NOTES ON Th PANARE INDIANS OF VENEZUELA
Carroll L. Riley
The present paper is a preliminary suirmary report on a number of
Indian bands occupying a part of the state of Bolivar, Venezuela. The ma-
terial given here was collected during a field trip to interior Venezuela
in the winter of 1950-1951. The Panare Indians were studied over a period
of three to four months. The work was divided into two parts, the first
period being spent with one group and the second in a survey trip to sev-
eral Panare bands.
The material in this paper is almost entirely descriptive in nature
and is intended to give specialists in the South American field a brief
outline of the field data. Eventually it is hoped to present the Panare
notes in monograph form with particular emphasis on comparative studies.
Natural features
The Panare Indians are concentrated in the llano and jungle country
of the district of Cedeno in Western Bolivar. The northern boundary of
this region is the Orinoco River. Along the course of the river and ex-
tending 5-15 kilometers inland are stretches of relatively flat grassland
with small clusters of scrub forest. A little further south are a series
of small ranges, the largest of which (the Cuchivero Mountains) form an
eastern border to the Panare area. In this mountain group, peaks may
reach the height of 1,000 m. or more. To the south of these ranges are
the extensive jungles of the upper Cuchivero and Chivapuri Rivers.
The Panare country is drained by three main river systems. The
Cuchivero is the most important and most of the Indian villages are along
tributaries of this river. Further west is the Tortuga and, in central
Bolivar, the valley of the Suapure-Chivapuri, the latter forming a southern
boundary to the Panare homeland.
Gtoup distribution
There are two main divisions or "tribes" of Panare Indians.  The first
of these lives in the valleys of the Coqiisis (Cocuisis), Pifial, and
Guaniamo Rivers (eastern tributaries of the Cuchivero), and on small streams
of the upper Tortuga Valley.  These Indians, for geographically obvious
reasons, will be referred to as the Northern Panare.(l) The second group
lives along the stresams that drain into the upper portion of the Cuchivero
River. These Upper Cuchivero Panare are considerably less well known than
the northern peoples.
The following list of villages and populations was compiled from a
number of sources. Really dependable data exist only for the Pinfaguero,
Pi1ial aiud rolorado bAnds.  For other groups, estimates by Indians or by
10
Venezuelan traders are used. Population figures for most
groups are based on the number of houses in each village.
to say, these figures should not be used uncritically.
Map Nsber Name of Group
Houses Population
Northern Panare
Colorado
Comatagua (San Augustfn,
Guaratarito)
Pinaguero (Bendiciones)
Piffal
La Raya
Guarataro
3
100-125
100-200
1          23
1          45
2      50-100
1-2     50- 75
12-13   368-568
Upper Cuchivero Panare
Urone
Raudalalto
Las Ponchas
1     25- 50
2     50-100
1-   .25 - t
4-    100-175 *
List of Villages And Populations
Table I
Subsistence
The Panare depend primarily on plant crops in their food economy.
Each group has a series of small oonucos or fields, usually in the
river bottoms. A number of crops are grown but the most important
are manioc, bananas, maize, and rice. Both sweet and bitter manioc
are produced, though the bitter variety is the more common. The two
kinds of manioc are planted at the same time, in the latter part of
the dry season (April to June), and are usually not dug until the
following year. In planting the ground is loosened with a digging
stick, a heavy staff a meter or more in length. The manioc root is
cut into sections, each separate piece containing an eye. A single
section is then dropped into the loose dirt and covered by pushing
dirt over it with the feet. The planter (usually a woman) then goes
on to the next hill where the process is repeated.
Rice is planted in May and June at the beginning of the summer
rains. A series of shallow depressions, about a handbreadth apart,
are made with a digging stick. The worker then drops three or four
grains of rice in each hil] and covers them by pushing dirt over them
with her feet. The grain is harvested in October or November, at the
11
of the
Needless
1
2
3
4
5
6
Total
7
8
9
Total
~~~~~6 10 CD~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~0e666
4           co4
(00~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
. . 0  0 0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~0      0
0~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~000
o ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~06060 6O ,o000
0            t    C   . ..  0  6a *  00.0o .0
~~~~~~ ~~~~~0
.   . ..
00 ... **I ~ ~ ~ ~  ~    ~    0.
