IV. COMMENTARY ON: THE OLMEC REGION - OAXACA
Robert F. Heizer
My assignment at this Conference is to serve as a discussant for Dr-.
Bernal' s contribution on the Olmec culture. This I find not a difficult
task because he has done such an excellent synthesis here and in his recent
major work The Olmec World (1969) that only brief comnents on substance need
be made.
My remarks will follow Bernal's order of presentation in his Confer-
ence paper. First is the important matter of dating. We now have avail-
able 25 acceptable radiocarbon dates from the La Venta site and 14 from
San Lorenzo. There are an additional dozen or so La Venta dates, but some
are suspected to be, and others are known to be, inconsistent with their
stratigraphic source and cannot be accepted. In addition to those dates
listed at the end of Bernal's paper, we can add the following:
(1)  UCLA-1350, 1150 + 80 B. P. and Y-2378, 1370 + 80 (800 and 580 A.D.) for
a post-La Venta firepit occurring within the surface drift sand mantle. These
dates mean nothing in terms of Olmec occupation, and merely indicate early
Postclassic utilization of the main site area about 1000 years after its
abandonment.
(2) UCLA-1630, 2630 + 60 B.P. (680 B.C.). Based on charcoal from upper-
most artifical clay fill forming the floor of what earlier we tentatively
interpreted as a possible ballcourt at the sou.th end of the Stirling Group
at La Venta. Nothing found in the brief explorations carried out in March
and June, 1970, can be interpreted as specific ballcourt features.
Bernal's assessment and rounding off of the La Venta radiocarbon dates
leads him to assign the age of construction Phase I to 1300-900 B.C.;
Phase II, 900-600 B.C. and Phase IV, 600-450 B.C.   Phase III has only one
secure date, 600 B.C. (UCLA-1332). Bernal may be right, but my impression
is that the succession of rebuilding events (which Drucker and I, perhaps
inaptly, called phases) were probably more formally or regularly spaced
through time than suggested by his analysis of the radiocarbon dates.
Phase III was a major one at La Venta and I would guess that it was of the
same approximate duration as Phases I and II which preceded it. However, it
is possible that its duration was very brief. As an aside I note that
Bennyhoff in his paper prepared for this Conference believes that the La
Venta pyramid was erected in Phase IV - that is, toward the end of the site's
history about 600-500 B.C. While this might be true, and there is no evidence
to affirm or deny the opinion, I believe that a major construction existed
51
52
here from the beginning, though it may have been increased in diameter and
height from time to time and achieved its final form only at the end. Since
we cannot really hope to answer such questions of the internal chronology
of the site without further excavation and collection of charcoal for dating,
we can generally agree that La Venta began about 1000 to 1200 B.C. and lasted
until 400-500 B.C., which is almost precisely the time period which Ford in
his Comparison of Formative Cultures of the Americas assigns to what he terms
the "Theocratic Formative."
The San Lorenzo site Olmec occupation begins ca. 1150 B.C. and term-
inates ca. 900 B.C., its floruit thus being somewhat briefer than La Venta.
There is older occupation evidenced at San Lorenzo than presently proved for
La Venta, but this imbalance may in time prove to be more apparent than real
since there are clear signs of pre-LaVenta period (i.e. pre-Phase I) refuse
at La Venta which have not yet been sampled adequately. There are at La Venta
no structures or stone sculptures antedating the major Olmec occupation, the
latter appearing according to present evidence to be something established
there from outside rather than developing gradually on the spot.
Bernal correctly sees a main problem about Olmec stone monuments, and
this is the question of where they date within the occupation spans at San
Lorenzo and La Venta. Coe believes that the Chicharras Phase (dated at 1150
to 1250 B.C.) occupants of San Lorenzo were producing Olmec style basalt
sculptures of the same genre as occur so abundantly in the San Lorenzo Phase
which follows immediately. The evidence for this is basalt waste and a single
fragment of sculptured basalt. The La Venta monumental stone sculpture is not
dated or dateable with reference to stratigraphy or radiocarbon. This is due
in part to a failure of the earlier excavators to examine the stratigraphy and
ceramic associations of the large altars, stelae and colossal heads, and in
part to the final positioning of many of these sculptures on the latest
(i.e. Phase IV) construction surfaces.   Thus, while all of this wealth of
sculpture at La Venta can be said with assurance only to date from the time
of or before the abandonment of the site, i.e. 400-500 B.C., some of it may
go back to the beginning of the site around 1000 to 1100 or even 1200 B.C.
Coe believes that all of the La Venta stone sculpture dates from the earliest
phase of the site, but it should be remembered that this is stylistic and not
stratigraphic dating. At La Venta in 1955 we found beneath Monument 13 a pit
and offering which dates from Phase IV. If the same monument stood at this
spot in Phase III; as we suspect it did (BAE-B 170:Fig 10) this would be evi-
dence for the repositioning of monuments at times when this was made necessary
by new construction activities. This single hint is important in suggesting
that monuments were either re-set or changed while the site was occupied, and
further, that the La Venta sculpture may be viewed as a local collection formed
over a period of time which might be as long as that of the six or seven
centuries of site occupation. Since both the San Lorenzo and La Venta people
were capable of moving very large stones, the shipping of finished sculptures
from one site to another is a possibility that cannot be ignored. The close
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similarity of Monuments 20 and 14 from San Lorenzo, to Altars 4 and 2 at
La Venta would surely encourage the hypothesis that both pairs were made
at one place and dispatched to separate sites. Clewlow's demonstration
of the practical identity of two Olmec sculptures found about 55 airline
miles from each other is the clearest evidence we have of such transport
(Contribs., Arch. Res. Fac., Berkeley, No. 8, 1970). The quite variable
style and condition of the colossal heads from La Venta may indicate separate
histories and different ages of some heads before they were brought to La
Venta.  But whether sculptures were moved from La Venta to San Lorenzo, or
vice versa, or whether finished monuments were brought to each site from
older sites in the Tuxtla Mountains we do not know. There are hints, and
only that, of sculpture workshop areas at La Venta, but the information is
too scanty to support speculation. I agree that a better understanding of
the source and age of these stone sculptures is important, but think also
that these problems will be difficult to solve.
