Table of Contents I« Prelude to ,f Doc trine0 II. nDoctrine Founded III. United States interpreted the Doctrine as the exigencies of the moment demanded IV. Monroe Doctrine defined by Latin Americans as a cloak for North American Imperialism V. Roosevelt II and the New Deal VI. Monroe Doctrine stands as Hemisphere Doctrine Acknowledgments nLatin America*1 Guyinman, Samuel wInslde Latin America** Gunther, John f,Our American Lawson and Lawson ffThe Caribbean Danger Z〇nen Rippy, J. Fred "The Rise of American Democracy^ Casner and Gabriel Prelude to wDoctrinew A. Independence movement begins in Latin America 1.In 1810 2. Revolts against Spain 3. Started in Mexico, Venezuela, and Argentina B. Holy Alliance formed 1. Formed under Metternich of Austria 2. Made up of Austria, Russia, and Prussia 3. For the purpose of: a* To return the world to the days of the monarchs b. To destroy the represenatiVe government c. Sought to return kings to their rightful position 4« Meets in 1815 a. At Vienna b. Known as The Congress of Vienna C. The United States1 interest in the Vienna Congress 1# If Metternich*s plan is carried out a. Latin America would be returned to Spain b. In return Spain would grant the Holy Alliance some New Morld territories 2. The United Statest fear of the Holy Alliance a. Receiving a foothold in the New World the Holy Alliance might not be satisfied with Latin Amer^ ica alone. 1.Therefore might extend its powers 2\ Might reach into the territories claimed by the United States b. Russiafs interest in the Pacific Coast 1, Russians moving from Alaska into the Pacific Northwest 2. Russian colors in territory claimed for the United States diaring Lewis and Clark expedition will be threat to ^Manifest Destiny11 (destiny that U#S. will extend from coast to coast) D. The British also have an interest in the Vienna Congress 1. England dislikes principles of Holy Alliance 2. England has a profitable trade with South America 3. Under the Holy Alliance trade will be threatened a* Colonies returned to Spain b. Colonies will be forced to trade with Mother country II, Doc trine n founded A. Doctrine suggested indirectly by British 1, George Canning, British Foreign Minister suggests Doctrine to Richard Rush, U.S. Foreign Minister 2, President Monroe accepts Canningfs suggestion B. Secretary of State, John Qxaincy Adams objects to Splaying second fiddleT, to the British 1. Believed that we should act independently 2. Thought that the protection of the American Republics were the full responsibility of the U.S. C. Adams writes the principles of the Doctrine 1. ^American continent is no longer open to colonization by the Eiiropean countries!! a. Direct Statement to Russia to keep out of the Americas. b• Later caused the signing of a treaty with the czar 1,in 1824 2, in which Russia agreed not to go south of Alaska 2. wThe United States will not interfere with the colonies of Eiirope already established in the New World11 3. f,To look upon ar^y form of monarchy dangerous to the peace and safety of our hemispheren 4« ^United States would see that the republics were protected against any Etiropean conquest11 5, vAny country violating the Doctrine will have to face the consequences administered by the U,S,n D. President Monroe accepts the Doctrine 1. Presents it in his yearly message to Congress (December 2,1825) 2. Doctrine given the name !,Monroe Doctrine” 5, Dpctrine is the foundation of U,S, Foreign Policy III. United States interpreted the Doctrine as the exigencies of the moment, demanded A, No protest when Britain took the Falkland Islands in 1833 B. No protest when Britain took Bfelize (British Honduras) C. No help offered Chile and Peru against Spain (1866) iD. France tries to maintain second foothold in America 1, France installs Maximilian as Emperor of Mexico 2. U# S, uses Doctrine to put out Monarchy E. Boundary dispute in Venezuela 1. Dispute between British Guiana and Venezuela 2. President Cleveland said. British were violating the Doctrine 3. U.S. decides border a, British does not arbitrate b, U.S. forces boundary by threats of War F. Last time Doctrine formally enunciated- to get rid of Pro- Axis ideas Monroe Doctrine defined by Latin Americans as a cloak for North American imperialism A, Spanish American War 1. Cuba revolts against Spain during 1890s - Plantation labors take up arms 2. American investments in tobacco and sugar threatened a. In 1898 f!Maine,T sent to protect American interests b• Maine sunk by mysterious explosion c, U.S. declares war 3* U.S. Armada destroys Spanish fleet 4. War ends- Cuba liberated Theodore Roosevelt waves his Big Stick 1. Takes Panama from Colombia for canal a, Colombia refuses to cede U.S. necessary land b, U.S# fomented Panamanian revolution c, U.S# recognizes the new government-Builds canal 2. Announces ncorollaryt! to the Monroe Doctrine a. Claimed right of international