' 0   ~~~~~~~o
0 0   0  0  0  6  0  0  00"  0  0  0 0  a  quo***~~~~~~~~~C
0 0 0 0 9.%  0 ....     0
...............*   p.4 6. 0
end of the rainy season. Rice stalks are stripped with the fingers
and the grain is deposited in large baskets. Women and children do
most of the planting but both sexes help at harvest time. The loads
of rice are brought to the settlement by women, who carry the heavy
baskets by means of bark tump lines.
Bananas and plantains form an important part of the diet of the
Panare with several varieties grown. The plants are spaced about
2 meters apart in special fields and are kept carefully weeded.
The main banana harvest is from October to April, at which time the
bunches of fruit are cut while still somewhat green and allowed to
ripen in the camp or house area.
Maize is planted at about the same time as rice and is harvested
at the end of the rains.  The ears are picked by women and stored
in large baskets under the rafters of the ccmmunal house.
Cane is grown in separate fields or between the plants in banana
groves. The Panare use wooden hand presses to extract the Juice but
most cane is eaten raw.
Two plants not part of the food economy are important to the
Panare. The Indians grow gourds which are made into containers.
These are planted in August or September and are picked in January.
They are normally not planted in regular fields but, rather, around
the houses, in banana patches, or along paths leading to the settle-
ment. Cotton is also grown by the Panare. The seeds are planted in
December and the cotton is picked in May.
Although most of the food supply comes from domesticated plants,
the Panare strongly emphasize hunting and fishing. The main hunting
implements are the blowgun, the lance, and the fish harpoon. A bow
and arrow is occasionally used to shoot fish but is of secondary im-
portance. The men hunt most commonly with the blowgun, which is used
for birds or small tree animals. Hunters go alone or in pairs when
this weapon is employed. Larger land animlIs are killed with the lance
and are hunted by individuals or small parties of men. At the present
time, shotguns are used for both birds and large game but such guns
are very rare among the Panare.
A number of land and water animals and birds eaten by the Indians
were specifically identified. Anim as include the wild pig, anteater,
deer, and two or more species of monkey. Tortoises, iguanas, and
lizards are common in the diet, as well as river turtles and caiman
(crocodile). The Panare eat crocodile meat whenever obtainable.
Almost every bird in the area is utilized in the diet. Snakes, how-
ever, are not eaten and, in fact, the idea seems repugnant to the
Indians.
The Panare hunt the Jaguar and mountain lion using dogs and the
lance or spear. The skins are valued for trading purposes but neither
animal is eaten. Domesticated dogs are used in hunting and to warn
the-vI]1tl AArinot otiaaugera buzt theylare never utilized as food.
13
Several fishing implements were noted, with the fish scoop prob-
ably the most common. This scoop is a loosely voven twilled. basket
and is used to dip up the minnow-like fish that abound in the smaller
streams. Other fishing techniques include the use of woven-reed
fish traps, the fish harpoon, and hook and line. The Panare also
employ fish poison (DPhllanthus ptscatorum), a root that grows around
the edges of cultivated fields. The plant is used in December and
January at a time when the smaller streams are falling rapidly.
Roots are pulverized and placed in large open baskets which are then
dipped into pools where fish have been trapped by the low waters.
The fish are stunned by the poison and float to the surface where
they can be easily caught.
Preparation of food
Most meat foods eaten by the Panare are boiled in an iron cauldror
or kettle together with rice, maize, or manioc. Bitter manioc is
grated and pressed in a cylindrical basketry press until the harmful
acids have been removed. The drippings from bitter manioc are care-
fully collected in a gourd for use in chicha aing.    Manioc paste
is sometimes made into tortillas, baked on a flat iron griddle.
The Indians crush rice and maize in a mortar or boil the whole
grain. Green bananas are sliced and boiled with meat, while ripe
bananas are eaten raw or roasted over hot coals.
Fish and lizards are usually eaten boiled with vegetable stock.
If the animal is smll it is put in the pot whole, thus cooking the
internal organs and intestinal contents with the, rest of the meat.
Small fish are often toasted by spreading them on a mat-covered rack
directly above a small fire.
The only alcoholic beverage made by the Panare is manioc chicha.
The women brew this by chewing manioc paste and mixing it with water,
cane Juice, and a small amount of prussic acid (bitter manioc Juice).
The ingredients are then stirred together in a large wooden container.