Bernal reminds us that we should think of Olmecs as a people occupy-
ing a geographical area rather than a series of populations attached to
individual sites. I agree, but at the same time note that our reliable
information on lowland Olmec archaeology comes from a very small number of
sites about which we have often limited or contradictory information. For
this reason a discussion of settlement patterns is impossible. Bernal
(The Olmec World, pp. 49-50) prefers to call La Venta a "dispersed city"
rather than a "ceremonial center"., the distinction being important to him
because the dispersed city is defined as the urban core in which the palp-
able and visible as well as the socio-religious activity manifestations of
the civilization were concentrated. I have used the term "ceremonial center"
and "religious capital" to describe the La Venta site, but with the same
meaning that Bernal used "dispersed city." Some general agreement on term-
inology would be useful, and perhaps we can discuss this at the present con-
ference.
As to Olmec population numbers and details on modes of economic support,
we again know very little. Bernal' s estimate of an Olmec population of
350,000 living in a territory of about 7,000 square miles seems to me rather
too large on both counts; perhaps half or two-thirds of that area and popu-
lation would be an equally good guess, but our difference here depends upon
how one draws the territorial boundary of a people we know so little about,
and even more importantly, how efficiently they were utilizing the area they
occupied for economic production. Bernal's suggestion. that the "Metropolitan"
Olmec territory may have been divided into a series of "city states" whose
capitals numbered Tres Zapotes, Laguna de los Cerros, San Lorenzo and La
Venta has been made before, but until we have better chronological control
and can devise some way of testing this theory it can remain only that.
These large sites are situated on an arc surrounding the northern edge of
the Tuxtla Mountains. The mountain area itself is a very attractive one for
farmers, but thus far no sites of equal age or size to the lowland ones
54
mentioned have been discovered here. It has hard to believe that the hot and
humid lowland zone surrounding the Tuxtlas was occupied and the cooler
mountain area with its rich volcanLc soil was vacant. Until this central up-
land zone has been adequately surveyed we will be hampered in trying to account
for the big sites in its penumbra. Whether there existed an Olmec state in
lowland Mexico we do not know, but the common sharing of the monumental style
of art suggests some political unity.   Warfare, a common feature of states,
is not clearly evidenced either in pictorial art, military artifacts or
defense locations of sites. The size of the major sites, of which San Lorenzo
and La Venta are the best known, and nature of many of the features at these
sites, clearly indicate that a large labor force was available to carry out
the large scale construction works. At La Venta the two largest structures
are the conical "pyramid" and the Stirling Group acropolis. The pyramid is
420 feet in diameter, over 100 feet high, and has a mass of about 3.5 million
cubic feet. The Stirling Group acropolis measures 650 by 700 feet on the
sides and rises 37 feet above the original ground level. Its mass is slightly
in excess of 16.5 million cubic feet. Coe has intimated that the whole San
Lorenzo site plateau is an artificial construction; a rough calculation of
its mass is 140 million cubic feet! Such public works projects are unique to
lowland Olmec sites in Middle Preclassic times, and by their mere existence
they prove that society was organized in such a way as to control the labor
of a considerable population.
There is evidence of long-distance trade at San Lorenzo and La Venta
in the form of obsidian drawn from ultimate sources in the states of Hidalgo
and Puebla to the north and Guatemala to the south (Contribs. Arch. Res.
Facil., Berkeley, No. 5, 1968).   What is of interest here is not so much the
fact that obsidian was serving as a trade item, but that the "sphere" of pro-
curement running from Hidalgo in the north to southern Guatemala in the south
covers the areas of both Bernal's Colonial Olmec and Olmecoid settlements.
What other goods, presumably of a perishable nature such as food, cacao,
copal or feathers, may have been traded we do not know.    Most important,
perhaps, were the ideas which were transmitted along the routes by which the
obsidian was passed. And along these routes also could have passed sculptors
trained in the canons of Olmec art who left the evidence of their presence at
such places as Pijijiapan, Las Victorias, Batehaton, San Isidro Piedra Parada
and Chalcatzingo. Some theorizing has been formulated around the presumed
and probable, but not proven, trade between highland Oaxaca and the Gulf
lowland in magnetite and ilmenite from which mirrors and beads were made.
Such trade in obsidian and magnetite and perhaps jade also, may have been
carried out on an informal exchange basis. Flannery suggests that the
Oaxaca-San Lorenzo magnetite trade served as a status reinforcing mechanism
where surplus food was exchange for luxury items. Flashy and rare imported
items usually become the property of the wealthy who can afford them, but
this does not tell us very much beyond the fact that some hierarchical
system of status existed. It would be interesting to know if there were
Isthmian markets at such spots as the modern market towns of Juchitan and
55
Acayucan which lie at the points on the Pacific and Atlantic sides of the
Isthmus at the valley and elevation "hinge points," in which lowland and
highland goods, as well as people, came together with resulting exchange
of goods and ideas. Such trading spots, whether they may have been small
informal village markets where individual merchants appeared with their
goods, or whether they might have been large organized markets to which
numbers of traders went with large amounts of goods, would account for the
various highland-lowland shared items of ceramics and material goods. I
agree with Bernal and Flannery (Dumbarton Oaks Olmec Conference, 1968)
that the peoples of the Oaxacan region around 1000 B.C. may have quite in-
dependently achieved a sufficient degree of socioeconomic development so
that they were interested in the somewhat more sophisticated and exotic
forms displayed by the lowland Olmec, and that they were receptive to these.
The large scale procurement of schist and serpentine by the builders of the
La Venta site from the metamorphic zone of the Pacific half of the Isthmus
of Tehuantepec (for area see Contribs. Arch. Res. Facil., Berkeley, No. 1,
Map 3, 1965) proves either that large numbers of people who lived in the area
producing serpentine and schist were engaged in quarrying and transporting
these materials northward to the lowland Olmecan centers, or that the Olmecs
themselves were engaged in this work which we may call a large scale "lithic
industry". We do not know which system was employed, but if it was the
latter it would imply territorial ownership or political control of a
larger part of the Isthmian area by the lowland Olmecs than is often assumed
was the case. Green and Lowe in their Altamira and Piedra Parada report
(NWAF Papers No. 20, p. 71, 1967) consider the Olmec heartland to extend
across the Isthmus to the Pacific. There are allegations that the distinct-
ive blue-tinted Nicoya jade was used by the Olmecs but I have never seen any
of this particular and distinctive jade from Mexico, and can say categorically
that none of it occurred at La Venta which is the one site from which we have
a substantial collection of jade whose site origin we are certain of. We
should be careful, I think, about talking about long-distance trade of the
La Venta-San Lorenzo people and inferring from this a "trade network" be-
cause thus far the amount of material present at these sites secured from
distant sources is very small - - so slight, in fact, as to be almost insig-
nificant in terms of the totality of hard goods in these sites. What we
know nothing about, of course, is what kinds of perishable objects may have
been changing hands.