police power for United States b. In December,1904 U*S. Marines in Nicaragua and Cuba a. In 1909 aids in Nicaraguan revolution 1. Places Pro-U.S, in power as gov, head 2. Formed Bryan-Chamorro treaty-gives U.S. certain privileges b. Marines used to protect U.S* business interests 4. Roosevelt, the judge of Pan-American affairs a. Venzuela aflair- 2nd 1. Venzuela xanable to pay debt she owed European powers 2, Germary tries to force payment by bombardment of Venzuelan ports 3* Germany is ordered to arbitrate the case b. His policies affect future relation 1.Santa Domingo unable to pay debt to European governments a. By treaty (1907) U.S. takes charge of custom houses and money affairs b. Also took charge of election of 1924 ' 2. Haiti debted France and Germany a. Bank of Haiti refuses aid to gov, b. Because part of New York city baiik, Marines sent to remove money c« Occupation lasted til 1930 when military occupation was not necessary c# Protecting our neighbors-given for occupation excuse 1. Marines only xised to protect U*S# interests 2. Where U,S. had business interests they Tori?ed U.S. control United States and Mexico 1.Mexican leaders struggle for control a. 1911 revolution against Diaz 1. Francisco Madero put in power 2. Madero killed-Huerta becomes president b. President Wilson does not recognize Huerta as the real ruler-Because believed that Madero was murdered c. Conditions in Mexico turn from bad to worst d. Wilson forced to land troops 1. To prevent munitions shipment reaching Huerta (Vera Cruz) 2, Affair arbitrated by Argentina, Brazil,Chile 2. Venustiano Carranza succeeds Huerta a. Francisco Villa refused to recognize him 1. Tries to take over gov, 2. Tries to force XJ.S. to help b. Villa crosses into U.S. 1.Kills 19 in Columbus,Kew Mexico 2* General Pershing sent to punish Villa-Fails in wild goose chase c« Carranza followed by Obregon and Calles 1. Tries to carry ou,t new constitution a« Deals with U.S, b• States that anything below the surface of Mexico belongs to the gov. 2. President Harding refuses to recognize new gov. 3. Obregon changes law a. New law would not affect land leased before 1917 b. U.S, protects oil interests 4. Mexican Congress refuses to give Obregon power to change law 5. Dwight Morrow, ambassador sent to Mexico a. Mexico won over b. In 1927 Roosevelt II and the new Deal A. Good Neighbor policy 1.To improve relations with Latin gmerica 2« To unite the continent in harmopy and peace 3. Organized by Mr* Wells 4. Brains behind it-Mr. Hull B. wContinentally we standw 1.We can exist by bulling each other nor can we ignore the continent 2* One alternative remains- to be friends 6. Good neighbor policy in action 1.Conferences formed of all republics ::二： care of c* Seven Meetings held since beginning D, The Hemisphere stands united in wold crisis 1. At U,S. outbreak of War (1941) Americas quit all relations with the Axis 2, South America declares War against the Axis Monroe Doctrine stands as Hemisphere Doctrine A. Under leadership of United States, Americas have grown closer together £• Americas for the American AMERICA AND THE FUTURE (continued) ■less its ancient civilization has ajsb bequeathed it an instinctive f6ei> lin^for the dignity of the individual which few other people, Eastern lor Webern, have in the same degr ^e. China also has a political t^adi-Ition who^e absolute is neither nat onal divinity (as in Jaoan) t/or na-Itional powto (as in Germany), but something nearer our own Chris-Itian absolutcK. Confucius said tha :in the face of a wrong or unright-|eousness，it is duty of the son to oppose the father the duty lof the minister toNoppose his sov( reign/* He recognizpa the right of jhuman beings to revolt. They did revolt in\gn; and tl eir still-revolutionary government I has vast postwar plan^o make China a great^ountry once more, Imodern, democratic, strong. Afte* six years the Chinese are so tired lof war that the postwar is^ieir ciief topical conversation. And in Isome of their postwar talk a c^ip-5 houlderec arrogance can be heard. iTwo Chinese writers, T. S. Cftie 1 and Kin Yutang, have recently Iwarned us to expect a chauvinistic suspicion of |its its foes. This kind cf neo-Boxerism will Ifor human freedom inside China [that China will itself stand fonct to lance to China that we conside/it oui ters relating to the governajace of th<: Pacific\nd to international law. Our bet should be backecLrfp by the Investmeift lier, and by our showing the same respect foi >rove serious if theU. S. stands as out, and places a large bet ^ ^bet^ should be an assur-partri^f and our equal in all mat- policy mentioned ear-^Dhinese personality that we want them toymow to their leighbors. Nodding breeds Boxer-ism like a racial exdlusion law. But let us remembeK.that Boxerism is I as foreign to Chioa^ principles as 13 our own. If we succeedon allying ourselvej |of freedom ugoer law, the