135 TRANS-SIERRAN EXCHANGE IN PREHISMRIC CALIFORNIA: THE CDNCEPT OF ECONOMIC ARTICULATION Paul D. Bouey Mark E. Basgall Introduction The study of obsidian distributions in western North America has shifted fran a broad perspective, attempting to delineate general socio-economic trends (e.g. Jack 1976; Ericson 1977a, 1977b, 1982), to more detailed and areal-specific research on territorial boundaries and temporal/spatial variation in particular exchange networks (e.g. Bettinger 1982a; Hughes and Bettinger 1984). In the California culture area, several studies have examined the relationship between the "producers" of obsidian artifacts in the Great Basin and the "consumers" of those items in California (Ericson 1977a, 1977b, 1982; Jack 1976; Jackson 1974). Of these, however, only Jackson's considered the contextual information provided by the archaeological material (although he recognized numerous shortcamings) and recognized California and the Great Basin as articulating systems, not isola- ted spheres. According to such an approach, the constituent systems are seen as interdependent, with "perturbations" in the production and/or exchange processes of one having repercussions in the other. Such changes should be reflected in the archaeological record of both regions and should, therefore, be amenable to explanation. Using the concept of "economic articulation" as a foundation, a review will be made of archaeological data in the Mammoth Lakes/Long Valley area of central- eastern California, followed by an examination of the obsidian distributions on the western slope of the Sierra Nevada, in central California, and in the Napa Valley. Based on an evaluation of the observed patterning, it will be argued that each of those regional components fits into a single, morre encompassing system. The data re-evaluated here have been collected by numerous individuals, each with their own research interest(s); therefore, there are certain compar- ability problems involved. Further, each project possessed its own sanple limitations, these with respect to size, configuration, and mode of selection. While certainly recognized, such problems will not be explored further. Our feeling is that the inconsistencies cited above, though compromisMg our arguments to some extent, lost their individual significance in light of the larger patterning reflected in the available data. It is this overall pattern which provides significant insight into the evolutionary trajectory and histor- ical development of those regions of California. Explanations for the patterning will be proferred which account for the known archaeological data and which can serve as working hypotheses for later research. It should be stressed that this study represents but an interim statement; much moire work needs to be done on the problem (Basgall and Bouey n.d.). 136 The Obsidian Data In order to evaluate the proposed obsidian exchange network in its complete context, consideration must be given to the archaeology of the eastern slope of the Sierra Nevada, the western slope, central California, and the Napa Glass Mlountain region. These areas reflect major components of the network, and con- tain the information necessary for delineation of processes affecting, even accounting for, the patterns described herein. Each of the regions will be ex- amined in turn. Eastern Sierra. That portion of the eastern Sierra of principal interest to the present study encompasses the Casa Diablo obsidian source in Long Valley caldera (Figure 1). The archaeology of this region is comparatively well- known, having a firm chronology (Bettinger and Taylor 1974), as well as partial documentation of prehistoric land-use patterns (e.g. Bettinger 1977; Cowan and Wallof 1974; Davis 1964; Hall 1983; R. Jackson n.d.; Meighan 1955). Most recently attention has shifted to the study of exchange patterns in the area (Basgall 1982, 1983; Bettinger 1980; Ericson 1977a, 1982; Hall 1983), with a full suite of lithic reduction/production localities in Manamth Lakes undergoing extensive investigation. Casa Diablo represents the eastern node of the exchange network under discussion. 1 Located iimediately east and northeast of Mtamuth Lakes, California (Figure 1), the Casa Diablo source covers at least 15 km2 and had extensive distribution in prehistoric California (Ericson 1977a, 1977b, 1982; Jack 1976; Jackson 1974). Several hydration rates have been proposed for Casa Diablo; these are reviewed below and tested against independent projectile point data from several sites in central-eastern California. The inst reliable rate will then be used to characterize the chronometric franrework for Casa Diablo obsidian production, a requisite to comparison with similar patterns for Napa Glass AMountain (see below). Source-specific hydration rates for Casa Diablo have had good results in dating obsidian from that source (e.g. Basgall 1983; Ericson 1977a, 1978; Garfinkel 1980; Hall 1983; Meighan 1981; Michels 1982a), although the caliber of certain rates varies substantially. In evaluating the various rates that are available (Table 1), hydration readings on a sample of Casa Diablo projectile points from three sites in central-eastern California (Iny-2146 (Garfinkel 1980); 1 One major "eastern" obsidian source with a wide distribution in California, Bodie Hills, is excluded from discussion. Although Singer and Ericson (1977) have characterized the purported production curve for that quarry, a tested hydration rate is still unavailable. In addition, adequate source/hydration data from non-quarry areas remain as yet unpublished, and we feel a detailed discus- sion of the source would be premature. It should be noted, however, that Bodie Hills probably represented still another node of the exchange system under con- sideration and its integration with Casa Diablo and Napa GJlass Mountain would be desirable. While there is no formal discussion of Bodie Hills in the present paper, we are in agreement with iall (1983) in noting that its production history should parallel that of Casa Diablo. If so, much of our argument for Casa Diablo probably holds for Bodie Hills as well. 137 Mno-529 (B ll 1983); and Mno-561 (Hall 1983)) were tested against typologi- cally derived age estimates fron each (e.g. Hester 1973; Bettinger and Taylor 1974; Tharas 1981). This limited test (Table 2), based strictly on specimens that were morphologically unambiguous, clearly indicates that Hall's (1983) rate provides the most consistent results. Tkw other rate characterizations, those of Basgall (1983) and Garfinkel (1980), provide reasonable temporal placements, but falter in treating materials fram the later prehistoric period. Based on these observations, Hall's (1983) hydration rate will be applied to all Casa Diablo obsidian in the present study. Those sites comprising the eastern Sierra sample are all located in the imnediate Mannuth Lakes area, and while they are immediately adjacent to Casa Diablo, they are not associated with specific quarry locales. As such they can be characterized as "secondary" reduction loci, closely tied to actual obsidian outcrops. Due to their proximity, we assune that the sites served as primary quarrying areas and that they provide accurate indications of production at the Casa Diablo source. In fact, such