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VI. SHASTA VILLAGES AND TERRITORY
Part 1. SHASTA VILLAGES
Robert F. Heizer and Thomas R. Hester
We know almost nothing about the archaeology of the territory
occupied by the Shasta tribe. When such investigations are begun it
is probable that the information on historic village sites will be a
useful starting point for site survey leading to selection of sites which
promise to provide the most yield for the least effort.
The following list of 156 villages is compiled from several sources.
The village numbers correspond to sites shown on the accompanying map
(map 1). Villages No. 152-156 may not properly be called Shasta as they
are situated in territory claimed by both the Shasta and the Karok. In the
text, the first name given is the "standard" form; the following names are
"variants" which are phonetically different renderings, but are identifiable
as referring to the villages listed in the standard form.
At various places in the text, certain villages are referred to as
"Kammatwa", "Iruaitsu" and "Ahotireitsu". These are terms recorded by
Dixon (1907:388-389). Kroeber (1925:286) states: "The Shasta territory
falls into four natural drainage areas of about equal size. The people
within each tract were marked off by certain peculiarities of dialect and
custom. There is no precise record of these distinctions, but they do not
seem to have been considerable. The Rogue River division was called
Kahosadi; that on the Klamath, Kammatwa or Wiruhikwairuk'a. The Scott
Valley people were the Iruaitsu; those of the Shasta Valley, the Ahotireitsu."
Further analysis may lead to a slight reduction of the total number
of villages listed here, if duplications which we have not recognized are
proven. Merriam (1926:61) has stated that he recorded 137 Shasta villages
as a result of locating old village sites in the Klamath, Yreka, and Scott
Valleys, and later verifying their names and locations through the use of
Indian informants.
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1.    Sumai.  A Kammatwa village on N. side of Klamath River (Kroeber, 1925:
286). Merriam (ms.) describes the village as being on Seiad Creek on the N.
side of the Klamath, and as the westernmost village of the Shasta tribe. The
village is also known as Summai (Dixon, 1907: map), Sum-ni'-ish-she-to-am'-mah,
Sah-mi', and Shah-mi' (Merriam, Ms.).
2.    Araxi.  Dixon (1907: map) shows it was located on S. side of Klamath
River about 8 miles W. of the mouth of Scott River. Merriam (ms.) locates the
village at the mouth of Grider Creek on S. side of Klamath River. He believes
that it may be the Shasta name for the Karok village of Kew'-ahts-wah, which
he was told was once situated at this spot. Dixon (letter to Merriam in the
Merriam Collection) insists that the proper location for Araxi is at the
mouth of Grider Creek. The village is also known as Arahi (Kroeber, 1925:286).
3.    Wah-hah'-e-wah.   Village on S. side of Klamath River at mouth of
Walker Creek (Merriam, ims.). Locality included by Dixon (1907) in Shasta area,
but claimed by Karok, of whose easternmost village it was said to be.
4.    Xarokwi.   Village on the north side of Klamath River above the village
of Aika (Dixon, 1907), and midway between Seiad and Hamburg (Merriam, ms.).
Other versions are Harokwi (Kroeber, 1925:286) and Xurokwi (Merriam, Ms.).
5.    Kwasuk.  Village on S. side of Klamath River, a little E. of midway
between Seiad and Hamburg (Dixon, 1907: map; Kroeber, 1925:286). It is also
known as Kwah-suk (Merriam, iMs.)
6.    Ah-ah'-wah.   Location is not definitely fixed, but Merriam (ms.) places
it on S. side of Klamath River below Hamburg.
7.    Ish-she-to-ah'-wah.   Shasta village on N. side of Klamath Canyon just
below Hamburg (Merriam, Ms.).
8.    Aika.  Dixon (1907: map) locates the village just E. of the mouth of
Scott River on N. side of Klamath, across the river from the present site of
Hamburg Bar. Kroeber (1925:286) notes that the village is just E. of the
mouth of Scott River on the S. side of the Klamath at the present site of
Hamburg Bar.   Other spellings include I'-e-kah (Merriam, Ms.), Ika (Merriam,
ms.) and I'-kah (Merriam, ims.: shown on S. side of Klamath River and on W.
side of Kunz Creek at Hamburg).
9.    He'kah-tok.  Village on flat on N. side of Klamath River a little below
and across from the mouth of Scott River (Merriam, iMs.).
10.   Ko-watch'-ah-hah'.   Village at mouth of Scott River on S. side of
Klamath River (Merriam, ims.).  The name is also known as Ko-wats'-a-hah,
Ko-wut'-tap'-hah, Kwatch'-ah-hah, and O-wah'-tah-ho (Merriam, ims.).   Merriam
(ms.) notes that the village is "home of chief and great place for fishing".
11.   Ca'niwat'hampa.   On N. side of Klamath River above mouth of Scott River
(Holt, 1946: map).
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12.   Hahs-ko-wah'-na.   Village on S. side of Klamath River 3 miles below
Horse Creek (Merriam, nMs.).
13.   Isiruk'wi.   On N. side of Klamath River above Ca'niwat'hampa (Holt
1946: map).
14.   Xaskuwa'ni.   On S. side of Klamath River above Isiruk'wi (Holt 1946:map)
15.   Uswa'axa.   Village on N. side of Klamath River below mouth of Horse
Creek (Holt 1946: map).
16.   Umtahawa. Located on N. side of Klamath River below Oak Bar (Merriam,
ms.), and shown on Dixon's map (1907) as on N. side of Klamath near the mouth
of Horse Creek (on the right side, 2 miles upstream from its mouth). Other
spellings are Umtaxawa (Merriam, ms.; Dixon, 1907), and Oom-tahCh-ah-wah
(Merriam, Ms.).  Kroeber (1925:286) describes it as a Kammatwa village on N.
side of Klamath River.
17.   Itiwukha.  Village on N. side of Klamath River, at or just above the
mouth of Horse Creek (Kroeber 1925:286; Dixon 1907:map; Merriam ms.; Holt
1946:map). It is also known as It-te-wuk'-kah (Merriam, ims.) and Itiwo'ka
(Holt, 1946).
18.   It'aituk.  Holt (1946: map) records that the village is on the N. side
of Klamath River above Itiwo'ko and across the river from Arro'pa'k. Merriam
(Ms.) refers to the village as Et-tah-kah, and locates it on the N. side of
the Klamath about 1.5 miles above Horse Creek.
19.   Arro'pa'k.   On S. side of Klamath River and across from It'aituk,
ca. 4 miles W. of Oak Bar.
20.   Hu'watidhitua'ma.   On N. side of Klamath River above It'aituk (Holt,
1946: map).
21.   Qua'agusuwid.   Village on N. side of Klamath River above Hu'watidhitua'ma
(Holt, 1946: map).
22.   A'taka.  On S. side of Klamath River, downstream from the mouth of Coles
Creek and slightly W. of Oak Bar (Holt, 1946: map).
23.   Ish-shu-e.   Shasta village at Oak Bar on Klamath River (Merriam, nMs.)
Dixon (1907: map) refers to the village as Icui, and places it on N. side of
Klamath just below Awa. Holt (1946: map), on the other hand, locates the
village (termed Isu'i) on the N. side of the Klamath across from and slightly
above Oak Bar. Kroeber (1925:286) calls it Ishui, a Kammatwa settlement on
N. side of Klamath River.
24.   Tah'ch-wah-tok.   Village on N. side of Klamath River about 6 miles above
Horse Creek (Merriam, ms.).
25.   Awa. Dixon (1907: map) and Kroeber (1925:286) describe the village as a
Kammatwa settlement on the N. side of Klamath River, about 2 miles E. of Oak
Bar. Holt (1946: map) calls it A'wa, and places it on N. side of Klamath
River above Isy'i and just below Waok'niwa. Additional location
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data are provided by Merriam (ms., referred to as Ah'way) who notes it as a
Shasta rancheria on N. side of Klamath River at Quigley's ranch (on small creek
near bridge) and about 4 miles below Ko-ho'-wi-took, E. of Oak Bar.
26.   Waok'niwa. On N. side of Klamath River and just above Awa (Holt, 1946:
map).
27.   A'wawarai'ika.  On S. side of Klamath River, directly across from
Waok'niwa (Holt, 1946: map).
28.   Ko-ho'-wi-took.  Shasta village on S. side of Klamath River about
mouth of small creek about 2 miles below Chah-hahk'tok (Merriam, ims.).  Also
known as 0-ho'we-took IMerriam, iMs.).
29.   Waukiaiwa.  Kammatwa settlement on N. side of Klamath River (Dixon, 1907:
map; Kroeber, 1925:286), midway between Ah'-wah and O'p-se-ruk (Merriam, ms.).
It is also spelled Waukiwa and Waw-ki-wah (Merriam, iMs.).
30.   Chah'-hahk'-tok.  Village on S. side of Klamath River on a flat 2 miles
below Beaver Creek (Merriam, iMs.).
31.   Opciruk.  Shasta village on N. side of Klamath River at mouth of Beaver
Creek (Merriam, Ms.). Also known as O'p-se-rook (Merriam, is.), Opsciruk
(Dixon, 1907: map), O'p-se-ruk (Merriam, iMs.), Opshiruk (Kroeber, 1925:286),
and Upsiruk' (Holt, 1946: map).
32.   Wawok'hamba. On S. side of Klamath River and across the river from the
mouth of Beaver Creek (Holt, 1946: map).
33.   Ish'she-yow'-wut.  Village on S. side of Klamath River, across from the
mouth of Beaver Creek (Merriam, ins.). Relationship to Wawok'hamba (above)
not known.
34.   Ishumpi.  Shasta village on N. side of Klamath River at Gottville
(Merriam, ims.; Kroeber, 1925:286). Other spellings include: E-sahm'-pe (Merriam,
ms.), Icumpi (Dixon, 1907: map), Isum'pi (Holt, 1946: map), E-shom'-pe and
Ish-shom'-be (Merriam, iMs.).
35.   Tatsu'gaho.  On S. side of the Klamath River and W. side of Humbug Creek
at mouth of Humbug Creek (Holt, 1946: map). Merriam (ms.) refers to it
variously as Taht-soo-gow, Taht-soo'-kah-ho, Taht-suk, and Tatsuk. He de-
scribes it (ms.) as "Shasta village on S. side of Klamath River on or near
Big Humbug Creek, whose name it bears."
36.   Ah-ho-wuk'-kah.  Shasta village on S. side of Klamath River on a flat
west of the mouth of Big Humbug Creek (Merriam, iMs.).
37.   It-shah-wit'-te-wuk-kah.  N. side of Klamath River across from the
mouth of Middle Fork Creek (Merriam, Ms.).
38.   Chi'-wah-ho-tok. Village on S. side of Klamath River nearly opposite,
but a little below, Koo-tat'-soo.
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39.   Koo-tat'-soo.   Village on N. side of Klamath River 3 miles below
mouth of Shasta River (Merriam, Ms.).
40.   Tas'iwihutuk. On S. side of Klamath River ca. 3/4 the distance from
Humbug Creek to Shasta River above (Holt, 1946: map).
41.   Koo-tah'-tah.   Village on flat on S. side of Klamath River a little W.
of the mouth of the Shasta River.
42.   A'ra Agahowaka.   Located on the S. side of the Klamath River slightly
upstream from the mouth of the Shasta River (Holt, 1946: map).
43.   Ah-wi'-mah.   Shasta summer salmon fishing camp on Klamath River at mouth
of Shasta River (Merriam, Ms.).