potentia security in/he Pacific will be sustained against any challenge. And the largest block of humanity on whose population, from 400 to 550 I our tgral population—will be well |Law and the People with modern しhif gains are immense. in the cause )ur national earth—the variant estimates of nillion souls, differ by mate than )n the way to freedom. By now we have surveyed the main situations which our foreign [policy will have to deal with after the war. A Big Four, we have [found, is not a policy in itself; we must know our special relationship toward each of the others. We have tested these situations by a principle, the principle of human freedom under law; and it is seen to be not only a feasible principle, but indispensable if we wish to understand what the war is aoout. Moreover, if there were time, we could test our relations with all other countries by this principle, and we would find a host of smaller allies by our side. But freedom is a word wmch every man can interpret for himself. So far we have said little of law. And it is law that makes real freedom possiole, by distinguishing between a Hitler s interpretation of freedom and our own. Law, much more than freedom, has been (the guiding principle of U. S. foreign policy in the past. The thread I that runs througJti all our foreign policy is respect and support for in-i ternational law. The first principle or international law is that pacta sunt servanda I 一treaties are made to be kept. We do that, under our Constitution treaties are part of the supreme law of the land. If a U. S. President tried to break a treaty which he and the Senate had approved, foreign-|crs could theoretically have him overrulea in our own courts. Treaty-breaking and territorial aggression, under international [law, are the supreme crimes. Thus we refused to recognize Japan*s conquest of Manchuria, Italy^ of Ethiopia, Russia s of the Baltic 'States, Germany^ of Czechoslovakia. Our legal record is perfect. Whenever an aggressor moved, we officially frowned and Secretary-Hull privately cursed. Yet throughout the *30*8, our policy or isolation and disarmament made it quite clear that we would never resort to arms to enforce international law. Manifestly there was something wrong with that particular combination of principles. As a combination, it blew up at Pearl Harbor. Why? In its review of the diplomatic events leading up to Pearl Harbor, published under the name of "Peace and Wary the State Department I supplies its answer. It makes over and over again one pitiable, exasperating complaint. It blames the railure 01 its highly legal prin-| ciples, and its own helplessness in the face of mounting danger, I squarely on the American people, who were too complacent, pacifis-I tic or ignorant to understand what was coming. State saw, but the 1 people were blind, so State was helpless. That is Stated story. But there are two things wrong with that story. First, interna- CONTINUED ON NEXT PAGE AMERICA AND THE FUTURE (continued) tional law as State interpreted it would have been an inadequate foreign policy, even had it been enforced. Second, if the people did not back State up, it was State's fault as well as the peopled. Let us take the second point first. There is a theory that a democracy is incapable of successful foreign policy, unless it turns it over to professionals. The makers of our Constitution believed this theory. They gave complete authority over foreign affairs to the President (who entrusts them to his Secretaiy of State). The two-thirds rule which gives Senators a veto over treaties was designed to put a check on foreign policy not in the hands of the people, but in the hands ofthe states. This tradition of complete executive autonomy in foreign affairs has persisted to the present day. There is of course still a large area in diplomatic affairs where * *se-crecy and dispatch" (to quote The federalist) are essential. But there has also grown up a great new area of foreign affairs in which, if the President (or his Secretary) does not really speak for the people, he had better not speak at all. Woodrow Wilson found this out when the Senate repudiated his League. Since then most nations of Europe have doubted that America is capable of a vigorous foreign policy. For they know that although Congress has no power to conduct foreign affairs, it has power to obstruct and stultify them. A Soviet statesman is reported to have^asked, **How can we make a deal with a country that insists on having elections every four years?" * We are not likely to change our elective habits to please the Russians. But we can recognize some justice in this complaint, for other countries make it too. The fact is that a major commitment of a U. S. President, unless and until it is accepted by the people, lacks responsibility. We have a choice, then, of finding some way to make our foreign policy