localities, having been used for long dura- tion, may provide a better reflection of production than restricted, individual quarries which may have been used m re episodically and/or at more random points in time. The eastern Sierra sample includes three sites, Forest Service Forty (Mno- 529 (Basgall 1983); Maith Junction (Mno-389, Michels 1965; Sterud 1965); and Mno-561 (Hall 1983), all of which have considerable samples of hydration data, extensive site investigation, and, most importantly, similar functional configurations. With respect to the latter attribute, all sites used in the study contain great quantities of obsidian debitage, high frequencies of preforms/ blanks, and little evidence for subsistence/maintenance activities. A detailed technological analysis of flaked-stone material from Mno-529 (Jackson et al. 1983) provided thorough docunentation of extensive preform reduction/production at that locality; less detailed information fron the other tmw sites suggests a similar orientation. Based on Hall's (1983) hydration rate, the three sites parallel one another in exhibiting production peaks during the Newberry period (cf. Bettinger and Taylor 1974). While the exact character of the production pattern at each site differs slightly (Table 3; Figure 2), all three show an increase in lithic activity at ca. 3000 B.P., followed by high production levels until ca. 1350 B.P., with a continuing decline after that time. A composite curve, using data from all three sites (Figure 3), provides perhaps the best reflection of overall Casa Diablo production. Previous discussions of production at Casa Diablo have been based on a rate of 1000 years/micron (Ericson 1977a, 1977b, 1982; though see Basgall 1983 and Hall 1983) which often produces dates outside of the range of the expected pro- jectile point time periods (Tables 1 and 2). It is pertinent, therefore, to contrast the two viewpoints (Figure 4). By the old rate, based only on data from the Mammoth Junction site (Michels 1965), it was suggested that Casa Diablo production commenced at the end of the Lake Mohave period, ca. 5000 B.P. (Bettinger and Taylor 1974), gained rroentum during the Little Lake period, and evidenced a decline midway through the Newberry period (ca. 2500 B.P.). 138 Divergence between the alternative curves is quite pronounced and has consid- erable effect on temporal placement of the production decline. Western Sierra. For the purposes of this study, discussion of the western Sierra Nevada will be restricted to that region from Yosemite south through Fresno County. While archaeological investigation in this region has been ex- tensive (e.g. Heizer and Elsasser 1953; Hindes 1962; T. King 1976, 1978; Moratto 1972; Moratto et al. 1978), published studies specifically focusing on obsidian source or hydration analyses have been limited. As a result, our characterization of western Sierran obsidian fluctuation is less documented and systematic than would be desired. Although this lack of resolution is a general problem, Moratto et al. (1978) do suggest that obsidian use remained constant during the entire sequence at Buchanan Reservoir (ca. 2800 to 100 B.P.). While this may be true, the Buchanan data have yet to be systematically sourced and shifts between production localities may still be recognized. The western Sierran sample is drawn from three sites and/or projects -- two in Madera County and one in Yosemite (Figure 1). The Manmmth Pool Reservoir project provided hydration data fram three sites (05-15-55-631, -785, -786) which can be described as task-specific temporary camps (Archaeological Consulting and Research Services 1983). Lithic material was fairly limited at these locales, but predominately of Casa Diablo obsidian. Further data come from CA-Mad-448 (Peak 1981), an extensive site with a deep deposit and vast quantities of obsidian flaking debris. On the basis of debitage density, Peak concluded that Mad-448 was a "manufacturing site and trading node related to trans-Sierran economic [obsidian] exchange systems" (1981: ii). Finally, hydration data fram the 1981 El Portal Archaeological Project (Baumler and Carpenter 1982) have been used to characterize the pattern in the Yosemite region (Origer and Jackson 1982). Debitage fran Casa Diablo dominated four different assemblages (at Mrp-250B, Mrp-250C, Mrp-182A, and Mrp-382A), although Bodie Hills glass was also highly represented. All sites from El Portal represented temporary camps, and each contained relatively high fre- quencies of flaking debris. On the basis of Hall's (1983) hydration rate for Casa Diablo, the temporal distributions of western Sierran obsidian can be depicted (Table 3; Figure 5). Once again, the curves for all localities show peaks during a time-frame commensurate with the Newberry period in central-eastern California (Figure 6; cf. Bettinger and Taylor 1974). Variation for Mad-448 is the mnst extreme, showing a secondary "surge" at ca. 1500 B.P. The extreme fluctuations, however, may be due to the limited sample from that site (24 specimens). In contrasting the composite pattern for the western Sierra with that from the Mammoth Lakes/Long Valley region (Figure 3), it becomes apparent that the production/consumption curve for the former sample exhibits a slightly earlier peak (at ca. 3100 B.P.), commensurate with the onset of the Newberry period east of the Sierra. Likewise, on the basis of western slope data, production/ consumption initiates (ca. 3400 B.P.) and drops-off earlier (ca. 2300 B.P.). While there is sane divergence between the eastern and western data, the over- all fit is remarkable. Minor fluctuations aside, both patterns indicate a mark- ed decrease in the use of Casa Diablo obsidian after ca. 1300-1700 B.P. 139 Central California. This region includes the Sacramento/San Joaquin Delta, as well as part of the San Francisco Bay area. Archaeological research in cen- tral California has been devoted until recently (e.g. Gould 1964; Schulz 1981) to the examination of burial lots and to the development and refinement of a tripartite cultural chronology (Early, Middle, and Late Horizons; e.g. Lillard, Heizer and Fenenga 1939; Heizer and Fenenga 1939; Beardsley 1948, 1954). This chronology has remained essentially unchanged except for a few conceptual modifications (Fredrickson 1973, 1974a). The majority of these reports have presented rather generalized descrip- tions of period-specific obsidian patterns. A relatively snall number of well- made bifaces were characteristic of the Early Horizon graves, followed by a higher frequency of occurrence during the Middle. The Late Horizon witnessed a further increase in the total number and typological breadth of grave goods, but obsidian artifacts were found in smaller, more utilitarian forms (e.g. pro- jectile points) and were generally of a relatively poorer workmanship. Jackson's (1974) sourcing of certain central California materials revealed that the high quality, ripple-flaked artifacts of the earlier two horizons were made principally from eastern obsidians, primarily Bodie Hills and Casa Diablo. Toward the latter part of the Middle Horizon, Napa obsidian, which was present from very early times onward in very maull quantities, became mnre cInmn and also was used increasingly to manufacture strictly