44.   Ad'as.  On N. side of Klamath River, approximately 2 miles E. of the
mouth of the Shasta River (Holt, 1946: map).
45.   A'-chit'-ter-rah'-kah.   Village on river flat on SE side of Klamath
River, 2.5 to 3 miles above mouth of Shasta River behind a mountain called
Round Hill on maps, but known locally as Black Mountain (Merriam, ms.).
46.   Hahs'-nit.   Large Shasta village on small flat of same name on N. side
of Klamath River about 2 miles below Henley (Merriam, ms.).
47.   Okwayig. Dixon (1907: map) and Kroeber (1925:286) describe this as a
Kammatwa settlement on N. side of Klamath River.   Merriam (ms.) places the
village on the N. side of the Klamath at the mouth of Cottonwood Creek about
2 miles S. of Hornbrook. Other spellings are O'-k'wa-ik and Ah-wuk'-hah
(Merriam, iMs.).
48.   Ko-ha'-pi-rah.   Village on flat at Henley near Hornbrook (Merriam, ms.).
Merriam (ms.) also refers to the village as Kwas-ha'-pi-rah or Kwe'ha'-pi-rah.
49.   Uqwayig'ahowax Ha.   Village at Hornbrook (Holt, 1946: map).
50.   Eras. Kammatwa settlement on S. side of Klamath River (Dixon 1907: map;
Kroeber 1925:286). More precise location data are provided by Merriam (ms.)
who places the village (A'-ras) on the S. side of the Klamath at Klamathon
bridge on wagon road from Ager and Thrall to Hornbrook.
51.   Kwah-wah'-ah-se-wah'-kah.   Village on S. side of Klamath River at mouth
of Willow Creek below Ager (Merriam, ms.).
52.   Kwesh'-shah.  Shasta village on S. side of Klamath River at mouth of
Little Bogus Creek (Merriam, Ms.).
53.   O'-te-ta.  Village on S. side of Klamath River near Little Bogus Creek
and half a mile below Kwahr'-ta-took.
54.   Kwah'-ro-took. Merriam (ms.) locates this Shasta village on the N. side
of Klamath River, just upstream from the mouth of Dry Creek and a half mile
below the mouth of Bogus Creek.
55.   Atihu'nirukahowa'xa.   On S. side of KLamath River and SW side of Bogus
Creek at mouth (Holt, 1946: map). Merriam (ms.) calls the cillage Po'-gas-koo'-
chas'-chas.
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56.   Koo'-mah-hah-mak-tok.   Village on N. side of Klamath River opposite
mouth of Bogus Creek (Merriam, ims.).
57.   Kwer'-re-bak'-kik'stok.   Village on N. side of Klamath River about half
a mile below Okwer'-ker-ram'-mah (Merriam, Ms.).
58.   O-kwer'-ker-ram'-mah.   Village on N. side of Klamath River, half a mile
below Camp Creek (Merriam, Ms.).
59.   Wahp'-pre-wa'-o.   On S. side of Klamath River, nearly opposite the
mouth of Camp Creek.
60.   Id-doo'-kwi.   A Shasta village on N. side of Klamath River on E. side
of mouth of Camp Creek (Merriam, Ms.).
61.   Kwah'-tah-kah-pahk'.   Village on N. side of Klamath River 1 mile below
Koo-kwah-re'-kah (Merriam, iMs.).
62.   Koo-kwah-re'-kah.   Village on N. side of Klamath River at the mouth of
Jenny Creek (Merriam, ims.).
63.   Enta'warahowa'xa.   On N. side of Klamath River and west side of a creek,
at its mouth (possibly Jenny Creek; Holt, 1946: map).
64.   At-tik'-kah-ha-tat-so.   Village on N. side of Klamath River at the old
railroad crossing near mouth of Jenny Creek (Merriam, ms.).
65.   Ah-soon-nah-ko-witch'-e-rah.   Located on a pine flat on S. side of
Klamath River a short distance below Copco Dam (Merriam, ms.).
66.    Kutsastsus.  Dixon (1907: map) and Kroeber (1925:286) refer to it as
a Kammatwa settlement on N. side of Klamath River. Holt (1946: map) refers
to it as Gu'jas Jas, and places it on the N. side of the Klamath above the
village of Enta'warahowa'xa. Merriam (ms.) notes the village as Koo-ches'-ches,
and locates it on the N. side of the Klamath at the mouth of Fall Creek.
67.   Wah'-ah-ye.   Village on Fall Creek (at location of present powerhouse)
and on N. side of Klamath River (Merriam, Ms.).
68.    Ko-soo'-rah.  Small Shasta village on N. side of Klamath River, close
to Copco Dam and a round hill (Merriam, Ms.).
69.    Choo-pahich-took.  Village on N. side of Klamath River below Ik'-kweek
and now under water from Copco Dam (Merriam, Ms.).
70.    Ik'-kweek.  Shasta village on N. side of Klamath River below
Ho'-a'te-took', and also now under water.
71.    Tah-her'-ruk-kwe.  Small Shasta village on S. side of Klamath River at
mouth of Deer Creek.
72.    Ko-kwan'-nut.  Small Shasta village on S. side of Klamath River about
half a mile above mouth of Deer Creek (Merriam, Ms.).
73.   Ho'-a-te-took'.   Village on N. side of Klamath River 6 miles below
Beswick and 3 miles below wagon bridge (Merriam, ms.).
74.   Ekwik'.  On N. side of Klamath River, away from river and above
Gu'jas Jas, very close to the Oregon state line (Holt, 1946: map).
75.   Wahk-nim'-pah.   Village on N. side of Klamath River just above the
wagon bridge 3 miles below Shovel Creek (Merriam, ms.).
76.   Kwe-chik'-kik-ke-eh'.   On N. side of Klamath River, 2 to 2.5 miles
below Beswick and about half a mile above Wahk-nim'-pah and same distance
above wagon bridge across Klamath River (Merriam, Ms.).
77.   Kwi-he'-re'ho-tuk.   Located on S. side of Klamath River 2 miles
below Shovel Creek and close to the river (Merriam, iMs.).
78.   Ah-hah'-hah.   On S. side of Klamath River, 1 mile below mouth of
Shovel Creek (Merriam, Ms.).
79.   Chah'-hah-took'.   A Shasta winter camp in a long cave at the base of
a cliff on N. side of Klamath River opposite Klamath Hot Springs meadow
(Merriam, ms.).
80.   Asurahawa.   Kammatwa settlement on S. side of Klamath River (Kroeber
1925:286), and on E. bank of Bogus Creek (Dixon, 1907: map). Merriam
(ms.) refers to the village both as Ah-soo'rah-haw-wah and Wah-soor'-a-hah'-wah.
81.   Tca'chuduk.   On SE side of Klamath River, just a short distance above
a creek mouth on the Klamath River (Holt, 1946: map).
82.   Ussopag.   On Scott River, at the mouth of Mill Creek (Dixon, 1907:
map).
83.   As'-soo-pahk.   A Shasta village at Scott Bar (whose name it bears)
on Scott River; also known as Ah'-soo-pahk and Ash'-sho-pahk (Merriam, ms.).
84.   At-tik'-kah-ap'-se-rook.   On Scott River, a few miles above Scott
Bar (Merriam, nMs.).
85.   Tah'ch-wah-tok.   Shasta village on Scott River near a deer lick,
3 miles below Ab'se-kow. This is the only case so far discovered where
two villages (the other is Tah'ch-wah-tok, #23) bear identical names.
(Merriam, iMs.).
86.   Ab'-se-kow.   Village on Scott River about 19 miles below Ft. Jones
(Merriam, nMs.).
87, Hach. Village on SW side of Scott River a little below
Wahtch-ah-he'-mah (Merriam, Ms.).
88.   Wah-room'-pah.   Located on SW side of Scott River about 11 miles below
Ft. Jones and opposite Wicks Ranch (Merriam, ms.).
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89.   Wats-ah-he'-wah.   A Shasta village in a can      about 11 or 12 miles below
Ft. Jones on N. side of Scott River, and a little below Wicks place (but above
Hach). Other names for the village are Wat-so-ke-TrTa, Watsaghika, and Watch-ah-
he'-mah (Merriam, ms.).   Merriam (ms.) records that the village is referred to
as Watsa-he'-wah, a group in Scott Valley, by a treaty of 1833.
90.   Ar'ro-a-re-ho-rah.   On N. side of Scott River, W. of the mouth of Indian
Creek and N. of highway running W. from Ft. Jones. (Merriam, Ms.).
91.   Wer'-re-wah-hah'.   N. of Scott River, and just E. of the mouth of Indian
Creek (Merriam, ms.).
92.   Ah-ro-a-re-horah.   Village in Scott Valley, on the big flat near Ft.
Jones (Merriam, ms.).
93.   Kwah-pa'-sah-se-rah'.   This was a large Shasta village in Scott Valley.
It was situated at the present-day site of Ft. Jones, on the E. side of
Moffett Creek (Merriam, Ms.).
94.   Wer'-re-tsok-kah-rah-i-wah.   An old Shasta village on W. edge of Scott
Valley, half a mile SW of Ft. Jones at the E. base of a long hill (Merriam, Ms.).
95.   Koor'-took.  Located on E. side of Scott Valley about 4 miles above Ft.
Jones.
96.   Oo'-te-ta'-po.   Village on Evans Creek in Scott Valley (present Muggins-
ville, Quartz Valley; Merriam, ims.).
97.   Wa'-re-kwi-ah'-kah.   Village in Scott Valley on site of present Green-
view (Merriam, Ms.).
98.   Orowichaira.  Village on southern tributary of Scott River (Dixon 1907:
map); Kroeber (1925:286) refers to it as an Iruaitsu settlement. Merriam (ms.)
calls the village O-ro-we-shi-rah.
99.   Ah'-ro-wahc -hah-kah-ro'-sah.   A Shasta village on the large island, E.
side of Scott Valley (near center) about 8 miles above Ft. Jones (Merriam, ms.).
100.  Itaiyax.  Dixon (1907: map) notes it as a village in Scott Valley, while
Kroeber (1925:286) simply refers to it as an Iruaitsu settlement.
101. Ap-sok-kew'-o. A Shasta village and place name at Etna Mills in Scott
Valley (Merriam, ims.). Other names for the village are Ab-suk-kew'-ah and
Ahp'-sahk-kew'-wah (Merriam, Ms.).
102. We-chach'-kah-kah-hah'-kah. Located in Scott Valley about half a mile
SE of Etna, on creek at present bridge (Merriam, ms.).
103. Ah-wah'-kah-hatch. Village on E. side of Scott Valley about 4 miles SE
of Etna; also known as Ah'-wah'-kah-kahtch. (Merriam, Ms.).
104. Oo-kew'-kwi-ah'-kah. Large Shasta village on W. side of Scott Valley
on a pine flat on French Creek, about 4 miles S. of Etna Mills (Merriam, Ms.).
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105.  Too'-loo-kwah'-kah-wah.   Located in narrow S. part of Scott Valley,
5 miles N. of Callahans (Merriam, ms.).
106. O'-ra-has'-te-rah. Village in a narrow part of Scott Valley, 4 miles
N. of Callahans (Merriam, Ms.).
107. Ah-pah'-rah-oo'-chi-rah.    At Callahan's Ranch, at S. end of Scott
Valley (Merriam, Ms.).
108. O'-che-gaw'-te. An old Shasta village on Moffett Creek below Ah'ch-
te-doo-witch'-e-rah and above White's (or a white house; Merriam, iMs.).