responsible, or of being a dumb ox in the councils of the nations. The obvious way to make our foreign policy responsible is to let the people in on it. Fortunately this does not require any change in the Constitution. A simpler method has been outlined in a series of articles on our foreign policy by Joseph Jones, now appearing in Fortune. It requires only that the State Department take the initiative in giving more information about foreign affairs to Congress and the people, and exchanging ideas with them. At present the Secre-tary of State is the only Cabinet o伍cer who is hot required to make an annual report to Congress. He should not only make an annual (or semiannual) report; he should also make regular—perhaps monthly—public appearances before Congress, or a joint Committee of Congress, and subject himself to a rigorous questioning on current events and policies (except, of course, State secrets). Such a custom would serve to break down the wall of ignorance between those who handle our foreign policy and public opinion. It is high time for the State Department to enter into diplomatic relations with the American people. For foreign affairs are no longer a luxury; after this war they will affect the people in their daily lives as never before. If our foreign policy is designed to circumvent Congress and the people, it will be repudiated sooner or later. And this would be a tragic frustration of America's need and aspiration to participate responsibly and creatively in shaping world aft airs. Said Elihu Root, one of our great Secretaries, in i92Li: “When foreign affairs wore ruled by autocracies or oligarchies the danger of war was in sinister purpose. When foreign affairs are ruled by democracies the danger of war will be in mistaken beliefs. The world will be the gainer by the change, for, while there is no human way to prevent a king from having a bad heart, there is a human way to prevent a people from having an erroneous opinion. That way is to furnish the whole people . . . with correct information/* Law and Reality The second basic reason why our prewar foreign policy blew up at Pearl Harbor is that international law alone, especially as Mr. Hull conceived it, is an inadequate foreign policy. Even had he explained his policy more frankly and cogently than he did, he could never have won popular interest in it. International law is a collection of customs, principles and understandings among the nations wiiich has slowly accumulated over several centuries. It is not written down in any one place, and no single.court or.foreign o伍ce is the custodian of all of it. It can there-fore be twisted to suit any national interest. Many lawyers do not regard international law as law at all. Yet somehow, like all law, international law lives and even grows» expressing society's restless will to find both peace andfreedom. When Japan is thrown out of Man- AMERICA AND THE FUTURE (continued) churia, our impeccable legal record will have been vindicated, and international law will be that much stronger. Americans need not blush for a foreign policy that supports international law. But they can be bored with a policy that seeks no more than the law's letter. The problem of international law is not only to strengthen it, but to keep it in touch with reality. International law can be made in three ways. The first is by international courts of specific jurisdiction, whose interpretations of international law all civilized nations will accept. We have taken a leading part in promoting such courts ever since Elihu Root's day. Last month a committee of the American Bar Association urged a new world court as part of the postwar settlement, and an extension of other tribunals. The U. S. should certainly be for that. A second, and ultimately the most important, source of international law is international legislation, now made by multilateral agreements. Someday, to be really effective, such legislation must come from a sovereign world government, which (as we have seen) we are not likely to get very soon. But those who would promote real international law are long-term plotters for the Parliament of Man. Therefore their goal demands a universal electorate of free, educated, world-minded citizens. A bold stand for international law should include the ultimate advocacy of an International Bill of Human Rights. Americans can be for that, too. The third source of international law is the policies of strong nations like ourselves. The very flexibility of international law, as at present constituted, gives America the right and duty to interpret it not only judiciously, but in accordance witil our own best aspirations for mankind. Judges make law; over wide areas of the law the U. S. is the sole judge; and every judge has a human bias. Our bias in all such cases should be for human freedom. Secretary Hull himself professes this bias. **The