utilitarian artifacts. That process continued to the point where during the Late Horizon, Napa obsidian vir- tually replaced eastern obsidian entirely (Table 4). Within the Bay area specifically, Napa obsidian has been found to dominate over the whole temporal span. During the Middle to Late Horizon transition, however, the general increase in obsidian use (cf. Fredrickson 1968, 1969) was paralleled by a decline in the use of eastern obsidians (Table 5; Figure 7; Banks and Orlins 1979; 1980; and Jackson 1974). This source-area transition occurred during the Middle Horizon and dates between approximately 1000 B.C. and A.D. 500 (Fredrickson 1974; Schulz 1981). This pattern of increasing obsidian use in general, and of Napa material in particular, depicts a consumer-pattern in central California which complements the production pattern previously described for the Manth Lakes/Long Valley region. The Napa Valley Region. The final area of interest is the Napa Valley in the southern North Coast Ranges. Napa Glass Nbuntain, located within the east- ern flank of the valley, was the major source of the production node at the western end of the proposed exchange network and hence is of particular interest to this discussion. Unlike the work associated with the Casa Diablo source area, only a few sites have been examined in the Napa Valley, and most of these have not received thorough and systematic study. A byproduct of this is the absence of a finn chronology for the region. Attempts to derive an accurate hydration rate for Napa Glass Mountain ob- sidian have produced mixed results and no definitive characterization. As with the Casa Diablo rates, those proposed for Napa Glass Mountain (Table 1; e.g. 140 Ericson 1977a, 1978; Michels 1982b; Origer 1982) were tested against an in- dependent projectile point sample (drawn from Origer 1982: Appendix 2) repre- senting types of known age. It should be emphasized that North Coast Range point forms are not as well dated as Great Basin series, particularly in the earlier time frames (cf. Baumhoff 1982; White et al. 1982). Given the diffi- culty of assigning a priori temporal ranges to some North Coast Range points, evaluation of Napa Glass Mountain hydration must remain mre tentative. Notwithstanding these problems, the limited test of previously proposed rates (Table 2) indicates that use of an equation developed by Ericson (1977a: Equation 4, Table 1) is the least inaccurate of those available. Because the rate is to be used primarily in delimiting gross temporal trends, not for fine- grained chronological placement, inaccuracies should prove to be of relatively minor consequence. Date estimates derived from this hydration rate will be assigned to debitage from selected sites in the Napa Valley. The archaeological sites to be examined from the Napa Valley are not directly associated with a primary quarry. They are, however, in the vicinity and can be considered "secondary" production areas, cxmparable to the sites discussed for the Mamnnth Lakes region. The sample includes six sites, CA- Nap-58, Nap-326, Nap-328, Nap-526, Nap-528, and Nap-531, all located on the California State Parks and Recreation Bale Grist Mill property. Excavation of those sites was exploratory and did not result in very large or systematically collected samples. A large sample of debitage from these sites subjected to-both source and hydration analysis (R. Jackson n.d.) showed a dramatic increase in production toward the more recent end of the temporal spectrum. These frequencies were duplicated at every site except Nap-528 and a restricted loci of Nap-328 (Table 7; Figure 8), where the early material had greater representation. Other sites contained limited material from earlier periods, but only those two appeared to be associated with notable early production. This pattern is not necessarily anomalous in any respect, for the assemblages from the latter loci could be related strictly to local use of the material. All of the data contained in Jackson's report have been consolidated to produce a single frequency diagram (Figure 3), which clearly shows a considerable increase in lithic production during the later prehistoric period. Using Ericson's (1977a) rate to actually date this shift, the curve takes a dramatic change at ca. 2500 B.P. Political Economies Overview. Although a description of evolving obsidian exchange patterns is by its nature narrow in focus, such materials surely existed within the con- text of cultural systems and should thus provide substantial insight into the systemic processes operative during periods of flux. In some cases, explanations for observed shifts in the archaeological record have fallen into the non-discriminating mire of simple environment/ culture correlation (e.g. Mloratto et al. 1978). That is, they are often achieved through reference to some climatic/environmental perturbation which coincides with a change in the archaeological record. Most often the relative 141 severity of the environmental change is not well understood, nor how such a shift would effect the cultural system under analysis. Those types of explan- ation, equating correlation and causation and ignoring questions of scale, are perhaps best characterized as "vulgar" enviromental determinism. It would seem to be more realistic and perferable to envision a cultural system as something more than an adaptive response to the structure of a given environment, thus somewhat independent of change in the latter sector. These systes, in fact, existed within a matrix of cultural systems, all of which shared scae interaction with one another. As a component of such a matrix, each system must have had economies which compensated for such interaction through organization, production, and exchange -- or else run the risk of adap- tive "lag" or even "extinction." The product of such a response, in association with other responses to various internal developments, would be an economy appropriately labelled a political economy: that which diverts some of its production from primary and inriediate consumption to the financing and support of various political institutions (Earle 1978). Such institutions might include social hierarchies, specialized production, or specialized trade, among others. From that basis, as part of its systemic processes, a cultural system by definition interacts or "articulates" with others. The form which that articu- lation assumes is, of course, dependent on the character of the economies in- volved (Bradby 1975; Taylor 1979). In particular, the orientation and scale of a specific economy will structure the demand of consumers, as well as in- fluence the productive potential of producers. Within that context, the poten- tial exists for a consumer group to have "demands" which are beyond the produc- tive capacity of the supplier group, which may not have the population and/or organizational structure sufficient to meet the needs of the former. On the other hand, the consumers may have altered their desire for a specific type of material (e.g. obsidian), one of the groups may have shifted its activities (e.g. settlement-subsistence strategies) away from exchange production, or the groups for some reason may have been "cut-off" fram one another. Any one of these scenarios, and almost