109.  Is-sa'-kwah'-pah'.   Located on MoffettCreek, 2 or 3 miles below
Duzel Creek on E. side of Scott Valley (Merriam, ms.; he refers to it as
an 'old Shasta village').
110.  Ah'chte-doo-witch-e-rah.   Village on Moffett Creek on E. side of
Scott Valley, below Hah'-soo-ri; also known as Ach-te-roo-witch'-o-rah
(Merriam, nMs.).
Ill. Ah'-soo-ri'. An old Shasta village on Moffett Creek in the Scott
Mountains 9 or 10 miles from Ft. Jones (Merriam, ms.; Merriam also notes
that it is a "large rancheria" and is also called Hah'-soo-ri).
112.  IpI-sahch-wah-kow'.   On Duzel Creek above Moffett Creek in Scott
Mountains (Merriam, iMs.).
113. E't-sah-ootch'-e-rah. An old Shasta village in the Scott Mountains,
high up on Duzel Creek above Ip'-sahch-wah-kow' (Merriam, ms.).
114.  Han'-now-took.   Shasta deer camp and mountain of same name in Scott
Mountains. It is the highest camp on Moffett Creek (Merriam, ms.).
115. Aht-sah-wah'-pahk. At head of Moffett Creek near Gazelle Mountain
in Scott Mountains; Merriam (ms.) notes it as a "big rancheria". Other
spellings of the village name are Atch-ah-wah'-pahk and Ahts-ah-wah'-pak
(Merriam, Ms.).
116. Ihiweah. Kroeber (1925:286) notes this village as an Ahotireitsu
town.  Merriam (ms.) calls the village by three names: E-ha-wa-ahch
He-wa'-ah, and He-wa'-ahch. He locates the village on the Shasta River just
below the mouth of Yreka Creek and 4 miles below Yreka; it was said to be
a -large village. Dixon (1907: map) refers to the village as Ihiweax.
117.  Ar-rah'-ah__.   Village at site of present Hawkinsville on Yreka
Creek and also known as Ar-rah'chShah (Merriam, Ms.).
118. Wah'-skoo-rah-how'-wah. A Shasta village on a flat S. of Hawkins-
ville (Merriam, ms.; also called Wah-skoo-dah-how'-wah).
119. Ar'-too-took. Village on small creek about 1 mile above Yreka
(Merriam, ms.).
120.  Kusta.  At site of present Yreka, on W. side of Yreka Creek.    Dixon
(1907: map) and Kroeber (1925:286) refer to it as an Ahotiresitsu town.
Merriam (ms.) notes that it is listed in the unratified treaty of 1851 as
Ko-se-tah (a group in the Shasta Valley). Other spellings of the village name
are Koostah and Kos'-tah (Merriam, iMs.).
121.  0-ko-ho'-i'-wah.   Village on flat on Greenhorn Creek N. of schoolhouse
at forks of road 1 to 1.5 miles SW of Yreka (Merriam, ms; the village is also
called Ko'-ho-i'-wah).
122. Che-poo'-sah-took. Shasta village on small creek at Caldwell Ranch
about 2.5 miles S. of Yreka on W. side of road (Merriam, Ms.).
123.  Kwaht-te'-kwar.   A small Shasta village or camp about 4 miles SW of
Yreka on road to Ft. Jones (Merriam, ims.; he also refers to the village as
Maht-te'-kwar).
124. Kwik'-noo. Old Shasta village about 3 miles S. of Yreka on the road
to Gazelle (a part of the Thomas Ranch).   In 1919, the village was the home
of an old Shasta chief known as "Shasta Jake" or "Moffett Creek Jake"
(Merriam, nMs.).
125. Hah-na-poch. Old village aboaut 3.5 miles S. of Yreka and about half
a mile S. of Kwik'-noo (Merriam, nMs.).
126. Koo-ter-rah'-kah. Located about 5 miles S. of Yreka and about half
a mile S. of Hah-na-poch and 1 mile W. of Cho-pahn-na.
127. Am-muk'-kah-kah'-pahs. Shasta village at Tom Orr's place, 8 to 9 miles
SE of Yreka on road to Gazelle; also known as Em-muk-kah-kah-hah'-pahs
(Merriam, Ms.).
128. O-chin'-na-rah'-kah. Old village at the mouth of Scarface Gulch on W.
side of Shasta Valley about 4 miles NW of Gazelle on road to Moffett Creek
(Merriam, iMs.).
129. Asta. Located on Willow Creek by Dixon (1907: map) and also referred to
by Kroeber (1925:286). Merriam (ms.) places the village on a flat at Gazelle
on Willow Creek, in the western edge of Shasta Valley (he calls the village
Ahs'-tah or As'-tah).
130. A-ha'-ke-tok. Village on W. edge of Shasta Valley 2 or 3 miles SW of
Gazelle and close to the mountains, where Willow Creek comes out (Merriam, nMs.).
131. Ahk-na-mah. Village on Willow Creek in a tongue of Shasta Valley at
base of Scott Mountains SW of Gazelle, and about half a mile above
A-ha-ke-tok (Merriam, Ms.).
132. Ah-ha'keet-ah'-mah. Located on Willow Creek at the base of the Scott
Mountains (Merriam, nMs.).
129
133.   Kwas-so'-ho-took.  Shasta village at Edgewood (a little N. of the
town) in the S. end of the Shasta valley (Merriam, ms.).
134.  Ahawaiwig.   Village shown on Dixon's map (1907) as on headwaters
of Shasta River, directly W. of Mt. Shasta, which would place it between
Weed and Sisson. Kroeber (1925:286) refers to it as an Ahotireitsu town
on the upper reaches of the Shasta River. The village is called Ahawaswig
or Ah-haw-as-wig by Merriam (ms.).
135.   Ap-o'-ne.  Large village on Shasta River about 2 to 2.5 miles NW of
Montague, on W. side of river (Merriam, iMs.).
136. Wiyahawir. A former village of the Iruaitsu Shasta on the right
bank of the Shasta River below Montague.   Merriam (ms.) refers to the
village as We'-yah-hah-wer and We-o-how.
137.   Ikahig.  It was an Ahotireitsu town (Kroeber, 1925:286) located on
the Shasta River near mouth of the Little Shasta River (Dixon, 1907: map).
Other spellings include E-kah-hik and E-kah-heg (Merriam, ms.). Merriam
(ms.) also notes Chi-ri'-wah, a village at the same spot (junction of the
Little Shasta with the Shasta River, near a little hill at Montague, on NW
border of the Shasta Valley).
138. O-pe-goo'-kwah. Village on Little Shasta River only a short distance
above Chi-ri'-wah (see #137) which was at confluence of Shasta River and
Little Shasta River (Merriam, Ms.). It is also referred to as O-pe-woo'-kwah
(Merriam, nMs.).
139. E'-cho-hah'-ke. Located on Willow Creek about 2 miles above Ager
(Merriam, Ms.).
140.   Chah-ho-wah'.  A Shasta village on Willow Creek in the mountains
about 4 miles above Ager and 1.5 miles above E-cho-hah'-ka (Merriam, ms.).
141.   Irutatiru.  On the S. side of the Little Shasta River about half-way
up (Dixon, 1907: map; Kroeber, 1925:286). Merriam (ms.) notes the village
as E-roo'-tah-te'-roo, Koo'-roo-tah-tah'-gah, and Kwe'-roo-tah-tah-gah, and
says it is a Shasta village known as "Table Rock rancheria" or "Little Shasta
rancheria".
142.   Ar'-rah'-hah-rah'-chi-to-atch-ah.   Village at hot springs several miles
E. of Chi-ri'-wah (see #137) on Little Shasta River. The place may be the
hot springs on the Terwilliger Ranch about 2 miles E. of Little Shasta post
office (Merriam, Ms.).
143.   Em'-mah-kwit'-te.   On Willow Creek at Ager (Merriam, Ms.).
144. Kew'-kah-ek'-ke. An old Shasta rancheria on Deer Creek, 7 miles W. of
Shovel Creek and 1.5 to 2 miles S. of Klamath River.     It was still inhabited
in 1919, and was the residence of an old Shasta chief, E'-it-te-kah'-hah,
known locally as Bogus Tom Smith (Merriam, ms.).
130
145. Ah-soo'-rah.   Large and important village on Bogus Creek 4 miles above
its junction with Klamath River (Merriam, Ms.).
146. Wah-i'-yah. Big village at Soda Springs by a large rock high up on
Bogus Creek (Merriam, Ms.).
147. Poo'-rah-wha'-e. Large Shasta village W. of Big Spring in junipers in
Shasta Valley (Merriam, Ms.).
148. Kwits'sahts-sah'-wish. Located near Sheep Rock, just N. of Mt. Shasta
(Merriam, Ms.).
149.  Itsa Wehitiraga. On Stewart River, Oregon, near mouth of Little Butte
Creek (Dixon, 1907: map). The village location is not shown on the accompany-
ing map.
150. Ikwahawa. Shasta village at present Jacksonville, Oregon (Dixon, 1907:
map). The village is not shown on the accompanying map.
151. Ar-rah'-hah-rah'-chi-ko-kut'-ted'-de-kwah. A village on Little Shasta
River (Merriam, Ms.).
152. Ussini. On W. side of Klamath River above Happy Camp, and probably in
territory jointly occupied by the Karok (Dixon, 1907: map). Merriam (ms.)
states that the village is apparently about 3.5 miles ENE of Happy Camp, and
clearly in Karok, not Shasta, territory.
153.  Toitatowaki. At mouth of Thompson Creek, and apparently in territory
occupied jointly by Karok and Shasta (Dixon, 1907: map). Kroeber (1925:286)
calls it Chitatowoki, a Kammatwa village on N. side of Klamath River, while
Merriam (ms.) refers to it as Che-tah-to-wah-ke, which he says is the Shasta
name for the Karok village of Sit-ip-koor.
154. Uttutsu. Village on N. side of Klamath River, apparently near or at
Ft. Goff; it is supposed to be a Shasta village, but was probably a Karok
town (Dixon, 1907:imap). Kroeber (1925:286) notes it as Ututsu, a Kammatwa
village on N. side of Klamath River.
155.  Asouru. Kammatwa settlement on N. side of Klamath River just W. of
the mouth of Seiad Creek (Dixon, 1907: map; Kroeber, 1925:286). Merriam
(ms.) records it as Ah-show-roo, and places its apparent location at the
mouth of Portugese Creek. He feels that the village was Karok, not Shasta.
156. Kwe-ahts-wah. Village on S. side of Klamath River at Grider's Ranch,
nearly opposite, but a little below the mouth of Seiad Creek. Merriam (ms.)
believes it is a village of the Karok, though Dixon (1907: map) places it
within territory claimed by the Shasta.
131
Bibliography
Dixon, R. B.
1907   The Shasta.  Bulletin, American Museum of Natural
History, Vol. 17, No. 5:381-498. New York.
Holt, C.
1946   Shasta Ethnography.  University of California Anthro-
pological Records, Vol. 3, No. 4.   Berkeley.
Kroeber, A. L.
1925   Handbook of the Indians of California.   Bureau of
American Ethnology, Bulletin 78. Washington.
Merriam, C. H.
Ms.    Manuscript on file, Department of Anthropology,
University of California, Berkeley. Catalogued as
"G/general/Nl" in R. F. Heizer, Catalogue of the
C. Hart Merriam Collection of Data Concerning
California Tribes and Other American Indians.
Archaeological Research Facility, 1969 (p. 13).
For reference purposes the original maps are
included here.