spirit of liberty is the only real foundation of political and social stability,'' said he last year. These are not new ideas. American revolutionaries like Tom Paine correctly believed that liberty would never be safe here until it was established throughout the world. That is wh7 Paine fought for liberty in France. Today most of mankind is still unfree; but Mr. Hull's words are a pale echo of Paine's. His actions speak even less loudly. If freedom under law were generally accepted as the living principle of U. S. foreign policy, the State Department^ diplomacy of expediency (Vichy, Darlan, Franco, etc.) would have aroused far less popular suspicion than it has. But in one situation after another we seem to muff our chance to take a strong stand for human freedom. No doubt circumstance, or bigger game, or even international law itself has stood in our way. But we are our only judge in world affairs when our security is concerned. Why cannot we be equally powerful (though equally judicious) when the issue is human freedom? To win the peoples' following, our foreign policy must be safe and sound; but it must also use American power for some great end that the people believe in. Such an end is human freedom. Thus freedom under law should be the cornerstone but not the whole of U. S. foreign policy. The whole may be summarized as follows: i) We want a world in which American territory is secure from attack, and we must depend on both our own military strength and peace-keeping agreements with other powers to make it so. x) We want a world in which American prosperity can increase, by being shared with all other peoples. 3) We want a world in which freedom is sate Here because it is extended everywhere with the help of a growing system of law, backed by the might of America and all other freedom-loving nations. And this can be our foreign policy only if the American people agree that it should be. They cannot reject it on the ground that it does not express their self-interest, for it does. Security, prosperity, freedom; they are inseparable. A Kelland plan is not a foreign policy, since it expresses only part of our self-interest. But neither is the Four Freedoms, for it has not been related to the problem of U. S. national survival in a way the U. S. people understand. On our cornerstone, freedom under law, can be built the armaments and the alliance system we need for elementary security. By it can be tested the success or failure of our special relations with Britain, with Russia, with China, with anybody. It is the proper test too of our economic policy, to promote worldwide expansion. It is a principle on which our nation was founded, and in pursuit of which our nation will someday merge into the single nation of mankind. It is an American principle. Perhaps this war is worth fighting just to rediscover it. U. S. CAPITOL DOME is made of cast iron, painted original state. And above that stands Thomas Crawford’s white to match its supporting masonry. At its top is a circu- statue of Freedom, Jefferson Davis was Secretary of War lar “lantern” with 13 fluted columns，each representing an when the statue was being designed, he ordered Crawford to put-ja crested helmet on the figure instead of the Phrygian liberty cap the sculptor favored. 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(spe^> -to 000,\〇 JF^cjr^ev o^- LAe^e^ G^c^ouvtEJD -r-^^rATe-,. X^=- 4^2^ must 3&oU2^- ^v ^TAT^ V-4|C£^ 10^2^. IS 103'OP^D LSiy^nu^ -M: ^AT~ & Woa^ueos QDO^B^^TIOO U\\A/ p/2^5mc^ 4|}m. T^ MAO EifJTE.^> ^ Pe^P^^^ioO L^ALSO^.^ OSZ^.-^ C^(2^|iptaC> ^〇^UO ^CjC.〇〇»〇T---ふ kyr 功匕しtosrr «e^c〇e^ 各し rcjfcjost • 1^ +vら im ム '0〇V>p, Oprmpn ◎ウ3-C, p. 268-69 3 TK!; MONHOE DOCTRINE (Ipsup<3) During the bre^k-ap 0:。 tap SDPiiirh e iT)ir^,tlie United States purchased the two Floridas from Sp^in, From then on the United States held the whole ocean ^nd the gulf const line from Maine to Louisiana. In the treaty with Sp^in thp United States also agreed upon the boundary scross the plains nnd mountains from the Sabine River to the Pecific Ooeen, and the Sppniprds gpve up all their claims north of 4S°. The S7>eripli colony of Merino included =—:r成 一。—~ 一。