certainly a multitude of others, would alter the type of articulation between any two groups. With regard to obsidian exchange networks in California, consideration will now be given to each of the four regions in terms of the archaeological evidence for the existence of such political economies. Patterns of obsidian distribution will then be evaluated in their appropriate economic context, and explanations will be proposed for the processes evolving throughout the prehistoric period. Archaeological Manifestations. In order to distinguish the traits of a political economy in the archaeological record, one must typically look beyond subsistence-settlement data. Among highly complex groups, that type of evidence is relatively obvious in special structures and/or in large, spatially discrete accumulations of exotic/valued goods. Detecting that form of social organiza- tion is more difficult anang less complex groups, particularly hunter-gatherer populations. In such situations, the archaeologist can probably only define generalized trends in socio-political complexity; almost certainly many relevant data are either unusable due to ambiguity or are actually lacking from the record. 142 In California, grave lots have most often been used to infer prehistoric social organizational complexity. Some of these assemblages have been examined with the intent of discerning social differentiation (Fredrickson 1974b; L. King 1970; T. King 1976, 1978; Iughes 1978, Stickel 1968), while numerous others have only been described and never systematically studied and/or published (e.g. the materials from central California). Recognizing the limitations of mortuary data (Binford 1971; Tainter 1978), they still provide the best measure of organizational complexity in the regions under consideration. The archaeological evidence concerning political econom- ic development in each of the four areas will now be reviewed. It will become apparent that a considerable disparity exists in the quantity and quality of the data from region to region. As with the obsidian data reviewed previously, we propose that such inadequacies are somewhat compensated through the overall scope of the observed patterning. Eastern Sierra. Although the ethnographic literature for central-eastern California suggests a greater level of sociopolitical complexity in Owens Valley (Bettinger 1978, 1982b; Steward 1933, 1938) than in most other portions of the western Great Basin, archaeological evidence for such organization is for the most part lacking. Bettinger and King (1971) have proposed a model whereby the presence of an elaborate redistributive exchange system was requisite to the development and persistence of such cultural atributes as sedentary villages and hereditary headmen. While we have no grave reservations regarding such a scenario, it should be stressed that the hypothesis remains as yet untested. Moreover, it is crucial to date the onset of such elaboration. Data from recent excavations in Owens Valley (Bettinger, personal ccmmunication) suggest that large, semi-permanent villages did not appear until the Haiwee period (ca. 1350 B.P.). Before that time it appears that the overall adaptation was one of great mobility and minimal sociopolitical complexity, probably reflecting Steward's (1955, 1970) family band/nuclear family model or Bettinger's (1978, 1982b) Desert Culture strategy. It also seems apparent that this strategy (Steward 1938, 1970) was marked by extensive home ranges tied to broad social networks, in contrast to the late prehistoric/ethnographic Owens Valley pattern which reflected greater territoriality (Bettinger 1982a; Steward 1933) and more spatially restricted social interaction. In the Mammnth Lakes/Long Valley region to the north of Owens Valley the organization was apparently even less complex. Such ethnographic data as do exist for the area (Davis 1961, 1965; Steward 1933, 1934) indicate that the Long Valley/Mono Basin region never assumed the level of complexity recorded further to the south, and that the more mobile, egalitarian-type structure seems to have persisted until contact. So little is known about the ethnography of Long Valley, however, that its cultural affinities remain questionable: it may have held a permanent, autochthonous population (though certainly small) or it may have been a satellite zone to neighboring population centers (e.g. Owens Valley; see Basgall 1983; Bettinger 1982b; Hall 1983). The archaeology of Long Valley provides support for the above characteri- zation (Bettinger 1977; Davis 1964; Enfield and Enfield 1964; Cowan and Wallof 1974). Pre-Haiwee period occupation (Bettinger 1977; Jackson 1984). 143 seems to reflect short-tern, probably resource-specific orientation rather than any permanent, functionally diverse subsistence-settlement strategy. It was only at the onset of the Haiwee period (ca. 1350 B.P.) that more substan- tial occupation sites (e.g. midden accumulations, extensive milling equipment, etc.) began to appear (Basgall et al. n.d.). Even then, the population of Long Valley must have been limited to several small bands or families. The sole evidence of exotic sociotechnic artifacts in Long VJalley comes in the form of shell beads fram several sites (Basgall et al. n.d.; Davis 1964; Enfield and Enfield 1964). These items occur throughout the sequence, but perhaps show their greatest representation during the early part of the Newberry period (ca. 3150 to 1350 B.P.), a pattern that seems to hold for parts of the Bsin (c.f. Bennyhoff and Hughes n.d.). We would submit that while the distribution of shell beads, reaching its maximum during this period, certainly marks exchange of some sort, it need not reflect development or operation of an elaborate trade network whereby Great Basin populations were producing and trading vast quantities of commrdities. Rather, the adaptive strategy opera- tive in much of the Basin during Elko-times would have been incongruous with such a system and such beads as are recovered probably gained their distri- bution purely as a result of the relatively great mobility of Elko populations and their concomitant need to maintain extensive social networks, perhaps as a "risk minimization" strategy (see Gould's (1978, 1980) discussion of the sane phenanenon with respect to Australia). In sum, sociocultural ccplexity seems to have developed, at its earliest, after ca. 1350 B.P. Further, there is no reason to believe that non-egalitar- ian organization east of the Sierra at any time reached levels reflected in regions to the west. Western Sierra. On the western side of the Sierra, evidence for social complexity is more convincing. Analyses by Moratto (1972; M5oratto et al. 1978) and King (1976, 1978) at Buchanan Reservoir denmnstrated that the cemetery assemblages indicated an evolving social structure which fluctuated between egalitarian and non-egalitarian organization. They argued that social organi- zation during the Chowchilla Phase (2800 - 1200 B.P.) was relatively complex, while the Raymond Phase (1400 - 500 B.P.) it became more egalitarian. Finally, during the Madera Phase (500 - 100 B.P.), organization again assumed greater complexity. This is an intriguing pattern, particularly in light of the radical reversals noted, and such shifts would presumably have been effected by the exchange of coonmxdities through the area. Central California. In central California a large amount of evidence exists regarding social complexity, but no systematic excavation nor research has even been carried out on those materials. Lacking that type of information, it is still apparent based on both ethnographic (cf. King 1972) and archaeolog- ical data (Beardsley 1948, 1954; Lillard, Heizer and Fenenga 1939; Heizer and Fenenga 1939) that within central California there was a significant degree of non-egalitarian social organization which appears in the prehistoric record at least by Middle Ibrizon times. Although data necessary for definitive characterization are lacking, it seems reasonable to suggest that the level of complexity in central California was at least comparable to, if not greater than that inferred for other regions under discussion. 