1926   Indian Tribes of California.   Statement of
C. Hart Merriam. Hearing Before a Subcommittee
of the Committee on Indian Affairs, House of Repre-
sentatives, Sixty-Ninth Congress, First Session.
H.R. 8036 and H. R. 9497:50-63. Washington.
133
Part 2. TERRITORIAL BOUNDARIES OF THE SHASTA INDIANS
The following account of the territorial boundaries of the Shasta
tribe was prepared by R. F. Heizer about fifteen years ago in connection
with Docket 333 of the Indian Claims Commission Act. No effort has been
made to add information to the original manuscript. The map presented
here (map 2) does not contain the geographical names which occur in the
text, and the reader must consult the Weed (California) Medford (Oregon)
U.S.G.S. topographic quadrangles (scale 1:250,000) for this information.
The following discussion is the justification for the boundary line
drawn on the accompanying map (map 2). In delimiting the area occupied by
the Shasta all immediately available reference material has been consulted,
and citation is made, where significant, to published and manuscript data
employed.
Beginning in California on the Klamath River in the west, the
boundary line is traced south, then east, then north into Oregon and south
again to the original starting point on the Klamath.
The western Shasta boundary has been drawn on the Klamath River just
downstream from Seiad at the mouth of Grider Creek where there was a Shasta
village. C. Hart Merriam, who devoted particular efforts between 1907 and
1919 toward recording information on Shasta villages and boundaries, con-
cluded that the boundary was at the mouth of Grider Creek. A. L. Kroeber
(1936:35) places the Karok-Shasta boundary at Hamburg on the Klamath River,
about 10 miles upstream from Seiad. R. B. Dixon (1907:386) draws the Shasta
boundary in the west on the Klamath at the native village of Ussini, about
10 miles upstream from Happy Camp. George Gibbs (1853:156, 422) noted in
1851 that the Shasta tongue prevailed along the Klamath River above Clear
Creek which enters the Klamath from the north about 6 miles downstream
from Happy Camp. Stephen Powers (1877:243) set the downstream Shasta line
on the Klamath at Scott River (by which he presumably meant Hamburg), and
he is therefore in approximate agreement with Kroeber (op. cit.) and C. Holt
(1946:301).
134
Kroeber (1936:35) opines that the strip from Happy Camp to Hamburg was
probably held in joint Shasta-Karok tenancy. If this were the case, both
Dixon's and Merriam's boundary points would be included in this jointly held
strip.  Holt (1946:301) is more specific, and says that the narrow, rocky
canyon which runs from Scott River to Happy Camp was held by two small ethnic
groups, the Gamutwa from Scott River (i.e. Hamburg) to Seiad Valley, and the
Watido from Seiad Valley to Happy Camp. They were distinguished, according
to Holt, from the true Shasta and Karok proper, as speaking "broken Shasta"
and "broken Karok".  If this is true, the Gamutwa were "karok-ized" Shasta
and the Watido were "shasta-ized" Karok. Thus, Seiad Valley would mark the
downstream limit of the Shasta (for the Gamutwa thus would be ranked as Shasta)
and the upstream limit of the Karok since by the same token the Watido would
rank as Karok. Such an explanation would account for the boundaries set by
Dixon,  Kroeber, Holtand Powers, as well as by Merriam who seems to have been
the most thorough student of Shasta ethnogeography. Merriam's opinion was
based on the information acquired by him over a number of years from living
Shasta Indians, and he is definite in stating that the furthest downstream
village was situated at the mouth of Grider Creek.
Dixon's list of villages between Seiad and Happy Camp were secured from
a Shasta informant named Kimolly living at Hamburg, and who would now [1954]
if alive, be about 115 years old (Kroeber, 1936:36). Sargent Sambo, Holt's
informant, also was consulted by Dixon some 45 years ago and Sambo placed the
last downstream Shasta village in Kunz Flat, 3 miles below Hamburg. Curtis
(1924:222), although he gives the town of Sammai (at Seiad) as a Karok town,
nevertheless names a subgroup of Shasta, the Katiru,   occupying the Klamath
River from Happy Camp to Seiad Valley (op. cit. p. 232) and the Kanmatwa sub-
group of Shasta occupying the Klamath River from Scott River (Hamburg).
Kroeber (1936:37) feels certain that the confusion does not arise from a
historic movement of the Karok up the Klamath. Gibb's statement that Shasta
speech prevailed upstream from Clear Creek on the Klamath River is not support-
ed by any other data, and is therefore probably an error. Kroeber (1936:29)
specifically states the language at Clear Creek "was the same as that of the
Karok downstream about Orleans."
The boundary line running south of Seiad on the Klamath River takes a
bearing a little west of south to follow the crest of the unnamed mountain
spur extending between the arc of the Marble Mountains in the south and the
Siskiyou Mountains north of the Klamath and just south to the Oregon-Calif-
ornia line at an elevation of about 5000 feet to Buckhorn Mountain (el. 6917).
From here it bears a little east of south along the same crest to Black
Mountain (el. 7451) a few miles north of the junction of the Marble and
Salmon ranges, continuing in the same general direction, the line passes along
the crest of the Salmons at an elevation of 7000 to 8000 feet to South Fork
Lake (the headwaters of the south fork of Scott River at about 1230lat/41012 1/2').
135
Here it encounters the Siskiyou-Trinity county boundary line and turns east
for about 6 miles to Eagle Peak (el. 7795') and thence turns northwesterly
to follow the crest of the Scott Mountains (el. 7000-8000') as does the
county boundary line just named.   The line is locally sinuous, but the
trend is consistent for an airline distance of about 17 miles to a point
marking the approximate junction of the Trinity and Scott mountains be-
tween the headwaters of Eddy and Parks Creek, both of these being affluents
of the Shasta River. Here the boundary continues northwesterly across
Shasta Valley between Weed and Edgewood to the vicinity of Bolam and Graham
on the Southern Pacific Railroad, and turns north through Cougar just east
of Sheep Rock, along the west shore of Grass Lake, over Goosenest Peak
(el. 8289'), crosses the Little Shasta River at Mills Ranch, goes over Ikes
Mountain (el. 5508') and continues to McGavin Peak (el. 5478') where the line
then turns northwest along Shovel Creek to cross the Klamath River at Beswick.
The line south of Seiad through Black Mountain to South Fork Lake is
one which both Dixon's (1907:386) and Merriam's (ms. maps) data roughly agree
upon.  The eastern slopes of the mountains over whose crest the line runs
were not chosenfor sites of permanent settlements, but were used as summer
hunting and gathering grounds (Dixon, 1907:421, 431). The permanent
villages whose names and location were remembered after 1900 are situated
somewhat to the east of this line along the Scott River and the lower
reaches of the western affluents. The line running east of South Fork Lake
and continuing across Shasta Valley south of Edgewood is partly a drainage
boundary and in the valley is marked by what Merriam specifically states is
the southernmost Shasta Valley village (No. 136). Dixon (1907:386) runs the
line a little further south to the crest of Mt. Shasta, which notable land-
mark he shows as a corner boundary of the Shasta proper and the Okwanuchu, a
Shastan-speaking group of the Upper Sacramento and McCloud River drainage.
Kroeber (1925:318-319, tribal map at end) makes Mount Shasta the meeting
point of Modoc, Shasta and Okwanuchu, and notes that "this great isolated
peak only served them [the Modoc], as all tribes about, as a gigantic land
mark...The hunting rights on its north flank may have belonged to the Okwan-
uchu rather than to the Modoc".   Merriam (1996a, colored map) also makes
Mount Shasta the mutual corner of Shasta, Modoc and Okwanuchu territory.
Powers (1877, endpocket map) does not show Mount Shasta as a boundary mark,
the Shasta-Modoc corner being some miles north and west of the peak.
Beyond Edgewood the eastern boundary line of Shasta territory is adopted
from the field maps of Merriam, a published map of Merriam (1926a), the
tribal maps of Kroeber (1925) and Powers (1877), and the Modoc-Shasta
boundary of Dixon (1907). None of these agree with our line in all details,
but each is so generally the same that all could be drawn on one map within
two parallel lines not over 8 miles apart. The easternmost line of named and
located Shasta villages consists of sites No. 145, 146, 149, 150, 151.    The
upstream Klamath River point held by the Shasta, as stated above and as shown
here in Map 2, has been placed at Beswick at the mouth of Shovel Creek where
was situated a Shasta village (no. 85 on map). Dixon (1907: map) places this
point about half way between the mouth of Jenny Creek and Shovel Creek. Holt
(1946: map) supports our line by showing a village (Tcachuduk') just above the
mouth of Shovel Creek on the south bank of the Klamath. Powers (1877:242) sets
the upstream limit of the Shasta at Bogus Creek, but this is specifically
negated by the testimony of one of Merriam's informants, Bogus Tom, who lived
at Bogus Creek and who listed over twenty village sites in the 14 mile stretch
between Bogus Creek and Shovel Creek on the river. Spier (1930:9, fig. 1)
places "the northernmost outposts (of the Shasta) on Shovel Creek", and draws
the Klamath-Modoc-Shasta meeting spot a few miles east of the confluence of
Shovel Creek with the Klamath River.
That the Shasta Indians lived in southern Oregon south of the Umpqua
River is attested by a large body of evidence. Peter Skene Ogden on his third
Snake expedition of 1826-27 spent the last months of 1826 trapping beaver in
the Klamath Lake county, after which he moved west and northwest to the head-
water streams of the Rogue River. In his journal (Elliot, 1910:213-216) he
states: (Feb. 10, 1827) "Here we are among the Sastise. Course this day W.
the stream we are on has no connection with the Clammitte (Klamath) River:
it flows S. and W. to a large river [Rogue River]. These Indians know nothing
of the ocean."  Feb. 12,--(Indians paid them a visit)..."there being two who
understand the Clammitte language, that it takes a western course. These
forks have become a large river." Feb. 14.--"I have named this river Sastise
River. There is a mountain equal in height to Mt. Hood or Vancouver. I have
named it Mt. Sastise [Mt. Pitt, el. 9760'].    I have given these names from
the tribes of Indians." March l.--"We left taking an E course to falls and
cascades.  Soon a village large enough to contain 100 families of Indians."
March 9.--"crossed over Sasty River [Rogue River]." March 13.--"Left the
Sasty Forks in our rear."
The tribal designation Shasta (or its variants such as Chasta, Saste,
Sasti, Shaste, etc.) does not seem to be the name applied to the Shasta by
themselves, but, as usual in North America, was a name by which they were
designated by one of their neighbors. The adjoining nation which knows the
Shasta by that name is the Klamath group whose home lay in Oregon immediately
east of the Shasta from the crest or eastern slopes of the Cascades (Palmer,
1854:463, 470; Spier, 1930, Fig. 1).   Spier (1930:3) states that the Klamath
call the Shasta Cha'sti   and notes, t'this might be taken as the long sought
origin of the name Shasta, was there not suspicion that its use may be only
recent, displacing another and older application of 'Southerners' to them.
Ogden in early 1827 upon departing from the Klamath Lake country crossed the
Cascades to the headwaters of the Rogue River where he named that stream the
Sastise (or Sasty) river "from the tribes of Indians." Spier (1927:1-2)
137
elsewhere differs from this interpretation and identifies Ogden's Shasta
River as Pit River. Ogden may have learned of this appelation from the
Klamath while he was among them, or the word might conceivably have been
derived from meeting some Athabascan Indians who also use a similar word,
Shi-sta, for the Umpqua River. Rogue River is called Shi-stV-kwut-ni-li by
one southern Oregon tribe (Dorsey, 1890:231, 234). The evidence on the
point of the origin of the name Shasta is incomplete and confusing, but we
may be reasonably certain that the name originated from some Oregon group
who were neighbors to the Oregon Shasta.