The chicha is covered with a mat and allowed to stand for two or
three days, after which time it is consumed by the whole group.
Chicha, as made by the Panare, is a sourish tasting, soupy liquid
with perhaps the alcoholic content of a light beer.
Settlements
The habitation areas of the Northern Panare are, for the most
part, along small streams on the upper courses of the various rivers.
The house or houses are normally built in clearings some distance
from the river on a hill slope or rise. The settlement also includes
a number of fieldsthe largest of which is usually not more than
100 square meters. These fields are in the river valley, though they
lie far enough back from the actual stream bed to avoid flooding in
the wet season.
14
The village group usually has small outbuildings scattered through
the fields. These are used for grain storage and as temporary dwellings.
At Pinaguero there is a campsite some 2 Ion. from the communal house and
at the other end of a stretch Of fiOlda. This site is occupied during
harvest of the fields most distant from the main dwelling.
The Panare house is circular in groundplan and is 10-20 meters in
diameter. The framework is constructed by implanting a series of upright
posts (normally 12-15) in a roughly circular area.  These posts, which
are 2-3 meters in height and about 20 cm. thick, are linked by spanner
beams fitted in notches at the top of the posts and secured by lashings
of bark. At the center of the circle of posts is a roof pole, somewhat
thicker than the outside posts and 8 meters or more in height. One or
more posts are driven into the ground close beside the roof pole. These
help to brace the longer member and they also act as supports to a pair
of crossbeams that extend the length of the house. The roof of the
structure is made with a series of long, slender poles placed diagonally
across the spanners. The top of these poles converge on the centerpole
and are tied into place giving a kind of "tipid effect. A series of
small rods are then interwoven with the diagonal timbers to make a wattled
wall frame. This frame is covered by bundles of moriche palm. A row of
the palm branches is fastened to the lowermost part of this diagonal wall
with succeeding rows placed above and overlapping the previous ones. A
doorway is left and is usually fitted with a tunnel entrance, 4 meters
long and 2 meters high, thatched like the main part of the house. The
house when complete looks a little like an inverteddAce-cream cone.
Storage platforms are made in the house interior by placing slabs
of bark between the crossbeams.   The earth floor is soaked with Vater,
then trodden to form a hard crust. There are very few furnishings in the
Parire house. Hammocks are attached from one to another of the side
posts, or from side post to center pole, and household belongings are
stored on the platforms or stuck in the wall thatch. Each family normally
has its own cooking fire, a scooped out area in the floor sometimes bor-
dered with large stones used for bAlancing pots. Interior partitions,
however, are completely absent.
All adults in the house-group work on construction of the communal
house. Both men and women help in cutting and carrying the poles and
thatching material, and in fitting the various timbers into place.
Smaller houses in the fields or in temporary camp areas are made in
rectangular tent shape with a ridgepole and slanting walls. The frame-
work is made by men; then women thatch the hut with bundles of moriche
or coroba palm fronds. Even simpler is the one-wall leanto. Here, a
lattice of rods is construoted .and this frame is covered with palm
bundles. The whole assembly is lit'tfd anxd tfiteA against two trees or
>t~t 45. fAD S;l f'ixnly i.to place.
15
Manufactured objects
Panare hunting Implements include the lance or spear, harpoon,
blowgun, and bow and arrow. The lance is 2-1/2 to 3 meters long and
is made of croton wood. The hafting end is 2-3 cm. in diameter and
the spear is usually tapered toward the butt end. The point is of
iron, normally made from an old knife or machete blade. (2) In
hafting, the end of the wooden shaft of the lance is split for about
5 cm. and the blade (which is 20-30 cm. long) is inserted. The
split shaft is then bound tightly.with a waxed cord of macanilla
(Bactris sp.). The lance can be thrown but is primarily a thrusting
instrument.
Fish harpoon lances are made from canfa brava. The point of the
harpoon is a separate piece of thin iron, ha-mered from a knife
blade. The haft end of this metal point is in the form of a sleeve
and is joined with a hardwood joint which, in turn, fits into the
hollow cane shaft. Arrows are made from the same material and in
much the same way. A simple bow is formed from lengths of verdepodria
(Guadua latifolia) 1 meter or more in length. For a bowstring the
Indians use a piece of heavy macanilla cord.