へ At this s^verr 1 Euro'Dprn powrrs thouglrfc it ^ps a very bed lesson for their own pe〇-〇lp thp-t Sppnir'raeror in the throne, As 1011g bs the ，ar confirmed thp government did not give much attention of enforcing thf^ Monroe Doctrine, Inrb as soon 8S tlie wr*r wps troops were sent to Mexico. After realising thf?t "the United St;功tes could not be banked by force, the French withdrew from Mexico, 11 THE Al'IMEXATION OF HAWAII The process of securing ^ footholr! in thr Hpwpii^n Isl^n^s began much earlier, Dpniel Webrtf^r, thf- pcting •〇 re silent for President Tyler essur^d the Hawpiipns thpt the Mon:>oe Doctrine applied as well to their territory ps to the continental Americ©, end that Earopean interfrpence, with their affeirs would not be piloted, A treety negotiated by President G-rant, gave the United States the poweT of controlling Hawaii, In 1884 ^re^ident Art' ur secured the T^iewel of the trerty Bnd the use of Peprl Harbor rs p- nrvpl station, A^'trr the American residents overthrew the native gov rn'n^nt in 1893, Prsident Herrison entfre6 into p tr广pty of rnne，プtion. Before it was ratified, Clevelf'nd b■ Pr^irlpnt for p second tinif, and immediptel：/ withdrew the tr^^ty nn th， ground thj t th^ landings of American raprines beeny\f,-rto*" in the revolution, It w&s not until1898, d iring the Sppnish-Amprican Wpr , that Hawaii was ©nnexed. M03SB0E DOCTHIKE in DANGER Before the treaty of Ppris hpd pddpfl to the United States the insuler possessions of Porto Rico end the Philippines, but while tlie wer of Spain wps still raging,, Presiderrt Cleveland enneァed tiie Hewsilen Islends* This was done by a oint resolution of Congress, with the consent of the people of the islands, These islands hpd been in control of the i\mericen rebels since 1895 In 1900 p portion of tiie Soraoan Islands in thp Southern Ppoifin wpre These prnif；アぐtionp the tr^^ty of Ppris, in 1898 ushered in b new ere to thr history nf Unitpa Stptpp, Th e republics left her former isol^t' a no^ition ” pu tToc^pn bound” Tepublic prid enrolled herself ps ^ world of t)〇r二r with responsibilities pnd duties, With this the Monroe Doctrine was involved in new difficulties. If the United States oould meddle in affairs of another hemisphere of es she did in the Riillippines, why, coaldnTt a power of another iiemi spine re, invade AmerioB , Tills the world would ask, A further dBng^r in the nev; order of things lay in the increased possibility th^t the United Sli^te? ^ight be drewn into the wnrs of foreign nation?, It yts ^ grpve responsibility to undertpke to govern deiDendenries in thp of the Declaration of Independence， 13 HAITI , In tiie yrrr of 1914 the 4 trouble hM rppched peak. At; tiiis "tiine F；^nce G-pr^n^ny ^nt^r5 the Hpiti owed tihein to be ppi6，but the Nptionrl Bm1- of H--iti refa^f ^ to help their own government. Thi? refu^〇l Dl^cea. the B»nk into gept danger, With this denger coming up for the H^iti National Bank President Roosevelt sent over mprines to the islands, The^r then ronovra hundred thousand dollprs from the bpnk vaults ena took it to the Nptionp-1 Bank of Uew York tlie brenoii of the Nptionpl B8nfc of H^iti firet refused to givp ur control of its own money affair but when the marines hnd Ipnded th^ rom.mpndfr thr^pt-ened to take 户11 the customs re^eiut5? g〇 the little reDublir agreed, Unarr the military control, conaitionr in H riti gr^c5 i^.Uy improved. No doubt, the itipns did not lik- th^ Idp^ of b^ing watched ell the tine pnd protest 6 pg^in-t it. In 1930, President Hoover eppointed e commission *bo investigate the conditions in the country• The reports indicated thpt military control w?s no longer necesspiy in Haiti pnd. our iQRrineB were then withdrawn. IATIN AMERICA How the Monroe Dootrine wps Received. I:i most of our deplings with oar southern neighbor^, we ve used the Monroe Doctrine as e be sis for our rations Thr-rf：f〇rp the doctrine h^s "become .a cause for hrrd feelings brtv/e^n L^tin Am ric- pnd. ! i the United Strte?. It is very true thpt in the 19th century the doctrine had helped. L^tin ■ ic^ to g-1 on its - tf pnd had protected them from Europe but in the g〇th century, Lptin America thinks thpt it is no longer necesyry, There republics fe免1 that tiiey pr© no longer infants end do not need to be looked efter by their nbig brothers1* up noi?tli, They also beleived the Monroe Doctrine lied "been used by us a日 an excuse to control pprts of Latin America, 15 LEAGUE OF —TIONS AM) PAH_AMERICANISM Since the South i〇pn countries ^re m^mb of the Leegue Of Nations, pncl the Unitpc? States not, presented a problem in concerning thR future of the Monrop D^ntrin^ end Pan-Amer*icpnism. At the ：ce of 1 rdrr?： of opinion in the Unitf'a St^trs , p clause ^^f^gupraing the Monroe Doctrine ^ ps in^ertecl in the Covenant of the League to the effect thpt nothing in the Govenpnt v/oald invplic?pte a regional understanding like the Monroe Doctrine. Whrt does this mean? Does it mprn ttKt in the event of p dispute in South Amaricp the United Stptes would ob:e〇t to the hpnd-ling of the dispute by the Ler-gu© of Nrtions? Does it thpt the United Strtes interpret the Monroe Doctrine to me??n th^t it elone hrd the right to intervene to fettle the dispute? These question0 wtp ぐ？