After 1827, as shown so clearly in a publication by Merriam (1926b),
the imperfect state of geographical knowledge of northern California and
southern Oregon caused confusion in map terminology, so that the Rogue and
Klamath Rivers were on one occasion or another each called Shasta and
Klamath. Through this confusion of names, Shasta became transferred from
Mt. Pitt in Oregon to the present Mt. Shasta in Siskiyou county, California.
What does seem clear is that the Indians whom we now refer to as
Shasta were first referred to by that name in 1827 in Oregon along the
upper reaches of the Rogue River and in the vicinity of Mt. Pitt (Lat. 1220
18'/long. 42026'). The community and identity of these people with the
California Shasta has been affirmed by disinterested and objective ethno-
logists (e.g. Dixon, 1907:387), and this is supported by additional records
of earlier date.
R. B. Dixon's statement (1907:386) which was cited on pp. 3-4 of
Docket No. 333, Indian Claims Commission is repeated below, and may be used
as a starting point for discussion of the Shasta occupancy of Oregon.
"Habitat and Boundaries. --The area occupied by the Shasta
lies partly in California and partly in Oregon, including
almost the whole of Siskiyou County in the former, and parts
of Jackson and Klamath Counties in the latter State. On the
south they were in contact with the Wintun; on the east, with
the Achoma'wi and the Lutua' mi or Klamath Lake Indians; on
the north, with the Takelma and the various Athabascan tribes
along the Rogue and Umpqua Rivers; and on the west, with the
Athabascans, the Takelma, and the Karok. In more detail the
area occupied may be described as follows. Beginning at Mount
Shasta, the boundary ran nearly due north, over Goose Nest
mountain to the Klamath River, reaching the river a little
above the mouth of Jenny Creek. From this point on the river,
the rather vague line seems to have swung to the east a little,
so as to include within Shasta territory all the head-waters
of Jenny Creek, and then to have followed roughly along the
138
divide to Mount Pitt. Here the line turns westward to the
Rogue River at the mouth of Little Butte Creek, and thence along
Rogue River to Table Rock at the mouth of Stewart River, or, as
it is also known, Bear Creek. From this point, the line ran
apparently southward, along the divide between the western trib-
utaries of Stewart River and the eastern tributaries of Applegate
Creek, swung around the head of the latter, and curved sharply
west, following the crest of the Siskiyous to the vicinity of
Thompson Creek, where the boundary touched the Klamath again
at the village of Ussini.   Southward from here, the divide be-
tween the western tributaries of Scott River and the eastern
tributaries of the Klamath and Salmon Rivers seems to have been
the line dividing the Shasta from the Karok and from the two
small fragments of the Shastan stock,--the Konomi'hu and the
New River Shasta. From the extreme southwestern corner of Siskiyou
County the boundary ran east to Mount Shasta gain, following
approximately the divide between the Trinity and Sacramento
Rivers on the south and the Scott and Shasta Rivers on the north.
Concerning a part of this territory--that, namely, within
the limits of the State of Oregon--there is still some uncertainty.
According to the best information obtainable, the Rogue River
Indians (Athabascans) and the Shasta have long been enemies, and
had contended since time immemorial for the Oregon area now
claimed by the Shasta. At a period about a hundred years ago, as
nearly as could be estimated, the Shasta declare that they finally
drove the Rogue River people completely out of the territory in
dispute, and that they were themselves in occupancy of it when
the white trappers first penetrated to the region. That the Rogue
River Indians still claimed the area as theirs, however, is shown
by the treaty of Sept. 10, 1853, by which they ceded this section
and also a portion of what was, I believe, unquestionably Shasta
territory lying with the State of California. That full depend-
ence cannot, however, be placed upon such cessions, is shown, for
example, in the cession by the Klamath Lake Indians, in 1851 and
again in 1864, of Shasta Valley itself,2 an integral part of the
Shasta territory, if there is any such. Perhaps the most that can
be said at present, in the absence of any information from the side
of the Rogue River Indians, is that the ownership of the portion of
Oregon claimed by the Shasta was vigorously disputed, and that it
is not unlikely that the Shasta were the original possessors."
1 Royce, Indian Land Cessions (Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,
1896-97, Part 2, pp. 778, 789, and Plates CXV, CLVIII).
2 Ibid, pp. 788, 789,834, 835, and Plates CXIV, CXV.
139
Holt (1946:301) repeats, in effect, Dixon's earlier remarks on the
area of Oregon held by the Shasta, but adds nothing new except to note that
"Ikiruk" the name for Rogue River Valley means "back behind", reference
being to the high mountains between the Klamath and Rogue Rivers over which
the old trail led. The Shasta of the Rogue Valley were, accordingly, called
Ikiriuka'tsu." Dixon (1907:389) simply notes that the Oregon Shasta were
known as Kaho'-sadi, but Holt (p. 301) says this term is a generic one for
the Shasta as a whole and might be applied to any one of the four subdivi-
sions of the Shasta. Gatschet (Ms. 1877) says the Scotts Valley Shasta
call themselves Ka'-usadi. Dixon (1910:328-329) in a report published a
few years after his monograph on the Shasta says the Oregon Shasta occupied
the valleys of Jenny and Cottonwood creeks and the entire valley of Stewart
River (Bear Creek) to its mouth on Rogue River and from this point they con-
trolled the area along Rogue River to Little Butte Creek as well as the
basin of Little Butte Creek which headsnear the base of Mt. Pitt. In the
Atlas volume of the Narrative of the U.S. Exploring Expedition of 1838-42
carried out under Commander C. Wilkes of U.S.N., is printed a "Map of the
Oregon Territory, 1841" on which appears the Rogue River labelled as
"Shasta R.", and the middle and upper reaches of the stream are shown to be
occupied by the Shasta tribe. The map, though geographically incorrect,
nevertheless is quite clear and definite in its intent to show that the
Shasta occupied the area on Rogue River and thence southward to Mt. Shasta.
In Wilkes' Narrative (1845, Vol 5:231) he says, "They encamped on the plain
of the Shaste country (Rogue River Valley) which is divided by the
[Umpqua] mountains which they had passed, from the Umpqua Valley." On the
Eastman map of 1852 published in Emmons (1853) the Rogue and Klamath Rivers
are shown and the Shasta here occupy their approximately correct area of
northern California and southern Oregon, being western neighbors of the
Klamath and southern neighbors of the Umpqua. The overland contingent of
the Wilkes expedition, on the way from the Columbia River to San Francisco,
first encountered the Shasta by receiving "warnings by runners from the
Shaste nation, long before I [Emmons] reached the Umpqua River, with threats
of annihiliation if I attempted it [to pass through their country]
(Emmons, 1853:202). Powell's map (1891:106) of American Indian linguistic
families shows the Shasta territory in Oregon as about the same as determined
and mapped 16 years later by Dixon, though Powell's text (Ibid, p. 106)
states, "The former territory of the Sastean family is the region drained by
the Klamath River and its tributaries from the western base of the Cascade
range...In addition... the Shasta extended over the Siskiyou range northward
as far as Ashland, Oregon."   S. Powers (1877:242) quotes E. Steele (an Indian
agent of the 1850's) that the Shasta domain included "A part of the Rogue
River in Oregon."
In 1851 George Gibbs, a member of the McKee party charged with making
official treaties with the California Indians stated, "The Indians of the
140
Illinois Valley are said to speak the language of this part of the Klamath
(the Shaste), and not that of Rogue's River [i.e. Athabascan]. We were
further informed that Joe, the head chief of-the Rogue's River Indians, the
same with whom Major Kearney had his contest during the past summer, and who
is now living in peace with the whites, at the ferry on the Oregon trail,
claims the Shaste tribes as properly his subjects, although they yield to him
no allegiance. Be this as it may, the fact of a pretty intimate connection
between the Indians on the Upper      t of both rivers, is clear." Since the
Shasta are not otherwise known to have held the Illinois River, Gibbs is either
simply wrong, or in error as to the name of the stream. He may have meant
Applegate Creek or Bear Creek. Further evidence of the existence of the
Shasta on the Rogue River is to be seen in two vocabularies, identifiable as
Shasta, and printed in Powers (1877:607-613). One (No. 3) was collected in
1856 by Gen. George Crook at Fort Lane (a few miles north of Medford in the
valley of Bear Creek) and the other (No. 4) was collected by Gen. W. B.
Hazen  on Rogue River, Oregon."
In a letter of 1853 to A. A. Dart, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for
Oregon, from A. A. Skinner, Indian Agent for southwestern Oregon, the agent
says, "At the same time [on or just after Nov. 15, 1851] and place [Perkins
Ferry, where the Oregon to California trail crossed the Rogue River west of
Table Rock] I met a portion of the Shasta band of Rogue's River Indians...
This portion of the tribe reside principally on the main river between the
Ferry and Table Rock." He then adds, "At the request of Joe and Sam, the
principal chiefs of the Rogue's River Indians, I met another part of the
Shasta band a few days subsequently on the river, about-eighteen miles above
the Ferry... these Indians were from different parts of the upper valley [of
the Rogue River], and represented all the different bands residing there,
with the exception of those living on the head-waters of the main branch of
the Rogue River." He continues, still speaking of the Shasta, "...I believe
the only portions of the Indians of this valley [of the Rogue River] from
whom any difficulty is to be apprehended.. .are those living in the vicinity
of the Siskin (i.e. Siskiu or Siskiyou) mountains, and those in the valley
of the main fork, above Table Rock."
In another communication of 1853 from Skinner to Dart he says, "The
whole country from the Calapooya Creek in the Umpqua valley, to the Siskin
(Siskiyou) mountain, is occupied by the Umpqua and Shasta tribes of Indians,
and these tribes are subdivided into various bands, each claiming separate
and distinct portions of territory."
E. Steele, in a letter to Gen. C. S. Drew written at Hemmitage, Scott
Valley, Nov. 15, 1857 (in Palmer, Ms. p.20) wrote: "The Indians now called
the Shastas were then [1851] quite numerous, including the band occupying
141
the Yreka Flat, under the chief Tolo, and those inhabiting the valley of
the Shasta River and the contiguous mountains under the chiefs called
"Bill" and "Scarface". The latter so denominated from a deep scar on his
cheek, caused by a cut received at the time he killed the chief of the
band and usurped his authority. These Indians were all congregated on
what is called Yreka Flats when we moved over and received us in a very
friendly manner. They, with these of Scotts River and Rogue River all
talked the same language, and were formally under the same chief, but each
of the bands under the control of a subordinate chief.
This head chief who was the father of "John" of Scott Valley, had
been killed accidentally a few years before; and "John" being young, a
strife for the supremacy had been carried on for some time by Sam and Joe,
of Rogue River, and Scarface of Shasta, and John of Scotts Valley; old
Tolo remaining neutral in the contest. The whites coming in among them
their difficulties ceased, and each chief took supreme control of his sepa-
rate band."