The Veracruz lowland-Oaxaca highland region might be termed the "Pre-
classic Isthmian Oikoumene, a geographical-historical unit within which a
related set of happenings and forms developed - a rich and variable web of
culture growth achieving the qualitative level of civilization. Bernal's
felicitous term "symbiotic area" intends to say the same as my adoption of
the word Oikoumene though symbiosis implies to me a somewhat greater emphasis
on necessity and even biological survival than Oikoumene which bears the
connotation of operating on the suprabiological or cultural level.
56
La Venta and San Lorenzo are at present the oldest radiocarbon dated
large Olmec sites with abundant sculpture, formalized plans and major archi-
tecture. The scale or degree of organization of society, esthetic develop-
ment, and technology exhibited at these two sites is not duplicated elsewhere
on the same time level in Mesoamerica. Everything tells us, regardless of
their Early to Middle Preclassic time placement, that the recognizable Olmec
manifestations at these sites is not a beginning, but rather a climax. Where,
and in what form, the undoubted earlier and developmental stages of lowland
Olmec culture occurred we do not know, but there is no doubt that we will
learn about this with more work and new discoveries. My own inclination is
to expect that pre-La Venta, pre-San Lorenzo period Olmec sites will be found
in the eastern Tuxtla Mountains and that these will be smaller and somewhat
simpler in form but still recognizably Olmec through their layout patterns
and style of stone sculpture. Such sites may have to date escaped notice
both because no field work has been done here, as well as because of the
probable obscuring of sites beneath volcanic ash deposits. An alternative
area is the higher country of the Isthmus lying directly to the south and
from whence we assume came a substantial amount of the serpentine and related
metamorphic minerals (schist, jade, ilmenite-hematite) used by the Olmecs.
The ritual-oriented aspects of the big Olmec centers in the Southwestern low-
land region of Mexico must have antecedents, and many features are so dis-
tinctive that they should be easily recognizable. Among them are the round
fluted conical pyramid whose model may be a naturally eroded cinder cone in
the Tuxtla Mountains (Antiquity 42, Pi. XII, 1968); the particular art style
as evidenced in small or large stone carvings; large and thin rectangular
unfired adobe bricks for platform or wall construction; use in architecture
of well-shaped rectangular blocks of basalt and serpentine; and the placing
of large so-called offerings in the form of flat pavements or mosaic masks
of serpentine blocks in deep dug pits. Since we do not know where Olmec
culture in the form in which it is manifested at sites such as San Lorenzo
and La Venta as early as 1100 to 1200 B.C. originated, we can only speculate
on the time, place, and manner of the formation of this particular event.
There have been, over the past century, a number of suggestions made
arguing for Old World germinating contracts, either by way of the Pacific or
from Africa by vay of the Atlantic. None of these opinions in my judgment,
are to be seriously considered. This leaves us with a local i.e. American,
origin of the particular cultural syncretism which we call Olmec. In 1970
it seems unlikely that there remains still to be discovered any hitherto un-
known culture in Mesoamerica which will be the equal in age and in degree and
sophistication of development to the Olmec culture as seen in the major Vera
Cruz-Tabasco sites. At the same time it is possible that archaeologists have
thus far not found some Early Preclassic development which will change all
of our current ideas.   But, assuming that a main flowering of Mesoamerican
high culture occurred in the southern Veracruz-northern Tabasco region some
time before 1200 B.C., what several factors may have been combined, and in
what manner, to produce this particular pattern?
57
In the first place, no single element or factor can be assumed to
have been principally causative. A sounder approach would be to consider
the several factors involved to be individually pre-requisite but process-
ually significant only when they came into combination in such a way as to
produce the Olmec pattern. The Olmec food-production system, about which we
know nothing in fact, must have been efficient enough to provide a surplus
which allowed free time for large-scale public-works construction activities.
That proposition is, I think, undeniably true, but in stating it I do not mean
to say that economic sufficiency was the causative factor but rather that it
is one of the preconditions of Bernal's "dispersed city" and large-scale
architectural construction. Parsons and Price in their Conference paper
dealing with trade argue that the Gulf lowland in Middle Preclassic times
was especially favorable for agricultural production, that this led to greater
population density, and thus the stage was set for the precocious emergence
of Olmec culture.   I do not know of any evidence for or against this view,
but even though we accept it as some kind of ecologic-demographic explanation,
it still fails to explain what went on in all those Olmec heads (not stone
ones).  A surplus of corn may mean a full belly, but it will not by itself
explain the Olmec culture pattern. Let us assume a maize farming economy
in full operation by or before 1200 B.C. practiced by a substantial popu-
lation of people we call the Olmecs. This assumption seems safe because
over most of Mesoamerica effective agriculture as the primary subsistence
basis appears to have been established by 2000-1500 B.C. The Olmec farming
system was surely the swidden or slash-and-burn type which still obtains
throughout the forested areas of Mesoamerica and about which we have a great
deal of ethnographic information (for La Venta see SWJA 16, No. 1, 1960).
Of high importance in this farming system is the time at the end of the dry
season when the cut vegetation is burned and the fields are planted just
before the rainy season begins. To do this with any assurance one must know
something about the weather pattern and have a calendar. While the seasonal
weather pattern is not absolutely fixed, it does observe a time protocol.