The Panare manufacture only the outer tube of the two-tube
blowgun (the sole type used in this area). This tube sheath is made
from a section of cubaro (Bactris cubaro) 3 or more meters in length.
The interior is cleaned with a thin metal knife mounted on a stick.
The inner tube of arundinaria reed is traded from the Piaroa. This
part is forced into the outer tube allowing the end of the reed to
protrude some 6-7 cm. from the mouth-end of the section of cubaro.
A mouthpiece of hardwood (usually Tabernaemontana psychotrifolia)
is carved and fitted like a sleeve over the protruding section of the
inner tube. The mouthpiece is sealed onto the cubaro sheath with
tree wax.
Darts for the blowgun are whittled from ribs of either coroba or
cucurita palm fronds. The butt end of the dart is wrapped in domestic
cotton or in algodon de ceiba (Ceiba pantandra). For hunting birds
the blowgun dart is usually employed without poison, the men using
curare only to kill monkeys or very large birds. Curare poison is
occasionally home manufactured but the Panare obtain most of their
poison in trade with groups further south. The homemade poison is
brewed from a variety of plants including a species of Strychnos.
Household goods
For cooking the Panare use iron pots, traded from Venezuelans.
The Indians do not make pottery and do not recall ever having been
potters. Twilled basketry, however, woven only by the men, is im-
portant in the economy. zIt is used locally in many-ways and is an
important trade item. Basketry includes not only containers of var-
ious kinds and shapes but also fish-drying mats, fish traps, fish
basket scoops, manioc squeezers, and dart quivers. Most basketry is
plain but designs are occasionally introduced by the use of different
16
colored warp and weft splints.  Several fibers are used in the produc-
tion of basketry; comonest is the cas     reed (Calathea sp. prob.
lutea).
Gourds form another important class of containers* These are
cleaned by splitting and scraping or, in the case of water containers,
by cutting a hole in one end and allowing the interior to dry. The
vessel is then filled with sand and shaken to remove dried fragments
from the inside walls. Water Jugs, when in use, are plugged with
corncob stoppers.
Other household implements include wooden ladles, cane presses
and the mortar and pestle.  The mortar is manufactured by men from
a cylindrical section of pardillo log (Cordia alliodora) about 1/2
meter long and 30 cm. in diameter. A shallow depression is chipped
out with knives and hot coals are placed in this area to burn out the
interior. When complete the mortar has a depression 30-40 cm. deep.
The pestle is made from a log of ariconoco or chaparro. The mortar
and pestle is used to pulverize rice and maize.
Manioc graters used by Northern Panare groups are constructed
from metal, commonly a side cut from a large gasoline can. A number
of perforations are made on one side of the strip with a knife, so
as to leave a series of Jagged metal edges. The section is then
fastened, smooth side down, onto a section of bark. When using this
implement the Panare woman tilts the grator against the front of her
legs and leans over it somewhat after the fashion of a washwoman
bending over a scrubboard. A gourd at the base of the grater catches
the grated material.
Only one skin implement was noted. This is a bag worn by hunters
to carry dart poison and cotton wadding and is constructed from the
skin of an anteater.  The fresh skin is pegged to the ground., hair
side down, and the interior is scraped and rubbed with ashes. When
it has dried, the skin is folded in the middle, hair side out, and
sewn with cotton cord along the sides.  The tail is bent over to form
a flap and a piece of cord fastens this cover over the mouth of the
bag. A carrying strap of cotton cord is then stitched into either
end of the container.
Probably the most important single household item in Panare life
is the hammock. Women construct these by w- ndfing weft strands of
moriche coxa around and around two posts placed 2 to 2-1/2 meters
apart. A warp cord of cotton is used to tie the weft strands together
at intervals of about 20 cm. The weaver slips the ends of the hammock
off the posts and binds them tightly with cord to form loops. Panare
hammocks are always used with. nctting which, among the northern groups,
is a lighj. nott-.toni t.xada c.loth -
17
Clothing and ornaments
The only garment worn by adult Panare is the breechclout, or
loincloth. Men dress in a rectangle of heavy cotton cloth about 60
by 80 cm. The section of cloth is worn like a diaper, being pulled
between the legs and tied around the hips. The womans' scostume is
also a rectangular strip of cotton cloth, about 10 cm. wide-and 30
cm. in length. Short lengths of cotton thread are attached to each
corner of the cloth to hold the garment in place. Decorative tassels
of cotton thread are fastened to the back of the garment and rest on
the wearer' s hips.