144 Within the periphery of the Delta region, there is other evidence of non- egalitarianisn developing contemporaneously with that in the "core area" (King 1970), as well as during the latter part of the historic period (Fredrickson 1974b). Such data add credence to inferences drawn from the Delta proper, and further indicate that central California exhibited considerable sociopolitical complexity fran a very early time. The Napa Valley Region. The archaeology of the Napa Valley region is not very well known (Heizer 1953), hence it is difficult to comnent on the area's developmental prehistory. Limited ethnographic data suggest that some degree of social camplexity existed amnng the Wappo (Driver 1936; Sawyer 1978), and although these could be extrapolated further, they do not indicate the extent of its antiquity. Thus, while ethnographic evidence exists for some organi- zational complexity late in time, it is not possible to address the earlier phases. Sunmmry. In terms of prehistoric political economies, there is ample evi- dence that portions of California were organized in a non-egalitarian mode from at least the Middle Horizon (or commensurate time-depths) on. Throughout this period one could argue that processes linked to intensification (e.g. Brookfield 1972) involved population growth and the corresponding use of a broader, perhaps less cost-effective resource base (e.g. balanoDhagy; see Basgall 1982b, 1984). These shifts may have allowed or even necessitated the development of sociopolitical complexity (cf. Basgall 1984; Cohen 1981; Dickel et al. 1983; Dumrnd 1972), in that they generated conditions permitting the first achievable resource surpluses. Concomitant with those processes would have been an escal- ation in interaction, with such activities as exchange, inter-marriage, and warfare becoming increasingly frequent. Furthermore, those networks of inter- action would have increased in scope as well as intensity through time. It is apparent that those groups in California, as "independent" cultural systems, became ever more interdependent and more like a single, larger system. Such organizational transitions would have had a direct impact on the type of articulation a group could support. For example, one would expect that in a non-egalitarian system there would be a special dand for sociotechnic com- modities relative to the office and type of status they supported. It has been shown in northwestern California (Hughes 1978), and could be argued for central California as well, that obsidian objects functioned in such a status role. On the other hand, in an egalitarian hunter-gatherer system, one would not ex- pect there to be the kind of status positions demanding various types of imports, nor the organizational arrangement to produce quantities of materials solely for export. These examples provide a cursory illustration of how a group's politi- cal economy could effect the production and exchange of obsidian artifacts, and therefore the broad patterning ultimately observed in the archaeological record. Discussion The major consumer area, and apparently the hub of a major portion of eco- nomic activity, was central California. It has been argued that the region was organized in a non-egalitarian manner and therefore possessed a concentrated 145 demand for status goods. Based on burial associations, obsidian bifaces from eastern California were sane of the objects which fulfilled that role during the Middle Horizon. They subsequently lost that status as Napa obsidian in more utilitarian fonms became more prevalent and dominated the market. In the east during that time span, what appears to be a production pattern reached a maximum between ca. 3000 B.P. and 1600 B.P. (Figure 3), during the Middle Horizon in central California. Production fell off during the ensuing periods in a manner paralleled by the decrease in relative frequencies of eastern obsidian in central California. As has been discussed, the eastern Sierra adaption during the Newberry period appears to have been linked to a very mobile hunter-gatherer strategy which was probably associated with an egalitarian social organization (contrast with Bettinger 1983), These circum- stances would have worked to preclude the development or persistence of large- scale obsidian production. On the western slope, the demands of non-egalitarian sociopolitical organ- ization during the Chowchilla phase (Newberry period/Middle Horizon; Figure 6) seem to coincide with the production pattern seen in the east. Likewise, the simultaneous decrease in obsidian movement and shift toward egalitarianism suggests some type of relationship between the two changes. The pattern in the Napa Valley region indicates an increase in obsidian production at approximately 2500 B.P. Initially this material entered the market and served in both status and utilitarian roles. Ultimately, however, after the Napa source reached the point of supplying most of central California with raw material and obsidian artifacts, obsidian began to lose its position as a status marker. That is, at the same time eastern obsidian decreased in relative frequency and became less popular as a status object, Napa glass took over in quantity and served principally in utilitarian functions. The sequence of events outlined above represents the range of data supplied by the archaeological record. The overall pattern now requires explanation or, at least, interpretive elaboration. Several scenarios will be explored for each region, both with respect to independent, region-specific patterns and in terms of the more general obsidian fluctuations exhibited throughout the entire area under anat ion. Western Region. Two scenarios could account for the pattern seen in the western region - one in which the assumption is made that eastern obsidian was cut-off fram central California, and the other in which no such assumption is necessary. In the first case, it could be argued that the resulting obsidian "vacuum" in central California would have forced the occupants of that region to direct attention toward the Napa Valley in an effort to maintain the social institu- tions/obsidian functions already in existence. While central California was never devoid of Napa glass, during the Middle Horizon it was certainly of sec- ondary inqortance with respect to eastern material. That Napa did replace eastern obsidian during the Late Horizon suggests