If there should come early rains followed by some weeks of dry hot weather
and the farmer burns the milpa and plants too early by error, he may fail
to get a crop. Perhaps Preclassic agriculturists were more knowledgeable
than I assume them to be, but I like to think that not all of them were, and
further that if a newly emerged priesthood said "Don't call us about whether
a particular rain marks the time to burn and plant - - we'll call you", the
idea would have been attractive since it was a mitigation of one of the great-
est uncertainties of living as a village farmer.   But beyond this, suppose
that the priests also said, "And what is more, we will at the La Venta dis-
persed city-ceremonial center, engage in a lot of mumbo-jumbo with the astral,
agricultural, solar and pluvial deities whom   we are well acquainted with, and
through our influence we can get them to behave in a rational and benevolent
way which will benefit you."
Today in rural Mexico there is a sufficient degree of literacy so that
the time for burning and planting is determined by consulting a printed
58
calendar. In preconquest times the calendar was a responsibility of special-
ists, and it was from them that the word came about the proper day to clear,
burn, plant or harvest. Regardless of how involved the Maya had become in
the intricacies ot calculating dates, we must remember that their calendar
was still a practical time reckoning method which was closely associated with
Maya agriculture. There are a lot ot opinions about whether the Olmecs had
a complex calendar ot the Maya type. It does not seem very probable to me
that they did. Parsons' suggestion in his Bilbao report that the Cycle 7
monuments belong with the Izapan horizon style which is Protoclassic (100 B.C.-
100 A.D.) fits better with the archaeology than other interpretations which
try to associate them with an earlier time level.   But, this is not to say
that the Olmecs did not have any calendar. We tend to associate the Maya
calendar with writing, but there are many calendars which are much simpler
and whose development into accurate chronometric systems would merely need
more refined observation and the keeping of long-term records. Leslie
Spier's study of southwestern Indian calendars    (Mus. No. Ariz. Bull. 28, 1955)
and Leona Cope's earlier and more general study of North American Indian cal-
endar types (Univ. Calif. Publs. Amer. Arch. and Ethnol., Vol. 16, No. 4, 1919)
attest the existence of a number of calendars whose basis is termed "astro-
nomical" for the reason that the year is begun or divided by determination
of the solstices, or from the time of the rising at dawn of constellations
such as the Pleiades or stars such as Orion. Calendars of this type also
occur in South America, and there seems little doubt that they were known in
Mesoamerica before more complex systems were developed. What I am saying is
merely that simple astronomical type calendars must have existed in Meso-
america in Preclassic times.
Control of weather by specialists who possess supernatural power to
influence wind or rain and can either bring or terminate these weather con-
ditions occurs so widely among North and South America tribes as to allow
the conclusion that the practice is almost universal among American Indians.
In Mesoamerica weather control was either in the hands of priests who had no
other duties, or lay in the domain of non-priestly specialists in village
societies such as the backwoods Populuca of the Tuxtla Mountains whose "rain-
makers" claim to be able to bring on damaging rains and extort money or goods
from people whom they threaten to injureby applying this special power
(G. Foster in Inst. Panam. Geogr. e Hist., Publ. 51, 1940; Univ. Calif. Publs.
Amer. Arch. and Ethnol., Vol. 42, No. 2, 1945; Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Monogr. V,
1942).
We do not know whether any of the large stone monuments at La Venta
were present there as early as 1000 or 1100 B.C. but since closely similar
ones are reported to occur at the San Lorenzo site on this time level (i.e.
San Lorenzo Phase) we can believe that some of the La Venta monuments also
existed at the same time. There can be no doubt that important individuals
are depicted on some monuments. I think it very probable that these persons
are the La Venta leaders. It would help us considerably, as Dr. Bernal
59
points out, if we could identify the nature or role of these persons since
this would give us a direct lead to understanding the hierarchical structure
of La Venta society. I believe that these important persons were special-
ists in ritual and the calendar, and were an important element in the success-
ful agricultural system which was practiced through that part of the Olmec
area which the La Venta center controlled. This is a pretty large claim to
make for a culture in 1000 B.C. in southeastern Mexico, and I will try to
cite some supporting arguments:
There cannot be much doubt that La Venta was a great center of ritual.
The abundance of stone monuments which were precisely and formally positioned
relative to the centerline; the nature of the architectural constructions in
the form of mounds, plazas and platforms; the peculiar deeply buried deposits
in the form of one to 28 layers of green serpentine; the numerous caches,
interpreted as ritual offerings, of jade objects; the absence of living re-
fuse in the central site zone lying north of the pyramid; and the unusual
pyramid itself are among a longer list that could be cited to support the
proposition that the site was built to serve some special purpose. Since
the site apparently did not function as a market or defense citadel or manu-
facturing center or as a place to house a large population, it must have
served non-material or intellectual ends.   The most impressive items of all
at the site are the colossal stone sculptures which include a 34-ton altar,
the four colossal heads ranging from 12 to 24 tons, and two so-called stelae
weighing 6 and 26 tons.   There can be little doubt, it seems to me, that few
events in the lives of the San Lorenzo and La Venta populations can have
been more memorable than the witnessing or participating in the transport-
ing of these reallyhuge blocks of stone for nearly 70 miles. Many hundreds
of persons were necessarily involved in each of these long-range moving jobs,
and there were enough of them carried out at both sites during their history
for us to suppose that each generation of Olmecs had either seen or parti-
cipated, or knew from direct report, of a particular stone-moving occurrence.
Each of these great stone monuments can be interpreted as the means of memo-
rializing a person who is portrayed in a simple straightforward human form
and not with jaguar facial elements. Those persons shown in the colossal
heads, standing in front of niches, or as the central person (in one case two
persons) on the stelae are, in my opinion, direct representations of members
of the authority group at La Venta and therefore leaders of the society of
people who built the mounds and transported the multi-ton stones from their
distant sources.   The La Venta leaders happened, I think, to have chosen to
allow us, some twenty-five to thirty centuries later, to see what they looked
like. Granted the ritual or religious or ceremonial nature of the site, it
is difficult to see the persons portrayed on the colossal stone sculptures
as anything but priests. While it is only my impression, I do not see the
figures on the La Venta and Tres Zapotes stelae as warriors. They may be,
and in this case Bernal is correct in what he interprets as to who the persons
are, but I shall prefer to see these persons as religious functionaries. If
60
there were richly-endowed tombs at La Venta we would have some good data to
work with. The probable tombs (see discussion in Kroeber Anthrop. Soc. Pap.