No statement could be clearer than that of Steele, just quoted, in
showing that the Scott, Shasta and Rogue River bands were united by a
common language, and, at the coming of the whites, by a community of chief-
tainship. That the native system of tribal leadership brok down early in
the historic period is clear from other evidence, the result being that
each band chief now became autonomous. In the Rogue River Indian wars of
1850-57 each Shasta band, whether in Oregon or California, was on its own,
and could choose either to join the Indian side or remain neutral. Steele
(in Palmer, Ms. p. 27) while in a party pursuing some Indian fugitives, met
and captured a "Rogue River Indian" in the Siskiyou mountains who reported
that the fugitives Steele was pursuing "had gone to Sam's band, and that
this Indian [i.e. the captured one] was going over [the mountains] to
induce their [i.e. Shasta Valley] people and the Scotts River Indians to
join Tipshee and Sam against the whites." Such remarks, while not conclu-
sive, strongly suggest that Sam's and Tipshee's bands of Rogue River Indians
were of the same tribe as the Scott and Shasta valley peoples.
The aboriginal tribal distribution along Rogue River has always been
confused (Spier, 1927:1 calls it "chaotic") because the Indians were early
removed (for the most part to Siletz and Grande Ronde reservation), and
were greatly diminished in numbers by 1860 through the "Indian wars" (for
which see Victor, 1894). Aside from incidental facts which can be gleaned
from travelers' accounts, Indian agents' letters and military affairs re-
ports, we are practically lacking in concrete ethnologic facts. The early
work of Dorsey (1890) on the Siletz reservation, though valuable, is not
correct in all respects, has been adversely criticized and corrected in part
by Sapir (1907). Sapir's work among the Takelma (the major tribe of the
142
middle Rogue River) is valuable, but he was interrogating informants removed
both in space and time from their original habitat, and his data do not fully
check with earlier information.
Sapir (1907:252) says that the Takelma proper occupied the middle valley
of the Rogue River from Illinois River in the west to about Table Rock in the
east. He adds that "another tribe of the same linguistic stock... dwelt farther
to the east, occupying the poorer land of the Upper Rogue, east, say of Table
Rock toward the Cascades and in the neighborhood of the present town of
Jacksonville. These were known as Lat-ga-wa, 'those living in the uplands',
but were also loosely referred to as Wulx, i.e. enemies's, a name specifically
applied to the Shasta, with whom the Takelma were often in hostile relation."
Sapir goes on to say (1907:253, fn. 3) that on the basis of Dixon's Shasta
information to the effect that the Shasta claim ownership of the country east
of Table Rock and about Jacksonville, "it is possible that the Upland Takelma
did not really border directly on the Klamath, the Shasta intervening: or the
country may have been to some extent debatable territory between the Upper
Takelma and the Shasta." Spier (1927) in an article devoted specifically to
tribal distribution in southwestern Oregon has concluded that: (1) neither
Ogden in 1827 nor Framboise in 1838 were referring to the Shasta of the Upper
Rogue River-Table-Rock-Jacksonville area; (2) the Upland Takelma (called Hanis
or Walumskni) "lived on both sides of Bear Creek for its whole length and on
Rogue River about Table Rock"; and (3), in the identification and position of
the Upland Takelma Sapir (1907) was correct and Dixon's claim of Shasta owner-
ship of this region was incorrect. It should be noted that Gatschet (Ms.
cited in BAE-B 30, Vol. 1, p.236) recorded the term Walamskni as used by the
Klamath for the Chastacosta, and not as Spier thinks, for the Takelma. Spier
(1930, Fig. 1) shows on his map the Upland Takelma occupying precisely the
territory which we have already argued was held by Oregon Shasta. Our dil-
emma is that we have got two different tribes (Takelma and Shasta) occupying
(according to different authorities) the same territory. The explanation and
solution of the problem seems to be that the Table Rock-Jacksonville region
(or, more generally, the Upper Rogue River valley east to the Cascade crest)
was held at the opening of the historic period by the Shasta. Indeed, this
thesis is concretely supported by Dixon's (1907:387) statement that: "accord-
ing to the best information obtainable the Rogue River Indians (Athabascans)
and the Shasta have long been enemies, and had contended since time immemorial
for the Oregon area now claimed by the Shasta. At a period about a hundred
years ago (i.e. ca. 1800) as nearly as could be estimated, the Shasta declare
that they finally drove the Rogue River people completely out of the terri-
tory in dispute, and that they were themselves in occupancy of it when the
white trappers first penetrated to the region." In the historic period,
particularly 1850-1855, the Shasta suffered so from the Indian wars which
centered in their territory, that the survivors either went to Siletz reser-
143
vation or voluntarily retracted south of the Siskiyou mountains to find
refuge among their California brethren. As the Shasta withdrew the Upland
Takelma filled the vacuum. This would explain the specific claim of Shasta
ownership of what Spier maps and Sapir suggests in Upland Takelma terri-
tory, as well as account for the more recent claims of informants (both
Takelma and Klamath) that they held this region. The Takelma may well have
done so, but only in the historic period after the Shasta withdrew, for as
Spier (1930:41) himself says: "In the period 1860-1870 the few Shasta re-
maining in their territory congregated on the lower Shasta River and near
the frontier town, Yreka." Palmer (1854:463) notes this exodus as already
in progress in 1854.
Spier (1930:2) notes that the Klamath are called Wols by the Hanis
or Upland Takelma. This is the same word (ulx) that Sapir (1907:252)
records as the term specifically applied to the Shasta by the Takelma. It
thus appears that after the Takelma replaced the Shasta in the Medford-
Ashland-Upper Rogue region they transferred the word Wulx or Wols (enemies)
to their eastern neighbors who were now the Klamath in the trans-Cascade
area.
Berreman (1937:26-27, Figs. 1, 2) who follows Spier (1927) says,
"The evidence seems to be against permanent and extensive settlements of
Shasta in the Jacksonville and Table Rock region", and does not propose any
alteration of Oregon Shasta boundary lines in the historic period, though
he does state, "Since the Shasta and Takelma were constantly at war, this
may well have been disputed territory which changed hands at various times
as the fortunes of war gave the raiding bands of one or the other the
advantage." Berreman (1937:36-37, Fig. 1) places the Shasta boundary at
the summit of the Siskiyous and limits Shasta occupation elsewhere in
Oregon to the drainage of Jenny Creek. Spier (1930, Fig.L) follows the
Siskiyou summit line and includes only the lowermost Oregon reaches of
Jenny Creek in Shasta territory.
One additional and all-important approach may be made to the problem
of the Shasta in Oregon, and this is through the names of headmen (chiefs
or subchiefs) living on Rogue River and who are identified as Shasta in the
early historic period. Spier (1927:2) submitted some of these chief's names
to E. Sapir who was, however, unable to identify the language of these
names. The names are not Klamath or Takelma.
Joseph Lane (Ms,64-65, 88-89, 117-128) speaking of the Rogue River
Indians says: "They were known as Shasta Indians. All of them belonged to
the Shasta tribe, Tipsey's being only a branch of the Rogue River or Shasta
Indians...Joe, the great chief and John who subsequently had a war in 1855
or 1856, belonged to them. They were all relatives. There was John and Joe
144
and some other named brother."
The chief called Tipsey (or Tipsu, Tipsha, Tipsy) also figures prominent-
ly in the early settlement and 1850-period Indian wars in the Rogue River
country. Tipsey is identified as a Shasta by Lane (Ms, p. 118). According
to the account of Thomas Smith (Ms, p. 8), Tipsey's camp was on the flat later
occupied by the Ashland mill. Tipsey "pointed out [to Smith] a large scope of
country which he claimed to have control of," thus indicating Shasta owner-
ship of the region about Ashland which, unfortunately, is not further speci-
fied. In the spring of 1853 Tipsey came to Smith and "bid him farewell saying
he was going to leave the valley and not return again. He said [the great spirit]
was mad at him for letting the [white man] come" (Smith, Ms. p. 38). Tipsey's
new home lay further west on Applegate Creek, about 30 miles from his old home
and in the northern foothills of the Siskiyou mountains. In a letter from J. C.
Bonnycastle to General Wool (written at Fort Jones, May 28, 1854) Bonnycastle
says, "The Siskiyou range being the country through which the Rogue River Chief
known as 'Tipsha Tyee' and his band roam.... , this reference apparently being
to Tipsey in his new location (Smith, Ms. p. 39). The remaining portion of
Tipsey's band was then taken over by another chief who was named Sambo (Ibid
pp. 40-54).   Sargent Sambo, the principal informant used by both Dixon and Holt,
was descended from Oregon Shasta, his father and paternal grandfather being
from Rogue River Valley (Holt, 1949). His grandfather, according to Sambo,
was the principal chief of the four main Shasta subgroups. This man, was
succeeded by his son (Sargent's father), and Sargent Sambo, according to Dixon
(1907:38) is a "hereditary chief" of the Shasta. Hereditary chieftanship
among the Shasta is attested independently by Powers (1877:246). Further
corroborative evidence of Sargent Sambo's genealogy is contained in the work
by DuBois (1939:12 passim) who mentions Sambo, Sargent's father, who trans-
mitted the Ghost Dance to the Karok in 1871, and establishes Sargent Sambo's
birth year as ca. 1871.
145
Bibliography
Curtis, E. S.
1924 The Shasta.   In The North American Indian, Vol. 13, pp. 105-126.
Dixon, R. B.
1907  The Shasta.  Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., Vol. 17, Part 5,
pp. 381-498.
1910  Shasta. Handbook of American Indians, Vol. 2, pp. 527-529.
Bur. of Amer. Ethnol., Bull. 30.
Dorsey, J. 0.
1890  Indians of the Siletz Reservation, Oregon. American
Anthropologist 2:55-61.
Elliot, T. C.
1910 The Peter Skene Ogden Journals. Quart. Oregon Hist. Soc.,
Vol. 11, pp. 201-222.
Emmons, G. F.
1853 Replies to Inquiries Respecting the Indian Tribes of Oregon
and California. In H. R. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, Part III,
pp. 200-225.
Gibbs, G.
1853 Journal of the Expedition of Colonel Redick M'Kee, United
States Indian Agent, Through North-Western California.
Performed in the Summer of 1851. In H. W. Schoolcraft,
Indian Tribes, Part III, pp. 99-177.
Holt, C.
1946 Shasta Ethnography. Univ. Calif. Anthrop. Records, Vol. 3, No. 4.
Kroeber, A. L.
1925 Handbook of the Indians of California. Bur. of Amer. Ethnol.,
Bull. 78.
1936 Karok Towns. Univ. Calif. Publs. Amer. Arch. and Ethnol.,
Vol. 35, No. 4, pp. 29-38.
Lane, Joseph
MS.   Autobiography. (Original manuscript in Bancroft Library, 1878).
McArthur, L. A.
1944 Oregon Geographic Names. Binfords and Mort, Portland.
Merriam, C.
1926a
H.
The Classification and Distribution of The Pit River Indian Tribes
of California.  Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 78,
No. 3.
1926b Source of the Name Shasta. Journ. Wash. Acad. Sci., Vol. 16,
pp. 522-525.
Palmer, Joel
MS.   Reminiscences.  (Original manuscript in Bancroft Library).
1854 Letter to G. W. Manypenny. 33rd Congr., 2nd Session, Sen. Exec.
Doc. No. 1, Part I, pp. 463-474.
Powell, J. X
1891
Powers, S.
1877
Sapir, E.
1907
Spier, L.
1927
W.
I
A
:ndian Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico.
mer. Ethnol., Ann. Rept. No. 7, pp. 1-148.
Bur.
Tribes of California.  Contribs. to North Amer. Ethnol., Vol. 3.
Notes on the Takelma Indians of Southwestern Oregon. Amer.
Anthrop., Vol. 9, pp. 251-275.