that such redirection did, in fact, occur. If the needs/demands of the central California population were 146 principal, it implies that such factors acted in some fashion to coerce Napa Valley occupants to escalate their production and participate in an exchange process of much larger scale than that operating earlier. Further, the con- textual shift in the role of obsidian during the later prehistoric period suggests that the scale and the intensity of this production was greater than that necessary to fulfill mere status support, so large that it swamped the market and changed the whole tenor of the original demands or functions. This exaggerated production would have presumably resulted, at least in part, from a feed-back relationship between the two regions; Napa residents may have exDorted greater amounts of obsidian, not to meet central California wants, but to support their own extant (or developing) sociopolitical structure. Alternatively, residents of the Napa Valley may have begun to develop, completely on their own and without central California intercession, a greater productive capacity and thus of their own accord exported relatively more obsidian into the latter region. This is not to say that central California consumer demands/needs were non-existent or irrelevant, or that once started a feed-back relationship did not evolve, only that in situ North Coast Range developments or transformations were of primary importance. Such escalation in Napa production, occurring concomitantly with continuing eastern production, could in turn have inflated the value of both materials, thus lessening their worth as status markers. This decline in relative obsidian value could then have been responsible for the drop in eastern imports as vell as the lower frequency of higher quality obsidian artifacts in grave lots. Eastern Region. In elaborating the pattern at the eastern node of this proposed network, the principal concern is with explaining the fall-off in Casa Diablo production. T1wo general kinds of scenarios can be suggested: those attempting to simply correlate the production decrease (and concomitant sociopolitical shifts) with environmental/climatic change, and those exoloring cultural interactions and their consequences. We have argued that the peak of production in the eastern Sierra, linked to an adaptation stressing high mobility, extensive (as opposed to intensive) social networks, and minimal or non-existent territoriality, would have been incongruous with the development or persistence of a large-scale production system in which Paiute (or predecessor) groups were the "producers." In fact, it appears likely given these parameters that groups residing on the western slope travelled to the east to obtain Casa Diablo obsidian and carried it back to the west side themselves (Basgall 1983). This would be an example of direct access, an exchange mode (Clark 1979; Ericson 1977a; Hodder 1974; Renfrew 1977) which up to this time has remained difficult to trace archaeologically. It appears, then, that groups residing on the western slope (e.g. Buchanan Reservoir area and such) were the real suppliers of eastern obsidian to central California and the San Francisco Bay area. Moratto et al. (1978) have suggested that disruption of the Chowchilla phase adaptation could be tied to climatic change, in particular the onset of an interval of warm, dry conditions after ca. 1400 B.P. During this "drought" period (Raymond phase) occupation was reflected by greater demo- graphic fragmentation, and, perhaps, lower population density (though see 147 Schulz 1981). Sociopolitical canplexity and population amalgamation only returned after ca. 500 B.P. (during the Madera phase) when cooler/moister conditions reappeared. This scenario has already been critiqued (e.g. Byrne 1979; Hall 1983; Schulz 1981), there being good reason to believe that prehistoric environmental fluctuations were much more complex than the authors suggest. A further, and perhaps more telling, criticism focuses on the rather cavalier manner in which Moratto et al. (1978) tied culture change to environmental shifts. By simply equating the two phenomena, without actively exploring the logical consequences of the culture-environment interaction, they have failed to eval- uate the broader range of cultural factors that may have been relevant. With respect to the present problen it is important to consider the potential effects/function of obsidian exchange in the development and persistence of sociopolitical complexity among western slope populations. If western slope groups were the principal producers and suppliers of eastern obsidian, disruption in either the availability of that obsidian or the organizational/demographic structure operative in the western Sierra region, would have had ramifications for central California and Bay area populations. In exploring the first possibility - that access to Casa Diablo obsidian was restricted or cut-off - we can again refer to both environmental and cultural factors. Hall (1983) has presented a provocative argument suggesting that volcan- isn in the Manmth Lakes/Long Valley region during the later prehistoric period acted to truncate access to the Casa Diablo source. While he does not argue that western slope populations were directly impacted, Hall does pronose that eruptions in the period between ca. 1900 and 500 B.P. did preclude Long Valley populations fran producing obsidian at previous levels (or, alterna- tively, kept western groups from attaining direct access to the resource?). In sum, Hall's (1983) model largely relies on late Hblocene eruptions in east- ern California to account for the decline in Casa Diablo production and distri- bution. Alternatively, the pattern in obsidian production/distribution in the general eastern/western Sierra region could have been the result of in situ cultual transformations or adaptive shifts. With respect to the eastern Sierra we can propose that greater territoriality developed concomitantly with the sociopolitical elaboration seen (at least in Owens Valley) in later prehistoric and ethnographic times - or as a result of the more extensive resource consolidation and intensive land-use patterns suggested by Bettinger and Baumhoff's (1982) 'Iurnic model" -- thus establishing conditions of re- stricted access for western slope peoples. Without the option of direct access, and if Long Valley/Owens Valley groups were uninterested or incapable of large-scale production, such circumstances would have contributed to a decrease in the flow of Casa Diablo obsidian. That a more spatially restricted production (with lesser magnitude?) and exchange system did develop later in time is indicated by the ethnographic record (Barrett and Gifford 1933; Davis 1961; Gayton 1948a, 1948b; Steward 1933, 1934), but the overall charac- ter of this differs markedly from that suggested for earlier periods. Further, 148 obsidian was apparently a minor connndity ethnographically, salt being the principal exchange item (Bettinger 1982b; Steward 1933, 1934). Finally, the possibility of population intrusions or replacements in the western Sierra may have contributed to the pattern seen, certain linguistic data (Levy 1979; Whistler 1977) suggesting such an intrusion/replacement may have occurred