No. 33, 1965) are few in number and late in time. Perhaps there is an undis-
covered "royal cemetery" at La Venta. Such a place may be the pyramid itself
which contains several as yet unexplored stone constructions (Contrib. Arch.
Res. Facil., Berkeley, No. 8, 1970). Architecture in the form of palaces or
special living precclnts at La Venta seems also lacking. If, as appears to be
the case, the La Venta site as a unit represents the most substantial evidence
of integrated activity of the whole society, then the religion must have been
closely attuned to political or secular authority. From this I infer that
church and state were one, that priest-kings residing at La Venta were the
holders of power in the society, and further, that sites such as La Venta,
San Lorenzo and others of their class were the socio-religious-political
integrating centers for the rural populations which supported them. In brief,
the La Venta site can be seen as the communication center of an interdepend-
ent set or series of Olmec socioeconomic population elements ranging from
the high priests and their retainers at the center to the dispersed village
farmers in the countryside.
I have recently consulted an astronomer who is interested in the matter
of Mesoamerican site orientations and put to him the question of the signifi-
cance of the 8 degrees west of true north alignment of the La Venta site. He
has determined a number of possibilities for different times in the first and
second millenia B.C. A star 19 1/2 degrees from the pole would set at 18
degrees latitude at 8 degrees west and rise at 8 degrees east on the horizon.
Alpha Ursae Majoris (the pointer star in the Big Dipper) would fit here at
about 2000 B.C. and Alpha Ursae Minoris, our own Pole star, did so perform
about 1200 B.C. Either of these points could have served as the orientation
line for the La Venta site, but there is no hint whether any were in fact so
used. Another possibility is that some star rising in the east may have been
important and the site centerline was laid out at right angles to the east-
west line. Now all of this is something less than satisfactory in terms of
providing a firm proposal for the astronomical orientation of La Venta, but
because so many Mesoamerican sites are aligned mainly north-south, and be-
cause there is evidence that the centerline of La Venta was deliberate rather
than a matter of topographical convenience, I would argue that there is a
probability that La Venta was astronomically oriented. Accepting this prop-
osition, I would argue for the additional probability that the La Venta Olmecs
employed an astronomical calendar. Shook in his Conference paper refers to
fairly simple kinds of astronomical observatories dating from Middle Preclassic
times at Naranjo, Monte Alto and other Guatemalan sites.    Shooks' opinion is
that such astronomy as was practiced was primarily to keep count of days for
the purpose of noting appropriate points in time for agricultural processes
such as clearing fields, burning and planting. It is this kind of calendar
which I am supposing was employed by the Olmecs. Whether one could call La
Venta an astronomical observatory is quite another matter. The great conical
fluted mound which rises over 100 feet at the southern end of Complex A at
61
La Venta would have served admirably as a vantage point to view the horizon
to the north. A true horizon sighting would at present require an elevated
position such as the pyramid because of the height of the surrounding forest
growth. There could, of course, exist an astronomically oriented Mesoamerican
site which was, in addition, a true astronomical observatory, without the
people who built and used the site having a calendar. Such a site alignment
and observatory might in this case merely be essential adjuncts of a solar,
lunarl stellar, or planetary cult. But, since we are accustomed to linking
Mesoamerican astronomy with a calendar, it is tempting to construe this con-
currence as obtaining by 1000 B.C. among the La Venta Olmecs. The San Lorenzo
and La Venta sites are, despite many unusual features, still basically Meso-
american, for here is the pyramid - mound - plaza arrangement, figurines of
stone and clay, jade celts, beads and composite earspools, obsidian blades
produced with the punch technique, unfired adobe bricks, the jaguar deity-and
the plumed serpent.
The Mesoamerican calendars served not only to keep track of time, and
thus provided a means of determining when seasonal weather changes were approx-
imately due, but more importantly the calendar was the means of fixing the
precise time for the observance of specific rituals whose performance was
vitally important to the welfare of men. The priesthood with its special
knowledge was, therefore worthy of popular support. We can, I think, see
this kind of relationship at La Venta. It is possible that Olmec religion
was involved with prophecy, eclipse prediction, astrology, divination, and
other features which can be readily linked with the calendar, but if so this
remains to be demonstrated.
At 1000 B.C. or perhaps several centuries earlier, according to this
argument, we have major religious centers at La Venta and San Lorenzo; per-
haps also at Laguna de los Cerros and Tres Zapotes. But even at 1000 B.C.
we are not dealing with abeginning, but with something already patterned and
highly developed. Perhaps the most important ingredient of this pattern is
in the priesthood who can be assumed to have been the managers of the religious
centers, or the rulers of Dr. Bernal's dispersed cities.
Are the lowland Olmecs of 1000 B.C. proximate to the point in time
when a body of men versed in occult matters (perhaps like the weather con"
trollers of the recent Popoluca of the Tuxtla Mountains as described by
George Foster) organized themselves into a formal society and entered into
a contract, so to speak, with the dispersed villager Olmec population? The
priesthood in return for providing religious guidance and the benefits of
performing the cycle of rituals could call on the farmers for labor to build
the ceremonial center and provide economic support for the religious leaders
and their specialist retainers who lived at the center. Whether this happened
first in the lowland Olmec country we do not know. Nor do we have any hint
about whether the organizing impulse came spontaneously out of such a local
population or was due to the successful efforts of outside proselytizers.
62
But once such a system became operative,   and if it was sufficiently productive
for the sipporting as well as the supported groups,  a condition highly con-
ducive of rapid cultural elaboration would have existed. Given the existence
of naturalistic stone sculpture, however unelaborate it was; given an existing
system of rituals in the form of a ceremonial cycle associated with farming,
regardless of how simple or complex this cycle may have been; given a calendar
based on readily observable regular movements of the planets or stars of the
type known so widely among North and South American Indians, add to this a few
other assumed preconditions which would not be unusual among Preclassic farmers,
then apply to this set of features the energies of an intelligent and progress-
ive priesthood, and something like La Venta or San Lorenzo might result in a
fairly short time. The model for such a process would be a deviation-amplify-
ing system in which the "kick" or impulse was the motivation of the priesthood.