In addition to the clothing, most adult Panare wear ornamental
bands of cotton cord. One band is fastened tightly below the knee
and the other directly above the ankle. Women also wear necklaces
of red, white, and blue trade beads and both sexes occasionally have
arm bands of the same material.
Children of pre-puberty age do not wear breechclouts. Boys
sometimes put on a hip-band of cord colored with onoto (Bixa orellana);
a single strand is worn loosely on the hips. Children of both sexes
use cotton leg and arm bands and beads are worn on both neck and arm.
A few boys have necklaces of animal teeth.
The cloth used in Panare clothing is all woven from local cotton.
The strands are seeded, straightened, and spun by hand. For weaving
the breechclout, an oval horizontal loom is constructed. All cloth is
colored reddish-brown by rubbing it with a mixture of onoto seeds and
water.
Amusements
Panare children have a number of toys. Small girls carry toy
baskets, sometimes fitted with tump lines, and tiny gourds are made tot
simulate water jugs. Boys play with a toy formed by cutting wheels
from a large pithy plant and joining them with a stick axle. A long
reed is then split at one end and the axle is placed in this split.
The ends are bound with bark cord, producing a handled go-cart which
can be either pushed or pulled. (3) Boys also make toy lances and
throw them at prearranged targets. A bullroarer used only by children
is produced by attaching cord to a thin piece of bark or a broken
stirrer.
Several musical toys are known. A rattle is fashioned from small
gourds tied together. The Indians make a pseudo-stringed instrument
for the children from a large section of jointed cane. The hard shell
of the cane is cut off along one side and strands of the stringy under-
surface are pulled loose. These are pegged with small sticks at
either end of the length of cane, thus making the strands taut. When.
strummed, the Instrument gives off a soft haarplike sound. (4)
18
Adult musical instruments include flutes of two kinds. One of
these is made of a section of "bamboo" a meter or more in length and
fitted with an interior vibrator. The smaller flute is fashioned
from carrizo reed (Gperium ap.) and is 50-60 cm. in length. One end
of the hollow reed is filled with tree wax leaving a small slit open-
ing. Three finger holes are bored in the side of the instrument
with a heated sliver of iron. Panare men play this flute through
both mouth and nose.
The men make maraca-like rattles from small round gourds. The
plant is dried and a hole is cut in top and bottom and all pebbles
are inserted. A wooden handle is then pushed through the gourd,
plugging both the holes. Designs are sometimes cut on these rattles,
usually lines of chevrons or flower motifs.
A staff with rattles attached is used by the women to mark time
in group dances. It is a seasoned rod of wood, a meter or more in
length, with a number of parrot bills attached near one end. These
produce a dry rattle when shaken.
Dancing is the most common group amusement with both adults and
children participating. Dances are prepared for in advance; chicha
is brewed and all the Indians paint themselves with onoto. Designs
are painted on the face, breasts, abdomen and legs of the women and
on the face, chest, arm and legs of the men. The designs are in
the form of spots, circles, chevrons, and flower-petal figures. In
the actual dance, a line of people holding hands moves.around in
a circle. The dancer at one end of the line acts as pivot man and
describes a small circle while the rest of the dancers keep in line
formation. The women mark time with the rattle-staff and the men
with maracas and large flutes.
Medical lore
The Panare use a number of native herbal medicines. One of the
most important of these is the inner bark of the chaparro tree
(Curatella Americana) which is valued for a number of ailments.
Snake-bitten individuals apply the crushed wet bark to the point of
the bite. A tea made from bark chips can be taken internally for
dysentery. Chaparro leaves are brewed into tea as a remedy for
fevers. The root of Pifon (Jtrb       curcas) is crushed and boiled
with water as a specific against dysentery. The Indians make a
brew from the bark of conoco (Renealmia sp.) as a remedy for malaria
and other fevers. Fregosa Carsia biflora) bark is boiled and eaten
for dysentery or stomach upset. Mere (Merei anacardium occidentale)
bark, boiled or soaked in hot water, is commonly used as a compress
to combat sore throat. The roots of ginger (Zingiber sp.) are crushed
and mixed with water. This remedy cures stomach troubles and reduces
fevers,.