during the critical time frame. The problem has not been thoroughly examined, however, though it remains provocative. While such a sit- uation might not result in ccmplete termination - even temporarily -- of obsidian mvnent, it could certainly generate disruption in the set pattern and lead to considerable reduction in production and exchange levels. The economic ties maintained during previous periods would have been severed, and while perhaps quick to re-develop, would only do so with tix and then perhaps toward the structure seen in the Madera phase archaeology and ethnographic record. y. As the above review portrays, many factors could account for patterns shown in any one region or distributions exhibited by any given source locale. In terms of the Napa Glass Mountain and Casa Diablo sources focused on in this study, we have ended up with two rather different synthetic models that could explain the observed macro-patterns. Both of these revolve around the inferred relationship between the character of Napa Glass Mountain produc- tion and central California populations, one being ostensibly divorced from developments in the Sierran region and the other being inextricably linked to the same. According to the first possibility, the acceleration and expansion of Napa production/distribution was seen to be principally the result of in situ cul- tural transformations that spurred residents of the Napa Valley region into intensifying their participation in the central California market. While central California consumer needs and demands were important, it is significant that the occupants already had access to eastern obsidian. As such, the prirmary rationale for the shift should probably be seen in a developing level of social complexity in the North Coast Ranges. Once initiated there would, of course, have been a feed-back relationship between the two regions which might account for the high production ultimately achieved. As obsidian became "cheaper" with quantity it also began to assume functions comnensurate with its inflated value. It should be stressed that according to this model western developments were independent of conditions in the east, or, more properly, they were the major determinants of the obsidian patterns exhibited in the Sierra. Quite simply, if the market for eastern obsidian disappeared, becoming too expensive relative to Napa material, Casa Diablo production would have natur- ally fallen off. The alternative model suggests that developments in the Sierra were crucial to central California systems and, by extension, to what generated the increased production and distribution of Napa glass. The escalation of Napa production is seen to have occurred after eastern obsidian had beccme scarcer or even cut-off from central California populations. This void in a material of presumed impor- tance to maintenance of the region's complex social institutions was subsequent- ly filled through expanded use of Napa obsidian, suggesting that the increased 149 North Coast Range production was perhaps closely related to needs or demands of central California groups. One significant question is left unaddressed by this scenario: what caused the original decline in Casa Diablo production? In discussing the Sierran region, we concluded that adaptive patterns expressed in central-eastern California during the period of peak production were inconsonant with the kinds and levels of production indicated by the archaeological record. As a result, we suggested that it was western Sierran populations, obtaining obsidian through direct access, that were both the producers and suppliers of Casa Diablo obsidian which reached central California during the Middle Hbrizon. Based on this foundation, several atten- dant scenarios were examined to account for the production decline: that of environmental collapse in the western Sierra, disrupting the Chowchilla phase adaptation; that of volcanism in the Long Valley/Mono Basin region which pre- cluded efficient access to the Casa Diablo source; that of increasing societal complexity, together with more pronounced territoriality, east of the Sierra that curtailed the free access of earlier periods; and,finally, that of pop- ulation intrusion/replacement in the western Sierran region, disrupting and at least temporarily truncating the elaborate exchange system working in Chowchilla times. While the data necessary to formally and fully test and evaluate either the major models or their attendant scenarios are currently unavailable, certain of the proposals seem to possess greater theoretical and logical strengths than others. Conclusions. Discussions have been presented thus far regarding our own leanings toward economic articulation, the archaeology of California, and the possible scenarios which might function as explanatory models. Of these, some of the more simple models just reviewed could account for the patterns observed in the archaeological record. It seems more appropriate in terms of the available archaeological and ethnographic data, however, to envision a sequence of pro- cesses involving all parts of this economic network. While it is presently difficult or impossible to define the precise nature of a population replace- ment in the western Sierra, if it occurred it probably did so after access to the Casa Diablo resource area was becoming more restricted. This would have happened concurrently while the economic system in Napa Valley grew in capacity and made a more concerted effort at participating i-n the central California market. Ultimately, the feed-back between the faltering eastern suppliers and the more aggressive westerners would have accelerated and completed the processes for both. By most evaluations, the archaeological record in portions of California is somewhat incomplete. Consequently, in certain portions of this analysis, assumptions were made regarding the types of behavior expected from a cul- tural system and to the manifestation of human behavior in the archaeological record. Although for sane, those assumptions may number too many, we argue that they are basically sound and that such steps are necessary to grasp an understanding of cultural systems which lack an "adequate" archaeological record. 150 It is well recognized that in cultural systems, production and exchange are two of the primary structural cacponents. As one studies the role of exchange within any system, we must not only distinguish its nature, i.e., what, fran whan, to whom, etc., but also its structure, i.e., the context of its production, distribution, and consumption (Kohl 1975). These are important concepts for any reasearch, and specifically for obsidian in California. To date, archaeologists have documented the nature of obsidian exchange, but its structure is only beginning to be understood. If we are to grasp a more complete understanding of evolutionary prehistory, we must ultimately account for both internal developments and external contexts; evaluations must be made of economies in articulation and not in isolation. Within that frame- work, research into the prehistory of California can assume a stance whereby processes and explanations can became an obtainable goal. Acknowledgements The authors would like to express their gratitude and thanks to Richard Weaver, Forest Archaeologist, Inyo National Forest and the U.S. Forest Service for funding some of the research discussed in this paper; Georgie Waugh for evaluating preliminary drafts of the report; and tlaureen Manning for some of the graphics. We take full responsibility for the content of the discussion. a 0 O- o M* o ._ a . e U 7P la 0 a E- CZ ._ 0 151 .