind) where the tomb of their patron saint, Sakhi Tangav, is to be seen at Dadhar. Traditionally they have been associated with piracy and brigandage. The American anthropologist, Henry Field, while giving an objective anthropological description of the modern population, borrows directly from the Baluchistan Gazetteer (p.105) classifying them as "inferior," possessing "many characteristics attributed by Arrian to the Ichthyophagoi" (Field 1959:64). The Kalmattis have a tumultuous history in Makran having had many battles with, in addition to local tribes, the Portuguese. One such battle may have, according to the Baluchistan Gazetteer (p. 96), "led to the burning of the beautiful and rich city Pessani" by Luis de Almeyda in 1581. But it is difficult to imagine a city of such grandeur when you see the meager ruins in the area. 264 Explorations on the Makran Coast 22 The literature dealing with Alexander the Great's expedition to India is prodigious. The part of the venture of specific relevance to this report is that of his Admiral Nearchus's return voyage along the Makran coast- the Land of the Ichthyophagoi. The most complete Classical reference is to the reconstruction of Nearchus's account by the 2nd century historian Arrian in his Indike. Translations are difficult to find but the relevant portions are given conveniently in the Baluchistan Gazetteer (pp. 277-8) and in Eggermont (1975). 23 Hindus, before the 1947 partition of Pakistan from India, made pilgrimages to Makran: to the Chandragup mud volcano, to the cave at Hinglaj and to Astola Island (called by them Satadip). The religious connection between the Hinglaj shrine and the island had to do with the goddess Kali Devi. One story has it that the island was her home but that once each day she went to Hinglaj to bathe (Baluchistan Gazetteer: 278; p. 279 gives additional stories). 24 These are most likely the hideous and poisonous Beaked Sea Snake ("Enhydrina schistosa") common in Makran coastal waters (Minton 1962: fig. 70; Minton and Minton 1969, "passim"). 25 Recently a member of the Italian Ecological and Archaeological Mission in Makran, reported finding "prehistoric sites" in the Pasni dune area (in Besenval 1989; Besenval and Sanlaville 1990). 26 The first published mention of the site, although it was not then recognized as being archaeological, is by the British military explorer C. M. MacGregor who traveled up the Shadi Kaur Valley north from Pasni in 1877. He mentions camping 10 miles north of Pasni at Laz Bent, "situated just under the Talo hill, and a curious off-shoot of it called Koh-i-Sukhta" (MacGregor 1882:29). 27 The geographer Snead, in his study of recent morphological changes along the Makran coast concluded "It is hard to believe that so many changes have taken place over such a large area in such a short period of time, generally during the last 3,000 to 5,000 years. It may very well be that George Dales is correct about the 3,000 Isicl- year old Harappan coastal ports now found twenty to thirty miles inland. It appears that the changes that took place were more rapid than originally supposed, and the sequence of events may be on the order of hundreds of years, rather than thousands of years" (Snead 1967:565). 28 Followers of the unorthodox Muslim sect called Zikri are today found mostly in Makran. Their name is said to derive from the set of formulas they repeat in place of the orthodox Muslim prayers. They call themselves Muslims but their creed is full of "superstitious and idolatrous beliefs (Baluchistan Gazetteer: 116). They follow a strict and laborious practice of daily prayers, but on Friday and special days a "Kishti" is held for which stone circles are made, in and around which dancing and singing-involving women-are performed (Baluchistan Gazetteer: 119-20). For the history of the sect see the Baluchistan Gazetteer (120-21) and Field (1959:57-62). BIBLIOGRAPHY al-Khalifa, H. A. and M. Rice, editors 1986 Bahrain Through the Ages: The Archaeology. London, Kegan Paul. Asthana, Shashi 1976 History and Archaeology of India's Contacts With Other Countries. Delhi. Baluchistan District Gazetteer Series. Vol. VII. Makran. Bombay. Times Press. Bellew, Henry W. 1874 From Indus to Tigris: A Narrative of a Journey Through the Countries of Balochistan, Afghanistan, Khorassan and Iran in 1872. London. Besenval, Roland 1989 Recent Archaeological Surveys in Pakistani Makran. 