Once the feedbacks were placed in operation the calendar could be systematized
and refined, sculpture could aspire to megalithic proportions as well as im-
prove in quality because full-time specialists were at work, the ceremonial
cycle could expand both in elaborateness and importance in response to the
needs of all, and so on. In this fanciful reconstruction of what might have
gone on sometime in the second millennium B.C., somewhere in Mesoamerica, a
seeding bed for writing could have come to be established. I propose all of
this as something which might have happened in this way among the lowland
Olmecs. The one thing which does seem to me most probable is that the origin-
ators of Mesoamerican civilization were priests rather than military generals
or businessmen. Why, if such a sequence of events did take place, it happened
first among the lowland Olmecs is the most interesting question of all.     We
have no information from which we can argue that the lowland Olmecs were
better off as farmers and through some economic means got the jump on other
Mesoamerican peoples. Nor can one think of any provincial natural resources
which they could have purveyed and thus become wealthy and prestigious
through the dependence of outsiders on some supposed necessity which only
the Olmecs could supply. Nor is there any evidence that the Olmecs possessed
a wide-ranging military force, like the Roman legions, which effectively sub-
dued and extorted from subject peoples either ideas or valuable goods. So
much of Olmec culture is unique that it looks like a home-grown product. The
best proposal I can suggest, at the same time admitting there is no solid
evidence to support it, is that there became effective in application some
kind of organizational virtuosity covertly expressed in religion among the
Olmecs around or just before 1000 B.C. and that this was maintained in good
working condition for from five to seven centuries at which time the system
broke down. During the half-millennium of lowland Olmec culture climax other
Mesoamerican people were developing their own local styles of civilization,
but whether these last were taking place through primary or secondary stimu-
lation from the lowland Olmec area we do not know.    In part, we lack under-
standing about this because we are unable to define Olmec influence, both as
regards time and directions in which influences travelled. We cannot date
the clearly Olmec-inspired rock reliefs in Morelos, Chiapas, Guatemala and
El Salvador, not only because they lack clearcut ceramic associations, but
63
also because these are stylistically rather different from the reliefs
occurring on Stela 2 and Stela 3 at La Venta, the only lowland Olmec site
to thus far evidence this form of sculpture.
The idea of a New World Oikoumene was specifically proposed in 1948
by A. L. Kroeber and later elaborated on by Gordon Willey (Amer. Anthrop.,
Vol. 57, No. 3, 1955).  We can now begin to see in these terms, and as a
result of recent work, something of what was going on in the Middle American
nucleus. Prominent participants in the first half of the first millennium B.C.
were the Olmecs whose climax development seems to have been reached in south-
eastern Mexico, and whose impress or influence extended into the Valley of
Mexico, Morelos, Puebla, Guerrero, Oaxaca and Chiapas to the west and south,
and to Guatemala and Salvador to the southeast. Parsons and Price in their
paper written for this Conference have referred to this distribution as
evidence for an Olmec "horizon style".
A real problem of interpretation exists in trying to explain the
occurrence of Olmec features such as several types of distinctive ceramics,
carved jades, and low-relief rock sculptures which are present either singly
or in different combinations, over such a wide area. In part we cannot put
the Olmec jigsaw puzzle together because the chronological control is im-
precise, and we must therefore fall back on stylistic or ceramic comparisons
which are, in effect, seriations whose direction or trend can be read alter-
natively. Bernal has interpreted the available data in terms of seeing sites
such as Chalcatzingo, Las Bocas and Tlatilco as settlements of "Colonial"
Olmecs, and sites where the "Olmec presence" is less strong as "Olmecoid",
meaning that Olmec influence was registered through some as yet not under-
stood means, among which have been proposed missionaries or proselytizers
who were exporting the Jaguar Cult, pochteca-like traders, or military
expeditions. Parsons has proposed an Early Olmec horizon which was the
registration of a rapid diffusion of the Olmec art style, and a Late Olmec
horizon which involved local specializations developed from the base of the
already diffused and accepted Olmec art style. Parsons' Early Olmec horizon
may be what Bernal means by Colonial Olmec, and Parsons' Late Olmec horizon
may be what Bernal means by "Olmecoid". I hope that each will comment on
this later in the discussion. The question is an important one, because the
Metropolitan-heartland-lowland Olmecs at present carry a heavy burden of
responsibility as the people who, in Mesoamerica, first synthesized or dis-
tilled Preclassic culture into the essence which we call civilization.
The southeastern Mexican Olmec area, at times referred to as the Olmec
"heartland", may not be the center of origin and source for the diffusion of
Olmec objects, people and ideas, but rather a localized elaboration built upon
a base which was very widespread--a base which in other areas provided part
of the raw material for such diverse developments as took place in the Valley
of Mexico, Oaxaca, and the Maya area. The lowland Olmec zone which we see at
present only from the peculiar perspective of the great "dispersed cities" or
64
"ceremonial centers" was probably not, it seems to me, the nerve center from
which were dispatched colonists, traders, or religious proselytizers. If
this were so we should expect to find more kinds and larger amounts of out-
land objects which came back to the administrative centers to be added to
the treasures buried as ritual offerings. There is a wealth of valuable
materials in the La Venta offerings, but taken as a whole it does not im-
press me as being formed from the tribute or gleanings of other cultures
secured and brought back by Olmec emissaries or troops or far-ranging trade
with distant and different cultures. Rather, the La Venta jades look like
local products for the most part. A careful comparative analysis of the
La Venta celts, beads, earspool flares and other forms, together with an
examination (by X-ray fluorescence or neutron activation methods) of the
jade mineral itself might produce leads as to the source(s) of the jade as
well as indicate the probability of local manufacture as against importation
in finished form. Nothing along this line has yet been done. The sequester-
ing of such a great wealth of jade objects in the form of ritual offerings
at La Venta once led me to suggest that the site itself may have been equiva-
lent to the "national treasury", or, perhaps better, like the Schatzkammer
of a great European cathedral. The burial of the valuable jade objects, on
the other hand, may have been a means of stimulating the flow of sumptuary
goods by taking them out of circulation and depositing them in a place so
sacred and inviolable that they would be safely stored.