* P8 co CQ '- cn 0 *,1 0 CH 0 F4 *,P Cd *,, .H I*, 0 0* 0- 0 a C 0 C 0 0 0 z 0 a 0. 0 z 0- 0 A o a a 0 co 0 S 0 (A 00f o a a a a 0 4 0 ._ C 0 St I. : I a. ?4 I0 I a I N CD 04 cm v- v-~~ 0 S1 S1 aS 0 S V 00L# - ooLe 0) -006Z? 0 C,, -OOLZ 00(1 *0? .,I OOLL 0 0. *H OOeL 4-) i:i= Fz45 006 Cd 4-) 0 t 0 152 Cd 00 0co 1-4 -40 o Cd * * o ci *H 0U 0 cn *r:j OHd H *H I I C 0 iC . B 00 2 C0 C4 20 0 E c c I . I a w N ~~0 ~t 0 153 'oOL -ooes 4 S 0 (A ,0X o0 a '-4 YI LU'M < 9 ookI 44j z Iu- Fz4 a U 0 n, - 6L, ? s b.. *wU I I U a OOLB C: oo & 00 00a 4. o U ) OOLL 04-) O CL C oo & a H , oot .1 t 0 t 0 #Mk 0 a VW Ai V v- ' 0 = 0 a . i i b. bo _ 0 a a a *0 C% A R 9 W. at WESTERN SIERRA U U MADERA RAYMOND CHOWCHILLA _ m m m - _ CENTRAL CAL./ NAPA Figure 6. Conparison of chronological sequences for the three regions discussed in the text. DELTA western sources 100. % 50: eastern sources western sources SAN FRANCISCO BAY AREA eastern sources 100' % 50 LATE HORIZON n. 345 1 1 n a 408 100- % 50_ 0 n 14 1 MIDDLE HORIZON 100_ % 50 100- Figure 7. period for % 50 EARLY HORIZON n x 13 j Percentages of obsidian from eastern and western sources by toral central California (see Table 5 for specific percentages). 154 EASTERN SIERRA MARANA HAIWEE NEWBERRY LITTLE LAKE 1000 - d. A D a 2000_ 3000_ LATE HOR. PHASE 2 LATE HOR. PHASE 1 MIDDLE HORIZON EARLY HORIZON n. 183 a. 0 0 e 0 CX N 00 0 S. 155 0 0 -.2 0. *S -H 4.)i Cd .1 Z 8"z -qz A *w r-a 42 00 a1) .rl S. 156 Constants Fovvnnula T = aX1/2 T = bX T = cX1.33 T = dX2 t = eX3 T = f(X2 - X) T = gXh T T T = jX2. = X2(1000)/j = kX + 1 11 T =mX + n 12 T = oX+ p Ca-sa. Diablo a = 487.280 b = 111.0 c = 127.806 d = 39.532 e = 6.432 f = 47.126 g = 386.189 h = 0.671 N/A j = 3.51 k = 665.41 1 = - 745.00 m = 700.00 n =-933.6 o = 668.54 p = - 637.30 a b c d e f g h i j Napa = 1112.325 = 670.0 = 466.960 = 211.602 = 57.183 = 298.541 = 42.825 = 3.287 = 153.4 = 4.16 N/A N/A N/A Source Ericson (1977a) Ericson (1977a) Ericson (1977a) Ericson (1977a) Ericson (1977a) Ericson (1977a) Ericson (1977a) Origer (1982) Michels (1982a, b) Garfinkel (1980) Basgall (1983) Hall (1983) 13 T = X(1000) N/A Meighan (1981) Table 1. Proposed obsidian hydration rate fonnulas for the Casa Diablo and Napa Glass Mountain sources. T = years B. P.; X = micron measurement. Equation 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 S 9 10 o C9 * q:r tQ Q cs A oo v dZ U't) C,D viV- -4 r- C") 0 LLO v' 0) LO) CD ,-4 vq O C O O C") 00 00 tI.. - 14' Cl F V t-. 00 CD 00 ri cl cl cl cl A' 0 00 U' LO CY) C 00 T-4 00 LO '-4 F 0 C- Cl Cl N Cl * * * * f ) 00 t- 0 CD U O LO 00 00 H * * * O c") Cl LO v 00 - t' r- 4 Cl CD ,4-4 * * * * 0 cn C5) or - - * * * * O C C 0 0 '-4 LO b ,-4 r- Cl V.4 y-4 t- C 4 * * * * y-4 LC O CD Cl * * * O C CY) ) C l C t4 C " - r- r 4 A U') U' C 00 co C~ 0 co 0 CY) 00 '-4 cl '-4 CD * LO sr H CD ) U') * W5 0 * * Cn 0 * Cl Cl * 0) 00 * * U) CD * '-4 0) * 00 00 * Cl cl 0 0 . * o ca 00 LO) * t0' * *) A cr" * * 00 cq 9 cq * * 00 CCl * * 00 c D C9 * * o 0 00 Nl 00 Co co co C,; *- * a Pz X * ) CY) ID 0C w o U) '"40 .H W-H C% Cl) *,1 0 '"4 Q IIQ 0 0 U C C I C l ) CI 0 ) V" ; Cw~b .9- . s9- : cn a) 4'I MI 8 ; O CD CD v ) d-4 CQ (L qw _ q LO - _ co o . i a) Cl t1 . w v 4 Qo t- C o) LO V I I I I Cl r H v I I V L L :) s 0 0O 9 0 -. 0 1 -F C1 14 N cl <~~~~~~~~- Q~cl 157 '0 0) P P C 4U) '"4 a) *SC.) 4-- a),4 e'q LO u - C/ ~ *c .n * C,, a) Cl -'" a) CY) C14 CS4 C) 158 CO) C4 N r- N &w n~~ ~ ~~~ | rv >H X- N~~~~~~l CV | D_ N rN C ) 8~~~~~~ ~~~~~ ~ ~~~~~~~~~ r.. O' N 8~~~~~~~~~~C gNv (1) LO 04 n~ fl g fl fl c g ! z j N m Q~~~~~~~~~a)r404- .-4 CO O. IC) a) If 0 " ) 0 C C LO)U O ) 00 0 0 00" C4 0 oo Nq CO oo r- "hd * LO o C4 0c~ 1-41r-4 OO cS 0 tb 40 o CO ') t st o LO 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 4LO CD U') v4 00r4Ca) v-4 00 OIQ t- ~o r-4 cO a)00a) 0 C9LO C) 00 CSCsCD H CX OXOXnO OOO0~~~~~~r- cn . H d" 00 V4 r4 4 00 E..- C) . o eL o C4 1-4 C) 0 a) 00 r4i 4- Cd .. C D II~~C Oo ~ w 002 a) C) a) *I & c Y ch ~~H * ~~~ O *S S~~~~~1 a) . OP C c 0 a CoY) c t oo00 c 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1-4 0LO ts: 0 14 0 CO r- 1 B Oc'.~ Ch 0 0 0 S 1 d 8 C n CS dq LI- IO to 00 d LoR- 0 0 0f CY 0 Ce CD N 00 - ( H C4 O 00( 0S 4 CNq c CQ CY) CY) II Cd4 I' Q 99 11 . .~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~C CY), CO "4 1-4 C4 C4 Co a) 3 $4. Cd 4-I 0 Cd Co 0 11 Q O CTCS) t O C\ 1 N LO O LO CO *^ 0 0 ~0 5 5 0 0 0 0 0 0 N4 L) 00 CD _ tI CY) t' O _4 -4 C 00 00 000 8 O 00 C) Cd Co -4 Z LO L O LO d C C COON00C 1 *- Rq ri cq r- r- cq RRRRz C cq CY)0 C*4-4 C w cq r-a* *j 00 0 - ' 0 a ) (a ' 4.) 159 4.) 0 4.) 0 l- # *1- S% i 0 bD a I&k av (a) c,3 '0 .H- a CQ cn a) 4.) 4H ^ Cd *r, a Cd Cd 00- (5 5 Cd~ *4- '0 Cd Co a ,0 a) 4.) Co a) LO CD (S) 0 _ 0 t6 0 OS C4 0 Cq t4 1n LO t-9 aL) 4.) .5.4 c") 'S '-4 I Nq C4 CQ _-f _ .. _ . _ _ __ _- . _ _ _ ._ _ % Western 100.0 89.1 98.5 % Eastern 0 10.9 1.5 4.2 94.6 TOrALS 498 95.8 4.2 Mrn 26 Middle 49 98.8 1.2 27 168 SMa 77 6 33.3 66.7 OCo 268 36 91.7 8.3 269 270 271 298 Ala 12 92 73.1 26.9 13 307 309 328 TarALS 183 80.0 20.0 Table 5. San Francisco Bay Area obsidian for western (data for Mlaxn, San Mateo, Contra Costa, and Alaneda Orlins 1979, 1980; and Jackson 1974). and eastern source regions Counties; after Banks and 160 County Site Iorizon Late 170 201 209 216 232 234 298 402 SMa 100 125 140 OCo Sample 194 68 199 37 138 259 308 312 297 Ala 329 L LOJ0 LO 0 00 to CY) o ao4 T- cq d! C" v cn ) Elr- V-4 CY) n * * cO LOY4 " * LO Cq qw " o r- Cq r- CY) CD LOH r. CY) r- * * *oC4 qc 1-ir D C- L * CR .4 1-4oR tq 0I~' cq00 to * N- '-4 * X- r- r- CX tl9 oo * * * on t. " 8 8 N ? " 00 tl o * * LO 00 CQ 00 V- OQ CD D v- CD 10oocXoo1-X ** " co r- CY) LO Aq r- cq cq V- co n A cn CV) LO cs LO oo ao csn cs 0) o) " ee csH CY)C'q 00 D 9 OtfCD Cf) C0 H Cq H Cq Qs NY CY) " X- r C C a) a0 ri C -4 r-i * CO 0 LO 0 I Eln o t-D U:4 tl LO Cq d to C19 n l v CO r- L O LO q L O Cn C4 CY) In4 co cq _# cn 00 r- Cq r O x- cs4 Cl cn m * * ** * * .- tl- cq CQ o ! M o - CY LO " " 0 ChO Vg N NXCVO -4 0_-4 C c- - 8 () CD O0 11 00 0 CQ d 4 CO r- r- r- c Cq r- r H Cq I 'l-CD D -4( '-4 LC1" t * * * ** * * '4 L H o $ M C4 " C tl toC X ~~~~~- r-4~ r- rir- -irI - Y-41-4Ytl-41-1- 0 r-I V-4 cn 00 r-i r-4 " 9 tl- cq tf) cq R C14 r-i r-i cq 9 r-i tl- r-i . 8 00 9 LO $ 00 0 r-4 clq r-4 Cq 0 cn cn (3) " C? C4 C4 C4 0 0 0 0 * 0 y-4,-CQ CQv- LO U, 9, 0D * r I * * * CD cq tl r- " tF- tl 00 r H 00 tl-0 00 00 D c c) c% Hs t. (m ' A r-o r-4 r- cq cq 00 to r Cl) Cq N~ C4J C4 4 d CQ I I *-2 *C/)S o a) n 00~~ X *H*M 0 CD) 0: 4- 1' 0r 4 X M 4-* : o 1 * .^r Q U ^ 0 CQ v Y~4- 00 0 C' IO - 0I 0 0 0 0~ ~ (3 ri -ia C L 14 LO T400t - O 4 0 LO Cq " N CD v * * 0 *qCl CD r4 t 'S 161 LO * n1 Cl) (n0 4m) *1-4 8 () 4. 8~C laG' *'11 w w P4-s H .z r-, a)% 06 0 v-I LO Cq Cn r-4 r-4 to CD r-i 9 T-4 V-4 s 162 to' -4 r y -4 y-4 :. I-4 co c U)) .1L,~ ~ ~~~b .4Q w co~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~c Cwz > . ^ .~~~~~~~N c . 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