レrd birfc 户 full ^n(5 pnsvやr to these nuestion° not given. The United Strtrs in ef ort to ”in the go^a-wi11 the South Aniericpn countries did n^t ob >ct to thp L ぐ/iua intervening to Fettle di>°put^8 betive^n Columbia pn mit the republics of South Americp to shpre in it? intr tv ret ion and application. The Unitrd States, ho,?rever, h^d in si Ft'd that she alone h^d the right to interpret pnd pp^ol^r the Monroe Doctrine. (Tne tTgood neighbor11 policy o:r Roosevelt had satisfied tliec?e demands fo.r he has an important p^rt in regaining the respect and confidence of Letin America,) NICARAGUA Our Attitude tow re! Nir-prpggp, Thp Unit^a Stptre marines I were also sent to Hicpr^gur?, There we ^idee? in the revolution of 1909, and sbw to it thpt candir^rte? who favored our business interests were elected to high office, Much to the aingust of the other Central American countries, the Bryen-Ch^morro Trert^/ ， made in 1916, gave us certain privileges in Nicrrngup; Costs Rica and San Salvador took their oomplpints sgeiruTfc this treaty to the Central American court of Justice, The court aecided against us, but w© peid no attention to the decision. In 19S5 we; withdrew th the marines from Niceragua but sent them bade almost immedietely.. Thej remained there until Jenupry 8,1933 dispite the efforts of their rebel leader Spndino PANAMA. QAHAL The Monroe Doctrine Iicr^ plr^77er1 °n iinpor'fe^n't pprt; daring the ninstH'-nth centrujr in helping if to keep out of Europ'っ…n n〇untri-e- -na to -ove ^-cros^ the continent In 80th oentary it beg-n to on p new m<* ning pnd be-rpmc： more import^nt in oir aling ^ oti' bor^, One of the reasons for the t>rominencfi 0 the Monroe Doctrine rt this time 广rose i rom the f^ct th^ t we built t'e Panama Canal. The lapsing 0:' th^ C-np.l Zone pnd thr- building of "fehe nBig Ditch*1 brouglit ur into clo^ e cont'- ct} vit "ii W r n c 0 Golumbia, Ppn^iiip nnci England. All of tiipr^ 00 intrie^ ]r d. cer1}8in rights of the P&nem®, We h^d to handle many ouestions regarding th^se rights very ce efully in order not to cause serious trouble, The crn^l grv© the United States more corst line to be protected. To increase t'lis p?^otection v/e bought the Virgin エsl&nds f roia Denm^rk: in 1917, Then we bpc^nis int»f-• rc■1j' d in the little republics sarb Hic^rpgus, Hpiti, S^nto Domingo Tot proti^ction pXso, Wli?~n8Vf'r t»rouble -.■〇■〇r，in "t 0®p lands t：ie United Strt hrr oftpa stepp-a in to i'ttl- t；ieir affairs, In 1989, Congress, t'jought of building p crn^l t!i]〇ugh Niceragua, bat the : rpubl\cs of Central AniFiicp objected. These Soutli lmerir，n countries beleivcd they should hrv© sey in the building of the second cpupI. Bat we beleived thpt it was our business^The Panama Gpnal pnd otiinr interests in other post!ibl^ cぐn.广In in npiitral Americp lips not increased the friendship of the Gf.ntrrl Americ- n republi toward us, THE UNITED STATSS AND LATIN A!雛ICA S3 Our Gaprciianship. Mostj Americans had desired to keep out of international d.i^putrrS, In 18P3 President Monroe’s famous me8，c；pgp to Congress now known pp the Monroe Doctrine, expressed our policy of keeping p11 of Ameri⑼ fr^e from European disputes, Blaine in m^lcing thp policy become efl ective established the Pen-AmericRn Bur^^u. Under President Hoop^velt the importance of our rpl^tionp ?*ith the Centrrl pnc, Soath America increased. Roosevelt end his Secretary of St^te both made spending tours of South America, bat the Soath Americen nations came to doubt oar sincerity for their national sovereignty when they spw how Roosevelt overbore Columbia in trying for the control of the Peneme Canal route, We fortified the Canal Zone and by gpin^d control of the PpnpiaB itself during the times of wpt. After 1898 we owned Puerto Rico end . had a navel harbor in Cube, Menv of the Cpribbeen states owed l^rge sum to lar〇-〇e^n nations. Ros.evelt s^id t ^ ro.ld neither let th， Earo^e^n nations collect such debts nor ハo ild we def nd the r二:011bllrs against the honest creditors, He 户Iso concluded th^t it wps necessary thpt v/e should p〇t es policemen of the Oaribb^Bn In 1904 he peec fully occupied the Do?uinioen Republic In 1915 President ?/ilson also took action with regprd to Haiti. Both the Republic end. the Demoor^^ic parties felt it was necessary to preserve the pe.^ce in such countries and from 1912-89 we occupied the Neceragua for th^t purpose, CONFERENCES The Pen-Americen. The st^t^smen of South America reieed this oaestion pt the Ppn-Americm conference held in Havana in 19P8, Secretfry of Stpte Hughrp p strong defense of American Doliev pnd aeo.l^rea in vigorous lpngupg^： "That the UnitFd Slates iiM thp ^igirt fluty to •'r-otp叶 the persons and property of riti en° tlKt th^ ov^npr^liiD of the Penpma Cpn^l imposed special problems of defense pn6 protection on the United States, thpt it wps wron^ for South Americans or others to lump together ell of Americerx action towrrd the republics of South America fb special e applications or interpretations of the Monroe Doctrine.M Mr, Hughes also spid that the ftMonroe Doctrine^ wes not used 8.s b convenienti closk to cov©r pH of tiif Bc*tionB of "bb.6 Unit*8d States toward the Carribbem -nd South Amer±〇p. Mr Hughes vigorous defense of the Americen policy rpl^efl suspicion, for no Berious ettempt vrs 加 South Ameri^pn to compel a modification of Amerinpn policy. 