There is no way known to me to test the several possibilities of the
means by which the La Venta jade was secured. The great site must have been
known from afar, and it may have been a pilgrimage place to which travellers
came and brought gifts of jade. Or, external trade may have been controlled
by the ruling class which was interested in jade because of its rarity.
The excavators of La Venta and San Lorenzo have suggested that the
Olmec occupation of these sites ended rather abruptly. Some momentous event,
affecting both people and what they did, may have happened in the traditional
Olmec heartland area to cause a drastic deculturation about 500 B.C., and
this may have been due not to some mysterious disaster or invasion which
wiped out the population, but rather to internal disjunctions which might, for
all we know, have involved a revolution aimed at relieving the undue pressure
of hierarchic power on an oppressed peasantry, provincial rivalries between
regional "capitals" or "city states", or a series of calamitous years in terms
of crop yield, or a pandemic, or whatnot. Or, some external trigger could
have upset the delicate balance of an internally-adjusted power structure
which brought the system of Olmec culture to an end. Possibly, having stood
as exemplars of how to practice civilization, the Olmecs may have, through
the web of the Mesoamerican Oikoumene, communicated the concept of the cen-
tralization of power which, in the course of time, was turned against them
by other people who had been, so to speak, their students. Given the physical
survival of the Olmecs in their lowland home area after their decline from
greatness, they may have retained for several centuries enough of their
65
now-disrupted pattern to still be able to accept new ideas which were feed-
ing back from other peoples in other areas. By invoking this explanation
we could account for the Olmec-connected but not Olmec-inspired Tuxtla
Statuette and Tres Zapotes Stela C. According to this proposal the Olmec
calendrical "correlation problem" may be in part explained. If this was
the case, we shall have to revise some earlier conclusions that Olmec
culture came to a sudden and full end about the middle of the first mill-
enium B.C. and consider the alternative that when La Venta and perhaps
other main ceremonial precints were abandoned the bearers of the esoteric
content of Olmec culture survived and maintained some of the older body of
special knowledge. I would not be surprised in the least to hear of the
discovery of epi-Olmec sites in the Olmec heartland dating from 500 B.C. -
100 A.D.
SUPPLEMENTARY REMARKS
There are uncounted definitions of civilization. We did not discuss
in our Conference which definition we could all agree upon, but preferred
to leave such specifications up to each person who contributed a paper or
commented on one. Perhaps our group should have tried to pinpQint in each
area which was considered the instant at which the society moved from pre-
or proto-civilization to the level of true civilization. But if we had
attempted to do this, we might have had as many answers as participants.
Willey alone made the effort to fit the Maya into a general definition, and
we call the reader's particular attention to his thoughtful comments on
pp.1014104.
Nearly all definitions of "civilization" are agreed on the point that
this development can be characterized by a specific roster of cultural
practices and social-political-economic-demographic-technological situations
or conditions which, though varied in their enumeration, all manifest a level
or degree of sophistication and which do not occur in combination among
simpler-cultured societies, whether these be hunter-gatherers, farmers or
fishermen.
Many, perhaps most, definitions of civilization coined by historians
or anthropologists list some specific qualitative features whose presence is
difficult or impossible to prove in ancient times. Let us illustrate this
by quoting a definition of civilization which happens to appear in print as
this volume is being readied for publication. Bohannan (1971) writes, "There
comes a point in [the] continuous growth of culture when those traits emerge
that characterize 'civilization': a large enough population to have some-
thing resembling an urban agglomeration, a highly developed division of labor
with concomitant specialization in a stratified society, food production
rather than hunting and gathering, the form of government known as the'state',
a calendar and basic mathematical knowledge, [and] written records.
66
[Bohannan then adds the comment about this list]: They always go together--
and the absence of any of them makes classification as a civilization doubtful."
Bohannan probably would not agree with the majority of the Conference
participants that Olmec culture by shortly after the beginning of the first
millennium B.C. had achieved a condition of civilization. Population size
sufficient to amount to "something resembling an urban agglomeration" can be
argued on the basis of the very considerable size of the La Venta, San Lorenzo
Tenochtitlan and Laguna de los Cerros sites (cf. Bernal 1969:24, 49-54). The
"highly developed division of labor with concomitant specialization in a strati-
fied society" can also be assumed for the Olmecs (Bernal 1969; Heizer 1961, 1963
"Food production rather than hunting and gathering" as the basis of Olmec sub-
sistence seems highly probable since maize agriculture had been known in Meso-
america for a long time prior to the establishment of the big Olmec ceremonial
centers. Existence of the "state" cannot be demonstrated beyond question, but
the pronounced centralization of ritual activities which is apparent at the
La Venta site does seem to point to the operation of authority of the kind
which the State might possess. But here again we are in difficulty, for Olmec
society has been interpreted variably as having had the political structure of
a "chiefdom" (Sanders and Price 1968:122, 132), a state (Coe 1968:123), or even
an "empire" (Caso 1965). An Olmec calendar, body of "basic mathematical know-
ledge" and "written records" are still more difficult to prove. An astronomi-
cal calendar seems to have been in existence at the time La Venta was built
and occupied (Hatch n.d.) but bar-and-dot numeration appears too late in the
Olmec sequence as presently known (e.g. The Tuxtla Statuette and Stela C at
Tres Zapotes) to prove any mathematical knowledge possessed by the Olmecs of
La Venta or San Lorenzo Tenochtitlan between 1100-600 B.C. Written records
in the usual sense are unknown, but Hatch (op. cit.) has proposed that astro-
nomical "sky maps" in the form of symbols or glyphs inscribed on jade celts
were in use, and if this is accepted we have something which is so close to
written records as to make the question a semantic one. Of temple accounts,
records of rulers in a dynastic line, mythological texts, or the like, we have
no hint, so we probably cannot argue that the Olmecs were literate in Bohan-
nan's terms of possessing a true "storage and retrieval" system, unless we
accept the "sky charts" as true records. My own feeling is that the Olmecs
of La Venta were very close to having writing. The precisely planned layout
of the La Venta mounds, and the site centerline with offerings placed directly
on or equidistant from either side of it all surely prove a knowledge of
mensuration existing by 1000 B.C., and from this one may suspect that the
Olmecs at least practiced addition--but of other mathematical practices
which would constitute a "body of mathematical knowledge", we have no inform-
ation. On the whole the Olmec culture as we know it from controlled exca-
vations at San Lorenzo Tenochititlan and La Venta comes pretty close to fitting
Bohannan's list of specifications of a civilization--sufficiently near, at any
rate, that the Olmecs should have the privilege of applying for admission to
this exclusive club.