19
Contact with other peolea
The Northern Panare trade with the Venezuelans of the Orinoco
settlements and with the more southerly Indian groups. The Panare
exchange skins, basketry, and sarrapia beans for the Venezuelans'
iron tools (especially knives and machetes), cloth, salt, tobacco,
and gunpowder. From the southern Indian groups the Panare obtain
inner tubes for blowguns and, also curare, cord, and wax. For these
they give basketry, skins, and occasionally articles obtained from
Venezuelans. Contact with the Venezuelans comes mostly through traders
who enter Panare country in spring to obtain srrapia beans. In-
dividual Indians occasionally visit Venezuelan settlements along the
border of Panare country and, on rarer occasions, make a trip to the
town of Caicara on the Orinoco.  Trading expeditions are made to the
southern Indian groups, particularly the Suapure Mapoye. Piaroa
blowgun tubes are often obtained on these trips with the Mapoye
acting as middlemen in the movement of goods. Recontly, Piaroa
blowguns, sent downriver from Puerto Ayachuco to Caicara, have found
their way into Panare territory via white traders. (5)
Panare trading parties all go by foot, the members of the group
following a series of Jungle trails. The Northern Panare have no
boats and none of the groups visited have horses.
The Panare have a reputation for aggressiveness, and unfriendly
relations between the two, Panare tribes seem to have been common in
the past. The last outbreak of hostilities was 20-30 years ago when
one Northern Panare village was sacked. The Upper Cuchivero Panare
have reportedly been raided by Mapoye in recent times. The northern
group is generally friendly toward non-Indians, but murders of in-
dividual traders by members of the Upper Cuchivero Panare have been
reported.
Life cycle
Birth takes place away from the settlement but in the general
camp area. The mother sits or kneels above a shallow depression
while her husband receives the child and cuts the umbilical cord.
He anoints the infant on both temples and on the crown of the head
"to make the child strong." The father takes the baby to the hammock
and curls up with it; the mother, meanwhile, bathes in a nearby stream.
Children are referred to as manca (baby) until they reach the
age of two or three years, at which time they are given an individual
name. This name is retained until the child is about 10 years old.
Then a puberty dance is performed and the child receives an adult
name, often that of a dead relative. At the same time the boy or
girl is given adult dress.
All grown-up members of the group are expected to contrubutu to
the general group economic activities. There is very little special-
ization among the Panare, the main division of labor boing sex-based.
20
Men hunt and fish, weave basketry, make weapons, and conduct business
with outsiders. Women cook, tend the camp area, make hammocks, pre-
pare cotton and weave cloth. Women also carry household objects when
the group is on the move. Both sexes help in house building and in
agriculture. Actually, because of the rather unformalized nature
of Panare life, both sexes contribute in work not specifically theirs.
Thus, men often assist the women in weaving and hammock making and
women, in turn, join fishing expeditions.
There are no full time specialists among the Panare (except
perhaps the shaman) but some individuals are more skilled at certain
crafts; for example basketry or weaving.
Older members of the group somewhat slacken their participation
in the economic life. Old men often stay in the camp area working
on baskets and helping the women in various tasks. Elderly women
normally care for the children while the mothers work in the fields.
Except-for hunting, however, the economic round is not particularly
arduous and the very oldest Panare can contribute a fair share to
the activities.
At the death of an adult a ceremonial dance takes place. The
deceased is buried in an extended position with clothing and personal
belongings. For the death of a child there is no ceremony and burial
takes place quietly. There is no name avoidance after death and the
name of the dead person is ofton given to a younger relative.
Daily round
The Panare rise a little after daylight. Women stir up fires
that have been burning all night and start the morning meal while men
repair hunting equipment or mke baskets. The meal, usually bananas
or left-overs frcm the previous night, is eaten one or two hours after
sunrise. The men then leave on hunting trips or start work on some
home project and the women go to the fields. Women return in mid-
afternoon and the men reach the settlement an hour or so before sun-
down. At that time the main meal is eaten, consisting of boiled rice,
manioc, or maize, with fish or meat added. At darkness the fires
are banked and the house group settles down to sleep. Children are
taken into hammocks with parents or larger brothers or sisters.
Normlly the adults chat for a half hour or so before going off to
sleep.