1,Current Probl-ms in A]np-si〇^n Hi story, Hr mm, p,141 R00 ふWELTS "COROLLARY” .愚:_ In the memorandum whichpublished in the jeer ]| 1930 the Stete Department declared: ftIt is evident thet the Monroe Doctrine is not eauivelent for self-preservation and that therefore the Monroe Doctrine need not end should not be invoked in order to cover the situation challenging | our self-preperyrtioiu Therefore, Roo?evfatp "Co”011myft when put into effect bpjb in of finpn^ipl or other difficulties in Lptin-Amprir'-n countries thp Unitea^ Stnt p should attempt to help, b ut the Eurot>e^n govfrnmrnt should interfere end. interfering occupy territory，md is not iastifiea by the epplio^tion of the dortrine of self-11 preservetion. It is for the future to detemine v/hether the effort to point oat the Monroe Doctrine is not the only I policy of the United States in the ?/e.?tern Hemisphere that will cool the growing anger of South and c^use its trade to flow in l^rge volume tov^rd the Unitea Stptes. 1,A Ucit Hi*9torv of the United States, He mm, p, 764 lJurrent Problems In ikmericpn Hlstorv, He.m?n, p4 13B The Pan-Aiaerioan Peace Conference, (1936-1957) Continuing the New Deel Mgood neiglibor,t policy and attempting to present a solid A mericen front pgeinet war, tlie Intpr-Americpn Confer鐘 enoe i〇r "the Mpin"t0nenc© oi* Pepce convened pis Buenos Aires, Argintine., on December 1,1956. Thir confer^nco which wrs called et the suggestion of Presiaent Hoo^evfelt met to confer on the policies to be edopted to determine how the mrint^n^n^e of peecse among the Americen Hepublies cpn et be pf egaprded. ?fith the egreements mecle pnd by the spirit of confidence end good v^dll of tiif delegates the conference was e success. The abolishing of the Plett Amendment, the abandonment of the American financial control in the Ceribbean Sea region, the mutual tariff arrangements witli these countries and the United States, the democratic attitude of Secretpry 〇f State Coraell Hull and the Hoosevelt smile cont_ribut©d to the cooperptiv©. spirit of the delegates4 Tii© outstanding pments <®doptpn by the conference were: 1.The esteblislunent of p Pemrnent Consultptive Committee ^liioh mil meet, ^^npvrr the pepn^ of the Aiae''i〇pn republics is mpn^ced, A w^r between eny two American coantriepj f wf,r b6'tv7€^npii：7l:vro Ameriopn count rips； p w^ft b^twern ^ny Ampric^n countries end any other countpne^ a w?r enT where in the world would be rpcognised rs e threat to the peece of the American republics, B“ エr'lierveirbioii of one country in the effairs of another counter is regprded as an un?'riendly act which will put the peace machinery into action, 3. In edaition to these ma or treaties, the representatives pledged their governments to improve commercial relations vdtii one enotiier, to promote cultural understanding through the exciiange of students snd teachers, and to imT>-〇\?e tlie me^ns of comnanioption, by the completion *thB Ppn-Am^riopii highways. It would seem tiiPt the "good neighbor” policy lies intorduoed e new era in Pen-Ainericpn relations, This nevr pttitude of 七れ© Unitrd States hr? cr*-ted many friends in tlie Lptin Am^ricpn countries; e spirit of friendBhip between North rna South America hap emerged from this poli^r of \indp vet ending respect. I would see 28 OLKSYTS INTERPRETATION The Secret^of St^*te, Hiohprrl Olney Pjei^ident Clevelend, seid th^t the Monroe Doctrine nbpsed ux)〇n a recognised principle of pr intrrnptionpl Ipw, He spid, thet e.ny nation hpd e right to intervene in the disputes of other nations whenever it is considered it? own interests to be involved, The United St^t s is preotirally sovereign on this continent, rnd o'"der is p lew on sab1 ects to which it confinr-'s its interposition,tT * Onleyfs theory of the Monro© Doctrine wps p matter of pablin intprn^tinnpl law is sometimes referred to ps "bhfi M03jiey irrberpretptiioii” of the Monroe Doctrine, 1 Unit Higtory of t£ie United States, Hemm, p,175-76 S9 ” JAPANESE MONROE DOCTRIRE” The victories 〇t Japan in her w^r with CJiinp and with Russia made her embitious, Japen opDos^d Sec-retpr3，Hayfs tTopen doortt policy and entered on wfp to free northern Chine from Russian control for she wished to be the paremount influence in China. Japan effected e trerty of alliance with G-reat Britain which r^ispcl her pdmir^tion pmong the nrtions of the West, These conditions mrde her ciesirious over Asip. This is sometimes celled the ^J^ppn^se Monrop Doctrine,n BIBLIOGRAPHY Historic Currents in Chenging America, Camrn, 973-C A Unit History of the United Stater, HeuM 刪 in ㈣ The Hecord of America, Adpm,Q The United Strte? of Ameriop, McCla-e, 973-H School History of the United ぐtes* Hfrt, 975-H Our America, Lew?031 Ame!ic£an History, Mece, 973-M 啊縊雜麵他ェ㈣迦^愈， Socieli^ed Historv of the United States, Vanneft 广nd Smith