Tribal Distribution in Southwestern Oregon. Oregon Hist. Quart.,
Vol. 28, pp. 1-8.
1930 Klamath Ethnography. Univ. Calif. Publs. Amer. Arch. Ethnol.,
Vol. 30.
Smith, Thomas
MS.   Rogue River Indian Wars of 1853 and 1855. (Original manuscript
in Bancroft Library).
Victor, F.
1894 The Early Indian Wars of Oregon. Salem.
147
Wilkes, C.
1845 Narrative of the U.S. Exploring Expedition During the Years
1838-1842. Atlas volume. Philadelphia.
Documents: Two Letters on U. S. Army Relations with the Shasta Indians
CALIFORNIA SUP E552
DEPT OF THE INTERIOR
May 9th '54
Transmits copy of a report to the War Dept. of Maj.
Genl. John E. Wool, commanding Pacific Station, and
reports to him from Maj. E. S. Rains, 4th Infantry
and Capt. A. E. Smith, lSt Dragoons, on the subject
of Indian relations in California and Oregon
Rec May 9, '54
Copy
Fort Lane, O.T.
January 31, 1854
Colonel.
I have the honor to report that on Sunday the 22d Lieut Crook, accompan-
ied by Dr. Sorrel arrived at this post, having been sent by Capt. Judah for
the mountain howitzer, and informed us of a difficulty between the inhabitants
of Cottonwood and the Indians, supposed to be in considerable force in that
vicinity. On the morning of the 23d I left this post, taking with me Lieut.
Ogle, a detachment of 15 men and the howitzer, and arrived on the 3d day at
Captain Judah's camp on the Klamath some five miles below the cave, where it
was reported the Indians were fortified. I found that Captain Judah had been
to the cave with his company and a party of volunteers to reconnoitre, and
had returned to his camp to await the arrival of the howitzer. Here I found
two companies of organized, besides many independent volunteers, numbering in
all about fifty men at camp, and also before joining Capt. Judah I received
from reliable persons important information in relation to the origin of the
difficulty. I was convinced that the whites (miners) were the aggressors,
and very much to blame for their unprovoked attack upon the Indians. The
first attack was made by a part of men organised in Cottonwood, who styled
themselves the Squaw Hunters, whose avowed purpose was to get squaws by force
if necessary, headed by a man who was one of Ben Wright's party at the time
he attempted to poison the Murdoc [Modoc] Indians, and others of his stamp.
149
During the first attack at the cave, the Chief, Bill, was encamped with his
immediate family some ten miles above, on the river, and he absent in Yreka;
but fearing another attack, collected his little band together at the cave
and prepared to defend themselves against a similar outrage. In this first
attack, the whites killed seven Indians (3 men, one of them a brother of the
Chief who was approaching the cave unconscious of danger, with a deer upon
his back, 2 squaws and 3 children) without resistance on the part of the
Indians, after the entrance of the cave had been barricaded, the whites
immediately spread the report that the Indians had collected a strong force
at the cave for the purpose of war and plunder. A party of 28 men then went
out under the pretence of getting some stock they said the Indians had stolen,
a mere rumor, and in a fair fight the Indians defeated them, killing four
of their party, one Indian killed.
With this information I left for the cave on the morning of the 26th
(preceded by Capt. Greiger and 17 men who volunteered to take post on top of
the cave) with 20 men of Capt. Judah's company and 13 dragoons with the
howitzer and some 30 volunteers, leaving Captain Judah sick in camp with a
guard of 8 regulars and some volunteers. The cave is in the side of a per-
pendicular rock or palisade of mountain about 300 feet above the valley, the
ascent to which is steep, and the approach directly in front, so that 25 men,
with the barricade, could defend it against a charge of 100. The barricade
is on the inside and an excellent one, and had I attempted to charge it, it
would have been done by the regulars altogether at a great sacrifice of life.
After making a proper disposition of the volunteers and Lieut. Bonnycastle
with his company in front of the cave, the cannon was placed on the only
eligible position and several shells fired; this gun was then advanced, but
the elevation being so great that a trench had to be dug to lower the trail,
2 shells only entered the mouth of the cave, but done no damage as I after-
wards ascertained owing to the peculiar shape of the arch of the entrance.
The Indians were anxious for a talk and had it not been for the clamorous
portion of the volunteers, the difficulty would have been settled without
firing the second shot. We encamped that night in front of the cave, and
Bill sent three squaws to my camp under the protection of the interpreter to
ask me to have a talk. Early next morning I went up to the cave, accompanied
by a citizen, Mr. Eddy, residing in that vicinity, and heard what the Chief
had to say: all of which corroborated previous information, and in addition
his great desire to be at peace with the whites. He said he had been living
on friendly terms with the whites both in Yreka and Cottonwood but had left
the latter place on account of the ill-treatment of his women. I found only
the small band of Chastas in the cave, numbering in all not over fifty, and
one boy on a visit from some other tribe. They had previously occupied caves
higher up the river, but this being more commodious furnished them comfortable
and secure winter quarters. I directed the Chief to remain in the cave for
the present, feeling assured that the ill-disposed portion of the community
would massacre indiscriminately, men, women and children if brought out.
150
What justice can be expected of a community that will furnish poison and
approve of its being administered wholesale to the Indians: just such characters
were the instigators of this affair.
The volunteers collected all the Indian ponies (12) and brought away
nine (maliciously shot one) contrary to my wishes. I regret to have to report
the death of Captain Greiger: he was shot, while in the act of looking over
into the cave from his position on top, a rash act that he had but a few
minutes previous cautioned his men against: he was an estimable man and uni-
versally beloved. After informing the volunteers of the result of the talk,
we marched back to Captain Judah's camp on the afternoon of the 27th. The
volunteers continued on to their homes. I directed Captain Judah to return
with his company to Fort Jones, and early in the morning of the 28th I set
out with my detachment and howitzer for this post which we reached yesterday
afternoon.
The ground was covered with snow, and the weather intensely cold -
thermometer ten(l0)degrees below 0 three days before we left; during which
time Captain Judah was in camp on the Klamath. I cannot speak too highly of
the energy and activity of the soldiers and officers concerned.
Very Respectfully,
Your obedient servant
Signed.            A. J. Smith
Capt 1st Dragoons
Col. G. Wright
Comdg. Nor. Dist. of Cala.
Fort Reading                      A true copy
California                        E. D. Townsend
Asst.Adjt.Genl.
151
SECRETARY OF WAR
25th July 1854
CALIFORNIA No.2103
Enclo: for information. Copy of report made by Lieut.
J. C. Bonnycastle 4th Infantry Com'g Fort Jones
California concerning Indian affairs near his Post
and announcing death [of] Tipsha Tyee, Rogue River
Chief, and the murder of the Shasta Chief "Bill" by
the whites.
*    *    *    *    *    *
REC AUG 3 '54
Respy. refd to the Comm. of Indian Affairs with the
request that he will say whether the information has
been heretofore or otherwise communicated to him.
Geo. C. Whiting
cc
July 30, 1854
Dept. of Interior
See Report to Secretary of the Interior August 3, 1854.
*    *    *    *    *    *
War Department
Washington, July 25, 1854
Sir:
I have the honor to transmit, herewith for your information a copy of
a report made by Lieut. J. C. Bonnycastle, 4th Infantry, Commanding Fort Jones,
California, concerning Indian affairs in the neighborhood of his Post, and
announcing the death of Tipsha-Tyee the Rogue River Chief, and the murder of
the Shasta Chief "Bill" by the whites.
Very respectfully
Your Obt-Servt.
Hon. R. McClellande                              Jeffn Davis
Secretary of the Interior                        Secretary of War
*    *   *    *   *    *
Fort Jones, Cala May 28, 1854.
Sir:
I have the honor to report that about the 12th inst I was informed by
one of the Indians encamped at this place, that an outrage had been attempted
on a white woman living between Yreka and the Klamath River, during the ab-
sence of her husband, by an Indian called "Joe" of the Shasta tribe; and
that the Indian had been prevented from accomplishing his purpose by the
resistance of the woman and by the arrival of some white man on whose near
approach he fled. I immediately sent Lieut. Hood to inform the chief of the
Shastas, "Bill", that I required the unconditional surrender of the Indian
"Joe" that he might be punished.
Lieut. Hood with the Indian Agent Mr. Rosborough saw the chief and made
my demand known to him. Bill made an effort to extract a promise that Joe
should not be hung and at the same time expressed himself as being angry that
the offence had been commited. I had however directed Lieut. Hood to require
an unconditional surrender of the Indian, for two reasons - because I wished
to test the protestations of friendship I had received from these Indians,
and because, intending as I did, to hand the offender over to be tried by
civil authority I could not answer for his being only punished strictly
according to law.   After some hesitation, Bill promised that the offender
should be delivered to me at the Fort, within two days. Three days having
elapsed and having heard nothing of Bill, on the 16th inst. I started from
this Post with all of the force at my disposal for the purpose of compelling
the surrender of Joe -- on reaching Yreka my camp was visited by two of the
principal Indians of the Scott's valley land, who expressed themselves as
very anxious that Joe should be given up, and endeavored to obtain a promise
from me that he should not be hung -
This promise I refused to give for the reasons already stated but
agreed that in case the offender should be surrendered before I reached the
Klamath River, I would return to Fort Jones, satisfied -but if I was forced
to cross the river to get him, I told them that I should hold the tribe
responsible for his misconduct and that I should engage the services of a
large band of De Chute (Oregon) Indians to aid me in catching and punishing
them.
Early the next day I resumed my march without holding any further
communication with the Indians although solicited to do so - but before
having marched ten miles, I was overtaken by an old Indian formerly chief
of the Shastas and three other Indians, all mounted. The old chief was very
anxious that I should go with him to see that the woman had not been hurt,
and it was with some difficulty that I could make him understand that the
153
intention was almost as culpable whether successful or not. Indeed the Indian
could not see why I spoke of the offence as being of such magnitude, when
their squaws are constantly run down, sometimes by men on horses, and raped.
Having ascertained where I intended camping that night, getting me to
promise that I would await there his return the next day, the old man with
the other Indians pushed on for the camp of the Shastas, in the mountains,
promising before he left that Joe should be given up the next day.
I encamped then at the willow spring, within a few miles of the Klamath,
on the night of the 17th inst. and proposed remaining at this point until the
evening of the next day, in order to give Bill every chance of remaining at
peace with us; but just at dark a messenger from Cottonwood arrived with the
information that at noon that day a pack train had been attacked on the Siski-
you Mountain by Indians, and one of two men with the train killed, the other
barely escaping.
The Siskiyou range being the country through which the Rogue River chief
known as "Tipsha Tyee" and his band roam, I at once concluded that it was he
who had attacked the train - and this being a blow at the interests of al-
most all of the citizens of this section of the country, I resolved to
follow him as rapidly as possible with the hope of being able to catch and
punish the Indians engaged in the murder. My promise to the Shasta Indians
to wait their arrival at my camp, with the necessary preparations for quick
movement, prevented me from leaving until mid-day. When the Shastas not
having arrived we started for the Siskiyou, leaving our pack animals under a
guard and every man carrying one blanket with ten days rations of bread and
pork; that night we reached nearly the top of the mountain. From Willow
Spring I sent Lieut. Hood back to Yreka to inform Lem-tes-tis, the chief of
the De Chutes of my being called off in another direction, and early on the
morning of the 18th he overtook me at the point where the murder had been
commited, accompanied by some thirty eight of the De Chutes well mounted and
anxious to aid in the capture of Tipsha. These Indians having made a long
march, contrary to my wish, I was forced to remain that day on the mountain
with them, that their horses might rest and graze.