Political    ai zation
The most important political unit among the Panare is the
village or band. This is made up of the inhabitants of one or more
communal houses., Each house is, in turn, made up of a number of
families with one of the family heads acting as chief. The ranking house
chief in a village operates as village leader. Actually, chiefs havo
very little authority.  Panare life is strongly democratic and decisions
21
that concern the house group or village are made by all adults of
both sexes.
The Panare have no clan or gens structure, though there are
close informal kinship and friendship links between individuals and
families that crosscut the house group organization.
Each band has hegemony over a more-or-less clearly defined area.
The nucleus of this territory is the settlement with its surrounding
fields. The villagers live in this vicinity for most of the year.
At the beginning of the rains, however (generally in May), the Panare
scatter in individual family units and stay in the hills to avoid
insect posts. For a period of two or three months they live in small
huts in the mountains, existing.on game, fish, and stored foodstuffs.
In September the groups return to the village to prepare for the fall
harvest and live in the communal houses until the following spring.
The two tribes of Panare are separate in area and probably speak
distinct dialects. The tribe, at least in the north, serves no
political function and has no regular leader. There is a feeling of
tribal unity, however, and a considerable number of trade and social
contacts exist. (6)
Social organization
The primary unit in Panare 1ife is the conjugal family. This
includes the husband, one or more wives, and small children. The
conjugal family has a separate, restricted hamock area in the large
house. This group no    lly has a private cooking fire where the wife
or wives prepare family meals. In the rainy season these families
go as units to establish sma11 settlements in the uplands.
Two or more biological families make up a house unit and these
normally form an extended family. The village at Pin'aguero, for
example, is made up of a number of brothers and sisters, their hus-
bands, wives, and children. Marriage is usually endogamous with
respect to the house or village, though there are occasionally inter-
band, or even inter-tribal marriages. Cross-cousin marriage is common
and the ideal match is that between a man and his mother' s brother' s
daughter. Sororal polygyny is preferred but is not mandatory.
Parallel cousins canmot marry and address each other as "brother"
and "sister." Aside from marital rules, however, there is no stricture
on social intercourse between siblings nor is there in-law avoidance.
Marriage can be either patrilocal or matrilocal but the latter is more
common. Most marriages, of course, are between members of the same
settlement area. Marriage is very flexible; either member can break
off the relationship by simply moving away from the family area in
the house or camp. In marital breakups chihi-en normally go with the
mother, though a child of the father by a previous marriage is cared
for by the father's sister. Actually, of course, such changes have
very little effect on the child's habits or contacts.
22
Like other facets of the culture, the social system of the Panare
is strikingly unforaized.
Such things as clothing, weapons, tools, and toys are individually
owned. Even a child must give consent before his personal property
is disposed of. Agricultural land and the produce from it may be
utilized by families or by a whole house group or village in cooper-
ative effort. In any case, foods are freely shared so that the distinc-
tion between family and village crops is obscured. A village shares
its surrounding hunting land in common but there is a feeling that
members of other bands should not intrude on this territory without
permission. Because of the smallness of the Panare population and the
wide expanse of territory surrounding each village, this feeling is
probably not of critical importance. Each family normally eats the
game killed by its own members but excess moat is freely shared.
Casual visitors are not offered food but outsiders who live with the
group share meals with any of the family units.
Religion
The data on religion are quite scattered and incomplete. The
Panare believe in a supernatural Jaguar. There are woods spirits
that roam the jungle at night and villagers, especially children,
seldom venture beyond the house or camp after tark. The Northern
Panare believe that members of other groups, particularly the Upper
Cuchivero Indians, are witches who are "very dangerous and can kill
from a long way off." Panare specialists, with functions somewhat
analogous to the North American shaman, exercise spirit control and
effect magical cures.
Panamr myths tell of supernatural individuals or of the cunning
attributes of animals.
23
ENDNOTES
(1) Almost all the following data are d.rawn from this group.
(2) Panare informants could not remember any other material
used in pointing weapons.
(3) The idea for this may have come from observation of
Venezuelan ox-carts.
(4) Perhaps from Negro or European sources.
(5) For a more complete discussion of Panare trading see:
Carroll L. Riley, Trade Spanish of the Piniaguero Bairo
(Studies in Linguistics, Vol. 10, No. 1, 1952, pp. 6-11).
(6) The Panare word for "family" (piaka4) is used also to mean
the house-group, the village, and the tribe.