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S. 1940 Excavations at Harappa. 2 Vols. Delhi. Government of India. Vredenburg, E. W. 1909 Geology of Sarawan, Ihalawan, Mekran and the State of Las Bela. Records of the Geological Survey of India, Vol. 38, No. 3:189-215. Weisgerber, Gerd 1984 Makkan and Meluhha-Third Millennium B.C. Copper Production in Oman and the Evidence of Contact with the Indus Valley. In: South Asian Archaeology 1981. Bridget Allchin, ed. Cambridge University Press: 196- 201. Wheeler, Sir Mortimer 1968 The Indus Civilization (3rd edition). Cambridge, at the University Press. Woodward-Clyde Consultants, International 1975 Site Confirmation Studies. Site Safety Analysis. Bandar Abbas Region, Iran. Phase I. Prepared for Atomic Energy Organization of Iran. The Archaeology and Ethnohistory of Fort Ross, California Vol. 1. K. G. Lightfoot, T. A. Wake and A. M. Schiff. This new series on the archaeology and ethnohistory of Fort Ross examines the re- sponses of Native Americans to Russian mercantile adctivities in northern California. This volume focuses on the interactions of Native Californians with the Russians and the Native Alaskans. 1991. paper, 250 pp., 33 maps, 12 appendices, 6 pp. of illustrations, No. 49 Current Directions in California Obsidian Studies. Editor Richard E. Hughes, with contributions by Jonathon E. Ericson, Christopher M. Stevenson and Barry E. Scheetz, M. C. Hall and R. J. Jackson, Robert L. Bettinger, Thomas M. Origer, David A. Fredrickson and Mark E. Basgall. State-of- the-art research on sourcing and hydration rate studies in California. 1990. 126 pp., No. 48 Prehistoric Hawaiian Occupation in the Anahulu Valley, O'Ahu Island: Excavations in Three Island Rockshelters. Editor Patrick Kirch, with contributions by Terry L. Hunt, Sara Collins, Melinda S. Allen and Gail M. Murakami. Impact of Hawaiian occupation, circa A.D. 1300, on the local environment of the Anahulu Valley. Detailed studies of rockshelter sediments, archaeobotanical remains, charcoal, and landsnails. 1989. 130 pp., 30 plates, No. 47 Prehistoric Hunter-Gatherers of Shelter Island, New York: An Archaeological Study of the Mashomack Preserve. Kent G. Lightfoot, Robert Kalin and James Moore. Case study of prehistoric subsistence and settlement patterns of Shelter Island, New York. The authors evaluate whether or not horticulture and sedentary lifeways were adopted widely by coastal hunter-gatherers. 1987. 224 pp., No. 46 Methods in Artifact Analysis: A Study of Upper Paleolithic Burins. Richard N. Dreiman. 1979. 79 pp., No. 42 Studies in Ancient Mesoamerica, IV. Editor John A. Graham, with contributions by M. Johnson, E. M. Shook, M. P. Hatch, J. K. Donaldson, P. Mathews, D. M. Pendergast, D. C. Pring, D. S. Rice and P. M. Rice. Collection of papers on the archaeology, architecture and epigraphy of the Maya and the Olmec. 1979. 277 pp., 14 plates, No. 41 An Archaeological Assay on Dry Creek, Sonoma County, California. M. A. Baumhoff and Robert I. Orlins. 1979. 244 pp., No. 40 The Prehistory and Human Ecology of Garden and Coal Valleys: A Contribution to the Prehistory of Southeastern Nevada. Colin I. Busby. 1979. 257 pp., 8 plates, No. 39 Abaj Takalik 1976: Exploratory Investigations. Final edition: UCB project update site map of Abaj Takalik. [update] No. 36 For a complete list of titles and ordering information, please write to: Administrator, Archaeological Research Facility, Anthropology Department, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720. THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH FACILITY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY The Archaeological Research Facility was founded as the California Archaeological Survey in 1948 by Professor Robert Heizer. 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