At daylight on the 19th taking the trail of Tipsha we started across
the mountains and marched more than twenty five miles, mostly over a very
rough country. The DeChutes being well mounted and riding anywhere, with
practiced eye detected signs of the retreating Indians, when but few whites
could have detected any indication that they had passed. By the sign, the
De Chutes asserted that six Indians were engaged in the murder.
Late in the afternoon we reached a point where the signs indicated
that the Indians had recently encamped, and halting, spies were sent out, who
154
on their return reported that two Indians had gone off to the northward, up
a valley with the mules taken from the train, while the other four with seven
horses stolen from some drovers two nights before, had gone in the direction
of the cave on the Klamath, and that one Indian, afoot, had been traced, going
up the valley, quite recently, after the Indians with the mules. This Indian
they believed to be one of some adjacent tribe, who having come to visit the
camp at which we were halted and finding it deserted, was returning to his
home.  The direction taken by the Indians with the horses, inducing me to
believe that the murder had been participated in by the Shasta Indians, I
determined to pursue them and to inflict severe punishment. Following their
trail at nightfall we encamped, and at daylight next morning moved on toward
the cave. About 10 o'clock the De Chute scouts discovered the Shasta camp
and bringing back the information, we hurried forward with the expectation of
engaging them before they could gain their stronghold.
On reaching the brink of a tall bluff, opposite to another on the top
of which the Shasta camp was, we were hailed by an American, who called out
that Capt. Goodall was with the Shastas and wished to see me. Supposing that
he was there to inform me that the Indian "Joe" had been given up and that he
knew nothing of my having tracked the murderers of the Packer to this camp, I
told Capt. Goodall to come over to me, when I expected, that on learning the
facts I had to communicate, he with the three men with him would join me in
an attack on the Shastas.
However on reaching me, he informed me that Tipsha had come into the
Shasta camp about thirty six hours before, and had proposed, after telling
them of the murder he had just commited that they should join him in waging
war on the whites - and that instead of agreeing to this, the Shastas had
killed Tipsha his son and his son-in-law, the fourth Indian with him escaping,
and being doubtless the Indian whose foot tracks the De Chutes had seen the
evening before. Capt. Goodall further stated that these Indians were very
anxious to remain at my camp at the Willow Spring, where I had promised to
wait - and had then gone on to Yreka, where he remained two days, when he had
returned with him to the Shasta camp. That immediately in killing Tipshaw,
two Shasta Indians had brought his scalp with that of his son to him in Yreka,
soliciting his intereference to prevent my attacking them when Tipsha's trail
should have led me to their camp, when by authority of the Indian Agent he
had come out.
Sending my company and the De Chute Indians to find a camp - accompanied
by Lieut. Hood, Capt. Goodall, the chief Lem-tes-tis, and one or two others,
I passed over to the Shasta camp, where I was received by the Indians with
every demonstration of confidence and friendship. After expressing my appro-
bation of their course in killing Tipsha, I demanded that the horses be taken
from him and the boy Joe, should be given up to me, to which they gave prompt
155
assent, and Capt. Goodall volunteered to bring Joe in with him the next day -
to which under the circumstances I agreed. Having talked with them for
some time, assuring them of my friendship so long as they behaved and
advising them to come in and learn to work, I told them to catch up the
horses taken from Tipsha and I wished to take them with me, this was done
at once, and after at their request giving them a paper, requesting that
they might not be molested by the whites, I mounted and rejoined my company
in camp - from which we moved on that night to the Klamath - and on the
next day camping beyond Yreka. I rode into town for the purpose of making
some arrangement with Mr. Rosborough as to the disposition of the Indian
Joe, when he should be brought in by Capt. Goodall - on reaching Mr.
Rosborough's room I found Capt. Goodall had just arrived there and to my
astonishment and regret, he had neglected to bring Joe.
He gave several excuses for his omission but deeming none of them
sufficient, I spoke very plainly to him of his violation of a voluntary
promise and told him that having started out to get Joe, I was determined
to have him, even though I was compelled to retrace my steps. Capt.
Goodall, who had omitted to bring the Indian in with him, not thinking of
the importance attaching to his voluntary surrender - admitted his error
and told me that he would start back that night and get him.
The Indian Agent having given to Capt. Goodall a note authorising
him to bring in Joe, he started the same night with the Chief Bill, who
was in Yreka, for the Shasta Camp, and I returned with my command to Fort
Jones.
Capt. Goodall knowing that both the Indian Agent and myself desired
the Shasta Indian to come into Scotts Valley, determined without my know-
ledge to endeavour to induce the whole band to come in at once, and on his
way to their camp unguardedly stated such to be his intention, in conver-
sation with several white men. Having reached the Shasta camp, the band
readily agreed to accompany him to Fort Jones, and on the morning of the
24th inst. they all started, the Indians numbering, men, women, and
children, some sixty; reaching the Klamath Ferry in the afternoon of this
day, they camped some two hundred yards above the ferry, when the Chief
Bill with five of his men wishing to cross the river for the purpose of
bathing, left their arms in camp and went with Capt. Goodall to the ferry;
on arriving opposite the ferry they saw four white men with the De Chute
Chief Lem-tes-tis - the latter of whom had that same day promised me
solemnly not to molest the Shastas, advancing to the waters edge on the
opposite shore, with rifles. Capt. Goodall at once seeing that the Indians
were to be attacked, told them to run, and called to the whites not to fire,
that he was acting by authority.   Five of the Indians with him ran, the
Chief Bill being lame was unable to do so, they were all fired into, both
by the whites on the opposite side of the river, and by others on the same
side with the Indians, in fact they were completely surrounded by whites and
the De Chutes who had been hired to engage in this villainous affair.
The Chief Bill was severely wounded at the first fire, two other Indians
were killed and two others escaped very badly wounded - a white man named
Mr. Stuart went up to Bill for the purpose of scalping him, while yet alive,
but Bill struggling with him got his knife away, when this man after having
beat him about the head with his pistol, shot him several times after which
he was scalped by a name named Brickey.    I understand, when not yet dead he
was thrown into the Klamath River most of the Indians having escaped into
the adjacent chapperal, where they lay concealed, the whites began a search
for them, during which an Indian from behind his bush, fortunately shot and
killed a white man named Mr. Kaney.
The De Chute Indians who had not done much towards killing the Shastas,
plundered their camp, stealing four children, six or seven horses and several
guns, and one of them, I am informed, at the instigation of the man Bicky
indecently mutilated one of the murdered Shastas and afterwards the Band
started with their plunder for Rogue River.
Before dark of the same evening, the Shasta who had escaped, came
opposite the Ferry house and called the Cottonwood men cowards and dared them
out to fight, an invitation which these men declined, preferring the shelter of
a heavy log house on which the Indians fired repeatedly for more than an hour.
Capt. Goodall came on to Fort Jones at once and informed me of this
cowardly and brutal murder on the part of the whites -- when mounting six men
on mules, with Lieut. Hood I started for Cottonwood for the purpose of obtain-
ing such information as might enable me to bring the whites to punishment, and
by sending Lieut. Hood on to Fort Lowe to recover the children stolen by the
De Chutes that they might be returned to the Shastas. I ascertained the
particulars of this murder to be as already stated, but could obtain no inform-
ation as to the names of more than three white men engaged in it, these were
Bickey, Mr. Stuart and E. M. Geiger.
Mr. Rosborough accompanied me and made every effort to obtain inform-
ation for the purpose of bringing the murderers to trial. We should have
obtained writs for the three men named and Judge Peters of the District Court,
who took a warm interest in the matter, would have caused a Grant Jury to be
summoned that they might be indicted, had Mr. Rosborough and myself not been
perfectly well aware that in this section of the country action of this nature
would only result in the escape of the guilty parties - - the great number of
the populace vilely regretting, not that they have among them such murderous
scoundrels, but that since the assassination of the Shastas was attempted, it
157
had not been completely successful.
The Shastas vowed vengenance against all the whites, and I feared
innocent persons living on farms within their reach, might be made to
suffer for the acts of those who sought immunity from retribution in the
town of Cottonwood.
I however sought the Indians whom I have had encamped here during the
winter and explaining the whole matter to them and telling them that I had
sent to recover the stolen children and that I would make every effort to
have the guilty whites punished.
I directed them to see the Shastas, and to tell them that the soldiers
and many white citizens were friendly to them; that if I had known they were
coming in I should have been at the Ferry with a party of soldiers to protect
them, and that I wished them to retaliate only on those men who participated
in the murder of their Chief, that if they killed no other whites I should
have nothing to say.
From this act of treachery, I feared that any influence I might have
with these Indians, any confidence which my treatment of them might have
inspired, was all but lost - - but much to my surprise and gratification
on night before last, just after my return from Cottonwood, two of the
Shastas, one a boy, brother to the murdered Chief, came into Yreka, and sent
word to Mr. Rosborough and myself that they wished to talk with us.
Yesterday morning early they came to Mr. Rosborough's room and we had
a long talk with them. They stated that they knew the men who had attacked
them, that they were satisfied that all the whites were not treacherous
and finally promised to endeavor to induce the remainder of the band to come
to Fort Jones.
Mr. Rosborough fed them, made them some presents and took them under
his protection, as even in Yreka there are white men who would murder these
two unarmed Indians, if they could do so with safety. The Shastas are to
send me word if they will come here and in case they wish to do so, I shall
have a party of soldiers to protect them on their way, as I should have done
before had I known that they intended coming in.
Capt. Goodall deserved the highest praise for his constant and humane
efforts in behalf of these Indians, by which he has lost much time and money
and has moreover rendered himself disagreeably unpopular with the vagabond-
mass of the community. It was unfortunate that he attempted to bring the
Indians in just when he did, or that intending to do so, he should have avowed
his purpose to whites on the road, but he had not arrived at the same just
opinion of the character of many of the mining populace as that which had
already forced itself on me, some months since, when with the same object in
view, I took care to have a party of soldiers at the Ferry.
Mr. Geiger proposes leaving for the Atlantic States on one of the
steamers leaving San Francisco on the 15th of June, and I would respectfully
suggest that if possible, he be arrested in San Francisco to be tried there
before the U.S. court. I shall endeavour to send an affidavit with refer-
ence to his participation in the murder by the next express. This is the
course proposed to be pursued by Mr. Rosborough with reference to the other
men engaged in the matters so soon as he can get their names.
I would respectfully call the attention of the commanding General to
the fact that these Indians when attacked, held a paper from one intended to
guarantee their safety, while Mr. Goodall was acting with the written author-
ity of the Indian Agent, and I hope by that the most severe measures may be
taken against the murderers.
In conclusion, I feel called on to express my admiration of the firm-
ness and energy of Mr. Rosborough, the Indian Agent, with reference to this
murder and to express a hope that he may be promptly supported by the Super-
intendent of Indian affairs, in his effort to bring the murderers to justice.
With reference to the first portion of this communication; the pursuit
of "Tipsha Tyee" over a rough mountainous country making long and fatiguing
marches, the energy and zeal of Asst. Surg. Sorrel, Lieuts. Crook and Hood and
of the men of Company "E" 4th Infantry is gratefully reported for the inform-
ation of the Commanding General.
I am Sir
Your Obt. Servt.
(signed)      J. C. Bonnycastle
1st Lt. 4th Infantry
Comdg.
To:
Maj. Genl. John C. Wool
Comdg. Dept. of the Pacific
San Francisco CaL2
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