67
Gordon Willey in his commentary on Andrews' Conference paper suggests
that civilization has three essential dimensions: 1), large population size
and density; 2), marked social complexity, and; 3), a complex network of
intercommunication among its social components (see also Willey, 1966).
Civilization in Willey's view can obtain only with 5000 or more persons as
participants. Societal integration may involve either a concentrated or
urban settlement, or a dispersed, non-urban settlement.   The crucial factor
is that the energies and abilities of a population of 5000 or more are
drawn upon and integrated to a common purpose. Civilization is further
marked by division of labor, a complex ranking system or social classes, by
a hierarchial governmental structure, monumentality in architecture, a codi-
fied symbolic system such as writing or a pervasive art style, and inter-
regional trade.
In terms of the peak expression of Olmec culture dating from 1100 to
around 600 B.C. in the southeastern Gulf lowland, these people stack up
pretty well with Willey's criteria. Some of the features listed by Willey
have been discussed earlier in testing Bohannan's list of civilizational
features. The matter of inter-communication among its social components can
probably be demonstrated through long-distance procurement of raw materials
used in construction and sculpture, as well as by the proven existence of
wide-ranging trade through which means obsidian, and luxury goods such as
ilmenite and jade were secured in appreciable quantities. The hierarchical
governmental structure is inferable rather than demonstrable, and the argu-
ment for priest-kings holding the highest authority has been made elsewhere
(Heizer 1961, 1963, 1967:39)-an interpretation objected to by M. Coe (1965:
122; 1967:128) who believes the leaders of Olmec society were "secular lords
who drew their power from lineage and conquest". The societal organization
of that portion of Olmec society which looked to La Venta as its center
(whether manned by religious leaders or secular lords) appears to have been
organized along the lines of Willey's "dispersed, non-urban settlement"
type, provided the reader agrees with propositions earlier made in this
connection (Drucker and Heizer 1960; Heizer 1960; Drucker 1961). The con-
certed harnessing of the energies and abilities of the population is surely
attested by the mere presence of the La Venta site itself, the largest
structures being the truncated conical "pyramid" whose cubic mass runs to
about 3,500,000 cubic feet, and the Stirling Acropolis whose mass amounts to
about 16,500,00 cubic feet of earth. Constructions such as these, while
admittedly miniscule when compared to the Pyramid of the Sun at Teotihuacan
as Sanders and Parsons (1968:127) have pointed out, need not be denigrated by
reason of their magnitude when we remember their early date. Without pro-
viding details here, I would now argue that my figure of 1,100,000 man-days
of labor needed to construct the La Venta site which was proposed in an
earlier paper (Heizer 1960:219) should now be raised to a figure of about
2,500,000 man-days of work, the revised figure being based on new facts
about the site which have been learned in the last decade. Finally, as
regards the symbolic system such as writing or a pervasive art style, I have
68
commented above on the possibility that a germinal writing is present in La Venta
times, and as far as the art style is concerned, we know it reached in some
manner as yet not at all understood, the Valley of Mexico in the north to
Salvador in the south--surely a wide enough distribution to be termed pervasive.
This discussion could go on to greater lengths, and might also consider
the specifications which other Mesoamericanists have laid down for civilization.
If we accept the propositionthat the Olmecs of lower Veracruz and northern
Tabasco about the beginning of the first millennium B.C. had arrived at a level
of social-material-artistic-economic virtuosity sufficient to allow them to be
labelled for all practical purposes as "civilized", we can admit them as having
fashioned what Bernal calls America's first civilization, the institutors of a
special kind of culture which shifted its centers and bearers through time and
space and endured up to the time of the Aztecs when American civilization was
truncated by the Spanish conquest. The general agreement that Olmec civili-
zation came into focus before that of the Mayas and Teotihuacanos therefore seems
to be, in our present state of knowledge, a supportable hypothesis.
References
Bohannan, P.
1971   Beyond Civilization.   Natural History 80:50-67. (Special supple-
ment of unnumbered pages).
Caso, A.
1965   Existio un imperio olmeca?   Memorias del Colegio Nacional, Vol. 5,
No. 3:1-52. Mexico.
Coe, M.
1965   The Jaguar's Children.   New York Graphic Society.   Greenwich, Conn.
1967   Review of film, Excavations at La Venta.   American Anthropologist
69:127-128.
Coe, M.D.
1968   America's First Civilization.   American Heritage Publ. Co., N.Y.
Drucker, P.
1961   The La Venta Olmec Support Area.   Kroeber Anthropological Society
Papers No. 25:59-72.
Drucker, P. and R. F. Heizer
1960   A Study of the Milpa System of La Venta Island and its Archaeo-
logical Implications. Southwestern Journal of Anthropology 16:36-45
Hatch, M.
n.d.   An Hypothesis on Olmec Astronomy, with Special Reference to the
La Venta Site. Manuscript to be published.
Heizer, R. F.
1960   Agriculture and the Theocratic State in Lowland Southeastern
Mexico. American Antiquity 25:215-222.
69
Heizer, R. F.
1961
Inferences On The Nature of Olmec Society Based Upon Data
From The La Venta Site. Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers
No. 31:43-57.
1963   The Possible socio-political Structure of the La Venta Olmecs.
Aktendes 34 Internationalen Amerikanisten Kongress, pp. 310-317.
Wien.
1967   Analysis Of Two Low Relief Sculptures From La Venta.
Contributions of the University of California Archaeological
Research Facility, No. 3:25-55. Berkeley.
Sanders, W. T. and B . Price
1968   Mesoamerica: The Evolution of a Civilization. Random House,
New York.
Willey, G. R.
1966   Postlude to Village Agriculture: The Rise of Towns and Temples
and the Beginnings of the Great Traditions. Proc. XXXVI
Internat. Congr. Americanists, Spain, 1964, pp. 267-277.